The Bangladesh Reader by Meghna Guhathakurta
The Bangladesh Reader by Meghna Guhathakurta
The Bangladesh Reader by Meghna Guhathakurta
BANGLADESH
READER
History, Culture, Politics
T H E L AT I N A M ER IC A R E A DER S
Series edited by Robin Kirk and Orin Starn
THE A RGENTINA R EA DER
Edited by Gabriela Nouzeilles and Graciela Montaldo
THE BR A ZIL R EA DER
Edited by Robert M. Levine and John J. Crocitti
TH E COSTA R ICA R EA DER
Edited by Steven Palmer and Iván Molina
THE CUBA R EA DER
Edited by Aviva Chomsky, Barry Carr, and Pamela Maria Smorkaloff
T H E E C UA D O R R E A D E R
Edited by Carlos de la Torre and Steve Striffler
T H E G UA T E M A L A R E A D E R
Edited by Greg Grandin, Deborah T. Levenson, and Elizabeth Oglesby
THE MEX ICO R EA DER
Edited by Gilbert M. Joseph and Timothy J. Henderson
T H E PA R A G UA Y R E A D E R
Edited by Peter Lambert and Andrew Nickson
TH E PERU R EA DER, 2 ND EDITION
Edited by Orin Starn, Iván Degregori, and Robin Kirk
The
Ba ngla desh
R ea der
H istory , C ulture , P olitics
List of Illustrations xi
Acknowledgments xv
Introduction 1
We are very grateful for the many kinds of help we received in putting
together this book. Its publication would not have been possible without
the support of many different copyright holders who gave us permission
to use images and excerpts of text. We would like to thank them for their
cooperation.
We are also grateful to Abu Faisal Md. Khaled for his enthusiastic assis-
tance in collecting copyright permissions. In addition we thank the follow-
ing for help, information, comments, advice, and much more: Hana Shams
Ahmed, M. M. Akash, Rasheda Akhter, Ellen Bal, Suraiya Begum, Bhaswati
Bhattacharya, Apurba Kumar Bose, Timour Claquin, Khushi Kabir, Utpal
Kanti Khisa, Nienke Klompmaker, netz Bangladesch, Md. Mahbubar Rah-
man, Saifuzzaman Rana, Niko Richter, Bianca Son, and Eef Vermeij. At
Duke University Press, Valerie Millholland made the project possible and
Gisela Fosado, Vanessa Doriott Anderson, Lorien Olive, and China Medel
skillfully guided us through it; we are grateful to all of them.
C H I N A
TIBET
N E PA L B H U TA N I N D I A
(NORTH-EAST )
ASSAM
MEGHALAYA
BANGLADESH N
WEST
BENGAL Dhaka TRIPURA
I N D I A
MIZORAM
Kolkata
(Calcutta) B U R M A
(MYANMAR)
Bangladesh is the eighth most populous country on earth. It has more in-
habitants than Russia or Japan, and its national language—Bengali—ranks
sixth in the world in terms of native speakers. And yet, Bangladesh remains
a great unknown. It rarely figures in global affairs or the media, and when
it does we usually hear dismal stories about floods, mass poverty, or politi-
cal turmoil. These stark portrayals do no justice at all to the rich historical,
cultural, and political permutations that have created contemporary Ban-
gladesh. Without a deeper understanding of these processes, Bangladesh
will remain a riddle.
There are good reasons for this weak international presence. Bangladesh
is a newcomer: as a sovereign unit, it is only some forty years old. Before
it gained independence, it was known as East Pakistan (1947–71) and before
that as the eastern half of Bengal. Still, it has always been a region with a
strong identity because its ecology is distinct from that of the surrounding
areas. Bangladesh comprises the world’s largest delta, formed by multiple
rivers flowing from the Himalayas. The Ganges and the Brahmaputra are
the largest of these rivers but there are dozens of others. Annual silt deposits
make the soil of the Bengal Delta extremely fertile, and the tropical mon-
soon climate allows for lush vegetation. From the earliest recorded history
to the present day, rice cultivation has been the bedrock of human existence
here. Intensive agriculture has resulted in a population that is among the
most densely packed in the world. With more than 150 million inhabitants
and an area the size of Wisconsin or Greece, Bangladesh has a population
density that is three times higher than that of neighboring India.
It would be wrong, however, to think of Bangladesh as an inward-look-
ing agricultural society. On the contrary, openness to the outside world has
been its historical hallmark. From the earliest times the society has been a
crossroads of trade routes where ideas, people, and goods mingled. Here
Tibetan wares were dispatched to ancient Rome, traders from the Maldives
met their Armenian counterparts, African kings ruled, and Europeans grad-
ually rose from positions as mercenaries and pirates to colonial overlords.
In precolonial times, rice from the Bengal Delta fed populations as far apart
2 Introduction
as the Moluccas in eastern Indonesia and Goa in western India, and its silk
fabrics traveled even farther. The delta was a major stronghold of Buddhist
learning—and has many remains to show for it—before Hindu and Muslim
identities came to dominate the cultural scene. Linguistic, religious, and
regional diversity have been a feature of Bangladeshi history as much as the
mobility of its population.
Modern identities in Bangladesh are the outcome of this long-lasting
openness and incessant renewal. And this includes the very idea of Ban-
gladesh itself, the unexpected outcome of a unique and spectacular double
decolonization, first from British rule in 1947 and then from Pakistani rule
in 1971. These historical vicissitudes must be understood if we are to make
any sense of the intensity of contemporary identity politics in Bangladesh—
and why these revolve round cultural distinctions such as Bengali Muslim
versus Muslim Bengali, or Bengali versus indigenous people.
The Bangladesh Reader provides an introduction to this huge, old, multi
faceted, and little-known society. But it is not a history of Bangladesh—
there are other books that provide analyses of the country’s history (see
“Suggestions for Further Reading”). The Bangladesh Reader approaches its
subject in a different way. Think of it as a choir performing a grand oratorio,
a multitude of voices evoking social life and aspirations past and present. Its
main aim is to convey the ambiance, complexity, texture, and excitement
of Bangladesh to a broad readership. First-time visitors, students, and oth-
ers seeking an introduction to the country will find much that is new and
interesting, and so will Bangladeshis and scholars of the region.
We hope to surprise readers with unusual angles and thus inspire them to
explore further. To this end we have selected both classic contributions that
are familiar to many Bangladeshis—and essential reading for those who
want to know the country—and quirky ones that are much less known.
We aim for a lively, broad, and entertaining collection that brings out the
cultural richness of Bangladesh from its earliest history to the present day.
This book assembles an array of entries, including eyewitness accounts,
historical documents, speeches, treaties, essays, poems, songs, autobiogra-
phy, photographs, cartoons, paintings, posters, advertisements, a recipe,
maps, and short stories. Many of these contributions have not been acces-
sible to English-speaking readers before, or are very hard to get hold of.
We offer translations not only from Bengali but also from a range of other
languages, including Prakrit, Sanskrit, Arabic, Chinese, Greek, Chakma,
Dutch, Urdu, Portuguese, French, Sak, and German. We have abridged
some selections for readability.
Introduction 3
The Reader chronicles Bangladeshi history and culture over two and a
half millennia by letting a great diversity of actors speak in their own words.
We encounter rich and poor Bangladeshis, women and men, kings and po-
ets, colonizers and colonized, rebels and saints, urban and rural folk, and
scholars and laborers. Our introductory notes to individual entries provide
context, but the focus is on how participants tell the story of Bangladesh—
in a format that is readable, welcoming, and eclectic. The intended result
is a tapestry of facts, opinions, emotions, and perspectives that evoke the
thrill of life in Bangladesh from ancient times through colonial and post
colonial transmutations to the present day. To use a Bangladeshi expression,
the book is as variegated as an embroidered quilt.
We hope that The Bangladesh Reader will provide a much-needed boost to
the study of Bangladesh and South Asia. The book engages with themes and
debates that challenge conventional ideas about Bangladeshi culture and
history. For example, the contributions of the country’s many non-Bengali
communities tend to be ignored in the existing literature because Bangla-
desh history tends to be written as either the emancipation of downtrod-
den Muslims or the inexorable emergence of the Bengali nation-state. Both
are highly problematic; there is nothing monolithic or preordained in the
multiple histories and many social worlds that have created contemporary
Bangladesh. Our contributors hint at local accommodations, popular per-
ceptions, political processes, and transnational connections that challenge
scholars of South Asia to advance more-insightful explanations. We hope
the book will open up new avenues in Bangladesh studies.
The Bangladesh Reader follows a largely chronological order, but we are
less concerned with providing a historical timeline than with conveying the
feel of Bangladesh. In our selection of pieces we have applied a number of
criteria. Brevity and accessibility were very important. We have avoided
long pieces and readings that require much prior knowledge. We have given
priority to pieces that are crucially important but presently unavailable in
English or difficult to find. We have aimed for a mix of different types of ma-
terials, most of them originally intended for a general audience. Finally, we
have chosen a very broad variety of voices and contributions that we hope
will pique the reader’s curiosity and challenge existing clichés about Bangla-
desh. These choices dictated the omission, purely owing to considerations
of space, of many works that are of great significance to our understanding
of Bangladesh. Naturally, some of these are included in the list of further
readings at the end of the book.
The Reader consists of chronologically ordered parts, preceded by selec-
4 Introduction
tions that present some contemporary voices from Bangladesh. What are
Bangladeshis discussing today? How do they see themselves? Where do
they think their country is heading?
We then look at the long period from the earliest surviving writings to
the eighteenth century in part II. What people were living in the Bengal
delta in those long-gone times? Can we still connect with their experiences?
We hear the voices of poets, pilgrims, and kings, as well as those of adven-
turers from many lands.
Part III takes us to the 190-year period of British rule (1757–1947). We read
fragments from the first Bengali autobiography; accounts of politics, revolt,
and famine; a call to holy war; a satire on gender relations; a Nobel laure-
ate’s short story; and much more. A section of images of Bangladesh’s past
is included in this part.
Next, we consider the period when the Bengal Delta became part of the
new state of Pakistan and was known as East Pakistan (1947–71). We read
about the partitioning of British India: joy at the passing of colonial rule,
puzzled officials trying to find the new international border, a lament for
lost unity, and the story of a migrant. We then turn to the gradual unravel-
ing of the state of Pakistan and trace how language emerged as the main
rallying theme in East Pakistan politics. We also hear about new lifestyles,
minority issues, and more.
The war of 1971, which enabled Bangladesh to break away from Pakistan,
forms the focus of part V. A period of abiding significance in contemporary
Bangladesh, it is the attention of much historical writing. Here we present
contrasting voices and perspectives. We hear popular leaders declaring in-
dependence, Pakistani army men denouncing the betrayal of East Pakistan,
and people from many walks of life articulating their feelings about the
maelstrom in which they were caught up. The war was followed by the
exuberance of independence and the constitution of a new state, and we
include an introduction to the early years of Bangladesh. A gallery of images
of politics is included in this part.
Then we explore national identity, a vexed issue in Bangladesh today, in
part VI. Since independence the idea of the nation has been at the center
of swirling debates and contestations: what makes us, inhabitants of Ban-
gladesh, a nation? A question like “Are we Bengali or Bangladeshi?” may
sound strange to untutored ears but it is being debated daily all over the
country—and devotees of Bengali culture, Islamist activists, secular think-
ers, and people from the many ethnic minorities provide different answers.
Part VII looks at an aspect of Bangladesh that is still astonishingly little
known abroad: its vibrant cultural life. This is a society that displays its cul-
Introduction 5
tural creativity, from popular arts to fine arts, in many and surprising ways.
Poetry has always been a major art form. It is deeply appreciated and widely
practiced but rarely reaches an international audience. We provide some
examples. Painting, dance, creative writing, filmmaking, artistic parades,
pop music, food, and rickshaw art are some of the other cultural expres-
sions that are briefly introduced. A section of images of cultural diversity is
included in this part.
The next part explores development, a term that became omnipresent in
public discourse in Bangladesh and continues to be the lens through which
most outsiders try to understand the country. We encounter development
practitioners and their critics, sketches of lives in poverty and wealth, and
the power dynamics surrounding the implementation of development proj-
ects. We learn what it is like to be a patient in a Bangladeshi hospital, or a
migrant in a provincial town, or a rich person in the capital city Dhaka. And
we hear Bangladeshis comment on the development regime that has such
deep roots in their society.
In the Reader’s final part, we explore some of the links that connect Ban-
gladesh’s society to the wider world. Millions of people have left the country
to find a livelihood abroad, and many of these migrants maintain strong
emotional (and sometimes economic and political) ties with their former
home. We hear about the fate of refugees from the partition of India, well-
established Londoners of Bangladeshi origin, and unauthorized settlers in
India. We also learn how the state of Bangladesh became part of the world
state system, how the idea of microfinance became one of the country’s
best-known exports, and how Bangladeshi chic may have a global future.
Panchagar Lalmonirhat
Thakurgaon
Nilphamari
N
Kurigram
Dinajpur Rangpur
Gaibandha
Jaipurhat Sherpur
Sunamganj Sylhet
Naogaon Bogra Jamalpur Netrokona
Nawabganj
Mymensingh
Rajshahi Moulvibazar
Nator Sirajganj Kishorganj
Tangail Habiganj
Gazipur
Pabna Narshingdi
Kushtia Manikganj Brahmanbaria
Meherpur Rajbari Dhaka
Narayanganj
Chuadanga Munshiganj
Faridpur Comilla
Jhenaidah Magura
Shariatpur Chandpur Khagrachhari
Madaripur
Jessore Narail
Gopalganj Noakhali
Feni
Barisal Lakshmipur
Rangamati
Satkhira Pirojpur
Bagerhat Jhalakathi
Bhola Chittagong
Khulna Patuakhali
Barguna
Bandarban
Cox’s Bazar
0 30 60 mi
0 50 100 km
The media image of Bangladesh tends toward the somber, if not tragic. Floods, cy-
clones, mass poverty, political instability, corruption, and underdevelopment figure
prominently in most media coverage of the country. To challenge this unbalanced
view, a group of young media activists started a quest to find positive stories about
Bangladesh, stories that spoke to the remarkable achievements of ordinary people
in rural Bangladesh. In their quest they came across physically handicapped people
who started a green revolution by using natural fertilizers, women who took to
repairing cycles to send their children to school, and singers who claimed that their
mystical songs eased two kinds of hunger: physical and mental. Here is the story
of a teenage girl who refused to believe that her destiny should be determined by
anyone but herself.
My name is Sabina Yasmin Sathi and I am seventeen years old. I come from
the village of Akua, located in the union of Shohodebpur, in Kalihati upazila
[subdistrict], Tangail district. My father was a poor madrasha [Islamic school]
teacher. He wanted me to study in the madrasha as well. My mother and I
did not want that. So I got admitted to the local high school instead. In the
year 2001, I took a course in photography under the science curriculum of
the mass education program. Later I took a loan, bought my own camera,
and started to take pictures.
At first my father objected because he feared social pressure. But later
he relented. Besides, my mother supported me all the time and that was
my strength. Many neighbors spread the word that I was engaging in un-
Islamic behavior. Taking pictures is against Islam, they said. But others saw
that I was spending the money I earned toward my own education. I no
longer depended on my parents to pay for my schooling.
At a certain point in time I became the pride of my village. I am now
called to photograph many events in my village and also villages around
me. When young girls seek admission to a school or college, they need a
passport-size photograph. They seek my help. unicef did a photo essay on
me once.
In this poem—written in 1997—Abdul Gofur Hali addresses death and evokes life
as a chance to reach for the divine. He follows a poetic tradition in Bangladesh when
he describes himself as “crazy.” Gofur is a well-known representative of a popular
mystical Islamic (Sufi) movement known as Maijbhandari. This movement vener-
ates the Muslim saint of Maijbhandar, a small town in the southeastern district of
Chittagong.
The Grameen Bank (gram means village in Bengali) is an institution that pro-
vides small loans to poor people who do not qualify for traditional bank loans be-
cause they lack collateral. Its founder, Muhammad Yunus, has been exceptionally
successful in promoting his ideas about microcredit (or microfinance) and social
business worldwide. Today his method is widely eulogized and also criticized. The
Grameen approach spawned one of Bangladesh’s most powerful conglomerates of
institutions, and Yunus became one of the country’s best-known citizens. In 2006
the Grameen Bank and Yunus shared the Nobel Peace Prize. In this excerpt from the
speech he gave to accept another prize, the World Information Society Award, he
explains some of his ideas.
All you need to do is to find a business model where ict [information and
communication technology] can become an income-generating activity to
the poor. I tried this through [putt]ing mobile phones in the hands of the
poor women in Bangladesh. It worked beautifully. Almost everybody that
I shared my thoughts [with] about getting poor women involved in mobile
phone business thought: this is an idea which may fit into a science fiction,
but not in a real situation of Bangladesh.
But poor women responded to my idea with enthusiasm. They learned
quickly how to handle the phone, and the business. Today there are 200,000
telephone ladies in Bangladesh, earning a good income for their families
and contributing USD 11 million worth of revenue per month to Grameen
Phone, the mobile phone company.
Grameen Phone found the women in Grameen Bank network so reli-
able as business partners, that it has now launched another programme
with them. This time . . . poor women [not only will sell the airtime, they
will also sell telephone connections for new subscribers, receive money
on behalf of the company from the subscribers for replenishment of their
accounts, and replace their prepaid card completely. This is a case of win-
12 Muhammad Yunus
win-w in situation from all three sides, the mobile phone company, the sub-
scribers and the poor women.
Grameen Bank now serves over 6 million borrowers, 96 per cent of
whom are women. The number of these borrowers will reach 8 million by
the end of this year [2006], and 12 million by the end of 2010. The number
of telephone ladies is expected to reach 400,000 by the end of this year, and
exceed one million by 2010. . . .
We have been emphasizing the importance of sending the children
to school since we began our work in the mid seventies. Our social pro-
gramme, known as “Sixteen Decisions,” includes this. Not only 100 per cent
of the children of Grameen families started going to school, now many of
them are going to medical schools, engineering schools, universities, etc.
Grameen Bank provides them with student loans. There are more than
10,000 students at high levels of education who are financed by Grameen
Bank’s education loans.
We are in the process of setting up a technology promotion fund in
collaboration with Mr Mohammed Abdul Latif Jameel of Saudi Arabia, to
provide financing to innovative adaptation of already designed technology,
provide venture capital and loans to produce and market these technolo-
gies. I am expecting that ict will be an area of technology, which the in-
novators will give high priority.
Two years back, Grameen Bank launched a special programme to give
loans to beggars. We did not impose any of our existing rules on them.
Their loans are interest-free. They can pay whatever amount they wish,
whenever they want to pay. When the first loan is repaid they can take a
second loan, usually a bigger loan, and so on. With this money they turn
themselves into door-to-door sales persons. It is up to them to decide when
they should give up begging. We now have over 70,000 beggars in this pro-
gramme and it will reach 100,000 by the end of the year. . . .
I strongly feel that we can create a poverty-f ree world. The basic ingredi-
ent of overcoming poverty is packed inside each of the individual human
beings, including the poorest human being. All we need to do is to help the
person to unleash this energy and creativity. Once this can be done, pov-
erty will be history. It will disappear very fast. The only place in the world
where poverty may exist will be the poverty museums, no longer in human
society.
We need to reconceptualize the business world to make sure it contrib-
utes to the creation of a humane society, not aggravate the problems around
us. We need to recognize two types of businesses, not one, and offer equal
opportunities to both. These two types of businesses are: One which is al-
Telephone Ladies and Social Business 13
ready known, business to make money, that is conventional business, the
principle of whom is to maximize profit. And the other new kind, business
to do good to people, or social business.
Social business enterprises are a new kind of non-loss non-d ividend en-
terprises, which aim at solving social, health and environmental problems,
utilizing the market mechanism. We need to give opportunities to the social
business entrepreneurs [that are] similar to the institutional and policy sup-
port system that the world has built over the years for the conventional busi-
nesses. One such new institution to help social business entrepreneurs will
be the creation of “social stock market” to bring the social business entre-
preneurs and social investors to come in contact with each other and solve
the problem of finding investment money for this new type of business.
I Work in a Clothing Factory
Shana K.
sheets. Inside the house it is very hot. There is some garbage around the
house which smells bad. We rented this house a few months ago since it
was too difficult to pay the 2,600 taka ($37.41) rent for our old room. We have
a single wooden bed, a mirror, a hanger for keeping clothes and a rack for
keeping plates and glasses.
For the two of us, we spend 5,000 taka ($71.94) a month for the simplest
food. We eat rice three times a day with mashed or fried potatoes, or other
kinds of vegetables and lentils. We can eat fish just once a week and meat or
cheap broiler chicken just one day a month. The prices of all commodities
have increased more than 100 percent in the last two or three years, but our
salary has not increased at all. We have to spend 2,500 taka ($25.97) a month
for my brother for his education and other costs. My uncle takes care of
him, but we have to provide the expenditures for his education, food, cloth-
ing, etc.
We have no opportunity for recreation or entertainment. There is a 17-
inch black-and-white television, but we cannot manage the time to watch
it. When we return home, it is around 11:00 p.m. or 12:00 midnight. When
we return from the factory, we have to cook food and we eat supper at
16 Shana K.
midnight. We have no energy to watch tv then. My mom has one day off
per week on Fridays. When relatives from our village visit our room, they
usually come on Fridays.
We have to spend 2,500 taka ($35.97) for medical treatment. My mom is 45
years old. She became very weak after she suffered an electric shock about
three years ago. She needs medicines regularly that cost more than 1,500
($21.58) per month. My mother is planning to arrange a marriage for me
after two years from now. But we need to save 70,000 to 100,000 taka ($1,007–
$1,439) for arranging this marriage, for ornaments and the feast for guests.
There is also no security in our life. We do not have any health insur-
ance. A few months back when I was coming from the factory at 12:00 mid-
night with my pay, some thieves attacked me and grabbed all my wages. I
cried out that we are very poor and will starve without this money, but the
robbers did not pay heed to me.
I walk to the factory, but my mother takes the bus to the factory. For
transportation, she needs to spend 1,000 taka ($14.39) a month.
Due to our poor income, our lives are gradually getting ruined. We are
trapped living in a small room with no facilities. There are only two gas
burners, one toilet and one water pump for five families. So we have to wait
in a queue for cooking or using the toilet. The bed we use is very uncom-
fortable, but we cannot buy a better one due to the shortage of money.
My brother is living far from us with my uncle in our village back home.
We cannot bring him to live with us as the expenditure for education is
much higher in Dhaka and we would need to rent a larger room if he comes.
We have a small piece of land in our village, but there is no house. We had
to sell our house after the death of my father. The food we are consuming
every day is very poor. If the minimum wage is raised to 6,200 taka ($89.21)
my wage would be higher, including overtime, and as a result we could eat
fish once or twice a week and meat once a week. A wage increase would
help us take care of our health. Right now we are always anxious about
whether we can manage money to buy food or for medical treatment. We
have never been able to save money for the future. In fact, we sometimes
have to borrow money just to eat or for medicine. In truth, we live just from
hand to mouth.