UNIT 23 POLITICAL REVOLUTION: FRANCE

Structure
23.1 23.2 I~troduction French Revolution and the Emergence of New Political Culture
23.2.1 The Ideas of Liberty, Equality and Fraternity 23.2.2 The Concept of Republican State 23.2.3 Modern Views on Representation 23.2.4 The Theory of Revolutionary Conspiracy

23.3 23.4 23.5

Nationalism and Sovereignty The Idea of Plebiscite and TotalitarianRegime French Revolution and SocialistIdeology The Cultural Legacy Revolution and Gender Summary Key Words

2 3.6
23.7 23.8 23.9

23.10 Exercises

23.1 INTRODUCTION
At the undergraduate level you may have studied the course of events of the French Revolution and what this Revolutiontried to achieve. In this Unit we shall examine what the modem world owes to this great event by analyzing its direct and indirect impact. The French Revolution along withthe American War of Independence,is given credit for movements such as liberalism, democracy and nationalism, although many of these ideas became greatly transformed in the second half of the nineteenth and in the early twentieth centuries. No other idea has had such a deep impact on the emerging nations as the ideas of equality, liberty and fraternity. These concepts found expressionin many different ways because although tliey had different meanings for different sections of society, they nonetheless enjoyed a universal appeal. As movements, they were directly linked with political expression and social protests and the French Revolution became a source of inspiration for many of the subsequent movements. Before going into a detailed discussion of those aspects of the revolution that shaped the modern world, it would be useful to brieflv stuuy the direction the revolution took. Like in many other parts of Europe, a conflict was everging between the old regime r was in a deep financial and the new social forces in France. The state . ~France crisis and the subject of taxation brought the issue ofprivilegeto the forefront. The calling of the Estates General to tackle the taxation problem sparked off the crisis. Clergy and nobility constituted a very small minority of populatio~~ 2;: -nioyed most of the privileges and were represented in the first two estates while the rest of over 90 per cent of population remained burdened with taxation and many of them had to

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pay many seigniorial dues but had amuch lesser representation. 1 5 spolitical system was questioned by the newly emerging classes. They were deeply imbued with the ideals ofpoliticalreform, flowing fiom the ideas of the Enlightenment. The elections of the Estates General activated all sectionsof the society. While the mobility tried to capture its losing power and safeguard its privileges, the representatives ofthe middle class attempted to alter the power structure. In the words of Prof. Goodwin, the revolution began as 'a merciless war between aristocracy and democracy. But just a couple of years back, in 1787, aristocracy had made a strong onslaught on despotism.' The events of 1789 rapidly outran all expectations. These were simultaneous outbreaks of the urban poor, leading to the famous capture of Bastille on July 14,1789. The representatives of the third estate declared themselves as the National Assembly and began creating a new France through debates and experiments. The rural population on an unprecedented scale forced the National Assembly to end all forms ofprivilegesincluding f m c i a l and legal. The new Constitution of 1791 and the confiscation of Church property radically transformed the stated structure of France and altered the basis of power and authority. The strong popular pressure of the lower classes pushed the revolution towards radical republicanism. The flood of revolutionary ideas and experimentscould not be confined to the borders of France and the revolutionary government of France began exporting the new principles by propaganda and war. Thus, the revolutionary events rapidly outran all expectations.and the break with the past became irrevocable. As a result during the nineteenth century, France became a laboratory of social and political theories. In this Unit, we shall try to explain: how the French Revolution was an attempt to break with the past; how a modern political culture emerged, based on the principle of liberty, equality and national sovereignty; in what ways the revolution contributed to the modem ideas of democracy based on the practice of representation, the ideas of plebiscite and the importance of public opinion; how the fear of revolution led to the theory of revolutionaryconspiracy for the hture generations; and how the ideas of modern nationalism and socialism had their roots in the revolutionitself

23.2

FRENCH REVOLUTION AND THE EMERGENCE OF NEW POLITICAL CULTURE

In recent years, scholars have broadened the period of the French Revolution to almost the last three decades of the eighteenth century when revolutionarypolitics had begun to take shape. The creation of new political rhetoric and the development of new symbolic forms of political practice transformedcontemporarynotions about politics, which became an instrument for reshaping society. People of France had a strong belief that they could establish a new national community based on reason and natural law according to the spirit of enlightenment, without reference to the customs ofthe past. Such high ambitions demanded new political practices for their realization. As Franqois Furet suggests, France through revolution invented democratic culture and revealed to the world one of the basic forms of historical

consciousnessof action. If the Revolution inventednew structuresand upset the old ones, it also set in motion new forces to transform the traditional mechanisms of politics. The Revolutiontook over an empty space and then proliferated within that. For Furet, the French Revolution was essentially a political phenomenon. It led to a profound transformation of political discourse involving new but powerlid forms of political symbolism and experimented in radical forms of political action which was unprecedented and unanticipated. In the political dialoguebetween societies and their states, the Revolutiontipped scales in favour of society against the state. The ancient regime was dominated by the king; the Revolution turned it into people's achievement. From the 'kingdom of subjects' France became a nation of citizens. The old society was based on privilege; the Revolution established equality. The Revolution created an ideology of a radical break with the-past.Everything -the economy, society and politics yielded to the force of new ideology. The revolution, according to Keith Michael Baker, marked the transformation of the discursive practice of the community, a moment in which social relations were reconstituted and the relationship between individual, communityand state radically transformed. As the Revolution progressed, it coined new vocabulary of politics and culture. It accumulated its own symbols and religious overtones and provided new definitions of patriotism and war. For Robespierre, the famous Jacobin leader, the revolution became a war of liberty against its ~nemies.'Its intensity, its reforming zeal and its war against privilege made it' as Mcmmcrs l~tites, 'a fort of forcing house where in the ideals of the future, and their perversions, were Liol~eht to early maturity'. It should also be borne in mind that the Revolution in France was not pre-planned. The overthrow of the government was followed by intense confusion and opened the gates of political discourse and contestations. In this situation, certain kind of actions and arguments took on meanings that often went far beyond what the actors or leaders intended. The emergence of modem political culture destroyed the absolutistmonarchy and brought about a political orderunder which the nationexisted as a collective body. Various efforts were made to reconstitute the meanbg of public right and redefine the nature of social order. According to K.M. Baker, the. three strands of discourse in the late eighteenth century were -justice, will a~d reason. The emergence, elaboration and interpretation of these three discourses defined the political culture that emerged in France and provided the ideological framework to the subsequent changes. These discourses provided grounds for the abolition of feudal structure in France. Thus, the Revolution had begun a new era but its ideologies and institutional himework gradually developedas a consequence of debates and struggles within as well as outside France.

Political Revolution:

23.2.1 The Ideas of Liberty, Equality and Fraternity

No doubt, the ideas like liberty, equality, kternity and so on had existed sometimes in a very confused or abstract form in many societies but in France, during the revolutionary era, these became the guiding principlec for me law makers. The American Revolution of 1776had also declared all mec Lorn 'free and equal'. The Congress of the representatives of the thirteen coloni~s had asserted that all men are born equal and have certain natural rights which a- inalienable and cannot be taken silent on the significant question of away. But the American Constitution r e m a i r ~ slavery and postponed the demand for extension of the franchise to them. The slavery issued had divided the American nation during the Civil War (1861- 1865). In France, these ideas became the defining conceptsthat had impact ILU; c d y upon the western civilization but also worked their way into the history of 19" and 20" century Europe, America and 4sia.

By liberty,the revolutionaries meant the right to act within the world with responsibility to no one but oneself. It was an idea that remained dear to those who made the French Revolution and one which pervaded the reforms. The Revolution founded a potent new tradition of liberty. Protestants, Jews and Free Thinkers gained toleration both in France and in the French dominated regions. The first official document of the French Revolution -the Declaration of the Rights of Ma11- stated the ideas of liberty and equality and efforts were made to embody them in the new regime to form the chief theme of the French politics in the nineteenth century.

A few lines from a contemporary poem bring out the spirit of the timeOh you who are discouraging by nothing? True lovers of Liberty Establish e q d t y On the debris of slavery Republican Frenchmen, conquerors of your rights, Strike down all these tyrants, profaners of the law.

Political Revolution: France

These revolutionary sloganshave become the torch-bearers for many of the countries in the age of decolonization. The continuing chain of revolutions which spread from Spain (1 820) to Naples and Sicily (1 820), Piedmont (1821) and finally to France (1 830) clearly shows the unending appeal of the ideas of liberty, equality and fraternity.

23.2.2

The Concept of Republican State

The idea of a Republican state was not the product of the French Revolution as there existed many republican states in the ancient world- in Greece, Rome and in India. But the French Republic was based on a modem ideological platform. It was created with the support of a liberal constitution and popular base. The world 'republic' has become insersdble fiom the Revolution with two high points: The year 1789 when the sovereignty of the monarch was replaced by the sovereigntyof the nation; and The 1792 when the monarch was deposed and the liberal republic was established. Interestingly,in the French tradition, the word 'republic' has retained a powerful emotional importance even though its institutional structures remained weak. The principle of republic was subverted by persons of despotic traits on many occasions. Modem politics can be said to have begun in the revolutionary decade, giving birth to terms like 'right' and 'left'. The French Revolution had dividedthe people between liberals and conservatives. The liberals generally moved towards republicanism with wide suffrage, individual rights, fieedom of speech and expression, and election of the head of the State. The conservatives resisted change and laid stress on discipline,dutiesand social hierarchy. The unprecedentedchallenge of the Revolution crystallized the political thinking ofthe conservatives. Many of them opposed reforms based on the ideas of the Enlightenment. Both these ideologies played a determining role in popular movements creating a sharp and antipathic division in nineteenth century Europe. The French exported the idea of republicanism against the English preference for monarchy and conservatism. The Republic in France is now firmly established. The "Mareillaise'' is no more a battle song but her national anthem and the Fourteenth of July is the national holiday, remembered as the Republic Day. So 'the currents ofturbulence and ideological dissidence which flowed most strongly after 1789' according to C.A. Bayly, 'forced ruling groups to reconstitute the ideologicalfoundations of the state and partially to modernize itY. They drew fiom a variety of sources, especially the Enlightenment. It was this shift in the basis and structure of traditional states that led to the popularity of new principles like republicanism and liberalism.

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23.2.3 Modern Views on Representation

Robespierre believed that the sovereign people, once their institutions were established, would do for themselves all that they could do well and their delegates would cany out what the people could not do. The supportersof Rousseau, however, faced problems because the social contract stated that 'a people which gives itself representatives is no longer h e ' . Citing the English practice, Rousseau argued that the English people were free only at election time. In fact, the social contract of Rousseau offered an abstract antithesis of the political and social order of the ancient regime. The corporate society of orders and Estates was rejected in this work and was to be replaced by a society based on equality of individuals bound by the common status of citizenship. To achieve the freedom of the citizens, Rousseau transfenied sovereignty from the monarch to the body of citizens as a whole. It is not the individual's will but the general will ofthe whole body of citizens that prevails. Rousseau's definition of social contract suggeststhat the sovereigntythus created through a collective will could neither be alienated nor represented. Sovereign authority of a monarch conferred by the people did not express the general will but only that of a particular person. Once this general will is lost in this way, it dissolves into a multiplicity of individuals who find themselves subjectto the will of another. The social contract of Rousseau, therefore, offered a definite repudiation of representation as incompatiblewith the spirit of the general will. The supporters of the Revolution felt that for a large state like France, Rousseau's principles had to be modified. Sieyes, one of the most important leaders of the liberal revolution, concluded that the people can neither speak nor act, except through their representatives. This view met objections fiom the Right, particularly fiom the nobles who subscribed to the distinction of Orders. Later on, in the period of Terror, Sieyes' view of representation met with opposition fiom the Left. The spread of Rousseau's ideas, the popular participation, and deteriorating economic circumstances created a demand for direct democracy, where deputies could be recalled from the Sectional ~ s s e m bof l~ paris and new representativesnominated, where people could intervene in state affairs by insurrections and the administration of popular justice could be introduced. Keith Michael Baker traces the roots ofthe social theory of representation to the days of Louis XIV's reign when a group of reformers gathered around the Duc De Bourgogne demanding the restoration of traditional provincial estates. But it was the Physiocratic writings of Mirabeau and Quesney which transformed these ideas into a modern theory of representation of society and social interests. Mirabeau in his work L 'Amides hommes ' (The Friend of Men) established the righi; =.f 2 q x r t y as the fundamental law of every society. He suggested the decentralization of administrationthrough the creation of provincial assemblies composed of propzl-ty owners. Till this stage,the proponents of the social theory of representation propose6 assembliesbut this was not meant to give voice to political will of the nation. It was concerned with the rational representation of social interests. The theory ofrepresentationwas given a modern content throughthe political debates of 1788 and 1789. It was reworked and changed fiom some of its earlier meanings when the deputies revolted against the old order based on the traditional force of representation, andjustified their action by an appeal to the principle of general will. Sieyes' Qu 'est-ceque be TierEtat? (What is the Third Estate?) provided solutions to some ofthe thorny problems raised in political debates. He legitimized the Revolution of the deputies in the name of national sovereignty and this led to the

was the fusion of the idea of the general will with the concept of representation, achieved in the course of constitutional debates that took place over formation of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen. The Erench Revolution brought about a fundamental transformation in the concept of representation, thereby contributingto avibrant form of democracy. The traditional perception of representationhad located unity and identityin the person of an absolute monarch. Rousseau had suggested that it could be found only in the body of the citizens taken as a whole. For Sieyes, a complex modern society could achieve unity only in the national assembly. But it was far fiom a complete solution. Instead, it introduced tensions into revolutionary discourse. Yet, it provided an ideological foundation to the modern concept of representative government - an ideal that influenced so many liberals of the nineteenth century. Although, the French theorists had provided the idea of the 'sovereignty of the people' they could not transform it into reality for anurnber of reasons. The effective instrument needed to translate ideas into practice was a coherent party system. During the revolutionary era, there was hardly any political party. One does talk of the Girondins and the Montagnards as the parties of those days but in reality these were more like shifting groups based on friendshipor personal loyalties without party organization. They hardly represented public opinion or contested on distinct ideology. Besides, the French democraticexperiments were carried out in the most adverse conditions, when French had plunged into war in 1792. The Revolution drifted away from its original i d ~ dInto s another stage -the period of Terror and it is commonlydescribed as the beginning of 'totalitarian democracy' under Robespierre. Although he was l l l y aware that the revolutionary dictatorshipwould be a temporary experiment and not the end of the democracy, his interpretation of Rousseau and general will was conveniently used by dictators of the modern period to justifj their actions.

Political Revolution: Prance

23.2.4

The Theory of Revolutioaary Conspiracy

The polarization of Europe's politics into Left and Right also encouraged new ideas of the revolution which led to radical upheavals and subversion of such basic social institutions as family and property. By lgh century, the Revolution had become a universal force-an ideological form of politics that first influenced Europe and then the world. This resulted in the constructionof a conspiracy theory on the origins of the Revolution. The Revolution began to be seen by many (like Edmund Burke) as a conspiracy by an active minority who were fed by the teaching of philosophers and had all veneration for ancient institutions and demanded anew deal. This minority was poisoned by the new doctrines and in the name of democracy undermined authority and damaged social stability. Many (likeAustrian Chancellor Metternich) feared the outbreak of revolution in other parts of Europe and this gave birth to the theory of conspiracy which haunted many gove&nents and conservativeleaders. The general impressionpersisted throughout the nineteenth century that the French Revolution was the outcome of conspiracy for which contemporary groups like freemasonry and men of revolutionary ideology were held responsible for overthrowing 'legitimate' authorities. The conspiracytheories promoted and sustained the language of civil war in politics. Many political battles were fought against imaginary foes. Abbe Barmel and the famous novelist Alexandre Dumas were among those influential writers who created the popular impressionthat fieemasons supported revolutions in order to hann monarchy throughout Europe. They were also held responsible for undermining the power of the Catholic Church. Several

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versions of this myth persisted throughout the nineteeilth century. No doubt, &masonry in France was popular with the left-wingpoliticians but they were seldom centres of conspiracy. They only remained platforms for political discussion. Even till the beginning of the twentieth century, they attracted radicals and some socialists. Their critics saw them as the homes of threatening and subversive activities. This theory of conspiracy was revived with its old myth when the civil war erupted in Paris after the Franco-Prussianwar in 1870-71. This impression was created because some Parisian freemasons had tried to mediate between the rebels and the government. Interestingly, Nicholas Deschamps in his book Les Societe k et la Societe (The Societies and the Society) saw freemasonry behind the German unification. The conspiracy theory was also applied throughout the nineteenth century to Protestants, Jesuits and Jews. The Jews were also accused of plotting the rise of Prussia under Bismarck, in association with Protestants and fieemasons. The publication of Edouard Dnunont's best seller La France Juive (The French Jew Woman) in 1886 saw the beginning of anti-Jewish propaganda in many parts of Europe. Anti-semitism became a major conservative theme in the late nineteenth century. An anti-semitic paranoia got a major twist in France through the Dre* affair (1894 - 99). Its aftermath could be seen even during the Second World War. The formation of International Socialism in London in 1864, consistingof labour representatives and socialist parties of some European nations, was seen by many in context of the theory of conspiracy. There were many who held it responsible for the Paris Commune of 1871. Interpreting political events in terms of conspiracies is a tendency whose origins can be easily treated to the days of French Revolution.

23.3 NATIONALISM AND SOVEREIGNTY

Among the forces that were to shape the developments in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, nationalism proved to be of tremendous importance. The French Revolution provided anew definition of nation. France became anation when the association of fiee citizens declared their rights to constitute the sole source of sovereignty. Sieye's famous exposition Qu 'est-ce-que le Tiers Etat? (What is the Third Estate?) provided a political definition of the nation 'as inalienable common will'. This conception of nation had many implications. It lllcant that a nation was a body of associateslivingunder a common law, enjoyingthe status of citizens, having a relationship of equality by excluding all forms of privilege based on birth or social rank. The second implication inherent in the definition of the nztion became problematic as it was not universally accepted. Sieye's conception of nation, possessing an inalienable and unitary common will, meant a rejecticrl of thc ancient laws and ideasthat upheld claimsfor tmditional organizations and instiithorn, including the theory of divine rights. He insisted on the link between a unitary represe~tztion and a unitary national will that he considered crucial in transformingthe Es:zf,tes General into aNationalAssembly. Thus, popular sovereignty lay at the heart of the Revolution and was closely linked to nationalism. In c o n a t to the revolutionary notion of nationalism, the eighteenthcentury concept of nation was aptly defined by Diderot in his Eneycropedie. In this, he described it as a 'corrective word used to denote a considerable quantity of people who inhabit a certain extent of country defined with certain limits, and obeying the same government'. Giving primacy to the diplomatic needs and securityconcerns, states were handed over, without paying heed to popular will, to foreign rulers as compensations, peace bribes or rewards of victory. The leaders of the Concert of Europe adoptedthe same methods to safeguardthemselves against the futurethreats

by redrawing the map of Europe. However, such arrangementscould not last long and a strong wave of nationalism swept across Europe, beginning with the Greek and Belgium movements, reaching its heights in 1848. The French nationalism was fostered and strengthened by various methods. The Fete de Law Federation of 14 July 1790had proclaimed and enacted the unity of the nation. By means of revolution and war, a large section of the population was made aware of belonging to the nation. The involvement of the people in national life from 1789 to 1815, in 1830, 1848 and 1870-71 made France a unique nation revolutionarymodel for others and a standard bearer of political progress. National identity of France was redefined in 1889by the nationalists by providing legal and cultural definitions. However, this debate remained inconclusive. All through these years, the French governments had organized grand festivals to instill a sense of national unity and promote a national memory. This included celebrating fetes like 14July with military bands, parades, fire works, ehbitions, playing national anthem and creating national symbols, and by unveiling statues of republican heroes right across the country. These festivities have now become a common practice in almost all the nations to forge the spirit of national unity. The role of the French Revolution in giving rise to nationalist feelings in other countries of Europe, was usually not direct. The French notions of nationalism often led to inspiration, administration and on a number of occasions, resulted in fear and resistance. According to C.A. Bayly, the thing that did most to radicalize the Revolution was the invasion of France by the great powers. The presence of foreign armies on French soil released a wave of resistance in France, then across the borders of France under Napoleon and in Europe itself. It released extraordinary energy in the name of nationalism.Napolean's attempt to create a German federation after the annexation of German lands on the left bank of Rhine from 1801to 18 14, revolutionized the German political structure and swept away its medieval foundations. The French reorganized and secularized the ecclesiastical statesand the German states, abolished fke cities and the imperial nobility and attacked the feudal relics. The practical effect of all these measures was the reduction in the Catholic and the Habsburg character of Germar~j. The influence of the larger slates, particularly Prussia increased manifold and the number of political units of Germany greatly reduced from about 300 states to only 3 8 by 18 15. Thus the process of German unification was set in notion. The French had also annexed Belgium for opposing the French while the kingdom of Italy was kept in economic tutelage for financial gains. Some of the Italian principalities were given away to the French ruling houses as rewards. Napoleon's rule caused strong popular resentment in these places. The critics of Napoleon rightly point out that his regime was the 'negation of nationality'. There is no doubt that Napoleon's rule also led to the imposition of French model of administration with institutions like secular education, civil code and prefect systems. Napoleon's defeat led to the liberationof these lands but the imperial institutions ofNapoleoi1;-2z lasting impact. Metternich tried to reverse all this through Vienna Congress, yet the old patterns could never be restored completely. Here too, the principle of national unity began to influencethe political movements. The process of national unification in recent times has been achievedthrough various means -railways, expandingbureaucracies, administrative centralization, expansion of markets and economic regulations, education, mass media, prcri;zgzvda through modem means of communication and by promoting cultural identity. Quite apart from these, ideological factors too have promoted national feelings. The FrancoPrussian War of 1871 was the direct outcome of the passionate nationalism and

Political Revolution: France

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popular sentimentsthat not only changed the political boundaries of Europe but also upset the traditional power equation. Modem forms of nationalism manifested themselves in various ways between the French Revolution and the world wars. They revealed idealist, selfishand aggressive characteristics. Nationalism sometimes assumed sinister forms and has often been used as a vehicle for invasion and domination. Under the Nazi rule, it became insaneand demonic. Modern definitionsof nationalism lay stresson common descent, language,territory, cultural and ethnicbonds. The experiencesof nineteenth century have left a large space for illogical emotions and hatred that was fed by myths and distortions of history to stir popular feelings. Wars greatly shaped national identity and the model for this was provided by France. The cult of Napoleon provided France with a great moment of national triumph. The wars of Louis Napoleon in 1854,1859 and 1870 aroused strong national feelings and were made to satisfy national aspirations. The nineteenth and the twentieth centuries saw almost every Western state glorifying military ceremonies, national symbols and mass conscriptions, thereby making war an instrument of national consciousness. It was the force of nationalism that propelled European states towards the First World War. Thg rise of Japan in Asia was achieved through promoting nationalist spirit while its absence in China delayed her emergenceas a nation-state. The French Revolution, thus acted as a catalyst in the development and later the domination of modern nationalism, first in Europe and subsequently in the rest of the world. French nationalism became as much of a model as a threat for the outsiders. The resolute nationalist spirit drew a great deal from the Enlightenmentphilosophies and had a global appeal and global consequences.

23.4

THE IDEA OF PLEBISCITE AND TOTALITARIAN REGIME

The use of plebiscite as a device to settle disputes or to provide legitimacy to a debatable action had its origin in the French Revolution. In 1790the citizens of Avignon declared their desire to be united with th'e rest of France. They were French speaking and were bound with the French culture but Avignon was a papal territory. This action of the people ofAvignon brought an issue to the forefront that later became one of the most important sources of conflict and change during the nineteenth century-that was the principle of self - determination or the right of the people to choose their own allegiance. It ran contrary to the generally accepted principle that suggested that a ruler's sovereignty was derived from divine sanction. This right of self-determination, like the democraticprinciple, was closelyrelated to the French Revolution and this passion for self-determination redrew the map of Europe in the nineteenth century. Many of the Italian States under Austrian rule succeeded in joining the union. The Latin American States of Spain and Portugal achieved independencebetween 1808 and 1826. The French Revolution had left its mark on these actions. The establishment of the Jacobin Republic in 1793was another decisive event that had along term impact. Robespiem's action of setting up a republican government l was basically a temporary experiment and was not meant with a ~ w e r f uexecutive to be an end of democracy. His reinterpretation of Rousseau to legitimize his rule gave many dictators a pretext to justifl their actions. Hence, the modern totalitarian states, particularly of the twentieth century, are usually seen as the legacy of the

French Revolution. Strongwar-time dictatorshipshad been established in the earlier period but the quasi-democraticdevice of plebiscite was the by product of the French Revolution. A number of arbitrary measures were adopted during the Revolution which were given legal sanction by way of plebiscite. Many fraudulent method became a common practice undgthe Bonapartist regime. A new Constitutionwas passed by an unusually large dajority and in 1802, Bonaparte became Consulate for life withjust 8000 votes polled against him. With another plebiscite he became the Emperor of France with over three and a half million votes in his favour against mere 2579. Similarplebiscites were held by Louis Napoleon. Under the totalitarian regimes of the twentieth century, the dictatorshipshave gained approval with foul means and many scholars hold the French Revolution responsible for this misuse of democracy.

Political Revolution: France

23.5

FRENCH REVOLUTION AND SOCIALIST IDEOLOGY

Although, the French Revolution was a liberal and not a socialistrevolution, some currents of socialism could be found in various guises on the eve of the Revolution a few aspects of it provided later socialists with inspiration and heroes. It is true that there was a gulf between the most radical social thinkers of the eighteenth century and the mociem aoctrines of socialism but some of the writings and speeches of the revolution era were the driving f c r m in the h r m of protest against poverty, exploitation and inequality. Montesquieu, who himself came from an aristocraticfamily, said that the state owed allits citizens an assured subsistenceand healthy life. Similar sentiments were expressed by other thinkers and officials in France. Although there was no real socialist doctrine in France in 1789but the passion for equality existed at every stage, even though the opposition was more against social rather than economic privilege. The French Revolution protected property rights vehemently but it was not for total concentration of property and wealth. The egalitarian thought is reflected in Robespierre's speech of 5 February 1794 when he said that 'Comme1;e is the source of public wealth and not just of the monstrous opulence of a feh families'. When the Church lands were auctioned, one argument in the debate was the need of making property more widespread, so that a larger number of people would become the supporters of the new order. Toward'sthe end of 1789,a society was formed called the Cerle Social (Social Circle), to educate the people. In this, Abbe Fauchet highlighted the egalitarian implications of the social contract, and asked for a gradual division of land. However, many of these proposals were suppressed. When the Revolution turned into war, the economic repercussions like food shortages, steepinflation, black-marketing, etc. led to the reinforcement of egalitarian ideas, with popular demand for equality and state rec*l-tion of economy. There were several small groups who were demanding or plarmg action. Some of them enjoy a special place in the ancestry of modern socia~sm. Apart h m Cercle Social, Marx and Engels mention the names of Keclerc ar koux as precursors of socialism. Together with some others like Varlet, they fofi-.-ed a group demandingradicalreforms and came to be called ~ n k ~ e They s . were individual enthusiastsand not bound by single ideology except their fight for the poor against the rich. Jacques Roux, a priest of the constitutionalchurch in Paris, claimed that the produce of the lani .klonged to all men. His followers declared that physical need is the only basis of property.

society. Varlet too carried forward the egalitarian virtues and felt that so long as the majority of population remained subject to the tyranny of the rich, Rousseau's concept of direct democracy would remain an illusion. Leclerc, the revolutionary journalist compared the mercantile and bourgeois class to aristocracy and raised a slogan that 'all men have an equal right to eat.' The Herbertists represented the voice of the urban poor. Herbert was a mythical personality and reflected the aspirations and fears of the Sans Culottes, a lower middle class category consisting of artisans and small shopkeepers who strongly supportedthe success of the Revolution Herbert divided the Third Estate between bourgeoisie and the people. They all preached a war gainst the rich. In 1795 - 96, Noel Babenfled arising called the conspiracy of Equals, that was almost communist. He reflected the collective spirit and his original solutionswere utopian in character - an idea of total abolition of private property. The French socialist ideology resurfaced during the period of Restoration (1815 1830) and in July Monarchy. Pierre Joseph Proudhon's views, according to Karl Marx, marked an important stage in popular thought. He was one of those who helped the working class to become conscious of itself. His writings against profit making had idealized artisans,criticized industrializationand excessive division of labour and called for absolute equality of incomes. The socialist impact led to the coming of class war in 1848 and then in 187 1. During the Paris Commune, the Paris workers made determined attempt to govern themselves. Words like class war, proletariat and workers solidarity came fiom France in the socialist vocabulary. All through the twentieth century, France remained an important centre of socialism and socialist thought.

THE CULTURAL LEGACY

The French Revolution was like an explosion and a violent upheaval. Events like this often destroy many aspects of the past culture. The destructive experience of the revolution was not expected to give birth to durable creations but the Revolution of 1789 signifiesan idea of fundamental change.

The French people had to confront the collapse of the whole social order. What is termed as the ancien regime, and from its rubbles and chaos they had to assemble a new order. This provided limitlesspossibilities of innovationto the revolutionaries. Like the people of other regions, the Frenchmen did not have much of a politicai vocabulary before 1789 as politics centred at Vessailles, the royal court. However. the elections to the Estates General brought the common man of the street into the national politics. The lower section of the populace began participating in street marches and political insurrections. It affected not only the nature ofpolitics but contributed to the sudden formation of a revolutionary language based on new political vocabulary. New words or phrases were coined to express popular demands. Words like citizen rights, sovereignty, representation and patriotism received new meanings. Thousands of brochures, pamphlets, caricatures and cartoons, plays, newspaper articles came out explaining the new ideology. Stage plays were enacted on political and revolutionary themes, folk songs were sung with changed meanings, popular fetes were organized and a revolutionary calendar was introduced in France. All these developments were contributing to the creation of new revolutionary culture. Traditional centres of public sphere were adapting themselves accordingto the revolutionary atmosphere. New concepts of time and space came into being based on the principles of rationalism and naturalism.

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France

(Left) A contemporary seal shows My, ianne, the image of the republic. (Right) A more aggressive engraving showing "The French people overwhelming the Hydra of Federation." (August 1793). The Image of tlie Repubkic

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The revolutionaries had provided a new division of time by preparing a revolutionary calendar in which a month was to consist ofthree weeks of ten days each, and a year divided into twelve months. The remaining five days were declared patriotic days to include civil qualities like virtue, genius, labour, reward and opinion. Each day of the week was given a new name, which was dedicated to some aspect ofrural life. The names of the rulers and queens were swiftly removed from Paris streets and new names were given. Words like Le Roy or Le Roi (the king) were replaced by la loi (the liberty). Eventhe pictures of king, queen and jack were replaced with revolutionary symbols. The new expressions and political vocabularyhad eroded the sacred positionofthe king. The ritual use ofthe language like swearing and oaths provided to the revolutionaries a means of reconstituting moral basis ofthe community. The formation of new political culture had its stamp on the French culture. Theatre, art and music came under strong revolutionary influence.
The coming of the Revolution influenced thejournalistic press. The newspapers like Mercure, Brissot's Patriote Francaise (French Patriots) and Barere's Point du Tour (The Turning Point) provided direct message to the people and popularized the revolutionary ideology. Thesepapers demonstrated the role of politicaljournalism to the future revolutionaries including intellectuals like Karl Marx. There was a sudden growth of readership and a revolutionary change in the content of newspaper. This contributed to the formation of public opinion.

In the sphere of drama, every crisis in the revolution had its commentary on civic stage. Political themes were extensively borrowed. Stage plays became a source of political propaganda. Chenier's Clzarles K i s said to have baptized the stage in the name of nation, law and constitution. It was the most popular play reflecting the spirit of revolution. Art, too, was used in public festjvals and in the visual pageantry of the large-scale spectacles. The decade of the Revolution produced

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thousands of printed images through allegoricalcompositi~~ s , political caricatures, portraits of leaders, letterheads, playing cards, children's games, civil manuals and many other forms. These images are called ephemera and these proved to be more effective means of drawingpeople into political debates. Art in this period acquired a strategicand explicitlypolitical hction. The revolutionaries had great faith in the power of images and art was used to perform the role of social and moral regenerator. The imagery of the French Revolution was created through all these means.

Illustration 3: Assignant (Paper Money) of 1792

However, it is very difficult to say as to how much of these changes survived the Revolution. Perhaps very little of it accept its imagery and memory. This was because the Revolution had completely rejected the old culture of ancient regime, while the new culture that was imposed fiom above was seen as a product of sociopolitical interests and charged up emotionsof a few. Its survival became precarious. The French society had reached a stage of disorder and sharp divide withthe collapse of the old moral foundations. The new ruling class was unable to provide an alternative. Yet those projects which were universal in scope, such as the metric system, secularism, legal code and democratic principles-they survived to a large extent. The other two expressions of the 18th century - Enlightenment and noclassicism struggled with romanticism in the 19" century but moulded some of the styles and ideas of modem day arts. It can be said that the principal legacy of the French Revolution wzis the Revolution itself. Even aftertwo hundred years, its memory persists. Many religions of humanity duringthe nineteenth century -religions which made humanity their objects of cult were born out of this revolutionary faith. It marked the overthrow of the old regime and the establishment of a k, hternal and egalitarian-society.11forced a historical reconsideration of tradition. The revolutionary faith became a tradition that relieved itself in the events of 1830,1848 and 1871 in France and inspired many others in Greece, Belgium, Italy and Germany. However, some people questior, the use ofterm 'revolutionary culture' for this memory, badition and rituat enactments. Whichever way one looks at the Revolution, its most important legacy was dpmmtic republicanism-an ideology embraced by a large section of the middle class all over the world. The ideology experienced stiff resistance fiom the European officials during the nineteenth century, as it was achieved either through war or terror. However, the radical republicanism in France had to adjust with more moderate forms of government,public education, secularism and the desire for individual liberty in order to find a permanentplace in Europeand the outside world. The French Revolutionary culture had a deep influence over the reformulated post-colonial world that emerged after the Second World War.

One question which is often asked by the historians is whether the Revolution caused the disempowennent of women from politics. There is no doubt that women from JWerent sections of French society participated in the Revolution and contributed in ditterent ways. From the hostesses of salons representing the aristocratic and bourgeois background to women of modest means -washer women, fisher women, flower sellers to the labouring women, all had something to offer. Most of them demanded sufficient and regular supply of bread, some wanted better education but the radicals like those who were members of the society of Revolutionary Republic Women, asked for political representation, franchiserights and equality with men. There are, however, two views on this subject. One view suggests that the condition of French women worsened due to the Revolution and whatever was granted to them through the Constitution was taken away after 1793. Women ceased to be citizens and Napoleon's code adopted a cynical attitude towards them. The Revolution reflected bourgeois masculine power in which women were deprived of justice and the cause of women remained suspended for over one century. However, there is another view that holds that the Revolution improved the position of ' M y ' in which women given equal role. The new laws on inheritance of property reflected a distinct elevation in the status of women. Similarly,when the marriage was made a civil contract by the Constitution of 1791,divorce became a matter of mutual consent in which women had equal say. So while the French women were among the first in Europe to clamour for equal political rights and citizenship,their agitations died down after the Revolution and remained suspended till the second half of the centr.;~.

23.8 SUMMA%%!
After reading this Unit you must have realized that the French Revolution initiated several important issues which remain relevant in today's world but the solutions found to these questions varied with the passage of time. Prolonged debates followed once the revolutionary problems were raised. It is not easy to make a precise assessmeqt nf the Revolution's legacy. It definitely provided a sudden leap into a utopian future. Most of the revolutionaries throughout the world saw the Revolution as the torchbearer of modem politics and political experimentation but there are many others who shunned it for its violence and disorder. These are two opposite views on the Revolutionarypolitics. The 'Whig-Republican' interpretationsees the Revolution as the inventor of modem democratic culture. According to this view, the principles of liberty and equality reached a logical conclusion and a desired end by the end of the nineteenth century. The opposite view is presented by the 'ToryTocquevillian' analysis. It arguesthat the Revolution resulted in the strengtheningof state power at the expense of autonomous institutions like the church, corporations and associations by weakening the civil society and making it dependent on the state. This view regards Bonapartism as the culmination of post-revolutionary political culture by creating apowerfd state.

Revolution.
Concert of Europe (1815-23):Various Congresses held to settle the territorial and financial problems caused by Napoleonic expansions in Europe, followed by attempts to prevent further revolutionsand to maintain the status quo.

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July Monarchy: Afterthe revolution of 1830,Lousie P h iipp canle to power and ruled till 1848.His rule is called the period of July Monarchy. Freemasons: An international chain of political organizationsin Europe which declared itself to be based on brotherly love, faith and charity. Freemasons were against the ancient regime and also the Roman Catholic Church. Dreyfus Affair(1894-99): Alfied DreyfUs, a Jewish officer in French army, was accused and found guilty of selling military secretsto Germany. However, doubts soon arose over the fairness of the charges against him. It soon developed into a huge political controversy with many socialist and radical intellectuals supporting DreyfUs and many others, mainly army leaders and the Church, holding him @ty. Because Dreyfbs was a Jew, the controversy also provided an impetus to antisemitic feelings in France. It contributed to the politicization of the French rural society. Vienna Congress (1814-15): An international assembly of European super powers, mainly Austria, Britain,Russia and Prussia, to settlethe territorialboundaries within Europe, after the disruption ofthe old territorial boundaries caused by French Revolution and Napoleonic wars. Paris Commune (1871): A temporary revolutionary governmentin Paris, formed after the overthrow of the second empire of Napolean 111,representing an alliance between the middle and the working classes. The Commune lasted only for two months from March to May 1871, and after a bitter fight, surrendered to the Government. Anti-Semitism: A feeling of hatred towards the Jews. A long history of racial prejudice against the Jews had existed & I the Eurbpean society. It was somewhat checked duringthe Enlightenment.In t h e 19"'century, however, a systematic attempt was made to promote hatred against the Jews. This led to cultural isolation of the orthodox Jews and, together with rising nationalism, pseudo scientifictheories of Aryan racial superiority and spurious charges of Jewish domination encouraged anti-sernitismin many of European states. Anti-semitism reached its climax inNazi Germany in the 1930s and 1940s when around six million Jews were killed by Hitla. Whig-Republicans: A group that strongly supported the idea of representative institutionsand popular participation in government. Tory-Tocquevillians:ATory group that supportedthe cause of strong centralized monarchy which derived its legitimacy not frompopular support but fiom its own inherent power.

23.10 EXERCISES
a i n featuresof modem political culture which emergedin Fmce 1) Examinethe m during the revolutionary phase.
2)

How would you explain the unique appeal of nationalism in modern times? How it is different fiom the view of the French revolutionaries? Write a critical note on French cultural legacy. Bring out the contribution ofthe French Revolutionin the evolution of modem socialistthought. What has caused the formulation of the conspiracy theory?

3)
4) 5)