American Educational Research Association
American Educational Research Association
American Educational Research Association
38, No. 6 (Aug. - Sep., 2009), pp. 417-427 Published by: American Educational Research Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25592131 . Accessed: 13/09/2013 10:32
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[_[
gets
taught,
how, and
interest this
support
broad param and by whom. These constraints that influence school and practices, framework, in turn, politics shape learning to is assumed
shape
these
analytical
kinds
causal
examine
politics the
question, on the
concept
in which
institutional
struc
and public
of those tors
and how
the role of politics should continue to be central to the study of education policy because its endpoint is student learning, which should be the primary goal of policy.
However, the perspective represented in the traditional model
interact
to shape
Keywords:
policy;
politics
is incomplete because it provides only partial information about key aspects of the educational enterprise, including why major policy changes are so difficult, why some policies persist past their useful lives, and how different policies shape who participates
and who does not decides offer much how educational insight into one resources are allocated. important It also ques of the most
The
theme of the 2009 annual meeting of the American Educational Research Association, "Disciplined Inquiry: Education Research in the Circle of Knowledge," was intended to show that academic disciplines have contributed a
diverse study major theories topic for of array of theoretical At testing the education. for and research insights same time, education theory and methods has to the a ana provided
tions that those who study the politics of education can address: how well schools function as democratic political institutions, including their ability to foster political equality. Consequendy, I argue that in addition to asking what kinds of
suggest politics policies we abandon in the traditional the perspective ing that represented to add an additional model of education Rather, we need politics. one to our on a that draws analytical repertoire body of theoretical policies politics ine what kinds creates, of we need education to reverse the causal create. arrow I am not to exam
venue
disciplinary In
developing
lytical methods,
in
with
those
a
I chose
education
one where
by research own
and empirical research in political science calledpolicyfeedback. Why The Reverse the Causal Arrow?
can contribute
disciplinary
knowledge?in
to my
discipline of political science. A research agenda focused on this topic requires thinking about politics in a different way. The Traditional Model of Politics and Policy
implemented
Before discussing the "repositioned politics of education," I briefly review politics' usual place in the study of education and
education politics The policy. of education model policy implicit assumes that in most political research factors?of on the the
dynamics so that politics is both an input into the policy process and an output. A brief history of how the concept has developed in political science provides context for how itmight be applied in education research and also highlights the kinds of causal
mechanisms that are assumed to produce the relationship
1?shape
on which
policies
students
between policy and politics. "New policies create a new politics." Although Schattschneider (1935, p. 288) made this oft-cited argument more than 70 years
Educational
Researcher,Vol.
DOI: 10.3102/0013189X09342584
? 2009 AERA, http://er.aera.net
AUGUST/SEPTEMBER2009 \\A?7
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Political (e.g.,
factors
framing of policy and solution, problem decision-making interest venue, mobilization) Education group
Policy
Learning Outcomes
FIGURE
1.
The traditional view of the relationship between politics and education policy.
ago, ago
it was by
not
scholars
about approach
20
years (e.g.,
can
inform
the
design
Hacker, 2002; Pierson, 1993; Skocpol, 1992). For example, in her book on the political origins of social welfare policy in the
United two ways: how they States, Skocpol in how they the argues transform and that or policies expand resources create state new capacity, politics and pursuing in in
of of education generations subsequent to institutional attention effects because greater so central to this theoretical framework. The the of education's shortcomings is the rationale. practical govern
to address then,
institutions,
affect
identities
of groups
My deeply felt reason for advocating a different take on poli tics stems from why I study education: my strong belief that
schools erned, benefits are who critical democratic institutions. resources have are How they are gov how participates, resources from those allocated, and who far
long-term
consequences
mass
how individual political political behavior?including identities are formed?and argue that policy feedback research is a way to link behavioral research examining individual political
attitudes and actions with research on public policy (e.g.,
beyond Overview
of democratic
Campbell, 2003; Mettler, 2005; Mettler & Soss, 2004; Soss & Schr?m, 2007). The historical institutionalists and the political
behavioralists others' each scholarship, acknowledge but attempts the to role of factors integrate create that actions the two central to the perspectives
should be repositioned
three topics:
in education's
I cover
both perspectives
institutions, elites future and, policies. at
political
might be learned from reversing the causal arrow: (a) the standards-based accountability (SBA) policies begun in
states some 20 years ago and now reflected in the federal
Arguments
research include
for importing
than just
policy
feedback
into education
to test the theo
No Child
finance marketizing ing-out ered by A ate
Left Behind
(NCLB)
legislation;
(c)
(b) school
or
the opportunity
equalization
ry's applicability
more practical ity. Nevertheless, arguing for the
importance
policies to the sector for services deliv private traditionally sector. the public cre to understand research how education agenda policies politics. a few are
It should
be
noted
that
only
studies
in education
grounded
describing
in a policy
the illustrative
feedback perspective.
cases, I rely on extant
Consequently,
research, much
in
of
which was not conducted with the explicit purpose of discerning what kind of politics each policy has produced. So at this point, we basically have guiding hypotheses. I also realize that illustrative
examples are not the same as testable propositions. Nevertheless, I
however, education
services
Until organization. to the system by paid to students. delivered through feedback it, requires perspective
system,
as much
overhaul.
Research
policy
418
EDUCATIONAL RESEARCHER
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Interpretive Effects
Institutional Structures Rules and Political Political Political and Future and Differential rules Mobilization Interests Incentives resources Targets strategies and and of identity learning trust
Policy
Characteristics ? Origins ? Incremental
? Governance structures capacities or Participation decision-making rules Allocational for financial, political, and informational resources
Policies
FIGURE 2.
A Conceptual
Model
of Policy
Feedback
Institutional
structures
and
rules.
In this model,
I assume
that
the
The model displayed in Figure 2 integrates the institutionalist and individual-level perspectives. The three middle boxes depict
that the political dynamics future shapes policies?either instances, Policies. Origins originated a reinforcing policy includes such in the Four and policies create. changing continuing the This politics, them or, policy in turn, in many regime.
ismanifested
establish For
in
new
them. how
distributed?who
Answering
questions
it Similarly, the level
helps
rules at which
identify who
about who can decisions
has an incentive
how
to mobilize.
making, are
shape advanced or
resulting policy;
in decision
grievances
legislative,
executive
branches;
even predict?the
political coali
the governmental
policy represents
it. Whether
is important
because
arrangements
it signals whether
are likely to be
existing
disrupted.
institutions
and political
political
to result. The of institu likely configuration to which also point and individuals may groups to resources their and opportunities express
interests.
they or undeserv
are viewed
meaning
menting policies
to a policy ismediated
those on policies. Interpretive identity, political
imple
power
types of
hypothesize
learning,
advantaged In con and strong. deserving politically are as low-income from families classified trast, children depen as are because dents perceived they although deserving, politically in weak. take these dimensions into consideration Policy makers on whom or to confer benefits burdens. impose deciding a focus on instruments Research with has not always policy how considered but such have they shape politics, assumptions or those that use For instruments been implicit. example, hortatory or information to assume values behaviors change people targets' because
of policy feedback that scholars see as the link to mass attitudes and behavior. Mettler and Soss (2004) suggest a number of ways that policies signal targets about their political status: by influ encing how individuals understand their rights and responsibili
ties as members about group of a political characteristics directly messages community, by conveying to members of a target group
and to broader public audiences, by playing a role in building and distributing civic skills among the public, by defining policy
and their solutions problems arenas for citizen demands. Over the past decade, several in particular ways, and by creating
studies
have
examined
the nature
will act?including politically through actions such as grassroots organizing and lobbying?when presented with certain kinds of information (Fung, Graham, & Weil, 2007; McDonnell, 2004; Schneider & Ingram, 1997; Stone, 2002). As another example,
inducements or grants-in-aid are likely to engender a different kind
of politics than rights-based policies that confer a legal entitlement, with the politics surrounding inducements focusing on legislative
and based bureaucratic policies allocational often seeking rules redress and those responding to rights in courts.
gets illustrate how policies can shape individual attitudes and political behavior. The first comes from a study of Social Security. The universalism and social insurance framing of Social Security has led to positive interpretations of the policy and engendered broad-based capacity for political mobilization
ciaries. In contrast to a strong bias in
political
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generally toward themore affluent and better educated, Campbell (2003) found that mobilization supporting Social Security is
strongest among to be dependent a low-income on beneficiaries, the group most likely the program.
indicates
to of polit access
available
In a second study,Mettler
strong message to beneficiaries Americans?"people about erans ordinary from
All these factors, resulting from a given policy and the politics
it creates, then shape and constrain the direction and scope of
less-advantaged
backgrounds
fits, but it also conveyed a powerful message that they were included as esteemed members of the polity. They responded by becoming more civically involved than would have otherwise
been expected. In contrast, the means-testing and tight regula
future policies. In the following sections I illustrate the policy feed back perspective with three examples. The first, standards-based accountability (SBA), ismore fully developed than the other two
cases because the extant politics. The research second is more example informative focuses on about just one SBA's aspect subsequent
tions associated with theTemporary Assistance toNeedy Families program sends a very different message. Soss (1999) found that
welfare their recipients' stigmatizing perceptions experience treatment of with welfare bureaucracies and by these agencies their status as citizens. over into spills So, for example,
of school finance policy but shows how the policy feedback lens
helps often in understanding significantly at resource are attempts why equalization state courts in their movement altered between
recipients'
results from the 1992 National Election Study show that even after controlling for demographic variables, being awelfare recip ient reduced a person s likelihood of voting to slightly less than half. In contrast, being a Social Security Disability Insurance recipient did not have that effect, and in his qualitative interviews Soss found limited evidence that welfare recipients with children
enrolled in Head Start act more efficaciously as citizens because
marketizing policies in education is limited. Nevertheless, because this group of policies, along with SBA, currently dominates the
national education policy agenda, itwarrants attention.
Perspective
on Standards-Based
research
and what of
we
know
about
SBA
in prac
of the participatory opportunities embedded in that program. Although the interpretative effects of these policies aremajor
factors tions of in shaping themselves and their attitudes targets' political as are buttressed actors, they political concep by the
Figure
3 depicts
some
its most
salient
characteristics.
However, it is important to keep inmind thatwhat is represented here is SBA policy through the lens of the politics it has created.
It does tional not indicate anything strategy. about its effectiveness as an educa improvement
a Policy characteristics. SBA has largely been top-down policy, pro moted by political and business elites and education reform
in terms of economic the rationale that have framed prog groups ress and more This rationale educational opportunities. equitable in for reflected "state of the state" speeches has been governors' in U.S. Obama's President several decades, and recently Barack
Differential mobilization of interests. In this model, the mobiliza tion of interests is shaped by the incentives created by a policy's institutional structures and rules and by how individuals inter
pret in the policy and their its effect use, and on them. create their In regulating to preserve organize notion of policies expand of costs that organize concentrate for the allocating incentives or resources for targets or to
Chamber
economic
of Commerce,
progress and
in which
educational
he
and a
benefits
to minimize
(1989)
of
in hand have hand gone always the American of ideas, that with race, any faith, any and station, fulfill his can
in America,"
in their way on
population,
standards"
"money
tied
(Obama,
mobilize in support of or opposition to a policy. The results of mobilization can be either what institutional theorists csll positive policy feedback, in instances where the persistent support of policy
beneficiaries tures, nents or are reinforces negative policy successful and expands feedback, in scaling institutional existing in cases where political back or terminating struc oppo those
extent to which NCLB Although analysts disagree about the a in direction and in the federal represents major change policy
government's relationship with states and local school districts,
institutions (Hacker, 2004; Pierson, 2000). Not all policies directly influence mass political action, but
many, in advantaging some interests and disadvantaging others,
they acknowledge that the politics that produced it and its ground over several decades developed ing in SBA assumptions 2006; Wong & Sunderman, (McDonnell, 2005; McGuinn, recent 2007). The history of the federal-state relationship strongly suggests that NCLB was possible only because of profound
changes in the state policy role over the past 20 years. In his anal
can lead to forms of mobilization. So policy feedback may occur at just the elite level or at both the elite and mass levels. For
example, likely policies to mobilize giving support tax industries specific advantages to groups limited coalitions represent to are
system
the
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Effects
Unknown policy
effects
of on
centralization
Policy
fragmentation Diverse delivery but little systems, change governance structures in and of
but Major change, over 20 evolved years Multiple policy targets and instruments
of SBA policies
and
political bodies
transparency school
FIGURE 3.
passage
of NCLB
was
because around
state
governments and
had assessments.
ear
The
created
standards is that
of SBA
it assumes
mul Because
relies
on
information than
version of what Meyer (1979) called "fragmented centralization." SBA has led to more centralized direction and control from the
federal and state governments than was remains of education, localities from the case 30 years ago. Yet considerable evident disparities standards in in the federalist from to content state It is system. resource
the also
students. are
the
general So a critical
assessing
to act
of SBA per
about
student
substantially
2008;
rules. The
processes and the state and local standards, performance for assessing The rules that define students. responsible stem from institutions these the premises underlying
include
the state-level
opportunities interests opposing significant the educational the same time, with to a variety of
uniformity policies
complex, emerged
testing,
development, to materials
these
cially at the local level. Elected school board members, most with
are to ensure that this more "day jobs," expected complex is and accountable and to mediate fiscally educationally interests. much network of often denser competing Further ing mance tension complicating between are the the institutional to which picture content system among a
dards.
In exchange
for student
for holding
performance
school districts
on the standards,
and schools
states would
accountable
give schools and school districts greater flexibility in designing and implementing their instructional programs (Smith 6cO'Day, 1991). In this ideal form, instructional policies were to be linked because
rigorous different financial ciency standards content and require and in different that teachers ways to have and the knowledge that schools all students to teach have to the
extent
standards boards
externally
as state
of education
capacity profi bring the operative rules were Consequently, to be those resources and their use assumed allocating coordinating as well as those related to in schools accountable. However, holding as the assessment more SBA of has become prom practice, portion on either inent and fewer of the rules have focused high-stakes, (Goertz, 2007).
instructional
how much
judgment
new and
of teachers
out of
are not
grow
the U.S.
system.
In fact,
they demonstrate
institutions been as altered have is that been
can become,
they
superimposed
low-capacity 421
AUGUST/SEPTEMBER 2009
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system. The supreme ironymay be thatwhat was originally called "systemic reform" has morphed into even greater fluidity. Interpretative effects. Public opinion about SBA policies is decid inconsistent?and based on low knowledge edly mixed?even
levels. For example, surveys over the past decade indicate that the
Democrats' traditional advantage in public perceptions about the two parties' relative ability to handle education (Hess& McGuinn, 2002). However, both parties have seen their base support coali tions divide over NCLB. For the Republicans, it has been most evident in the differing views of the Business Roundtable and
Republican state legislators. The Democrats have experienced
public
despite
recognizes
some decline
testing. However,
of NCLB, a
advent
majority
right
is about
tests
or not
such as high school exit exams (McDonnell, 2008). But these opin
ions have where, for also been formed after in a low-information of NCLB, a majority environment of respon example, 7 years
similar splits, with the teacher unions strongly critical of NCLB and some (but not all) civil rights and child advocacy organiza tions, such as the Citizens Commission on Civil Rights and the Education Trust, supporting it.These divisions among traditional allies stem from differing interpretive effects. For some, SBA has been interpreted as a strategy for significantly improving student
learning, whereas others perceive it as unwarranted federal and
dents in the latest Phi Delta Kappa-Gallup poll report knowing very little or nothing about the law (Bushaw & Gallup, 2008). With the exception of this limited public opinion data, we know little about the interpretative effects of SBA, including how its framing and language have affected public perceptions of the
educational system. What effect, for example, do phrases such as
state intrusion in local communities that brings little added ben efit. Similarly, some see SBA as an effective strategy for forcing
schools an excuse and to address for not teachers view others gap, whereas resources that blames equalizing unfairly for conditions their control. beyond the achievement it as stu
dents
Despite
vide
the assumption
between mobilizing
reduce information
and pro public and the public, to
asymmetries an important
educators
general parents
veyed in SBA is particularly important because amajority of vot ers do not have school-age children and lack firsthand information
about even the schools in their own communities.
in them
perceived
academic standards (Schr?g, 2000). This result is not surprising, given the significant social class bias in political participation
(Verba, Schlozman, & Brady, 1995). Nevertheless, other educa
low-income
students
manifested
known as controversies embodied
in rights-based
groups also
assessments.
were,
evidence
research more
a middle-class
that grassroots,
bias,
Itkonen
activism as a
a smallminority, powerful mobilizing incentives leading, for exam ple, to the demise of California's Learning Assessment System in themid-1990s (McDonnell, 2004).
(2007)
in that
found
policy to
in her
area orga is
widespread
counterweight
nizations
representing
professionals.
2009; Manna,
coali that SBA
and business
The next generation of SBA policies. Ideally, after identifying the politics that SBA has produced, we should be able to predict how these political dynamics will create a policy feedback cycle and help shape the next generation of policies. Although the skeletal
mapping research degree presented necessary of certainty, here before three is incomplete, making tentative more considerably a with any predictions high seem reasonable. conclusions with
the policy, and provider organizations in the services interest authorized under are broader and denser,
issue networks
extending
beyond just these groups. Kaesde (2007) enumerated 10 categories of organizations currently involved in education policy, ranging
from ment some considered traditionally to think tanks, foundations, part and of the education firms. establish for-profit
The first is that therewill be a future generation of SBA poli cies because SBA is likely to continue as a dominant policy para some time. Interest group support is sufficient to obtain digm for
incremental changes in the accountability system to permit more
In addition to contributing to increased numbers and diversity of groups, SBA has also created a politics that does not follow or ideological lines. The issue of stan along traditional partisan
dards since and assessment has been with a the policy's inception, Democratic and Republican for business elites interested voters concerned about the bipartisan the active who one at the state level involvement recognized development schools and of both its appeal and for the use
valid judgments about student and school performance and to give educators, policy makers, and the public better diagnostic tools for improving educational quality. However, opposition to
SBA does not seem fundamental the policy's sequences Second, dards variety across change core elements tied to test strong enough or its elimination of large-scale are well to create as a the conditions for because strategy policy state assessments and con
governors
results
the push
content is now
support for
the
neutralize
the National
422
EDUCATIONAL RESEARCHER
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andwas mentioned by President Obama (2009) in his recent speech on education (Glod, 2009; Klein, 2009), is an effort to combat
fragmented that whatever centralization. form common However, standards it seems may reasonable take, they to are predict likely to
on
have a unique profile within each state.That profile will be a prod uct of the diverse processes and institutions for approving and
implementing standards in a state, and the interests that support
them. Third,
elements such
Iwould
as diverse
Focusing on one aspect of school finance policy, Figure 4 presents a policy feedback perspective on a question that Reed (2001) poses:Why are the egalitarian assumptions underlying decisions in school finance lawsuits often diminished when state legisla tures fashion remedies in response to judicial mandates? This case illustrates that political dynamics
they create can originate from a
mitted and incorporated into future SBA policies. Like the press for
common a standards, they will represent attempted end runs around governance low-capacity as Band-Aids on an only system. However, are to serve they likely a that needs system major
institutional
redesign and substantial investments in capacity building. I do not see any political will at this point to remedy "the collisions between rapidly expanded policy-making and fragmented governance" (Cohen & Spillane, 1992, p. 11) that characterize the U.S. public education system. Similarly, I would predict that the tensions between political and professional authority will continue to be reflected in future SBA policy and its implementation. The political effects of SBA: Unanswered researchquestions. Research
is not a substitute for political will, but there are questions about
several policies. It is also an example of a theoretical and method ological imperative in studying policy feedback to examine not just the observable political effects of policy but also what was expected by initial reformers that did not occur (Jacobs, 2007). The answer to Reed's question lies in the Rodriguez decision that moved school finance litigation to the states (Sracic, 2006)
and in the path-dependent nature of state and local taxation
policies. The resulting institutional structures and rules include school finance systems based on local property taxes, the use of lawsuits grounded in state constitutional principles, and judicial
mandates These requiring institutional remedies. legislative structures engender conflicting interpreta
policy feedback that researchers can address, and thatmight build a case for considering not just policies but also the capacity of the
overseeing tive. First, we need more kinds particular how well investigate resources for different that institutions and implementing systematic them. Three about are illustra knowledge instruments create, operate For example, the politics to and we need
tive effects. For example, based on his analysis of public opinion data from four states, Reed (2001) concludes that even though
there a has been a trend away of from local control, educational its persistence system as defining characteristic the U.S. shapes to
public attitudes
opposition
toward educational
finance reform
opportunity,
viewed
particularly
local
to school
as a threat
ism. Reed details how the local governance of municipalities and school districts and local control of property tax receipts "implic
itly structure our beliefs about the proper way to organize educa
mation
reporting requirements embodied in SBA policies suffi cient for mobilizing low-income parents and giving them the political resources to effect change in their children's schools? How does the addition of tangible consequences or high stakes affect the incentives for groups tomobilize? Does attention to building insti tutional and educator capacities significantly alter the politics?
Second, with regard to fragmented centralization, we need to
tion, and indirectly, they inform a good deal of our democratic politics surrounding education" (p. 132). The tension between generalized support for equal educational opportunity and oppo sition to specific school finance remedies is further exacerbated if
policies states, as are perceived as benefits redistributing mostly or resources even or, in some allocating exclusively structures mobilization, to racial
determine whether
change mentation in constitutional is likely
minorities
Reed's interpretative
(Carr& Fuhrman,
analysis effects indicates interact to
1999).
that shape institutional interest and with
sustain
instruc
the primacy of localism and public attitudes strongly influencing state legislative behavior. In responding to
their constituents, legislators have traditionally reinforced geo
foundational government of
graphically based inequalities by preserving local control over a significant proportion of school funding. However, because of
the constitutional to equalize if legislatures groups. between basis educational for school resources finance ing courts groups policies, can mobilize to return remedies states state seek to the to
enacted so with
the effect to
centralizing design?
control,
institutional
making minimal
replicating hypotheses warrant
investments
bureaucratic systematic
in capacity building
structures. investigation. These
and simply
competing
traditional
plaintiffs' shifting
the
court,
time,
Third,
groups little now about
some
(e.g., tions'
solutions
constitu structures
and rules, interpretative effects as evidenced in public opinion and historical norms, and resulting interest mobilization helps explain both the gap between judicial mandates and legislative
remedies multiple and why iterations some states have experienced policies. a long history of of finance equalization
of analysis, as has been done in other policy domains health and environmental policy.
such as
AUGUST/SEPTEMBER 2009
423
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Interpretive Tension
Effects between
Policies
State and local polices taxation
regime of property taxes, home values, and local control of revenues." 2001, to Lawsuits to reduce (Reed, />
State School
Finance Policies Interest Mobilization
p. 128)
Legislative responsiveness local interests Ongoing shifting strategy; reframing venue as a some to
unequal funding on state based constitutions ?Judicial decisions requiring generated legislatively remedies
FIGURE 4.
equalization.
educational goods and services) has largely focused on the politi cal factors leading to the adoption of new policies (Bulkley & Fusarelli, 2007; Hess, 2006), with little attention to the politics
that result from them. Consequently, we do not yet know enough
attempts comparing problematic as Alabama ones with more successful in explaining over many why equalization states years?in on has
and
been
tious?persisting
such as New
research
The only comprehensive studies of policy feedback in educa tion have focused on school choice. Buckley and Schneider's and D.C., (2007) study of charter schools inWashington, Abernathy's (2005) research using a variety of data on choice
options inMilwaukee, Both the As Minnesota, found enhanced but and New Jersey reached simi and lar conclusions. trust within community. terms, school participation parental to the little spillover "To use but not
charter
schools
larger Putnam's
'bridging'
school and
Development,
2004; Hill, Roza, & Harvey, 2008; National Research Council, 1999; National Working Group on Funding Student Learning,
2008). Both of these policy issues raise questions states a nuanced and of the the rules about the con
results
in what
Hacker
example, existing of public benefits provision typi calls a more "subterranean (2002)
the dominant
inputs within
requires structures
In than for social programs. political process" public examining the of and private and health insurance, pensions politics public he found that the process private provi policy-making governing more sion is less the scope of conflict visible, restricted, publicly decisions policy a few studies only and less traceable in education, to Gold specific and outcomes. her colleagues In one con of
effectiveness, to the
perceptions of and
current
fair
potential
challenges perspective
to address
tematic predictions
equalization in
about
the likelihood
new directions.
of moving
finance
fundamentally
Perspective Policies
that market-oriented reforms in Philadelphia have resulted in a lack of transparency in district decision making and the awarding of school contracts (Gold, Christman, & Herold, 2007; Gold, Simon, Cucchiara, Mitchell, & Riffer, 2007). Although it is only aworking hypothesis and not a solid con cluded
clusion, are themes less-transparent that emerge and from decision from a limited making research number is found and on of public privatization studies accountability in other in education. of
charter
policy Whether
areas
or not
less transparency
to be a consequence
424
EDUCATIONAL RESEARCHER
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entrepreneurial
policies,
researchers
need
to
recognize
that what
Rowan
to create number interest provider working political interest roots
industry" is likely
increases and a in the changed
Developing Reposition
In terms
a Research Politics
overarching
Agenda
to
of an
research
agenda, we
I want
to argue
that
publishers
national private large associations have peak so their and state capitals, economic those of other as Philadelphia, service grass providers
such
community
have
become
under contract to the school district, thus potentially making it more difficult for them to criticize the district in advocating for
students and parents (Gold, Christman, et al., 2007).
types of institutional structures being established and their effect on who participates and who decides should be routinely incorporated into studies of policy design and implementation. Because of elec
toral constraints, public officials tend to focus on the early-order
The political
research
Unanswered
the political to be need framework systematic
Because questions. effects of these policies, are addressed basic quite presented in Figure 2. The
that
robust
entrepreneurial
question
investigation
affected For state example,
is how different
and to what local governance have extent
entrepreneurial
structures they created new
reforms have
and capacities. institutions
cies. Nevertheless, the goal of policy feedback research should be prediction that can inform future policy design. Even when the
research base is solid, reliable prediction in social science research
or altered existing ones, including their relationships with each other and with state agencies and local school districts? How do
the varying monitor capacities contracting of state and local affect agencies the to execute resulting and arrangements interest
is difficult to achieve. Yet by definition, policy feedback is about applying knowledge of past policies and the politics they create to predict how they are likely to shape the next generation. A conceptual framework based on policy feedback can shine a lens on key determinants of future policies, allowing for systematic, not if theoretically grounded speculation prediction.
A variety of research methods are necessary to address the
different
and norms The
types entrepreneurial policies for participation, decision making, main issues deal with transparency,
allocation. accountability,
kinds of research questions outlined for the three illustrative policies. Although education research has been at the forefront of
multimethod about other some policy we approaches, methods central domains. One have to policy is not been feedback public as sophisticated as research research. in
access,
particularly whether marketizing policies in education will be similar to those in other policy domains and lead to aweakening
of democratic values. Since participation and decision-making
example
opinion
We
nants
surveys measuring
experiences, but
the determi
we have not
rules governing entrepreneurial policies stem from legislation such asNCLB (Burch, 2006), addressing these questions is criti cal to informing the design of future legislation.
We also need to interpretative will effects develop of entrepreneurial a much better policies. understanding For example, of the one
could hypothesize
undermine its institution. ing regimes tution will
that contracting
image as a we
community-centered that if contract hypothesize might more trust in the insti efficient, appear we do not know whether either
transparent,
this point,
poll of respondents'
data,
of these hypotheses
such as their conceptions of equality, and how those beliefs shape their interpretations of specific policies. Similarly, policy feed
back between that affects research the of the understanding relationship of and how perceptions public's particular policies their expectations for what education should public and their trust in it as a democratic institution. requires greater policy collaboration researchers. between Such historians interdisciplinary of educa part an
education
influence
nerships can help develop a better understanding of the path dependencies of current policies and of the conditions under which critical junctures or opportunities for major changes are likely to occur (Hacker, 2002; Vinovskis, 2009). It is also important that those studying policy feedback draw on the work of philosophers
and theorists of democratic education in developing normative
AUGUST/SEPTEMBER 2009
425
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Standards for judging the kind of politics that policies are creating.
Clearly, a "good such an endeavor But my is open guess politics." dispute is that there are some to about what constitutes criteria general
Gold,
include a politics
accountable, and
encourages broad participation and deliberative decision making. Finally, although I have focused on the adult political effects of
education dents. students policies, I am reminded who grew we know ofthat up that there are several times effects on stu profound each academic year when mention the differ
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LORRAINE is a professor M. MCDONNELL of political science at the of California, Santa Barbara, Department of Political Science, University Santa Barbara, CA 93106-9420; She was the mcdonnell@polsci.ucsb.edu. on the AERA Her 2008-2009 research of focuses president. politics education policies, their design and implementation, and effects on school
York:
practice.
democracy.
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