Old

NAZIS,
the

NEW RIGHT,
and the

REPUBLICAN
PARTY
RUSS

BELLANT

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ii One

of the great lies of this century is

that in the 1930's Generalissimo Franco in Spain

was primarily a nationalist engaged in stopping
the Reds.Franco was, of course, a fascist
who was aided by Mussolini and Hitler.

ii The

history of this period is a press forgery.

Falsified news manipulates public opinion.

Democracy needs facts.
Once, while I was questioning
publisher and editor William Allen White,
we arrived at a fonnula that
still is the best rule for journalists
The facts fairly and honestly presented;
the truth will take care of itself."

George Seldes

Hartland Four Comers, Vennont

March 5, 1988

iii

PREFACE
BY CHIP BERLET

_.Fascism, which was not afraid to call itself reactionary ...

does not hesitate to call itself illiberal and anti-liberal."
Benito Mussolini

n thi bk, authm Ru" llellant tell u that an Ea.,em

European emigre fascist network with direct ties to former Nazi collaborators
has penetrated the Republican Party through its ethnic outreach program.
He further argues that this network has played a significant role in shaping
American foreign policy since World War II, with the goal of rolling back
the borders of the Soviet Union in an inevitable military confrontation.
Mr. Bellant faces a major hurdle convincing us that this lurid-sounding
tale is true, and he faces this challenge head-on. That ultimately he is
successful in this task is due to his dozens of interviews, hundreds of foot
notes, and thousands of hours of research.
Perhaps a harder question to address than the validity of the charges, is
seemingly the simplest: Should we care? To understand why the answer is
yes, we should care, one must start by examining the roots of the nationalist
political movements of 1 930's Europe, and the role played by political
fascism and nazism in shaping these movements.
We have all heard of the Nazis-but our image is usually a caricature of a
brutal goose-stepping soldier wearing a uniform emblazoned with a swastika.
Most people in the U.S. are aware that the U.S. and its allies fought a war
v

against the Nazis, but there is much more to know if one is to learn the
important lessons of our recent history.
Technically, the word "Nazi" was an abbreviation of National Socialist
German Worker's Party. This was a fascist movement that had its roots in
the European nationalist and socialist movements, and that developed a
grotesque biologically determinant view of so-called Aryan supremacy.
(Here we use "national socialism" to refer to the early Nazi movement before
Hitler came to power, sometimes termed the "Brownshirt" phase, and the
term "Nazi" to refer to the movement after it had consolidated around
ideological fascism.)
The seeds of fascism, however, were planted in Italy. "Fascism is reac
tion," said Mussolini, but reaction to what? The reactionary movement
following World War I was based on a rejection of the social theories that
formed the basis of the 1 789 French Revolution, and whose early formula
tions in this country had a major influence on our Declaration of Indepen
dence, Constitution, and Bill of Rights.
It was Rousseau who is best known for crystallizing these modem
social theories in The Social Contract . The progeny of these theories
are sometimes called Modernism or Modernity because they challenged
social theories generally accepted since the days of Machiavelli. The re
sponse to the French Revolution and Rousseau, by Hegel, Marx, N ietzsche
and others, poured into an intellectual stew which served up Marxism,
socialism, national socialism, fascism, modem liberalism, modem con
servatism, communism, and a variety of forms of capitalist participatory
democracy.
Fascists particularly loathed the social theories of the French Revolution
and its slogan: "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity."
Liberty from oppressive government intervention in the

daily lives of its citizens, from illicit searches and seizures, from
enforced religious values, from intimidation and arrest for dis
senters; and liberty to cast a vote in a system in which the
majority ruled but the minority retained certain inalienable
rights.
Equality in the sense of civic equality, egalitarianism, the
notion that while people differ, they all should stand equal in
the eyes of the law.
Fraternity in the sense of the brotherhood of mankind. That

all women and men, the old and the young, the infirm and the
healthy, the rich and the poor, share a spark of humanity that
must be cherished on a level above that of the law, and that
vi

binds us all together in a manner that continuously reaffirms

and celebrates life.
This is what fascism as an ideology was reacting against-and its support
came primarily from desperate people anxious and angry over their percep
tion that their social and economic position was sinking and frustrated with
the constant risk of chaos, uncertainty, and inefficiency implicit in a mod
ern democracy based on these principles. Fascism is the antithesis of de
mocracy. We fought a war against it not half a century ago; millions perished
as victims of fascism and champions of liberty.
Fascism was forged in the crucible of post-World War I nationalism in
Europe. The national aspirations of many European peoples-nations
without states, peoples arbitrarily assigned to political entities with little
regard for custom or culture-had been crushed after World War I. The
humiliation imposed by the victors in the Great War, coupled with the
hardship of the economic Depression, created bitterness and anger. That
anger frequently found its outlet in an ideology that asserted not just
the importance of the nation, but its unquestionable primacy and central
predestined role in history.
In identifying "goodness" and "superiority" with "us," there was a ten
dency in fascist movements to identify "evil" with "them." This process
involves scapegoating and dehumanization. It was then an easy step for
fascists to blame all societal problems on "them," and presuppose a con
spiracy of these evildoers which had emasculated and humiliated the ideal
ized core group of the nation. To solve society's problems one need only
unmask the conspirators and eliminate them.
In Europe, Jews were the handy group to scapegoat as "them." Anti
Jewish conspiracy theories and discrimination against Jews were not a new
phenomenon, but most academic studies of the period note an increased
anti-Jewish fervor in Europe, especially in the late 1 800's. In France this
anti-Jewish bias was most publicly expressed in the case of Alfred Dreyfus, a
French military officer of Jewish background, who in 1 894 was falsely
accused of treason, convicted ( through the use of forged papers as evidence) ,
and imprisoned on Devil's Island. E mile Zola led a noble struggle which
freed Dreyfus and exposed the role of anti-Jewish bigotry in shaping French
society and betraying the principles on which France was building its
democracy.
Not all European nationalist movements were necessarily fascist,
although many were. In some countries much of the Catholic hierarchy
embraced fascist nationalism as a way to counter the encroachment of
secular influences on societies where previously the church had sole control
over societal values and mores. This was especially true in Slovakia and
vii

Croatia, where the Clerical Fascist movements were strong, and to a lesser
extent in Poland and Hungary. Yet even in these countries individual
Catholic leaders and laity spoke out against bigotry as the shadow of fascism
crept across Europe. And in every country of Europe there were ordinary
citizens who took extraordinary risks to shelter the victims of the Holocaust.
So religion and nationality cannot be valid indicators of fascist sentiment.
And the Nazis not only came for the Jews, as the famous quote reminds us,
but for the communists and the trade union leaders, and indeed the Gypsies,
the dissidents, and the homosexuals. Nazism and fascism are more complex
than popular belief. What, then, is the nature of fascism?
ii Reactionary

concepts plus revolutionary emotion

result in Fascist mentality."

Wilhelm Reich

Italy was the birthplace of fascist ideology. Mussolini, a former socialist

journalist, organized the first fascist movement in 1 9 1 9 at Milan. In 1 922
Mussolini led a march on Rome, was given a government post by the king,
and began transforming the Italian political system into a fascist state.
In 1 938 he forced the last vestige of democracy, the Council of Deputies,
to vote themselves out of existence, leaving Mussolini dictator of fascist
Italy.
Yet there were Italian fascists who resisted scapegoating and dehumaniza
tion even during World War II. Not far from the area where Austrian Prime
Minister Kurt Waldheim is accused of assisting in the transport of Jews to
the death camps, one Italian general, Mario Roatta, who had pledged
equality of treatment to civilians, refused to obey the German military order
to round up Jews. Roana said such an activity was "incompatible with the
honor of the Italian Army."
Franco's fascist movement in Spain claimed state power in 1 936,
although it took three years, the assistance of the Italian fascists, and help
from the secretly reconstituted German Air Force finally to crush those who
fought for democracy. Picasso's famous painting Guemica depicts the car
nage wrought in a Spanish village by the bombs dropped by the forerunner
of the Luftwaffe which all too soon would be working on an even larger
canvas. Yet Franco's fascist Spain never adopted the obsession with race
and anti-Jewish conspiracy theories that were hallmarks of Hitler's Nazi
movement in Germany.
Other fascist movements in Europe were more explicitly racialist,
promoting the slogan still used today by some neo-Nazi movements:
"Nation is Race." The Nazi racialist version of fascism was developed by
viii

Adolph Hitler who with six others formed the Nazi party during 1 9 1 9 and
1 920. Imprisoned after the unsuccessful 1 923 Beer Hall putsch in Munich,
Hider dictated his opus, Mein Kampf, to his secretary, Rudolph Hess.
Mein Kampf (My Battle) sets out a plan for creating in Germany through
national socialism a racially pure Volkish state. To succeed, said Hider,
"Aryan" Germany had to resist two forces: the external threat posed by the
French with their bloodlines "negrified" through "contamination by Negro
blood," and the internal threat posed by "the Marxist shock troops of
international Jewish stock exchange capital." Hider was named Chancellor
of Germany by Hindenburg in January 1 933 and by year's end had consoli
dated his power as a fascist dictator and begun a campaign for racialist
nationalism that eventually led to the Holocaust.
This obsession with racialism not only afflicted the German Nazis, but
also several Eastern European nationalist and fascist movements including
chose in Croatia, Slovakia, Serbia, Lithuania, Romania, Bulgaria, and the
Ukraine. Anti-Jewish bigotry was rampant in all of these racialist move
ments, as was the idea of a link between Jewish financiers and Marxists.
Even today the tiny Anti-Communist Confederation of Polish Freedom
Fighters in the U.S.A. uses the slogan "Communism is Jewish."
One element shared by all fascist movements, racialist or not, is the
apparent lack of consistent political principle behind the ideology
political opportunism in the most basic sense. One virtually unique aspect
of fascism is its ruthless drive to attain and hold state power. On chat road
to power, fascists are willing to abandon any principle to adopt an issue more
in vogue and more likely to gain converts.
Hitler, for his part, committed his act of abandonment bloodily and
dramatically. When the industrialist power brokers offered control of Ger
many to Hitler, they knew he was supported by national socialist ideologues
who held views incompatible with their idea of profitable enterprise. Hider
solved the problem in the "N ight of the Long Knives," during which he had
the leadership of the national socialist wing of his constituency murdered in
their sleep.
What distinguishes nazism from generic fascism is its obsession with
racial theories of superiority, and some would say, its roots in the socialist
theory of proletarian revolution.
Fascism and nazism as ideologies involve, to varying degrees, some of the
following hallmarks:
Nationalism and superpatriotism with a sense of historic

mission.
Aggressive militarism even to the extent of glorifying war as
good for the national or individual spirit.
ix

 Use of violence or threats of violence to impose views on

others (fascism and nazism both employed street violence and

state violence at different moments in their development).
Authoritarian reliance on a leader or elite not constitution

ally responsible to an electorate.

Cult of personality around a charismatic leader.
Reaction against the values of Modernism, usually with
emotional attacks against both liberalism and communism.
Exhortations for the homogeneous masses (Volk or folk) to
join voluntarily in a heroic mission--Qften metaphysical and
romanticized in character.
Dehumanization and scapegoating of the enemy-seeing the

enemy as an inferior or subhuman force, perhaps involved in a

conspiracy that justifies eradicating them.
The self-image of being a superior form of social organization

beyond socialism, capitalism, and democracy.

Elements of national socialist ideological roots, for example,

ostensible support for the industrial working class or farmers; but

ultimately, the forging of an alliance with an elite sector of
society.
Abandonment of any consistent ideology in a drive for state

power.
It is vitally important to understand that fascism and nazism are not
biologically or culturally determinant. Fascism does not attach to the gene
structure of any specific group or nationality. Nazism was not the ultimate
expression of the German people. Fascism did not end with World War II.
After Nazi Germany surrendered to the Allies, the geopolitical landscape
of Europe was once again drastically altered. In a few short months, some of
our former fascist enemies became our allies in the fight to stop the spread of
communism. The record of this transformation has been laid out in a series
of books. U.S. recruitment of the Nazi spy apparatus has been chronicled in
books ranging from The General Was a Spy by Hahne & Zolling, to the re
cent Blowback by Christopher Simpson. The laundering of Nazi scientists
into our space program is chronicled in The Paperclip Conspiracy by Tom
Bower. The global activities of, and ongoing fascist role within, the World
Anti-Communist League were described in Inside the League by Anderson
and Anderson. Bellant's bibliography cites many other examples of detailed
and accurate reporting of these disturbing realities.
x

But if so much is already known of this period, why does journalist and
historian George Seldes call the history of Europe between roughly 1 920 and
1 950 a "press forgery"? Because most people are completely unfamiliar with
this material, and because so much of the popular historical record either
ignores or contradicts the facts of European nationalism, N az i
collaborationism, and our government's reliance o n these enemies of
democracy to further our cold war foreign policy objectives.
This widely accepted, albeit misleading, historical record has been
shaped by filtered media reports and self-serving academic revisionism
rooted in an ideological preference for those European nationalist forces
which opposed socialism and communism. Since sectors of those nationalist
anticommunist forces allied themselves with political fascism, but later
became our allies against communism, apologia for collaborationists became
the rule, not the exception.
ii The great

masses of people...will more easily fall victims

to a big lie than to a small one."
Adolph Hitler

As war memories dimmed and newspaper accounts of collaboration

faded, the fascists and their allies re-emerged cloaked in a new mantle of
respectability. Portrayed as anticommunist freedom fighters, their back
grounds blurred by time and artful circumlocution, they stepped forward to
continue their political organizing with goals unchanged and slogans
slightly repackaged to suit domestic sensibilities.
To fight communism after World War 11, our government forged a
tactical alliance with what was perceived to be the lesser of two evils-and
as with many such bargains, there has been a high price to pay.
This book tallies some of the moral and political costs of our
government's disquieting alliance with Nazi collaborationists and fascists;
and follows the trail from the bloody atrocities of the Waffen SS to the
ethnic outreach arm of the Republican Party and even to the paneled walls
of White House briefing rooms. It is a story many will find unbelievable, yet
its documentation is thorough and its conclusions warranted-leaving only
the question of whether or not we as a nation find the situation morally
tolerable.
Chip Berl.et
Cambridge , Massachusetts

xi

,. If fascism came to America, it would be on

a program of Americanism.
Huey P. Long

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
T in mid- 1 983. The research was begun to satisfy my own curiosity,

his study was researched and written over a four-year period, beginning

evolved into a magazine article proposal, and finally grew into this report.
The summer of 1 983 was spent in Detroit-area libraries, researching
individuals, organizations, and political history. Later in the research pro
cess, trips to the Library of Congress and use of interlibrary loan broadened
my access to published sources.
During the course of my research, I attended both small and large events
sponsored by groups described herein. Examples include the 1 984 and 1 985
World Anti-Communist League conventions, the 1 985 and 1 986 Republi
can Heritage Groups Council conventions, a number of American Security
Council activities, and many events of other groups utilized by the U.S.
fascist network, including events sponsored by the Rev. Sun Myung
Moon's organizations and by Liberty Lobby. I interviewed nearly a hundred
leaders and observers of these organizations and studied many of the books,
periodicals, and newsletters they publish.
Occasionally I became skeptical that what I was finding could, in fact,
be true. To help me chart my way in these little-known political waters, I
would periodically share my results with a handful of journalists and other
somewhat detached observers of American political realities, to test my
information and hypotheses, and to help maintain a balanced perspective.
When reading this study, some may be inclined to see it as a partisan
attack on the Republican Party, but it was not conceived or researched from
a partisan standpoint. Nor was it done with the knowledge of, or in concert
with, any element of the Democratic party or any other political organiza
tion. Certainly Democrats are included where warranted, but of the two
parties, the fascist network has chosen the GOP as its home. This is an
xiii

objective problem that exists within the American political process; it is not
the product of partisan bias.
Perhaps the greatest impediment to understanding the networks dis
cussed in this paper lies in the failure of academic research to address
thoroughly a period of history of crucial importance. There is very little
literature on the histories of the German occupation of countries on the
Eastern Front, much less a discussion of the role of the Waffen SS and other
collaborationist elements in that region. The escape of important collabo
rationists from the East, and the integration of these individuals and orga
nizations into the Western political system, is also virtually ignored. Finally,
most of the literature, admittedly sparse, on American fascism appears to
have been produced by journalists and political activists, with little in
depth research by academicians. As the last leaders of these European
and American groups die, I wonder how much of this history will ever
be recovered. I have included a short list of readings related to matters
discussed in this report.
I would like to thank those whose own research and support helped with
my report, including Dr. Fred Chary, Dr. Barry Mehler, Dennis Debbaudt,
Kris Jacobs, and Wes McCune. Christopher Simpson volunteered useful
suggestions after reading a final draft. Certain friends provided assistance
during the four-year period of my work, especially Bo and Chris, as well as
Dee and Suzanne. This book would not have been possible without the
support of Political Research Associates: the encouragement and comments
of its director, Dr. Jean Hardisty, the careful editing of Chip Berlet, and the
relentless pursuit of footnotes by Margaret Quigley. The most important
support, however, came from my wife, Debi, as this work was conducted for
so long in so many out-of-town places. She accepted my work schedule with
great patience.
Finally, I would like to thank those leaders of the groups mentioned
herein who gave their time to be interviewed, including John Fisher. They
will not be happy with this study. To them, I can only say that I, myself, wish
it weren't so.

Russ Bellant
Detroit, Michigan, 8/3/88
AUTHOR'S ADDITIONAL NOTE

The Republican Party and President George Bush have yet to address the
serious issues raised in this report.
R.B.
3/ 1 5/9 1
xiv

CONTENTS
Preface by Chip Berlet
Acknowledgments
xvii Introduction
v

xiii

Reagan, Remorse, and Revisionist History

PART ONE
The National Republican Heritage Groups (Nationalities) Council

2
3
5
6
16
20
25

Republicans, Authoritarians, Anti-Semites, and Fascists

The History of the Republican Heritage Groups Council
The Council's Leadership
Axis Allies and Apologists
Friends of Dictatorship
Ethnic Realignment
Forgive and Forget

PART TWO
29 The American Security Council
30 Cold Warriors
30 Origins of the ASC
33 The Emergence of the Military-Industrial Complex
36 Eisenhower's N ightmare
39 The Coalition fur Peace Through Strength
46 The ASC, the White House, and the National Security Council
48 The Propaganda Arm of the Military Establishment
51 The ASC and Congress

xv

PART THREE
59 Allies and Allegiances
60 Roger Pearson, the White House, and Racialism
65 The ASC and the World Anti-Communist League
67 Ukrainian N ationalism and Nazi Collaboration
73 The Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations, the White House, and the

ASC
77 The Campaign Against OSI
8 1 Support for South Africa and Apartheid
83 Central America, Death Squads, and the ASC
89 Conclusions
91

Endnotes

1 1 3 Selected Bibliography
1 1 5 Appendix 1
1 1 5 The Chicago Controversy, Part One
(WMAQ-TV Chicago, May 1 0, 1 987)
1 1 8 The Chicago Controversy, Part Two
(WMAQ-TV Chicago , May 1 1 , 1 987)
1 20 Controversial Veteran
(WMAQ-TV Chicago, November 1 1 , 1 985)
1 23 Appendix 2

Chronology of 1988 Bush Campaign Controversy

1 32 Appendix

The Republican Ethnic Division

1 33 Index

xvi

INTRODUCTION
REAGAN , REMORSE, AND REVISIONIST HISTORY

I less than two weeks from his much-criticized trip to the Bitburg ceme

e's May 1 7 , 1 985: President Reagan has been back in the nation's capital

tery in Germany. Now, floodlights and television cameras that are part
of a President's entourage are waiting at the Shoreham Hotel, as are 400
luncheon guests.
Ronald Reagan had recently characterized the Nazi Waffen SS as "vic
tims." It seemed a rewrite of the history of World War II rather than a
recommitment to its painful lessons. Reagan's comments held special
meaning for some of his afternoon luncheon guests. Although it was a
Republican Party affair, it was not the usual GOP set, but a special ethnic
outreach unit, the National Republican Heritage Groups (Nationalities)
Council (NRHG{N}C). The Republican Heritage Groups Council is an
umbrella for various ethnic Republican clubs and operates under the
auspices of the Republican National Committee.
If President Reagan needed a boost after the Bitburg fiasco, this was the
crowd to supply it. To the assembled media, Reagan's visit that afternoon
appeared as a routine stop, perhaps paying a re-election debt. The Republi
can Heritage Groups Council did, in fact, help elect Reagan. And they gave
him a long standing ovation that afternoon at the Shoreham. To some of
those attending the 1 985 Council meeting, Reagan's rehabilitation of the
Waffen SS must have offered a sense of personal and historic vindication.
The Republican Heritage Groups Council has a special type of outreach.
It appears to have consciously recruited some of its members-and some of
its leaders-from an Eastern European emigre network which includes anti
Semites, racists, authoritarians, and fascists, including sympathizers and
xvii

collaborators of Hitler's Third Reich, former Nazis, and even possible war
criminals. The persons in this network represent only a radical right fraction
of the ethnic communities they claim to represent.
These antidemocratic and racialist components of the Republican Heri
tage Groups Council use anticommunist sentiments as a cover for their
views while they operate as a de facto emigre fascist network within the
Republican Party. Some of these less savory antidemocratic personalities
were part of the 1 987 Republican Heritage Groups Council meeting as well
as that 1 985 luncheon audience; and some would later join the 1 988
election campaign of George Bush.

xviii

PART ONE
The National Republican
Heritage Groups
(Nationalities) Council

ii

While the large majority of the organizations in

the Republican Nationalities Council are thoroughly

respectable, it is nonetheless true that the council

has become fertile grounds for political organizing

by certain former Nazi collaborators still active
in immigrant communities in this country. "
Christopher Simpson
Blowback
WEIDEN FELD

& NICOLSON, I 988

THE NATIONAL REPUBLICAN HERITAUE GROUPS (NATIONALITIES) COUNCIL

REPUBLICANS, AUTHORITARIANS,
ANTI,SEMITES, AND FASCISTS

T but significant element of the coalition which brought Ronald Reagan

he emigre fascist network within the Republican Party represents a small

into the White House. It is from this network that the George Bush
presidential campaign assembled its ethnic outreach unit in 1 988 . . . a unit
that saw eight resignations by persons charged with anti-Semitism, racism,
fascist leanings, and even Nazi collaboration. These right-wing emigres are a
small but vocal element within the broader ethnic communities they claim
to represent. They frequently utilize anticommunist sentiments, historical
revisionism, and lack of knowledge about Eastern and Central Europe as a
shield to deflect inspection and criticism of their past actions and current
views.
The emigre fascist network organizes support for its ideological agenda
through national and international coalitions of like-minded constituencies
which often work with other authoritarian, antidemocratic, and profascist
forces. This broader coalition ranges from Axis allies and their apologists to
friends and allies of contemporary dictatorships and authoritarian regimes.
In the case of the Republican Heritage Groups Council, the nature of the
right-wing emigre network can be illustrated by briefly reviewing the back
grounds of some of the past and current leadership of the Republican
Heritage Groups Council:
AXIS ALLIES AND APOLOGISTS

Laszlo Pasztor: The founding chair and a key figure in the Council,
Pasztor began his political career in a Hungarian pro-Nazi party and served
in Berlin at the end of World War II. He continues to be involved in ultra
rightist groups and fascist networks while working with the GOP.
Radi Slavoff: The Republican Heritage Groups Council's executive direc
tor is a member of a Bulgarian fascist group and leader of the Bulgarian GOP
unit of the Council. He was able to get the leader of his Bulgarian nationalist
group a White House invitation even though that leader was being investi
gated for concealing alleged World War II war crimes. He is also active in
other emigre fascist groups.
Nicolas Nazarenko: A former World War II officer in the German SS
Cossack Division, Nazarenko heads a Cossack GOP unit of the Republican
Heritage Groups Council but declares that Jews are his "ideological enemy."
He is still active with pro-Nazi elements in the U.S.
Florian Ga/aau: A close associate and defender of Valerian Trifa, the
Romanian archbishop prosecuted for concealing his involvement in war
crimes of the pro-Nazi Romanian Iron Guard in World War II. Charged by
2

OLD N AZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTI

former Iron Guardists and others with being the East Coast recruiter for the
Iron Guard in the U.S., Galdau heads the Romanian Republican unit of the
Republican Heritage Groups Council.
Method Balco: Head of the Slovak GOP unit, which is filled with sup
porters and at least one former diplomat of the Slovak Nazi government of
World War II. Balco also organizes annual commemorations of the Slovak
Nazi regime.
Walter Melianovich: Head of the Byelorussian GOP unit, which has had
collaborators of the Nazi World War II occupation in leadership roles,
Melianovich has worked with other fascist groups.
Croatian GOP: Their group wrote an apology for the Croatian Ustashi's
World War II alliance with Hitler which appeared in a Republican Heritage
Groups Council publication signed by GOP Chair Frank Fahrenkopf.
FRIENDS OF DICTATORSHIP

Philip A. Guarino: An honorary American member of the conspiratorial

P-2 Masonic Lodge of Italy, which plotted in the early l 970's to overthrow
the Italian government in order to install a dictatorship. P-2 was exposed
widely in the European press and investigated by the Italian Parliament.
Guarino, an Italian Heritage Council member and Republican National
Committee advisor, offered aid to those being investigated.
Anna Chennault: The newly elected Republican Heritage Groups Coun
cil chairperson and funder of the Chinese Republican affiliate, which for
years has been closely linked to the authoritarian Taiwan regime.
The names of all but one of the persons listed above appeared on the
invitational literature for the October 1 987 meeting of the National Repub
lican Heritage Groups (Nationalities) Council in Washington, D.C.

THE HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN

HERITAGE GROUPS COUNCIL

M Eastern European nationalities were part of the post-World War II

any of the Republican Heritage Groups Council leaders of Central and

immigration from displaced persons camps. It would be unfair to suggest that

all or even a majority of Eastern and Central Europeans were anti-Semites or
fascists . . . most displaced persons were victims of the war who played no
role in collaborating with nazism. Yet quite a few persons in the displaced
persons camps were there as political escapees to avoid the consequences of
their collaboration with the German occupation of Eastern Europe and the
Soviet Union.
The Displaced Persons Commission, which worked from 1 948 to 1 952,
THE NATIONAL REPUBLICAN HERITAGE GROUPS (NATIONALITIES) COUNCIL

arranged for approximately 400,000 persons to come to the U.S.1 Initially it

sought to bar members of pro-Nazi groups, but in 1 950 a dramatic reversal
took place. The Commission declared "the Baltic Legion not to be a move
ment hostile to the Government of the United States . . . . " 2 The Baltic
Legion was also known as the Baltic Waffen (armed) SS.
The final report of the Commission noted that the decision "was the
subject of considerable controversy." 3 As well it should have been. The
Waffen SS participated in the liquidation of Jews in the Baltic region
because the SS units were comprised of Hitler's loyal henchmen, recruited
from fascist political groups long tied to the German Nazi Party. Anyone
opposed to the German occupation of the Baltic region (Latvia, Lithuania,
and Estonia) was likely to meet a cruel death at their hands. They were now
considered qualified to come to the United States, to become American
citizens. Further, pro-Nazi elements from other parts of Europe came to the
U.S. through nominally private groups associated with the Commission.
In 1 952, the Commission completed its work. The Eisenhower-Nixon
presidential campaign was on. The Republicans were charging the Demo
crats with being "soft on communism," and talk of "liberating" Eastern
Europe became part of the GOP message. That year, the Republican
National Committee formed an Ethnic Division. Displaced fascists, hoping
to be returned to power by a Eisenhower-Nixon "liberation" policy, were
among those who signed on. This would become the embryo for the for
mation of the Republican Heritage Groups Council in 1 969.
In a sense, however, the foundation of the Republican Heritage Groups
Council lay in Hitler's networks into East Europe before World War II. In
each of those Eastern European countries, the German SS set up or funded
political action organizations that helped form SS militias during the war.
In Hungary, for example, the Arrow Cross was the Hungarian SS affili
ate; in Romania, the Iron Guard. The Bulgarian Legion, the Organization of
Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN ), the Latvian Legion, and the Byelorussian
(White Russian) Belarus Brigade were all SS-linked. In each of their respec
tive countries, they were expected to serve the interests of the German Nazi
Party before and during the war.
Many of these groups formed SS divisions: the Ukrainian Nationalists
formed the 1 4th Galician Division, Waffen SS; the Latvians formed the
1 5th and 1 9th Divisions, Waffen SS; etc.4 These units and related German
controlled police units had several functions. The Ukrainian division un
successfully tried to impede the advance of the Soviet army against the Nazi
army. Others hunted down those fellow countrymen who opposed the
German occupation of Eastern Europe during World War II.
More sadistically, many units rounded up hundreds of thousands of Jews,
Poles, and others and conducted mass murders on the spot, sometimes
4 OLD NAZIS, n IE NEW RIG! IT, AND Tl IE REPUIJLICAN PARTY

Jecimating whole villages. They perfected "mobile killing teams" as effi

cient means of mass executions. Little is known about these units compared
to the concentration camps, gas chambers, and ovens, but they were an
integrated component of the "Final Solution." Approximately one-third of
the victims of the Holocaust, perhaps as many as two million, died at the
hands of these units.
This should not be taken to suggest that all Eastern and Central Europe
ans were Nazi collaborators who participated in atrocities, but it is a his
torical fact that some right-wing elements from virtually every Eastern
European nationality tied their nationalistic goals to the rising star of
fascism and Hitler's racialist nazism.

THE COUNCIL'S LEADERSHIP

T Pasztor, an activist in various Hungarian rightist and Nazi-linked groups.

he founding chair of the Republican Heritage Groups Council was Laszlo

In World War II Pasztor was a leader of the youth group of the Arrow Cross,
the Hungarian equivalent of the German Nazi Party.5 As the Germans re
treated from the USSR back to Germany in 1 944, their allied Hungarian
government collapsed. The Arrow Cross took power in Hungary, with
Hitler's aid, to help defend Germany. Pasztor was sent to Berlin as part of the
new diplomatic mission to Hitler, until the war's end.
When Pasztor came to the U.S. in the 1 950's, he j oined the GOP's
Ethnic Division. One of the leaders of the 1 968 N ixon-Agnew campaign's
ethnic unit, Pasztor says that N ixon promised him that if he won the
election, he would form a permanent ethnic council within the GOP, as the
Ethnic Division was only active during presidential campaigns.6
Pasztor was made the organizer of the Council after N ixon's victory. Says
Pasztor, "It was my job to identify about twenty-five ethnic groups" to bring
into the Council. "In 1 972 we used the Council as the skeleton to build the
Heritage Groups for the re-election of the President," he explains.
Pasztor's choices for filling emigre slots as the Council was being
formed included various Nazi-collaborationist organizations mentioned
above. Each formed a Republican federation, with local clubs around the
country. The local clubs then formed state multi-ethnic councils. Today
there are thirty-four nationality federations and twenty-five state councils
that constitute the National Republican I leritage Groups Council.
To discover the names of the leaders of these federations is not an easy
task. "That information is private. I have to get their permission before I can
give you their names," responded Radi Slavoff, Republican Heritage Groups
Council executive director, when asked for a list of the federation leaders.7
THE NATIONAL REPUBLICAN HERITAGE GROUPS (NATIONALITIES) COUNCIL

He agreed that federation heads were bona fide Republican Party posts
which are not secret, "but the leaders prefer it that way." Although some
names were gleaned from signature adst>upporting funding for the contras,
CIA-backed forces fighting to overthrow the Sandinista government in
N icaragua,8 it required attendance at the Republican Heritage Groups
Council convention in May of 1 985 to learn the names of federation leaders.
It was this convention that Reagan was addressing at the Shoreham Hotel.
Some Republican Heritage Groups Council delegates were reluctant
to talk; others were unstoppable. A pattern began to emerge from these
conversations-that in setting up the Council, Pasztor went to various
collaborationist and fascist-minded emigre groups and asked them to form
GOP federations. It eventually became clear that it wasn't an accident or a
fluke that people with Nazi associations were in the Republican Heritage
Groups Council. In some cases more mainstream ethnic organizations were
passed over in favor of smaller but more extremist groups. And it seems
clear that the Republican National Committee knows with whom they are
dealing. Reviewing the federations illustrates this point.

AXIS ALLIES AND APOLOGISTS

BULGARIANS

One of the organizations Pasztor approached to help form the Council was
the Bulgarian National Front, headed by Ivan Docheff. As early as 1 97 1 , the
GOP was warned that the National Front was beyond the pale. A Jack
Anderson column quoted another Bulgarian-American organization, the
conservative Bulgarian National Committee, which labeled Docheffs Na
tional Front as "fascist." 9 Neither the GOP nor the N ixon campaign took
action. Professor Spas T. Raikin, a former official of the National Front, says
the group grew out of an organization in Bulgaria that in the 1 930's and 40's
was "pro-Nazi and profascist." 10
Although Docheff, eighty-two, is semiretire<l from GOP activity, the
National Front is still represented in the person of Radi Slavoff, Republican
Heritage Groups Council executive director and head of the Bulgarian GOP
federation. Slavoff also represents the National Front in several other Wash
ington, D.C. area coalitions, including one that is Nazi-linked. 1 1
While Docheff was representing the National Front, however, the Justice
Department's Office of Special Investigations was investigating him for
possible war crimes he was suspected of committing while the mayor of a
German-occupied city in Bulgaria. Docheff denies he ever committed war
crimes, and OSI never brought charges.
Docheff's political history, however, is not in dispute. Founder of a
6

OLD NAZIS, Tl IE NEW Rim IT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

Bulgarian youth group in the early 1 930's, Docheff met with Adolph Hitler
and the Nazi movement's leading philosopher, Alfred Rosenberg, in 1 934
shortly after the Nazis came to power. 12 Docheff then established the Bul
garian Legion, a pro-Hitler group that agitated for government action
against Bulgarian Jews.
Docheff later began publishing a newspaper, Prelom, which carried a
swastika as part of the design at the top of the front page. One of its
headlines reads "Long live the sacred struggle against the Jews ." 1 3 Docheffs
employer, Dr. Dimiter Waltscheff, was a German intelligence agent,
according to Nuremberg documents obtained by Dr. Fred Chary of
Purdue University. In 1 944 Docheff fled when the pro-German Bulgarian
government collapsed. After the war, he and other Legionnaires formed the
Bulgarian National Front (BNF). 14 Until recently, Docheff was the group's
drnir, a post he held since the Front's founding in 1 950. Several years ago
the Front, with chapters in South America, Europe, Canada, and the U.S.,
met in Germany. There they honored Dr. Waltscheff for his "contribution
t 1 > the struggle of the Bulgarian people for freedom. . . . " 15
In 1 984, Docheff stepped aside and George Paprikoff, another former
Legionnaire according to Dr. Chary, temporarily became chair. Reagan's
autographed photo appeared on the cover of the BNF publication Borba
with a "Dear George" message in what appears to be Reagan's handwriting.
1 )ocheff wrote an endorsement of Reagan in the same issue of Borba.16
When interviewed on the BNF's role in the Reagan-Bush campaign,
l )ocheff said that the twenty-five U.S. chapters of the Front were active in
t he re-election effort: "If you want to know who the local chapter leaders of
the Bulgarian National Front are, find out who heads the local Bulgarian
unit of the Reagan-Bush campaign. They are the same persons." 1 7
Although the warning by the Bulgarian National Committee and the
subsequent investigation of Docheff have provided adequate levels of
warning to the GOP, it has continued to maintain ties to the Bulgarian
National Front. Even while the U.S. government was investigating Docheff
on war crimes charges, he was a pre-election guest of the White House in
September 1 984, 18 arranged through Republican Heritage Groups Council
l'Xecutive director Radi Slavoff.
lXJSSACKS

Attending the Reagan speech at the Shoreham was another Pasztor choice,
" Major General" N icholas Nazarenko. Slightly over six feet and a lean two
hundred pounds with dark hair and a pencil mustache, Nazarenko is still
rnnsumed with his wartime hatred of Russians and Jews. He organizes
annual "Captive Nations" marches in New York City every summer, in
which he appears in Cossack military dress.
THE NATIONAL REPUBLICAN HERITAGE GROUPS (NATIONALITIES) COUNCIL

N azarenko is a spry seventy-six years old, but could pass for sixty; his
energy seems boundless. The evening after Reagan's speech at the
Shoreham Hotel, he insisted on showing this writer a huge suitcase of
materials he carries with him as part of his political activity. It was filled
with literature on the "Jewish problem," Cossack publications, and memo
rabilia from his service in World War 11---on the German side.
N azarenko chain-smoked and drank vodka throughout our seven-hour
interview. He described his involvement with the German army as an officer
in special Cossack units, battle by battle. His final military action was in an
SS Cossack unit under German General Helmuth von Pannwitz. In order to
prove his sincerity, he showed me his German officer's ID, and photographs
of him and his unit. There were swastikas on the uniforms.
Toward the end of the war, Nazarenko headed intelligence operations in
Berlin for a Cossack "government-in-exile." After working with the U.S.
Army's Counter Intelligence Corps, he came to the U.S. in 1 949. He
became head of a Cossack War Veterans group-a group of veterans allied
with Germany during World War II which was later renamed the World
Federation of Cossacks for the Liberation of Cossackia. Nazarenko was
active in Richard N ixon's 1 968 and 1972 campaigns, and his Cossack
veterans group is one of two Cossackian components of the Republican
Heritage Groups Council.
Alex Aksenov, another Cossack delegate to the Republican Heritage
Groups Council convention, spoke briefly about his past, volunteering that
he was "in Berlin from 1 939-45 ." He went to South America after the war,
he said, but in the 1 950's was brought to the U.S. to work on the first nuclear
submarine program. 1 9
N azarenko says he has been charged by other Cossack emigres as having
hanged Jews in Odessa and executed Soviet soldiers. He claimed that these
were lies intended to discredit him. He does say, however, that Jews are our
"ideological enemies."
In that spirit, Nazarenko said that he was in touch with "patriotic"
publications such as the neo-Nazi Thunderbolt, the anti-Semitic Spotlight ,
and lnstauration, a racialist and anti-Semitic monthly. A well-publicized
controversy erupted when lnstauration was praised by Joseph Sobran in
National Review, May 1 986, as "an often brilliant magazine, covering a
beat nobody else will touch . . . " lnstauration's writers and editors are all
anonymous.
N azarenko says he's also in touch with various "Nazi" organizations.
"They respect me because [I was a] former German army officer. Sometimes
when I meet these guys, they say 'Heil Hitler'."
A recipient of a pension from the West German government for his
wartime service, Nazarenko claims that Germany didn't commit atrocities
.

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

in World War II. "Jews didn't die from gas chambers," says Nazarenko.
" Those mountains of bones are from people who starved to death or died
from disease," he explains.
ROMANIANS

Romanian-American Republicanism is led by a retired priest who claimed

in 1984 that the most important issue for Romanian Republicans was "the
deportation of our beloved spiritual leader, Archbishop Valerian Trifa." 20
Faced with charges by the Office of Special Investigations (OSI) that he
participated in the murder of Jews as part of a coup plot in Bucharest,
Romania in 1 94 1 , Trifa left the U.S. in 1 984. But his political network
srayed behind. The Romanian Republican priest, Florian Galdau, is part of
1 hat network.
Valerian Trifa was a leader of the Iron Guard in Bucharest in 1941 . The
( iuard was a pro-Nazi Romanian group linked to the SS by liaison officers
such as Otto von Bolschwing of the German SS.21 In January 1 94 1 the
( luard, with SS backing, attempted a coup. Trifa was one of the leaders who
instigated crowds on a rampage that sought out Jews for gruesome deaths.
Three days of chaos ensued. When order was restored, Trifa fled. During
I hose three days, witnesses charged, Trifa personally went into a jail and
killed Jews who had been put into a cell there.
After the war, Trifa was able to come to the U.S. and take over the
Romanian Orthodox church by means of physical coercion and with some
help from the U.S. government. In 1 952, Trifa became an Archbishop of the
R(>manian Orthodox Church.22
FBI documents from the years 1954 and 1 95 5 (which were used in the
prosecution of Trifa) report claims that Trifa "is bringing Iron Guard mem
hcrs into the U.S. and installing them as priests." One of those priests,
according to a report of Oct. 5, 1 955, was Florian Galdau, whom an FBI
source described as "a Romanian Iron Guard member and who at Trifa's
instructions was elected Pastor of St. Dumitru," a Manhattan parish.23
Galdau had escaped Romania after the war, eventually settling in Lon
don. He began broadcasting over the BBC in programs aimed at Romanian
l'irizens, a project comparable to the Radio Free Europe programs being
l'stablished at the time under the covert control of the CIA. In 1955 Trifa
hrought Galdau to the U.S. According to a former Iron Guardist, the late
( lcorge Roman, Galdau was brought in to head a New York City Iron Guard
unit. His task was to recruit new Romanian immigrants into the Guard.24
Galdau says he has brought 20,000 immigrants into the U.S. "I have files
on 1 5 ,000 people I helped settle," he claims. He is aided by the Tolstoy
h >undation and the International Rescue Committee,25 two resettlement
groups with links to the CIA.26
TIIE NATIONAL REPUBLICAN HERITAGE GROUPS (NATIONALITIES) COUNCIL

Over the years, Galdau has performed priestly functions at events

that commemorated Iron Guard founder Comeliu Codreanu. Trifa himself
once concurred in an interview that the Galdau church was "a center of
fascists."27
In 1 974, the United Israel Bulletin of New York City headlined a story
"Florian Galdau, a Priest, Heads New York Iron Guard Cell." 28 The charge
has also been repeated in recent interviews with other Romanians, includ
ing a priest, all of whom, fearing reprisals, requested anonymity.
Galdau himself denies any association with the Iron Guard. Further, he
denies any knowledge of the existence of the Iron Guard in the U.S.
Dennis Debbaudt, who has researched the Iron Guard for ten years, finds
such denials "incredible." Debbaudt, who has assisted a Canadian govern
ment investigation of the Iron Guard presence there, estimates that at least
25 percent of the priests of Trifa's church were Guard is ts. Debbaudt states,
"It's impossible for Galdau to be unaware of the Guard presence in the
Romanian Orthodox Church." 29
Interviewed at the Republican Heritage Groups Council convention,
Galdau criticized Jews for the debate over Bitburg, saying "Jews have harmed
themselves in this country over this controversy." He says his protest of
Trifa's prosecution was "as a Republican," and did not have anything to do
with Iron Guard politics.
A founder of the Republican Heritage Groups Council in 1 969, Galdau
and his wife were the sole representatives of the Romanian-American
Republican Clubs to the 1 985 and 1 986 Council conventions. In 1 985, a
third delegate "got sick" and the three alternates "just didn't show." Galdau's
wife is vice-chair of the Romanian-American Republican Clubs. His prin
ciple contributions at the conventions were to charge that the "Democratic
Party is controlled by the KGB," and to argue successfully for a reso
lution passed by the convention condemning the Justice Department's OSI
investigation into the presence of Nazi-era war criminals in the United
States.
Galdau claims his Romanian-American Republican Clubs include ten
local units. He says that they "recruited 600 volunteers for the 1 984 Reagan
Bush campaign." But getting details to substantiate these assertions is
difficult. Although he holds a party post, he won't discuss his role within the
party. When I asked Republican Heritage Groups Council leaders for infor
mation on the Romanian Clubs, they said Galdau doesn't share details with
them either. Galdau was listed as a member of the Host Committee for a
reception honoring Jeane J. Kirkpatrick and Frank J. Fahrenkopf, Jr., during
the Council's 1 987 meeting in Washington, D.C. In 1 988 he was named
National Chair of Romanians for Bush.

10

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW llIGI IT, ANO THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

BYELORUSSIANS

Another federation leader who makes the charge that the Democratic
Party aids communism is Walter Melianovich, head of the Byelorussian
American Republican Federation. "The Democratic Party is doing the dirty
work of Communism. They don't call themselves Communists, they just
parrot the Communist line . . . . " Melianovich is unhappy. At fifty years of
ai.:c, he is too young to have worked with the Nazis. But some of his friends
weren't. "The damn OSI is hounding my friends," he complains. This is
some of the "dirty work of Communism" that Democrats do. They hunt
Nazis, and the Byelorussian GOP wants to put a stop to it.10
Melianovich's federation is closely associated with the Byelorussian
American Association (BAA), an emigre group made up, in part, of former
rollaborators of the Nazi occupation and its extermination campaign. An
1arly BAA leader was Franz Kushel, an SS major general and commander of
t he Belarus Brigade, a Waffen SS unit. 1 1 According to The Belarus Secret, a
hook about Byelorussian Nazi collaboration, Kushel's "men carried over
40,000 Jews to an execution ground in 1 94 1 ." 32 Another BAA leader,
Sranislaw Stankievich, one-time editor of a Nazi-funded newspaper, came
from an upper-class family of Nazi collaborators. He became a mayor of
B( >rissow in 1 94 1 . After having a wall built around the Jewish section of the
r ity, Stankievich conducted a series of financial extortions on the contained
i.:hctto. H is police then sadistically exterminated the seven thousand Jews of
Bmissow on October 20, 1 94 1 . 31
As the Soviets advanced on German-occupied Byelorussia, a puppet
f.:l 1vemment was formed to help mobilize support for the defense of Ger
many. The 1 ,039 delegates to this "All-Byelorussian Second Congress" were
neened and approved by Germany. Some of these delegates, many of them
l1aders of police units and a Byelorussian Waffen SS division, came to
dominate BAA.34
Cheslav N adjiuk of Los Angeles was a delegate to the German-sponsored
1 944 puppet govemment.35 He was also a delegate to the 1 986 Republican
I lcritage Groups Council convention in Los Angeles. Now in his seventies,
Nadjiuk said that he was involved in nationalist politics all his life. "I joined
a nationalist group in high school, in the 1 920's, and was active in Poland
when I was in school there." He said he was a judge during the German
orcupation, and "I attended the Second (All-Byelorussian) Congress." Af1 1r the war, the Congress reassembled in Germany and then in the U.S.,
l u 1ld ing annual meetings to direct their various front activities. Nadjuik
ill t ended at least one of those meetings, in 1 954. His codelegate at the 1 986
Rlpublican Heritage Groups Council meeting, Joe Arciuch, head of the
1 tdmical services division of Hughes Aircraft, "escaped Byelorussia in 1 95 1
just ahead of Communist bayonets," according to a friend of his who joined
THE NATIONAL REPUBLICAN HERITAGE GROUPS (NATIONALITIES) COUNCIL

11

our interview. Arciuch declined to discuss the details of his activities in

Byelorussia.
The 1 985 Republican Heritage Groups Council convention delegation,
led by Melianovich, also included Raisa Stankievich, wife of Stanislaw
Stankievich and herself a former head of the BAA. Melianovich says the
1 944 puppet government was "not a legitimate government," but in three
hours of interviews he was uncritical of any Nazi collaborators or of the
BAA, of which he is a member. Critical of those exposing criminal col
laborators, he strongly supported Republican Heritage Groups Council
convention efforts to oppose the OSI.
The Byelorussian GOP leader said that his federation's biggest concern
was increasing the amount of Byelorussian broadcasting into the USSR by
the U.S. government-run Radio Liberty. He has met with various agencies,
including National Security Council staff, lobbying for more programming.
Access to administration policymakers, says Melianovich, is enhanced by
being part of the Republican Heritage Groups Council. By lobbying for
increased Radio Liberty propaganda, they hope to destabilize the USSR,
returning the Byelorussian fascists to power. Melianovich even provided
what appears to be their future map of Byelorussia, complete with new
"ethnogenetical borders."
Melianovich claims that the Republican Heritage Groups Council has
"changed the image of the Republican Party under our pressure." Charging
the Democrats with only caring about "the Black and Jewish vote," he says
that "if anyone should be called nationalist, it is the GOP." Melianovich was
named National Chairman of Byelorussians for Bush in 1 988.
CROATIANS

The Croatian Republicans are the only federation who have put their
sympathies with the Axis powers into print in Republican Party literature.
In Guide to Nationality Observances , a 1 984 Republican Heritage Groups
Council booklet, listing commemorative dates of significance to ethnic
Americans, is the following entry for April 1 0th: "The Independent State of
Croatia was declared by unanimous proclamation in 1 94 1 . . . . Lack of
Western support and Axis occupation forced the new state into an unfortu
nate association with the Axis powers." The booklet preface is signed by
Frank J. Fahrenkopf, Jr., Chairman of the Republican National Committee
(see page opposite).
The "unfortunate association" was, in fact, a long-standing relationship
between Nazi Germany and the Croatian Ustashi beginning years before
World War Il.36 The Nazis conspired with the Ustashi to create the Croatian
split from Yugoslavia. When the Vatican-backed Ustashi took power in
1 94 1 , they began liquidating Orthodox Serbians, Jews, and Gypsies. Even
12

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGllT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

NottlonI Republl(.An Heritage

Groups Councll

APRIL
1

Birthday of Hans Christian

Andersen ( 1 805- 1 875)

"Andersen 's

The D a n e story teller a n d aulhor or t h e 1 m

mor1a1

G UIDE TO
NATIONALITY

Fa/fy

Tales"-a

great

national figure among Danes.

I0

Croallan Independence Day

The

Independent

State

or

Croatia

declared by unanimous proclamation in

was

1941

thus ending a n e n forced unmn w 1 l h Royaltsl

OBSERVANCES

Yugoslavia 1n which Croatian i nd epend e nce

was subverted and t hrea 1 e r;ed . Lack o l West

ern support and Axis occu:iat1on lorced the

Mw state i n t o an unfortunate assoc1at1on

with ll"le Axis powers.

1 984

The 1mm1gran1s who came to America ano lheir de

scendanls continue 10 celebrate special religious reasl
oays and h1s1oncal holidays so 1mpor1ant 10 tnem on
their countries o f 01rgm. I n some cases. they celebrate
events no longer recognized 1n their native counmes
because o f poht1cal and rehg1ous oppression
Therelo1e. 1he holidays have g1own 1n s1gn1ticance 1n
1h1S country. presenting an opportunity for ethnic Amer
1cans 10 mam1a1n 1he1r rotes as guardians ol cultural
treasures by recalhng tracrn1onal music. dance. dress
and !oods
This pocke1 calendar ol observances 1mpo11an1 to the
ethnic commun111es has been prepared by lhe NRHG
Council w1th 1he hope thal all Americans who use 1 t w1l1
develop a deeper apprec1al1or of the many contnbu
ttons made by Uie na11ona1111es groups Tht:y have given
.JS the besl of all worlds

ran J Fahenko;if. J1
Cnaorrnan
Republican Na1onai Comm1lh!e

M1cnae1 Soi.rhos
C,,;1,,man
NRHG Cou'lCll

For add1t1ona1 1nlorrnation contact

Nat1ona1 Repuollcan Herdage Groups Council
J10 First S lree1. S E
Wash1ng1on. 0 C 20003
Telepnone (202) 6621345

Excerpts from the 1984 Guide to Nationality Observances published by the

National Republican Heritage Groups Council of the Republican National
Committee.

THE NATIONAL REPUBLICAN HERITAGE GROUPS (NATIONALITIES) COUNCIL

13

Ustashi leaders of independent Croatia give the fascist salute which

accurately reflects the political principles of the newly founded state.

14

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW H.Il;J JT, AN!l THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

he Nazis were taken aback by the barbarity of Ustashi concentration camps

and the liquidations of whole villages. Huge ovens at Jasenovac reportedly
burned people alive.
An estimated 7 50,000 people, mostly Serbians, were killed by the
Ustashi in the crucible which forged Croatian independence. The "inde
pendent state of Croatia,'' whose founding the GOP suggests we com
memorate, ceased to exist after the fall of the Third Reich.
1

SLOVAKS
Slovakia, another puppet state created by Hitler, has not only apologists but
also at least one former collaborationist leader on the Republican Heritage
( lroups Council. When Hitler invaded and split Czechoslovakia in 1 939,
he created the Slovak state under Monsignor Josef Tiso. When the U.S.
declared war on Germany on December 1 2, 1 94 1 , Tiso declared Slovakia at
war with the U.S.
Complete with their own imitation SS, called the Hlinka Guard, the
Tiso leadership mimicked the Nazis.37 They also imitated the worst of Ger
man racial policies, shipping Jews to extermination camps in Poland. Lucy
I bwidowicz, in The War against the Jews , estimated that 75 ,000 of 90,000
Slovak Jews were killed. 18
Today, Method Balco is the head of the Slovak-American Republican
I :cderation. Despite the fact that Tiso was executed in 1 946 as a war
niminal, Balco still organizes in New York City an annual commemoration
, ,f the Tiso rule. The Slovak Republican delegation to the Republican
I leritage Groups Council also included Josef Mikus, a former diplomat of the
Tiso regime. Balco, Mikus, and a third delegate, John Hvasta, all work
dosely with the Toronto-based Slovak World Congress, a group set up and
wcatly influenced by former aides to Tiso.
Hvasta, the key Washington liaison for the Slovak World Congress, has
also helped the 1 988 Presidential Campaign of former Ku Klux Klan leader
and white supremacist David Duke. Hvasta's American Public Research
( :ouncil rented its mailing list to the Duke campaign in September of
1 987 for $2,000, according to records obtained from the Federal Election
( :ommission. 39
Joseph Kirschbaum, a top commander of the SS-like Hlinka Guard and a
principal of the Slovak World Congress, edited a series of speeches made by
Slovak nationalists, including several former Tiso officials.40 One speech
c11ls for the establishment of a new Slovak state along "ethnogenetical"
I ines. Tiso's former foreign minister and Josef Mikus' former boss, Ferdinand
I )urcansky, wrote:
. . . anti-Semitism in Slovakia had no racial, but exclusively politi
cal, economic and social roots. Racial elements were imported into
THE NATIONAL REPUBLICAN HERITAGE GROUPS (NATIONALITIES) COUNCIL

15

Slovakia from the Reich as manifested along many lines in many

conflicts. I hope we live to see the time when the Jews draw from
these facts the necessary objective conclusions . . . 4 I
.

The book of speeches was published by the Slovak World Congress.

Editor Kirschbaum and writer Durcansky were in key positions to have been
aware of Adolph Eichmann's implementation of the "Final Solution"
against Slovak Jews. Their presence in the Slovak World Congress, along
with others such as Balco and M ikus, may explain why the Congress does
not repudiate the Slovak puppet government, its declaration of war on the
United States, or its extermination campaign. In an interview in his north
west Washington, D.C. home, Republican Heritage Groups Council dele
gate Mikus said that the U.S. should not have allied with or aided the USSR
in World War II. He noted that "without the aid, the USSR would have
been defeated by Germany," an outcome Mikus said would have been
preferable.
Balco said that the chief concern for Slovak Republicans is to get the
Voice of America and the State Department to recognize Slovakia as
separate from Czechoslovakia.

FRIENDS OF DICTATORSHIP
ITALIANS
Certain Republican Heritage Groups Council members have been close
allies in recent years of those in Italy who would overthrow the government
and re-install fascism in Rome. Italy's problems with fascism have been
much more recent than World War II. In 1 98 1 a conspiracy was foiled in
which a group of business, political, Mafia, military, and Vatican-connected
figures planned to overthrow Italian parliamentary democracy and install a
dictatorship. The group, called the P-2 Masonic Lodge, had nearly a thou
sand members. The prestige of P-2 members (heads of the intelligence
agencies, thirty-eight generals and admirals, and three cabinet officers, for
example), plus revelations of financial scandals, brought extensive Euro
pean press coverage, the collapse of the Italian government, and an exten
sive parliamentary inquiry.42
Although P-2 had existed for many years as an illegal secret society, in
the 1 970's it became involved in efforts to destabilize the Italian system
through economic warfare and terrorism, including bombings of public
places. The P-2 goal was to create a demand for fascism to restore order.
A 1 987 article by Jerry Meldon in the Boston Globe discussed the Italian
neofascist right's strategy of terror:
16

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

In many ways, it [the Italian right] has been a much more

dangerous movement than the kidnappers and murderers of the
extreme left. Far more deaths can be attributed to right-wing
terrorists' acts. More significantly, the neo-fascists have enjoyed
the protection and support of Italian intelligence agencies and,
according to a 1 976 congressional report, the CIA.
With such offical support, the fascists have pursued a
"strategy of tension" through their own [terrorist] acts and those
of leftist groups they penetrated. They have cultivated a climate
of fear to undermine support for the West's most popular com
munist party and justify an authoritarian takeover of the Italian
government. 43
The calculated terror began in 1 969, when the right resolved to fight the
i.:rowth of the left. On December 1 2, a bomb exploded in downtown Milan,
ki lling sixteen people and injuring another one hundred. Within the hour
several more bombs went off in Rome. Fascist storm-trooper groups formed.
I n December 1 970 a rightist coup was attempted but failed.
Police discovered further plots as violence continued throughout the
I 970's. Reaction to and fear of assassinations, kidnappings, knee-cappings,
and mob violence began seeping into Italy's everyday life. Lifestyles
changed as Italians altered spending habits, dress, and daily routine to avoid
hecoming victims. Much of this early terrorism was blamed on the left.
In 1 973, police found that terrorist activity and the control of fascist
i.:roups was being orchestrated by a group called the Rose of Twenty, made
up of military officers and industrialists. After their arrests, however, the
violence continued. More plots were uncovered, including lists of targets for
assassination. The police still had not uncovered P-2, the control center of
t he terror. In 1 980, a bomb ripped through the Bologna train station, killing
l'ii.:hty-five people. The bombing was eventually linked to members of P-2
and Italian neofascist terrorist groups.
By the mid- 70's, the Italian Communist Party (PCI ) was gaining elec1 oral support and leaders of the ruling Christian Democratic Party were
meeting with the PCI to discuss the possibility of a coalition government.
P-2 and its friends abroad worked to stop the coalition and PCI's electoral
success. P-2's immediate target: defeat the PCI in the 1 976 elections. Their
h mg-term strategy was to defeat the system which allowed the PCI to exist.
One American involved in this intrigue was Philip A. Guarino, 79, an
adviser to the Republican National Committee on senior citizens' affairs,
who was long active in Italian GOP politics. A theology student in
Mussolini's Italy in the late 20's and much of the l 930's, Guarino helped
l'Stablish the ethnic division of the GOP in 1 952. He was vice-chair of the
THE NATIONAL REPUBLICAN HERITAGE GROUPS (NATIONALITIES) COUNCIL

17

Republican Heritage Groups Council from 1 9 7 1 -75 .44 He attended the

1 985 Council convention to ensure that his friend Frank Stella won the
chairmanship of the Council in a tight race with former Cleveland mayor
Ralph Perk.
Guarino was also described in St. Peter's Banker, a book about activities
involving P-2, as an "honorary member of P-2."45 Foreign members of P-2
were rare. One other of the select was Jose Lopez Riga, founder of the Latin
American death-squad group known as the Argentine Anti-Communist
Alliance.
The exposure of P-2 and Guarino's involvement ( which Guarino has
denied) came about when Michele Sindona, head of Vatican banking
operations, was sentenced to twenty-five years in a New York prison for
illegal banking activities. Italian investigations of Sindona led to Licio
Gelli, grandmaster of the secret, illegal P-2 Lodge. Sindona and Gelli were
associates of Guarino.
Gelli was an ardent Blackshirt in the Fascist Party of Mussolini's Italy and
one of his firm supporters to the end. As the leader of P-2, he made
violations of the Lodge's oaths punishable by death. The presence of cer
tain Mafioso and police officials in P-2 made the death threats credible.
After Italian police traced Sindona to Gelli, it was discovered that Guarino
had been corresponding with Gelli. The New York Times reported that
Guarino wrote Gelli that "things were going badly for 'Michele'," the
banker imprisoned in New York. Guarino had hosted Gelli at Reagan's
1 98 1 inauguration, and introduced him to "members of the entourage." 46
Guarino's dealings with the P-2 network began no later than 1 976, when
the Mafia-linked Sindona financed an ad hoc group called Americans for a
Democratic Italy, cochaired by Guarino and Paul Rao, Jr. who is described
in St. Peter's Banker as "a prominent member of the Italian-American com
munity and attorney for the head of the Gambino family."47 Sindona and
Gambino family members were indicted in 1 982 for "operating a $600
million-a-year heroin trade between Sicily and America."48
Guarino was also involved in John Connally's Committee for the De
fense of the Mediterranean, which propagandized on the Italian Communist
Party ( PCI) threat to the West.49 Connally, Richard N ixon's Secretary of
the Treasury and member of the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory
Board under Nixon and Gerald Ford, was a friend of Sindona.50
Another friend and guest at Connally's Texas ranch was Roberto Calvi, a
Vatican banker and P-2 member, according to Larry Gurwin in The Calvi
Affair. Calvi was in Gelli's inner circle, serving as an "executioner," one of a
dozen hooded men with axes who served Gelli in the secret initiation rites
for new members of P-2. The ceremony included the mixing of the initiate's
blood with that of Gelli and his "executioners," the testing of courage with
18 OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

vipers, and an oath that bound the new P-2 member to Gelli and the
netherworld of fascism for life. 51 Cal vi's life was cut short, however, when he
was found hanging from a bridge in London in 1 982.
In 1 978, Guarino's Italian Heritage Council ally, Frank Stella, became
National Chair of the Heritage N ational Committee of Connally for Presi
dent, when Connally sought the 1 980 GOP nomination for president.52
Later Stella got on track with Ronald Reagan. Mark Valente, a Stella
protege and suburban Detroit City Council member now serving as a Repub
lican National Committee Ethnic Liaison staffer, says, "Everyone at the
White House knows Frank." Stella's name has gone through the White
House appointment process on several occasions. In 1 98 1 he was nominated
for the little-known Intelligence Oversight Board, which is supposed to
monitor the legalities of covert operations of the intelligence agencies.51 He
withdrew his name after it had been publicly released. Stella was being
considered for the post of ambassador to Italy in 1 985, but withdrew his
name again, according to Valente. In 1 983 he was made a White House
Fellow.
Stella, a Detroit businessman, has many local civic service activities to
his credit. In February, 1 988 he was named cochair of a panel evaluating the
advisability of legalized casino gambling for the city of Detroit. He is also a
top Michigan GOP fundraiser. Stella had an ex officio seat on the Republi
can National Committee by virtue of his chairmanship of the Republican
Heritage Groups Council from 1 98 1 -83 and 1 985-87. In 1 988 Stella was
named National Chairman of Italian-Americans for Bush.
Stella can't quite forget about Italy. In February, 1 986 he gave an award
1if "honorary member" in the N ational Italian American Foundation to
Victor Emmanuel ofSavoy.54 Stella is president of the foundation. He says it
is "perceived to be the spokesman for the Italian-American community in
the United States."55 The man he honored, Victor Emmanuel, would be the
king ofltaly today, except his family, the House of Savoy, was expelled from
Italy in 1 946 due to its die-hard support of Mussolini's fascist order.56 Victor
Emmanuel, a reputed gunrunner for the Shah of Iran, is an arms trafficker
and member of P-2. He is alleged to have used his wealth and influence to
avoid a long prison sentence after he shot and killed a West German tourist
in a party brawl on a Mediterranean island several years ago.57
The irony of the award to this erstwhile fascist by the "spokesman" for
Italian Americans, is that Victor Emmanuel, until recently, was one of only
two Italians in the world not allowed to set foot on Italian soil. The other
person banned was his father.58
CHINESE

The Chinese-American and Asian-American Republican federations are

THE NATIONAL REPUBLICAN HERITAGE GROUPS (NATIONALITIES) COUNCIL

19

led by Anna Chennault, who gained fame in the 1 950's and 60's as an ardent
advocate of Chiang Kai-Shek's dictatorship on Taiwan. Both federations
appear to be little more than adjuncts to Taiwan government activities in
the U.S. That was highlighted at the 1 985 Republican Heritage Groups
Council convention, when an official Taiwan delegation arrived at the
Republican Heritage Groups Council meeting as part of a nationwide tour
belatedly celebrating Reagan's second inauguration four months earlier.
While the foremost visitor from Taiwan was the Deputy Minister for
National Defense, the honorary president of the delegation was Ben John
Chen, who also chairs the Asian-American Republican Federation.59 Other
Chinese and Asian GOP federation members are part of trade groups linked
to Taiwan.
The Republican Heritage Groups Council agenda was interrupted at the
Chinese federation's request so that the delegation could present awards
from the Taiwan government to Michael Sotirhos, the outgoing Republican
Heritage Groups Council chair (who later became Reagan's ambassador to
Jamaica). Also receiving an award from the Taiwan regime was Anna
Chennault, who funds the Asian-American GOP federation, according to
its chairman, Ben John Chen. Chennault became chair of the Republican
Heritage Groups Council in 1 987.

ETHNIC REALIGNMENT

T from Albanians to Vietnamese. But two groups are missing at the Repub

he Republican Heritage Groups Council's ethnicity is broad, ranging

lican Heritage Groups Council. There are no Black or Jewish Republican

federations. Remarks by a number of delegates at the 1 986 Heritage meeting
made it clear that there was no desire to have either community represented
on the Council.60 Republican leaders say that Black and Jewish relations are
"special" and are dealt with in separate units of the GOP.
It might be said that American Indians, H ispanics, and Vietnamese all
have "special" problems beyond traditional European ethnic concerns, but
they are represented in the National Republican Heritage Groups Council.
Given the background of the Council's leadership, it is difficult not to
conclude that elements of racism and anti-Semitism may play a role in the
decision to exclude Black and Jewish constituencies.
The key issues for every one of the Eastern European Heritage Council
leaders interviewed were foreign policy issues. All of them called for more
support for Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty. Most called for the
ahandonment of the Yalta agreement, the major treaty that set the postwar
features 1 if Europe, and they want a far more aggressive foreign policy against
20

l li

1l

Ni\/IS. Ti II' NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

National Republican Heritage Groups (National ities) Council

1 7th Annual Convention October 30, 3 1 , November 1 , 1 98 7
Grand Hyatt Washington Hotel I 1 000 H Street, NW I Washington, D C 20001
1
o
r
1
lh
,A : o 7h: a =P1i = 1!:
Groups INaliona1111es) Council. scheduled lor Oclober 30, J I and
November 1 , 1 997 1n Wa1h1ng1on. CC The Gtand Hyatt Wash1ng1on
Holel, which opened in June 1987. us a landmark or luury 1n lhe na
llon'a capilal.

The convenlion protjram includes e.ciling events such as Iha

Cenlury Club Aecep11on on Friday; Sarurdays Conven11on Lun
cheon with top leaders ol !he Repubhcan Party, lollowed by a Grand
BanQuel Salurday evening: S1mdays Awards Brunch: m add1llon to
convenlion maatmgs, caucuses. and press conferences. We have
ln111ted the President. lhe presidenhal cand1aa1es. senators. con
gressmen. adminislration oll1cl1ls. Republican Party leaae'9 ana
guesl speakers

We are at the crucial poinl now, in view of 1ntarnationar and

domeSllC cond1hons. Elhn1c Americans were com.milled to Ronald
Reagana y1sion ol America in 1980 ana sustained 1ha1 commitment
In 188-4. Elhnic Amencana "'ere 1n the lorelront ol s1.1ppoll to 1he
Prea1dan1 then and conlinue to slana by him now. We have seen his
11rograma work succau.tullv. while Iha Democrats had no new ap
proach 10 oller other lhan 1ocral11sl eperunanlahem-lree spend1n'iil

lree lu1ng al home. and "detenle" abroad. We l'lave accomplished

Iha philosophical raallgnmenl w11t11n a wide spectrum of mainstream
America, while the Democratic Part)' has w1lhdrewn inlo a narrow
"hberal" sectarian eatreme

Toda)'. more lhan ever. ethnic Americans musl speak lrom the
slronge.st podium poaaib1a The cont1nu1ng growlh of lhe Repubhcan
Her11age Council mus1 be sohd1hed and 1rans1a1ed into a vohng
power !or Republican candidates rn neat year's elechon. We mus!
ensure Iha! Iha While House remains in Aepubhcan hands, as well
as regain control ol lhe Senate ana s1reng1hen our presence 1n tl'le
House ol Aepresen1a11yes. We have observed lhe direction or the
1001h Congress during the current sess.ons and that direction 1s
al11rming. Flene91ng on arO' to tho Conlras. obstructing delense. lo1e1t;1n and aomes1ic programs. and mounl1ng a mahc1ous campaign
agamsl Judge Bork's nomlna11on are but a lew e11am111es of whal
11es ahead.

Thase developments unO'erhne. more than ever. the need lor our
renewed ellorts so lhal we can haYe a POS1hve impact 1n lhe 1 988
eLec11ons The par11c1pa1t0n and 1npu1 of each and every one of us is
ol paramount importance. We IOok forward lo seeing you and ""'II UQ
01.1r Desi to make your Washington v1s1t a mosI memo1a1:11e one

National Republican
Heritage croups
<Nationalities> council
1 7th Annual Convention

October 30, 31 1 Nov. 1 , 1 987

Grand Hy alt Washington
Holel
1 000 H Street, NW
Washington, DC 20001

Program information from the 1 987 Republican Heritage Groups Council

meeting.

THE NATIONAL REPUBLICAN HERITAGE GROUPS (NATIONALITIES) COUNCIL

21

National Republican
Heritage Gro ups Council Officers
I lonnury Ch1irn1t'n
Advi!nry Commillcl'
Anna Chennault. ChAirman
I Inn. E1lwanl Dcrwiuski

Ch1innRn

D.

Frank

Stella

C1>-Ch1irmcn

t .ani11 l'a11.1or

I fun. liclcn rkhch Dcnllcv

Naney

T/ie

NtJtio1111l He/111hlicc111

l lerittJge Groups Co1mc1I

cnrdit1lly invite. yn11 to cJtle11d

Ce11l11ry ClulJ Heceptimr
Jro11ori11g

t/1e

Frie/(/\",

5:30

Odnber JO. l 987

f>.lrl.

7:10 /l.111.

Grund I /\'all W11lri111,:lni1 I lolel

l lXXI II Sl,eel, N.\V.
\V,Js/ii11gtm1, D.C. 20()(JI
/l<eu l lpf1"1.1i
(lrl1/Mol ! H I

Michiiel Sntithos

General Crumcl

ViccChAirmcn

Gcriil1I K111nin,ki

Stcreruy

Slt\en Poh1p;1ck

hi, JnmH Talandis

2nd, Juliu Relsn

Rt,11io11AI Vice Chairmen

Nnrthc11f:

Elena Jurgcla

/. Kirh/'dtrich.
Fwrtk /. F11lire11lwJ1(, Jr..

'Die HormrtJble /edne

'l71e llu11cm1ble

llrin.

Chin-Lee

flun. R.1lph Perk

Ai9tanl

Crnclia Sl,,.vorr

Secretary

Su111i1:

F.lcclra Anest

Dah.1 llnhcli

A11rlrc V:i11 Cli;iu

Tre:imrcr

Ccc1li:i Orris

l\lidwC'd:

Oh.. ,

AHilanl Trt:imrcr
Su1:in11(' dt' 1';1r1

C:u1111ir

Complrolitn

\\'cI:

Siu.r\O.'Jll Cli:1n
W.idaw t\lei1:ino11td1

W1ll1.1111 Ch;111

Jne

lnnc Stoke

11Ji l\prfl".1(0

Hn1 rtu

F.uculivc Ditcclor
R:id1 Slavoff

Cn11Yrnlin11 Cnm111i!ltt Cli:iir111a11

Thcudort" Perro

.Q!1l11ry Cl.!.11'. Reception Committee

Frau!.. D.

John

Shll.1

N. Parker, E)<111ir

1'.:.1ti.01.1I C!J.L1r111,111

('.111111:i1tlt'c Ci1.11nn.1n

\[r). Al\11,1 Cllt"m1J11:r

[ Jr111. /1h,1n Nicmri.)

.1-0NORARY COMM l'ITEE

Sl::-.:,Jj)

1 1011, Edw.1rd D<n"ml..1

L rka1i11g
\In. ,\1111 F. l lcu<r
Ir l)on.1111 W. 1 lulfm,m

'.\ Ir. l).1md

\[r. l..1\1io

PJ. 1tor

Dr. nu.txlore Pnros

l i"n ll.1iph l\rk

I hm. '.\ lirh.1el Sol11hos

rhc l lon. \\'oih.1111 [ :\nmlron

The l fon, Alfomc :\\. IY:\111,1tu
'l11c J lu11. U11111 C. l l.11d1
The l ion. Jc"c- l lclms
llic l lon. Lorrv Prcskr
Ilic l ],111 Stron1 '\ 'i1uri111u1d
ll1c l [cm. l'ctc W1h<111
C<)NCltFSS11.::..::::!.

11um1as A11g<t!

Di. Gurm1l Singh

n.. rcm ltuclh.1

Ger.1ltl KJn11mk1
:\ul.1kh

Julim lkbu

Cn1loa llrns

Shlrwill Chan

Lui Ch.1plin
Dr Bt:H John Che11
NJnq Chin-Ll'I!'
Or. FrJnk De 0.1l,1gh
S111.11111e J1: PJns
t\1.mulb l)J

I I.ms Eii.:rh,Lnl

Ile\'.

J-lur1.in C:1l<IJu

J)r, Ver.I Wiren Coirc1.11sk1

i'lnl C11Jr1110

1\ ld..111 l...arscn
l.111 1.iu

\l.ilhur
C. l';il

Or. Knsh:m

Dr. S1v,u.ij

Albtrt Polgar
S11..e Postu11ack
FuJd Sahoun

Tiu- I Ion I kkn i1clich lkn!!cv

The I ion. W1lli,m1 S. llro11mf1rl; i
ll1c i lun. Philip ti.I. Cr:1nc
ll1c Hon. fl.olicrl K Dorn.in
111c llnn Joh11

/.

D1111c.m

ll1e 1 1011. f"t'wt C1ngr1d1

lion. Ernnf l-:rn111)11

Tiu

Cl-01gc Salem

l"ruong Quang Si

loy tlipman So

Pro(.

John

U. Tsu

Clmshnc Valniy

Cenrgc Wolod1yn

Eu1te11c J. 1.1urys, Jr.

A1l1 1.111;1 l1.van.1riu

Program information from the 1 987 Republican Heritage Groups

Council meeting.

22

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUl\LIC:AN PARTY

1 he USSR. The most public activity the Republican Heritage Groups

( :11uncil affiliates participate in is the yearly "Captive Nations" rallies held
in a handful of cities across the U.S. "Captive N ations" is the term used
1 1 1 Jescribe those countries and national groups which have Communist
1:1 1vernments.
The only domestic issue raised in the interviews was their opposition
10 the Office of Special Investigations, the anti-Nazi unit of the Justice
I )epartment. Clearly lacking was any identifiable interest in domestic issues
I hat pertain to the welfare of the ethnic communities of America
unemployment, crime, discrimination, educational quality, and opportuni1 ies for a younger generation. Instead, the Republican Heritage Groups
Council still fits the description conservative commentator Kevin Phillips
1:ave ten years ago:

Instead of addressing itself to the social and economic issues

underlying ethnic unrest, the [Republican) National Com
mittee put on a Captive Nations rally . . . . Captive Nations
preoccupation is the rule, not the exception, among Republican
National Committee ethnic activities.61
Still, while the Eastern European Republican Heritage Groups Council
leaders are preoccupied with cold war issues, there is a broader strategy on
the part of the Republican National Committee, which uses the anti
rnmmunist and antiliberal currents in the emigre fascist network to its
political advantage. The invitation to the 1 987 Council meeting lays out
these broader priorities in carefully chosen language with a special meaning
for the Eastern European emigre community:
We are at the crucial point now, in view of international and
domestic conditions. Ethnic Americans were committed to
Ronald Reagan's vision of America in 1 980 and sustained that
commitment in 1 984. Ethnic Americans were in the forefront of
support to the President then and continue to stand by him
now. We have seen his programs work successfully, while the
Democrats had no new approach to offer other than socialist
experimentalism-free spending, free taxing at home, and
"detente" abroad. We have accomplished the philosophical
realignment within a wide spectrum of mainstream America,
while the Democratic Party has withdrawn into a narrow
"liberal" sectarian extreme.62
This less than subtle baiting of the Democratic Party as closet "Reds"
is one hook used by the Republican Party to unify the constituents of
the Republican Heritage Groups Council into an electoral force. As the
THE NATIONAL REPUBLICAN HERITAGE GROUPS (NATIONALITIES) COUNCIL

23

invitation to the 1 987 meeting also pointed out, "The continuing growth of
the Republican Heritage Groups Council must be solidified and translated
into a voting power for Republican candidates in next year's election."
The Republican National Committee seems to identify the Republican
Heritage Groups Council as one of its keys to past electoral success and
future opportunities. Republican Chairman Frank ] . Fahrenkopf, ] r., told
the 1 985 Council meeting, "On behalf of the Republican Party I want to
express thanks for all of you in this room who were such a vital, integral part
of the great victory we achieved on November 6 last year [ 1 984). We
couldn't have done it without you, and I want you to know that." 61
A few minutes later, President Reagan told the meeting, "The work of all
of you has meant a very great deal to me personally, to the Party and to our
cause . . . I can't think of any others who have made a more vital contribu
tion to the effort than those of you who are in this room today . . . . I want to
encourage you to keep building the Party. Believe me, bringing more ethnic
Americans into the fold is the key to the positive realignment that we are
beginning to see take shape." Former Republican Heritage Groups Council
chair Michael Sotirhos said in an interview that "The Council was the
linchpin of the Reagan-Bush ethnic campaign . . . .The decision to use the
Republican Heritage Groups was made at a campaign strategy meeting
that included Paul Laxalt, Frank Fahrenkopf, Ed Rollins, and others." He
claims that 86,000 volunteers for Reagan-Bush were recruited through the
Council.64
] ack Kemp also gave a keynote speech at the 1 985 Republican Heritage
Groups Council meeting as part of his long-standing effort to woo support
from the Captive Nations groups.
Several White House staffers who appeared on a panel at the 1 985
Republican Heritage Groups Council meeting identified the area of GOP
growth as ethnic outreach. Linas Kojelis, then the White House Office of
Public Liaison Ethnic Coordinator, also said that the Republican Heritage
Groups Council "has been very helpful to coordinate with mainline ethnic
groups on day-to-day [legislative) issues."
Sotirhos adds that not only has the Republican Heritage Groups Council
aided the GOP, but "the success of Reagan-Bush has helped build the
Council." Ethnics more inclined to work with the GOP, due to their
attraction to Reagan, structure their work through the Republican Heritage
Groups Council. Thus, the image and prestige of Council leaders are
enhanced and legitimized within their ethnic networks by the GOP.
Council members benefit also by having access to GOP leaders and
Administration policymakers. One Republican Heritage Groups Council
brochure notes that "Members are also concerned with foreign policy and
keep the Administration advised on pertinent historic facts and attitudes
.

24

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT. AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTI'

! author's emphasis] concerning their land of origin. They communicate

with Congressmen, Senators and the State Department . . . particularly
I regarding] communist-dominated countries." 65
The GOP, White House, and Republican Heritage Groups Council also
henefited from one other election effort in 1 984 when Maryland Congress
man Clarence Long was replaced by Helen Bentley, a Republican Heritage
tiroups Council cochair and a longtime Council activist. Long, a persistent
nitic of White House policy in Central America, was also targeted by the
Maryland Republican Heritage Groups, whose members claimed to have
organized the margin of defeat over Long. Bentley was the only elected
official to attend all three days of the 1 985 Republican Heritage Groups
( :ouncil meeting. She said that it was "the coalition of ethnics" that made
her victory in Maryland possible.66

FORGIVE AND FORGET

T When N ixon was encouraging the growth of the Republican Heritage

he GOP cannot be ignorant of the backgrounds of its ethnic leaders.

( l roups Council in 1 97 1 , Jack Anderson did a series of reports on the pro

Nazi backgrounds of various GOP ethnic advisors. Included in the reports
were Ivan Docheff and Laszlo Pasztor. In November of 1 97 1 , the Washington
/lost did a story that elaborated on some of the fascist elements coming into
t he GOP.67
In the late l 970's, sporadic pieces appeared in the media that should have
11mply warned the GOP, including a 1 978 Jack Anderson column on Josef
Mikus's unrepentant support for Tiso.68 Mikus and other Tiso collaborators
were identified as advisors to various Republican figures. Reagan himself had
an opportunity to learn of the character of the persons being drawn into the
( !OP since he served on the National Council of the Crusade for Freedom,
a group tied to Radio Free Europe.69
Radio Free Europe (RFE) was established under the direction of the CIA
using the various national groupings previously described. Many of these
clements were brought into the operations of RFE. Some are still working
with RFE today, which may be why some of their American-based co
nationalists lobby so hard for the radio operations. Whether Reagan even
knew much about these RFE emigres is unclear, but he was in a position to
llarn more than most Americans of the early l 950's about just who some of
t he emigres were.
The ethnic advisors to Reagan clearly know of Docheff's past, yet he was
invited to the White House to a pre-election event. According to Andy
Valucek, an expert on the myriad ethnic groups and leaders in the U.S. and
THE NATIONAL REPUBLICAN HERITAGE GROUPS (NATIONALITIES) COUNCIL

25

currently on the staff of Democratic Congressman Tom Foley, the Slovaks

within the GOP prevented a commemoration by the White House of the
40th anniversary of the 1 944 Allied-supported Slovak uprising that at
tempted to topple Tiso near the end of the World War II.70 The White
House, however, previously had commemorated the anti-Nazi uprising in
Poland, an event widely supported by the Polish community.
In 1 988 many of the key figures in the Republican Heritage Groups
Council were named as leaders of the George Bush presidential campaign's
ethnic outreach arm, the Coalition of American Nationalities. These in
cluded Anna Chennault, Walter Melianovich, Laslo Pasztor, Frank Stella,
Radi Slavoff, Philip A. Guarino, and Florian Galdau. Other persons on the
Bush ethnic panel with questionable views or pasts were Bohdan Fedorak
and Akselis Mangulis.
In August of 1 988 draft copies of the first version of this report were
mailed to several journalists. At the same time a reporter for Washington
Jewish Week began collecting information on the backgrounds of the Bush
campaign's Coalition of American Nationalities (CAN ) members after
hearing criticisms of the Justice Department's Office of Special Investiga
tions while covering the Republican Convention. Washington Jewish Week
originally focused on CAN members Ignatius Billinsky and Jerome Brentar,
but expanded the article after receiving documentation and background
information on the Republican Heritage Groups Council from the author of
this report. The Philadelphia Inquirer also began a substantial investigation of
the charges in this report.
In early September of 1 988, Pasztor, Slavoff, Guarino, Galdau, Fedorak,
Brentar, and Billinsky resigned from the Bush panel following revelations
about their pasts or views appearing in the first edition of this report,
Washington Jewish Week and the Philadelphia Inquirer.
Bush adviser Fred Malek resigned from the Bush campaign after the
Washington Post identified him as having compiled lists of Jews working at
the Bureau of Labor Statistics on orders from the N ixon White House.
In early November, the Philadelphia Inquirer raised questions about a
Latvian member of CAN, which prompted the final resignation, that of
Akselis Mangulis, charged with having belonged to the pro-Nazi Latvian
Legion which had connections to the SS.
While Bush campaign spokespersons pledged there would be an investi
gation into the backgrounds and views of the CAN members whose resig
nations it had announced, no serious investigation ever took place, and the
campaign repeatedly referred to the charges as unsubstantiated politically
motivated smears. Several of the persons who had been reported as resigning
told journalists they had never been asked to resign and considered them
selves still active with the Bush campaign. Furthermore, Guarino, Slavoff,
26

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

Galdau, and Pasztor are still active with the Republican Heritage Groups
Council.
Leonard Zakim, director of the Boston office of the Anti-Defamation
League, is troubled by the handling of the resignations of CAN members by
the Bush campaign. Zakim says that if in fact the Bush campaign has never
completely investigated the charges concerning the Republican ethnic ad
visors as requested by ADL, then he is "extremely unsatisfied" with that
response:
The ADL is very clear in demanding a full explanation take
place, these charges are extremely serious and we expect the
response to be equally serious. We are very disturbed that
spokespersons for the Bush camp did not see fit to repudiate in
full those individuals whose stated views are offensive. We don't
see this as a Jewish issue. When charges like these are raised, all
people should be concerned. It shouldn't only be Jewish organi
zations calling on the political campaigns to deal with issues of
racism and anti-Semitism, but all persons of good conscience.
On October 28, 1 989, the "Blue Ribbon Committee" of the NRHGC
released a three-page final report of its investigation into the charges. The
report failed to respond to the substance of the allegations and was rejected
hy the Republican National Committee, which warned the NRHGC that
"the relationship it currently enjoys with the RNC is in severe jeopardy."
Despite these sharp words, Washington Jewish Week reported on November
28, 1 990 that "the N ational Republican Heritage Groups Council
(NRHGC), an auxiliary of the Republican National Committee, still refuses
to address a two-year-old report which charged that many of its members
had been active in anti-Semitic and fascist groups in Eastern Europe."
As a candidate, George Bush defended Galdau, Pasztor, Guarino, and
Slavoff as innocent of all accusations of collaboration, and insisted they are
all honorable men. But the historical record belies his assertions.
The GOP for decades has misread ethnic America's concerns about
crime, employment, anti-ethnic discrimination, and the future of its youth.
It has offered instead the fascism and ethnic prejudices of the Heritage
Council, which focuses primarily on funding Radio Free Europe and stop
ping Justice Department prosecutions of war criminals who illegally entered
the country.
As chairman of the Republican National Committee in the early years of
the Council, and now as head of the Republican Party and President of the
United States, Mr. Bush owes Americans a complete explanation.
That the Republican Party considers its Republican Heritage Groups
Council members representative of ethnic America shows their confusion
THE NATIONAL REPUBLICAN HERITAGE GROUPS (NATIONALITIES) COUNCIL 27

between the traditionalism that exists in many ethnic communities and the
antidemocratic and profascist sentiments present within some of the con
stituent units of the Republican Heritage Groups Council. To the degree
that the GOP decides to use the Council to lure ethnics away from the
Democratic Party, "it is missing the boat and will fail," says Valuchek.
But the GOP goal may be to create a new leadership in ethnic commu
nities, in the same way that conservative and far-right groups have funded
and credentialed new Black and Latin-American spokespersons in those
communities.
Yet no matter what the intent or goal, the Republican Heritage Groups
Council has incorporated racist, anti-Semitic, and fascist forces, and even
rehabilitated some Nazi collaborators; legitimized them as ethnic leaders in
their own communities and in the press; and provided a vehicle for ex
panding their influence in the Executive branch and Congress, where they
have played a role in shaping American foreign policy.

28

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

PART TWO
The American
Security Council
ii I n

the councils of government we must guard against

the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or

unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for
the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist.
We must never let the weight of this combination endanger
our liberty or democratic processes."
President Dwight D. Eisenhower
January 1 7, 1 96 1

THE AMERICAN SECURITY COUNCIL

29

COLD WARRIORS

I tary-Industrial Complex." 71 Both are names the American Security Coun

t has been called "The Cold War Campus" and "The Heart of the Mili

cil wears with pride. Its boards are filled with retired senior military officers,
executives of major corporations, including some of the largest military
contractors, and some New Right leaders. Wes McCune of the Washington,
D.C.-based Group Research, which monitors the political right wing, says
the ASC "is not just the representative of the military-industrial complex, it
is the personification of the military-industrial complex."1Z
The ASC focuses on foreign policy, military, and intelligence issues. It is
the clearinghouse for U.S. political rightists on arms control, aid to the
contras, new weapons programs, and lobbying for special projects, such as
aid to Jonas Savimbi's UNITA in Angola. In its specialized areas, the ASC
probably has had more influence with the Reagan Administration than the
well-publicized Heritage Foundation, a right-wing think tank in Washing
ton, D.C., which produced massive studies suggesting conservative policies
to the Reagan Administration following each election. However, the ASC
is less visible than the Heritage Foundation.
Little noticed by the press, the ASC is extremely influential among right
wing groups and within the Reagan Administration. In spite of the veneer
of respectability its board members' credentials might provide in some
circles, the ASC is in some respects more extremist than the Republican
Heritage Groups Council. It also serves as a connecting point between Nazi
collaborationists and fascists on one hand, and Reagan Administration
policymakers on the other.
The key outreach arm of the ASC is the Coalition for Peace Through
Strength. Composed of 1 7 1 organizations that are supposed to form a
grassroots lobby for ASC political priorities, the Coalition is where many of
the ASC extremist ties are established. The Republican Heritage Groups
Council and some of its component elements, such as Galdau's Romanian
American Republican Clubs, are members of the Coalition. These ties to
the authoritarian, collaborationist, and fascist Right are consistent with the
history of the ASC.

ORIGINS OF THE ASC

T agents. In its first year it was called the Mid-American Research Library.
he ASC began in Chicago in 1 955, staffed primarily by former FBI

Corporations joined to take advantage of what former FBI agent William

Tumer described in Power on the Right as "a dossier system modeled after the
30

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

FBI's, which was intended to weed out employees and prospective employ
ees deemed disloyal to the free enterprise concept." 73
Before the founders of the ASC got into the business of collecting
dossiers on Americans, however, they had another sort of political interest.
Their political histories go back to the racialist and anti-Semitic groups in
the l 930's that were working in concert with Hitler's war aims. Three groups
in particular would later provide elements of the future ASC: the America
First Committee, the American Vigilante Intelligence Federation, and the
American Coalition of Patriotic Societies.
THE AMERICA FIRST COMMITTEE

The person most responsible for establishing the ASC was General Robert
Wood, then Chairman of Sears Roebuck.74 Prior to Pearl Harbor, Wood
was also the chairman of the America First Committee, an organization
committed to opposing all efforts to aid Allies besieged by Nazi Germany.75
As national chairman, Wood made no effort to keep out openly pro-Nazi
groups known to have been supported by Germany, such as the German
American Bund. Radio priest Father Charles Coughlin's anti-Semitic and
pro-Axis followers were also permitted by Wood to work within America
First. A 1 942 FBI report indicated that Wood's "patriotic" group had "been
called upon to accept financial assistance from pro-Nazi sources." 76
After Pearl Harbor and Germany's declaration of war on the United
States, the America First Committee didn't go out of business as it officially
declared on December 1 2, 1 94 1 . Five days later, a secret meeting of certain
key leaders of America First took place in New York to plan for what they
assumed (and hoped) would be the Axis victory in Europe and the Far East.77
"[T]he Committee has in reality gone underground," FBI Director J. Edgar
Hoover reported to the White House.78 It began planning for the day when
they would be the Americans with whom the victorious Nazis would negoti
ate a surrender. Finally, when the defeat of the Nazis by Allied powers was a
foregone conclusion, the America First Committee secretly dissolved itself
in 1 944.
William Regnery, an incorporator and early leader of the Committee
with Robert Wood,79 helped Wood to found the ASC. His son, Henry
Regnery, replaced him at their book publishing company and at the ASC.
The younger Regnery told an interviewer several years ago that "I was very
much opposed to our getting into the war; and I published this book, which
was highly critical of Roosevelt and of the whole realm of American policies
involving World War IL Very gladly, I must say." Regnery said that the
book, published in the early l 950's, reflected his "personal tastes." 80

THE AMERICAN SECURITY COUNCIL

JI

AMERICAN VIGILANTE INTELLIGENCE FEDERATION

The ASC began collecting dossiers in the McCarthy era in what was often
seen as a blacklisting operation against union organizers and those with
"suspect" political orientations. Files and documents were collected from
the House Committee on Un-American Activities and several private file
collections. One such collection originally was compiled by Harry Jung,B 1
whose research was motivated by a search for what he saw as a Jewish
communist conspiracy.BZ
Jung founded the American Vigilante Intelligence Federation (AVIF)
in 1 927 as an anti-union spy operation.B3 With the rise of anti-Semitism
in Europe, Jung became the first major distributor in the U.S. of the
anti-Semitic forgery, "The Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion." B4 The
"Protocols" text had been used as a pretext by Russian Czars and European
Nazis to conduct pogroms and extermination campaigns against European
Jewry. His A VIF became involved with German Nazi agents in the U.S. In
1 942, Jung's East Coast operative, a Col. Eugene Sanctuary, was indicted by
the Justice Department for sedition. 85 One can only wonder at the purpose
and content of the files collected by Jung, and purchased by the ASC. The
Jung file collection reportedly had one million names indexed when the
ASC acquired it some thirty years ago.
AMERICAN COALITION OF PATRIOTIC SOCIETIES

The American Coalition of Patriotic Societies (ACPS) is another "patri

otic" group that flourished during Jung's heyday and still exists as a member
of the Coalition for Peace Through Strength. The ACPS was founded by
John Trevor in 1 929 to support and maintain tight U.S. immigration
restrictions enacted into law in l 924.B6 Trevor was the behind-the-scenes
architect of the 1 924 Immigration Restriction Act, designed to exclude East
Europeans, Italians, Jews, and other non-Nordics.87
The American Coalition of Patriotic Societies leadership included Harry
Jung and others with links to German National Socialism. One associate of
Trevor, Madison Grant, explicitly repudiated "democratic ideals and
Christian values in the interest of a Nordic philosophy," according to John
Higham's Strangers in the Land.BB Another ACPS director, Harry Laughlin,
was given an honorary Ph.D. in 1 936 by a Nazi-controlled German univer
sity for his work in the area of racial eugenics. 89
John Trevor, Jung, and a third ACPS official, Walter Steele, were among
fifteen Americans whose names appeared inside a 1 933 Nazi book, recom
mending it for an American audience. Begun with an endorsement by
Adolph Hitler, the book contains such statements as "The total contrast to
Jewish-Marxist-Bolshevism is exclusively represented by German National
Socialism." 90 In 1 942, U.S. Army Intelligence called Walter Steele's
32

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

National Republic "fascist." 9 1 In the same year, the American Coalition of

Patriotic Societies was named by the J ustice Department as "a factor" in the
sedition charges brought against those thought to be aiding the Axis.92
General Wood, John Trevor, Walter Steele, and their associates all
became patriotic anticommunists after World War II, however, aiding
Senator Joe McCarthy, lobbying for a more intense cold war, and supporting
reprieves for convicted Nazi war criminals.
General Wood helped establish Human Events , then a monthly maga
zine, that in late 1 945 called the Nuremberg Trials a "travesty of justice." 91
Involved in a number of other rightist groups after the war, he recruited John
M. Fisher, a World War II bomber pilot, from the FBI as a security consult
ant for Sears Roebuck in 1 953.
John Trevor was a leader of a group, Ten Million Americans Mobilizing
for Justice, attempting to prevent the censure of Joe McCarthy. Its leader
ship represented a Who's Who of American anti-Semitism.94 At their 1 954
rally for McCarthy, a female photographer taking pictures of the special
guest section for Time magazine was physically assaulted amid shouts of
"Dirty Jew" and "Hang the communist bitch!"95
John B. Trevor, Jr. became acting secretary of the American Coalition of
Patriotic Societies after his father's death in 1 956, but the political character
of the group showed no noticeable change.96 The ACPS in 1 962 condemned
the Nuremberg war crimes trials as a "dreadful retrogression into barbarism,"
and called for the release of those "who may still be suffering imprison
ment."97
John B. Trevor, Jr. was one of eight members of the American Security
Council Board of Directors until several years ago. In 1 985, the president of
the American Coalition of Patriotic Societies was John Fisher, and their
address was the same as the ASC. 98

THE EMERGENCE OF THE

MILITARY,JNDUSTRIAL COMPLEX

A Sears (Fisher was on the Sears payroll the first five years he headed

lthough the ASC began as an antilabor operation with support from

ASC)99 and other businesses, it soon became involved in foreign policy

issues. It cosponsored a series of annual meetings from 1 95 5 to 1 96 1 called
National Military-Industrial Conferences in which elements of the Penta
gon, National Security Council, and organizations linked to the CIA dis
cussed cold war strategy with leaders of many large corporations, such as
United Fruit, Standard Oil, Honeywell, U .S. Steel, and, of course, Sears
Roebuck. Robert Wood was the key organizer of these events. 1 00 One
Tl IE AMERICAN .SECURITY COUNCIL

}}

A F O RWARD STRATEGY
FOR AM ERICA
BY ROBERT STRAUSZ-HUPE, WILLIAM R. KINTNER
AND STEFAN T. POSSO NY

With Alvin J. Cottrell, James E. Dougherty, Richard B. Foster,

Walter F. Hahn, Robert C. Herber, Francis P. Haeber, Robert
L. Pfaltzgralf, Jr., and Donovan Yeuell, Jr.
This book offers a pla n for an all-in

ernment's

administrative

elusive strategy, and describes how this

structure,

how

strategy must operate from a military,

economic,

litical,

technological,

ps ychologi ca l

and

secu rity

diplomatic

corps

mighl operate more effecti vely, the dan

po

gerou s lag in our technology, the issues

diplomatic

of disarmament, arms control and arms

cultural,

and

our

po int of view if we are to exercise our

reduction, new programs and pol icies

power

for Africa, Asia and Latin America.

n eed to be co.ordinated into an overall

conceived and developed by members of

Among the many vital subjects ana

the University of Pennsylvania. The re

a nd leadership. Our-efforts can

not be in one or a few directions, but
stra tegy in vol vi ng the whole Free World.
l)zed and discussed are: alternate strat

egies i n volvi n g nuclear and conventional

weapons, the n eces s ity

of

an expanding

cc:onomy, proposed revisions in our gov-

A Forward Strategy for America was

the Foreign Policy Research Institute at

suit of many discussions, seminars and

interviews, it is a highly im portant con

tribution lo our understanding of Amer

ica's role in this age of conflict.

A Forward Strategy for America was one of the most influentlal of

the cold war theoretical works.

34

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

conference "cooperating organization" was the CIA-linked Foreign Policy

Research Institute. 101
The Institute's foreign policy thesis during this period was spelled out in a
book, A Forward Strategy for America by Robert Strausz-Hupe, William R.
Kintner, and Stefan T. Possony . In discussing nuclear-option scenarios in a
hypothetical expanding U.S.-Soviet conflict, the book makes the following
statement:
Even at a moment when the United States faces defeat
because, for example, Europe, Asia and Africa have fallen to
communist domination, a sudden nuclear attack against the
Soviet Union could at least avenge the disaster and deprive the
opponent of the ultimate triumph. While such a reversal at the
last moment almost certainly would result in severe American
casualties, it might still nullify all previous Soviet conquests. 102
Another sponsor of the conferences was the Aircraft Industries Asso
ciation (AIA). According to Clarence Lasby's Project Paperclip, the AIA
pressured the U.S. government in the 1 950's to get Nazi scientists into the
United States. 1 03 Werhner van Braun who worked on the Nazi rocket
program, and General John Medaris, who supervised the Nazi scientists in
the U.S. (and has opposed the investigations of the program by the Justice
Department's OSI), were both conference participants. 1 04
Influential private groups such as the N ational Association of Manu
facturers, Chambers of Commerce, and several university institutes also
participated in the conferences. In 1 959 the National Military-Industrial
Conferences established an Advisory Committee on Foreign Affairs that
included a number of representatives of big business. Also included, how
ever, were three political figures of the anti-Semitic extreme right. One of
these was Mark M. Jones, who followed Mervin K. Hart as head of the anti
Semitic N ational Economic Council. Also a member of the Advisory
Committee was Martin Blank, from Germany. Blank's entries in Who's Who
in Germany described him as having worked in Berlin for a mine and steel
mill business group from 1 922 to 1 945. 1 05 A study of backers of German
nazism, Who Financed Hitler, says that Blank represented a secret group of
twelve Ruhr industrialists called the Ruhrlade, "the most powerful secret or
ganization of big business that existed during the Weimar period." 106
Ruhrlade and its political emissary, Martin Blank, became involved in
funding the rise of Hitler. The 1 959 Military-Industrial Conference bulletin
identifies him as a representative of German industry.
A third member of the committee was Baron Frederich August van der
Heydte, who had also been active with the 1 95 8 conference. His entry in
Who's Who in Germany and other sources say that he was an "active officer
THE AMERICAN SECURITY COUNCIL

35

1 935-4 7" in the German army. to7 Heydte, whose family was close to the
exiled Hohenzollen monarch, ws was reported to have written in 1953 that
"democracy is linked with collapse, defeat and foreign uniforms stalking
German soil," and that "democracy was brought by the victorious enemy
together with the army of occupation." 1 09 Von der Heydte was a cofounder
and ideological leader of the Christian Democratic Union, a party that
brought a variety of Nazi elements into its fold after the first postwar
German elections. 1 1 0 In recent years von der Heydte has formed an associa
tion with Lyndon LaRouche's neofascist cult group. 1 1 1 The only foreign
members of the National M ilitary-Industrial Conference's Foreign Affairs
Committee during this period were Blank and von der Heydte.

EISENHOWER'S N IGHTMARE

I American Strategy OAS) to conduct ongoing cold war propaganda. It was

n 1 958, the Military-Industrial Conference formed the Institute for

left to the American Security Council and the University of Pennsylvania's

Foreign Policy Research Institute to administer the IAS. 1 1 2 The IAS became
a center of controversy in 1 96 1 , however, because of its role in political
indoctrination of the military and its ties to active duty military organiza
tions that were beginning to conduct propaganda in civilian forums. The
concern of IAS critics was that an emerging military-industrial complex
could begin to dominate politics and government policymaking, as was
noted by President Eisenhower in his 1 96 1 farewell address. Senator Wil
liam Fulbright and President John F. Kennedy began to share that concern,
especially when it became clear that it was liberalism itself that was under
attack.
In 1 96 1 , the New York Times reported that a 1 958 National Security
Council directive recommended that "the military be used to reinforce the
cold war effort." The NSC decided that the military should conduct indoc
trination campaigns for the American public on cold war and foreign policy
issues. The Institute for American Strategy became the vehicle for the NSC
program, organizing "National Strategy Seminars." The Bulletin of Atomic
Scientists noted:
What is particularly striking about the National Strategy
Seminars is that through the authorization of the Joint Chiefs of
Staff, the institute for American Strategy, in effect, took over
from the services the responsibility for training reserve officers
on active duty, even though the National War College, whose
facilities were used, had been giving courses on strategy to senior

36

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND TI IE REPUBLICAN PARTY

officers of the three services as well as civilians for the past ten
years.
At the same time, while the government paid for allowance,
travel, facilities and services, the Richardson Foundation pro
vided the funds for other expenses, including the cost of
developing a curriculum for the seminar, hiring a staff, securing
speakers, and purchasing books and other materials to be distrib
uted to the students without charge . 1 1 3
Fulbright warned of the dangers implicit i n the situation:
The relationships between the Foreign Policy Research In
stitute, the Institute for American Strategy, the Richardson
Foundation, the N ational War College, and the Joint Chiefs
of Staff, should be re-examined from the standpoint of
whether these relationships do not amount to official support
for a viewpoint at variance with that of the Administration.
These relationships may give one particularly aggressive view
a more direct and commanding influence upon military and
civilian concepts of strategy than is desirable. 1 1 4
Frank Barnett was director of research for the Richardson Foundation
(now the Smith-Richardson Foundation) and program director of the Insti
tute for American Strategy. Barnett advocated "political warfare" abroad
that included fomenting "diverse forms of coercion and violence including
strikes and riots, economic sanctions, subsidies for guerrilla or proxy warfare
and, when necessary, kidnapping or assassination of enemy elites." 1 1 5 Riled
by those who did not share his militant foreign policy outlook, Barnett told
attendees at one cold war seminar that "it is within the capacity of the
people in this room to literally turn the State of Georgia into a civilian war
college," in order to overcome their opponents. 1 1 6
William Kintner, a twenty-five-year ASC veteran who left the CIA after
eleven years as a planning officer and joined IAS in 1 96 1 , attacked the
critics of extreme rightism in the Reader's Digest, May 1 962. He said the
campaign against extreme rightists, including the John Birch Society, began
when "dossiers in Moscow's espionage headquarters were combed for the
names of unsuspecting persons in the United States who might do the
Kremlin's work." In other words, Presidents Eisenhower and Kennedy were
dupes of the KGB . . . or worse. In the jargon of today's extreme right, those
concerned over the growing military-industrial complex were spreading
"Soviet disinformation."
Despite the controversy, the NSC directive authorizing the military's
role in cold war propaganda remained in effect. Edward Lansdale became

THE AMERICAN SECURITY COUNCIL

37

administrative director of IAS in the mid-1 960's, serving while John Fisher
was president of the organization. Lansdale was also an architect of CIA
covert operations in Yietnam. 1 1 7 The Institute for American Strategy later
changed its name to the American Security Council Foundation.
In the early 1 960's the ultraright was planning Goldwater's presidential
campaign effort, helping to build the political base of extreme right groups.
In concert with the Goldwater campaign, the American Security Council in
1 964 published a book called Guidelines for Cold War Victory which listed
board members and cooperating organizations from several far-right groups,
including some linked to the John Birch Society. At least one ASC official
was even associated with the quasi-Nazi Liberty Lobby.1 1 8
These relationships take on greater significance as one learns more about
the nature of groups such as Liberty Lobby and the John Birch Society. For
instance, the founder of the John Birch Society, Robert Welch, once called
President Eisenhower "a dedicated, conscious agent of the Communist
conspiracy," while the leader of Liberty Lobby, Willis Carto, edited a pub
lication in 1 960 calling for voter support for the American Nazi Party.
In his book The Liberty Lobby and the American Right , author Frank P.
Mintz outlines the "overlap in ideology and clientele" between Liberty
Lobby and the John Birch Society as well as the important differences:
The John Birch Society in the early 1 960's aspired to the
leadership of a radical right that strongly defended national
sovereignty and opposed American membership in interna
tional organizations such as the United Nations. Closely related
to the nationalist stance was a conspiratorial interpretation of
U.S. history that made the Council on Foreign Relations an ally
of the Communist conspiracy. 1 19
But while the Birch Society trumpeted j ingoistic patriotism via con
spiracy theories, Mintz says that the "Lobby voiced racist and anti-Semitic
beliefs in addition to conspiracism." Mintz explains:
Structurally, the Lobby was a most unusual umbrella organi
zation catering to constituencies spanning the fringes of Neo
Nazism to the John Birch Society and the radical right. It was
not truly paramilitary, in the manner of the Ku Klux Klan and
Nazis, but was more accurately an intermediary between racist
paramilitary factions and the recent right.
The prodefense network being created by the American Security Coun
cil in the I 960's offered a respectable and anonymous way for members of
the radical right John Birch Society and quasi-Nazi Liberty Lobby to pursue
the promilitary, anticommunist portions of their ideology in a setting where
.38

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUl\LICAN PARTY

the less savory portions of their views could be ignored in the spirit of
coalition building.

THE COALITION FOR

PEACE THROUGH STRENGTH

T targeted opponents of Richard N ixon's Vietnam War policies for defeat

he ASC's role in elections wasn't highly visible until 1 970. That year it

through the distribution of a "national security vote index" which claimed

liberals were soft on communism. The ASC warned voters, "Did you vote
for . . . a real missile gap? A new Cuban missile crisis? . . . Well, that's what
you got! And a powerful coalition of members of Congress is trying to
further reduce our defenses." 120
After J immy Carter became President in 1 977, the ASC began to orga
nize opposition to his plans to ratify the SALT II treaty. The ASC formed
the Coalition for Peace Through Strength in August, 1 978 for that purpose,
and to put together a network to defeat the Democratic Party's nominee in
1 980. In a Coalition report issued immediately after the 1 980 elections,
Coalition co-chair Paul Laxalt, who was also Reagan's 1 980 campaign
chairman, praised Fisher and the ASC: "The combination of all your
efforts-particularly your TV blitz, Speakers Bureau and Political Action
Committee-had a powerful impact on the election results." 1 2 1
THE ASC ROLE IN THE 1 980 ELECTIONS

In 1 980 the American Security Council Foundation produced a film, The

SALT Syndrome, to oppose Senate ratification of the SALT treaty and to
suggest that J immy Carter was unilaterally disarming the U.S. Its use by the
tax-exempt ASC Foundation was described by Fisher: "In the last three
months of the campaign . . . ASCF increased its average TV showings from
30 a month to 1 80 bookings per month for a total of 1 ,956 showings during
this election year." Fisher claimed that the purchased commercial air time,
cable showings and screenings by private groups reached anywhere from 50
to 1 3 7 million people.
The ASC was also active in realigning the Senate toward the GOP.
Fisher, for instance, celebrated the victory of James Abdnor of South
Dakota, by noting Abdnor had "unseated the eighteen-year superdove in
cumbent, Senator George McGovern." Fisher also reported Abdnor ex
pressed pleasure with the help he received. "Aside from my own campaign
committee itself, no organization was more helpful in my successful Senate
race than the Coalition for Peace Through Strength/American Security
Council," Abdnor is quoted as saying.
In the South Dakota race, according to the Coalition Insider (the newsTHE AMERICAN SECURITY COUNCIL

39

letter of the Coalition for Peace Through Strength) , The SALT Syndrome
was shown eleven times on the three major television stations in South
Dakota and as a projected film or videotape it was screened to 1 ,000
audiences. Making the ASC film his own, "Abdnor prepared an opening
and closing statement that was incorporated in the l 6mm version of 'The
SALT Syndrome'." ASC organizers "along with Abdnor's staff were respon
sible for these more than 1 ,000 showings of the film . . . throughout the
state," reported the Coalition Insider.
The ASC-PAC also gave Abdnor's campaign $8,000. Other promilitary
Senate candidates for whom the ASC made special efforts included Charles
Grassley, Alfonse D'Amato, and Steven Symms.
According to Fisher:
Coalition Co-chairman Major General [Ret.] John (Jack)
Singlaub played a continuing role in the Grassley campaign,
first visiting Iowa in the early summer. Singlaub's radio and
television ads made for Grassley became an important part of
the campaign's thrust. In addition, Singlaub filmed a special
introduction to "The SALT Syndrome" for Grassley, who used
the film widely in his campaign.
The report notes that Grassley's Democratic opponent, incumbent
Senator John Culver, moved ahead in the polls, so Grassley asked retired
Lt. General Daniel 0. Graham, former CIA deputy director and ex-head
of the Defense Intelligence Agency, to campaign for him. Graham, who was
executive director of the ASC's PAC, was carried by private plane on
"a whirlwind tour of western Iowa." A rally and press meetings were ar
ranged. Grassley pulled ahead in the polls and held the lead through the
November 4 elections. The ASC PAC also gave the Grassley campaign
$8,000.
Another all-out effort was made by ASC in behalf of Alphonse D'Amato
against Elizabeth Holtzman in New York's Senate race. "ASC staffers were
in there pitching from the start. A whole contingent went to help the
D' Amato campaign with the press. . . . " According to the report, Gen.
Graham, retired Brig. Gen. Robert Richardson, and several admirals repre
sented the Coalition for Peace Through Strength on D'Amato's behalf. The
ASC PAC also gave his campaign $ 1 ,000. The Fisher ASC election report
notes that Graham enjoyed most his campaign against Frank Church, who
had led the Senate investigation of illegal CIA activities. Graham called
Church, in typical ASC overstatement, "the architect of the destruction of
our intelligence system" for investigating the CIA illegalities.
Both Graham and Singlaub (who also had worked for the CIA)
"campaigned vigorously for Steve Symms . . . each paying Idaho three
40

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

separate visits. They were together for the Idaho Republican State conven
tion." One headline, typical of the ASC style of rhetoric, read "Singlaub
Blames Church for Soviet Supremacy." Symms received $2,000 from ASC
PAC. Fisher claims that in 1 980 the Coalition and ASC "briefed and/or
campaigned for sixty-seven candidates." He said ASC staffers served as
media consultants, researchers, and aided candidates in making intro
ductions and closing statements to the ASC's The SALT Syndrome.
The ASC-PAC also aided Republican Senators Jake Garn and Dan
Quayle [now Vice-President Quayle] with $3 ,000 each, as well as Paula
Hawkins, Paul Laxalt, Mack Mattingly, and Don Nickles with $ 1 ,000 each.
In the House, Jack Kemp, Robert K. Dornan and Gerald Solomon were
Republicans who received $ 1 ,000 each, as did Democrats Sam Stratton,
Andrew Ireland, and Bill Chappell.
NOT EXACTLY A PEACEFUL COALITION

While the Coalition for Peace Through Strength became more involved in
elections and lobbying for Reagan Administration priorities, the number of
organizations in the Coalition grew from about forty in 1978 to 1 7 1 in 1 986.
As the Coalition grew, more bizarre groups were brought in. Many of the
groups mentioned earlier are part of the Coalition: the Republican Heritage
Groups Council and its Slovak, Romanian, Italian, Chinese, and Cossack
Republican units; the Slovak World Congress, the Bulgarian National
Front, the Byelorussian-American Association, and several other emigre
fascist groups. But one organization that is a Coalition member and brings
together, under ASC auspices, the Republican Heritage Groups Council
and more ardent Nazis is the National Confederation of American Ethnic
Groups (NCAEG ) .
The NCAEG is an organization which becomes active about a year
before presidential elections. Treasurer Richard Kolm says of the NCAEG
"We don't have contact with the Democratic Party. NCAEG has a reputa
tion as Republican." It is also called "Szaz's personal springboard" by one of
its officers, in reference to Executive Vice-President Z. Michael Szaz's
dominance. Szaz is an official of the Virginia Republican Heritage Groups
Council, an associate of racialist Roger Pearson (see Part 3 ) , and a director of
the ASC's American Foreign Policy Institute. In mid- 1 983, the NCAEG
began operating out of the ASC's Washington office in preparation for the
1 984 elections. m
The NCAEG presents itself as a congress of American ethnicity with a
mandate to fight for the interests of millions of ethnic Americans, which
some NCAEG leaders say are treated as second-class citizens. It is, however,
an organizational forum for, and dominated by, Nazi collaborationists,
emigre fascists, and anti-Semites. A number of the groups and leaders within
THE AMERICAN SECURITY COUNCIL 4 1

The Journal of
Historical Review
Peter

H.

Oppenheimer

From the Spanish Civil War to the

Fall of France: Luftwaffe Lessons
Learned and Applied
Roberl

C.

Bh1ck

Politics, Prejudice and Procedure:

The Impeachment Trial
of A ndrew Johnson
Alu.ander Ronnelt,

The

M.D. &

lausl Bradescu ,

Ph.D.

Legionary Movement in Romania

-Book RevlewsE.xecution by Hunger: The Hidden l/olocaust

The Polidcs of Hunpr: The Allied Blticlwdl of Gomany

1915-19

The Falcon and the Eagle: Montenegro and Austria 1908-14

-HISTORICA L N EWS A N D COMMENTHistorians Wrangle over the Oestrution of 1:-:uropean Jewr_1

Shoah: Abraham Bomba the Barber

Volume Se1en, Num/1er Two

Summer / 9/l6

Dr. Alexander Ronnett's defense of the Nazi-linked Romanian Iron Guard

appeared in the anti-Semitic Journal of Historical Review.

42

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGI IT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARn'

the NCAEG are also affiliated with the National Republican Heritage
Groups Council. m
One of the exceptions is the Romanian affiliate of the NCAEG, the
Romanian American National Congress. Unlike the reticent Galdau, who
denies being an Iron Guardsman, Dr. Alexander Ronnett, head of the
Romanian American National Congress, has written a defense of the Iron
Guard. 124
Throughout its sixty-year history, the Iron Guard has maintained a
mystical, morose Romanian volkish nationalism and anti-Semitism.125 The
Iron Guard's links to the German SS and their attempted 1 94 1 coup against
the Romanian monarchy were evidence of the violent nature of the Guard.
Their macabre ritual assassination practices were given full play during the
three-day coup attempt, when thousands were rounded up and many mur
dered. Jews were a special target.126
Today, Ronnett talks of "Jew-Communists" and the need for the Ameri
can military to destroy the Warsaw pact. In his suburban Chicago M. D.'s
office, Iron Guard symbols hang on the wall along with autographed photos
of Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet meeting with Ronnett and other Iron
Guard leaders. The message of the Iron Guard is still taken seriously in some
circles. 1 27
An Illinois ethnic advisor to the Reagan-Bush campaign in 1 984,
Ronnett spoke at the February, 1 986 annual meeting of the Institute for
Historical Review, where he claimed Jews were enemies of the Iron
Guard.128 The IHR is the Holocaust-denial group in Costa Mesa that
attempts to rewrite the history of World War II in favor of the Axis powers
and present nazism in a favorable light. The IHR is sponsored by Willis
Carto who also leads the anti-Semitic and quasi-Nazi Liberty Lobby.
Ronnett's Romanian American National Congress, which has long-stand
ing ties to the World Anti-Communist League (WACL),129 recently joined
the Coalition for Peace Through Strength.
Another NCAEG leader who was active with IHR was Austin App of
the German American National Congress (also known by its German
acronym "DANK"). App, a pro-Nazi activist for decades, wrote The Six
Million Swindle , 1 30 asserting that the Nazi extermination of Jews didn't
happen. Until his death in 1 986, App was also active with extreme
rightists based in Germany. App was a founder of the NCAEG. DANK is
its German affiliate. DANK was active in the Republican Heritage Groups
Council in the early 1 970's, but the GOP German slot has had no affiliate in
recent years. DANK, a group that glories in the memory of the Third
Reich, is also a member of the Coalition for Peace Through Strength,
despite the fact that App had written in 1 946 that "the German armies
[were] the most decent armies of the war." In his 1 974 pamphlet, A
THE AMERICAN SECURITY COUNCIL

43

Straight Look at the Third Reich: Hitler and National Socialism , How Right?
How Wrong? , App wrote, "The truth is that in World War II the Third

Reich fought for justice, and the Allies fought to prevent justice." 1 3 1 Writing
in Commentary , December 1 980, Lucy Dawidowicz bluntly called DANK
"pro-Nazi," a characterization easily justified by the content of the group's
literature.
When NCAEG held a meeting in the fall of 1 983, representatives of the
White House and Republican National Commitee were participants. Re
publican Heritage Groups Council Executive Director Radi Slavoff was
identified in the program as also being the NCAEG's Secretary/Director of
Activities. One of the activities planned was to honor NCAEG founders
Austin App and Slovak Josef M ikus, the former Tiso diplomat.132
In 1 985, Slavoff and Pasztor were replaced by American-born ethnics in
order to campaign against the Justice Department's Office of Special Inves
tigations (OSI), the Nazi prosecution unit. New Jersey NCAEG chair
Joseph Plonski, who is also vice-chair of the New Jersey Republican Heri
tage Groups Council, says that the "Soviets are using OSI as a vehicle to
divide and conquer America." He said they wanted NCAEG leaders to be
American-born so they couldn't be accused of "war crimes." 1 3 1
NCAEG's anti-OSI campaign put together a booklet that has a friendly
note from former White House Communications Director Patrick
Buchanan. 1 34 NCAEG credibility on the OSI question is further compli
cated by the public assertions of some of its associates that the Holocaust
never happened.
Other Republican Heritage Groups Council leaders who have been
active with the NCAEG include Walter Melianovich, Nicolas Nazarenko,
Alexander Aksenov, and Laszlo Pasztor. In a 1 9 7 1 Washington Post story on
some of the extreme elements within the NCAEG and Republican Heritage
Groups Council, Pasztor's attitude was described as uncritical of the fascists
he was working with: "He talks to all of them, he says, and praises the
concept of an umbrella organization for ethnics. He denounces no one." 1 3 5
Ethnic groups are not the only extremists in the Coalition for Peace
Through Strength. Other groups include:
CATHOLICS FOR CHRISTIAN POLITICAL ACTION
A lobby and newsletter operation run by Gary Potter. Its February-March
1 983 newsletter attacked "Zionist" wealth, and "skillful playing on the
Holocaust theme." The proposed solution is stated thus: "The nation does
not necessarily have to become Christian again to shake off the Zionist
power. Germany didn't. Germany also ultimately failed . . . following Him
[Christ] is the course the U.S. should take to be free." 1.l6

44

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

ORDER OF ST. JOHN OF JERUSALEM

Although it poses as a Catholic organization, the Order of St. John is a
Masonic group that claims to be the real Knights of Malta.137 Its Grand
Master for fifty years until his death several years ago was Charles Pichel, an
adv iser ( v ia correspondence from the U . S . ) to H itler aide Ernst
Hanfstaengl. 138 Pichel's Order is a secret society led by anti-Semites who
have worked with the quasi-Nazi Liberty Lobby and with neofascist Lyndon
LaRouche groups. 1 39
HERITAGE GROUPS COUNCIL FOR CITIZENSHIP EDUCATION

A subsidiary of the pro-Nazi German American National Congress

( DANK), the Council is headed by Karol Sitko. Active in NCAEG, Sitko
was described in the Washington Post as an ally of Austin App and Ivan
Docheff. 1 40 Sitko was also the organizer for the West German branch of the
Western Goals Foundation, a far-right political organizing and research
group which, until the death of its founder, Congressman Larry McDonald,
was essentially a front for the John Birch Society's private intelligence
network. In Germany, Sitko organized rallies in Nuremberg and Hanover
drawing 240,000 people. He was supported by billionaire H.L. Hunt and
General John Singlaub.141 H is activities were conducted in concert with the
Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (see Section 3 , part 4) .
CONSERVATIVES AGAINST LIBERAL LEGISLATION

Renamed Conservative Alliance (CALL), this group was organized by the

late Terry Dolan's National Conservative Political Action Committee
(NCPAC is also in the Coalition for Peace Through Strength). CALL has
received major funding through groups affiliated with Rev. Sun Myung
Moon, according to the Wall Street Journal and other reports.142 CALL
started the National Coalition for America's Survival, which includes the
newly-reincarnated America First Committee.1 4 3 The current America First
Committee, related only by name to the earlier group, is a Chicago-based
racist and anti-Semitic organization headed by neo-Nazi Art Jones. Jones
alternates Nazi uniforms with Klan robes and participated in a Klan-Nazi
unity meeting sponsored by Aryan Nations in October of 1 985.144 Jones
constantly issues attacks on Blacks, Jews, and Hispanics, and functions as
the ideological leader of Chicago-area Nazi groups.
COMMITTEE TO UNITE AMERICA

One of three groups in the Coalition headed by Lady Malcolm Douglas

Hamilton, who is also on the board of the American Security Council
Foundation. Her deceased husband, part of the British aristocracy, was the
brother of the host of Rudolph Hess when, in 1 940, Hess made his secret
THE AMERICAN SECURITY COUNCIL 45

flight to England. Hess, a top aide to Hitler and Nazi Party official, sought to
meet with the British aristocratic circles known as the Cliveden Set.145
Sympathetic to Hitler's war aims, the Cliveden Set tried to get England out
of the war it had declared against Germany in September, 1 939, after
Germany invaded Poland. Hess was arrested and imprisoned. After Lord
Malcolm Douglas came to the U.S., he established an American branch of
a racial eugenics group headquartered in Scotland. The oil billionaire Hunt
brothers and Senator Jesse Helms are members of the group. It was headed
by Robert Gayre, who published the racialist Mankind Quarterly until Roger
Pearson took it over in 1 978 (see Section 3 , part 1 ) . Lady Malcolm Douglas
Hamilton set up a number of groups, including the Committee to Unite
America. John Fisher is listed among its Founders and on its Sponsoring
Committee, as are other ASC principals.

THE ASC, THE WHITE HOUSE,

AND THE NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL

T between National Security Council representatives, congressional staff

he American Security Council sponsored weekly private meetings

ers and New Right groups active on foreign policy issues. Begun in January,
1 985, the Tuesday Group, as it became known for its Tuesday morning
Capitol Hill sessions, focused on gaining aid for the contras, a top White
House and ASC priority.
ASC leaders in 1 985 were reluctant to discuss the Tuesday Group due to
the participation of Lt. Col. Oliver North, then a deputy director of the
National Security Council, and the attendance of Constantine Menges, the
former head of Latin American affairs at NSC. North eventually came under
congressional fire in 1 987 for his role in coordinating secret and private aid
to the Contras. North has participated in other ASC activities and had his
picture in the Peace Through Strength Report, January, 1 986, with Fisher,
even though the White House demanded that the Washington Post and
other papers not use North's picture-for reasons of national security.
The Tuesday Group was chaired by Sam Dickens, ASC's Director for
Inter-American Affairs and editor of Radio Free Americas, a radio program
picked up by the ASC in 1 968 when a similar program was exposed in 1 967
as CIA-sponsored. Others in the group, whose attendance varies slightly
depending on the weekly topic, included: representatives of the Pentagon
and State Department; the Heritage Foundation; the Center for Strategic
and International Studies; the National Forum Foundation; former U.S.
Ambassador to Costa Rica Curtin Winsor, Jr.; Lynn Bouchey, head of the
Council for Inter-American Security; Dave Sullivan, an aide to Senator
46

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

Jesse Helms, Steve Symms, and James McClure; and Angelo Codevilla, a
former aide to Sen. Malcolm Wallop, who now went to Hoover Institution
in Califomia. 1 46
Menges described the meetings as purely "social affairs" and said he only
came in contact with the Tuesday Group in 1 987. He had left the NSC a
month prior to our interview, in early 1 987, to work for Jack Kemp's Fund
for an American Renaissance.
One Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs also attended
the Tuesday meetings in order to maintain contacts with other foreign
policy hard-liners. At the risk of losing his job, he blasted the policies of
Secretary of State George Schultz, Assistant Secretary for African Affairs
Chester Crocker, and Deputy Assistant Secretary Frank Wisner. The impact
of Tuesday Group work was noted by one source who said "the Michel
Amendment" for contra aid was written through its process.
Various experts arc brought in to discuss the topic of any given meeting.
According to Dickens, guests may include "Congressmen, former heads of
state, ambassadors, military leaders from El Salvador, Honduras-Eden
Pastora, Roberto D'Aubuisson we've had at our breakfast." According to
Winsor, Sol Sanders of Business Week made one presentation on the si tua
tion in Mexico. "His views are virtually the same as [former Ambassador)
Jim Gavins," Winsor added.
Dickens said in 1 986 that the focus of the Tuesday Group had been on
contra aid, and would continue to be. The Tucsday Group's purpose was "to
bring people together to develop ideas and action plans to get support from
Congress for the Freedom Fighters," according to the ASC activist. Dickens
said that for Reagan to get consensus on the Hill for funding the contras it
was going to take private sector involvement, "So we've been working on
that basis . . . . " Dickens said that he would "advise contra leaders" and "help
raise money for them through foundations."
After insisting that "the U.S. ought to break diplomatic relations" with
N icaragua and "recognize UNO [United Nicaraguan Opposition]," Dickens
said that the NSC at the time was considering such a move after initial
funding for the contras was approved. He predicted that the break would
come after "another country takes the lead in South America" to end
diplomatic ties with Nicaragua. These predictions came shortly before the
story of Iran-contragate broke in the national news media.
In addition to the foreign policy subjects of the Tuesday Group, a
working group has met in "crisis" situations, presumably to aid funding for
programs that need Congressional lobbying, such as Star Wars, chemical
weapons, and the MX. The appropriate administration officials, military
contractors, and political groups are believed to have participated. 147
The relationship between Reagan and the ASC has been a long and
THE AMERICAN SECURITY COUNCIL

47

mutually beneficial partnership. Presidential candidate Ronald Reagan

joined the Coalition for Peace Through Strength as an individual member
as the Coalition was being formed in 1 978. 148 The ASC supplied campaign
advisors and a drumbeat of propaganda for the defeat of J immy Carter. After
Reagan's 1 980 victory, the ASC was heavily represented on the transition
teams and in the new Administration. In turn, Reagan provided three
fundraising letters for the ASC during his first year in office. 149
Observing this relationship near the end of 1980, retired Admiral
Gene La Rocque, director of the Washington, D.C.-based Center for
Defense Information, stated that "the American Security Council, which
only a few years ago was generally dismissed in serious defense circles as
an insignificant fringe group left over from the McCarthy era, today
stands poised to take control of the defense policies of this nation." La
Rocque noted that Reagan's inexperience in defense issues meant that
"(w]hen it comes to military policy, Governor Reagan depends totally on his
advisors." 1 50

THE PROPAGANDA ARM

OF THE MILITARY ESTABLISHMENT

R projects. A March 1 1 , 1 982 letter from then National Security Advisor

eagan's NSC turned to the ASC early on for collaboration on its

William Clark praised ASC's 1 980 film Attack on the Americas as "effective
and accurate" and asked the ASC to produce an updated version incorpo
rating Reagan's Caribbean and Central American policies. The "Dear John"
letter to Fisher on White House letterhead claimed that it was necessary to
tum to the ASC because "media coverage has been fraught with both
misinformation and disinformation. . . . " Clark ended the letter with a "look
forward to working with you in the future."
The ASC produced the film, bringing Sam Dickens in as a consultant. 1 5 1
In August 1 982, the ASC Foundation held a speakers training forum in the
White House with high Administration officials participating.152 The
speaker's bureau was another ASC vehicle made available to the Adminis
tration to help develop public support for its policies. The 1 980 version of
Attack on the Americas reportedly received funds for its $500,000 budget from
several extreme right-wing groups in Guatemala with links to death squads
in that country.151
Another film on Central America, Crisis in the Americas, was also pro
duced with NSC interests in mind. According to one source, however, the
NSC paid the ASC for its help. "I was screening the film footage taken in
Central America so that we could make a copy," said British Broadcasting
48

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

Corporation producer David Taylor, who works in Washington, D.C. "The

film's producer, Walter Gold, told me I couldn't use some of the footage
because it was shot for the NSC through a contract arrangement with the
ASC. It was supposed to be secret." Taylor said that some of the footage was
of a classified U.S. air base in El Salvador to which journalists could not get
access. "For them to get to that base, they had to be cleared." Some of the
footage had a C- 1 30 aircraft landing at the base that Gold identified as "a
CIA transport." He also told Taylor that footage of the 1 984 elections in El
Salvador had "CIA election observers." It was never explained why the
NSC wanted this footage, nor how much was paid to the ASC to produce
it. 1 54 The public version of Crisis in the Americas premiered in the White
House in February 1985. 1 5 1 NSC head Robert Mcfarlane headlined the
event, while former presidential assistant Faith Whittlesey praised the ASC
for its "initiative."
Another source of funds for ASC film efforts came from the First Na
tional Bank of Chicago. In 1 987, the American Banker noted the FBI was
investigating the unauthorized use of $ 1 00,000 by two former bank officials
to aid an ASC promotional film. One bank employee, Wayne Gregory, was
head of the Illinois Branch of the ASC's U.S. Congressional Advisory Board
(USCAB), a part of ASC's fundraising operation. 1 56 Gregory's attorney,
Matthias Lydon, said of the ASC's involvement, "nothing was said, as
sumptions were made" between Gregory and the ASC. 1 57 The ASC gave
Gregory an award "to honor the example and dedication he has shown." 1 58
The USCAB had further problems when the home of former Illinois Con
gressman Robert Hanrahan, who headed the national USCAB fundraising
operation, was raided in a "nationwide investigation into a scheme to hide
drug profits." 1 59
In September, 1 983 Reagan sent a "Dear John" letter to Fisher on White
House stationery which began "I am glad to hear that you are launching an
IN DEFENSE OF AMERICA project to counter the massive Soviet propa
ganda and disinformation on issues like Central America and the nuclear
weapons freeze . . . . My Administration will cooperate fully with you in this
project." 160
The "In Defense of America" project was geared toward shaping public
opinion for the 1 984 campaign. The centerpiece of the $ 1 5 million project
was production of two films that were intended to play a campaign role
similar to the use made of The SALT Syndrome in 1 980. The Coalition's
November 1 983 newsletter notes that "a special team drawn from the
National Security Council, the State Department, [and] the Department of
Defense" will assist the ASC project.
The first film was A Strategy for Peace Through Strength which, like
all ASC propaganda, claims U.S. military inferiority. A scene of Carter
THE AMERICAN SECURITY COUNCIL

49

embracing Brezhnev is later contrasted with a hard-line Reagan speech,

giving viewers an idea as to who is weakening America.
The second film was Crisis in the Americas . Its graphics featured a bear
from the eastern horizon aggressively looming over Central America. Presi
dent Reagan and Administration spokesmen are the star players in the
script.
Part of the appeal to raise the $ 1 5 million for the ASC project was to
double the number of groups in the Coalition for Peace Through Strength,
from 1 58 to 300. Another goal was to build state and local units of the
Coalition. A separately stated goal was to "Encourage the organization of
affiliated Coalitions in all other free world countries." 1 6 1
In several interviews, Fisher declined to discuss any means by which they
intended to organize other "Free World" Coalitions. Although he suggested
that CIOR, the NATO reserve officers association, would be a possible
vehicle, he seemed to have no plan, or intention of developing one. It was
also unclear what the international character and function of a Coalition for
Peace Through Strength may be in, say, Chile, Paraguay or South Africa
countries where domestic peace has been maintained through the strength
of police and military units deployed by the government.
Those aspects of the ASC project related to Reagan's re-election, how
ever, were implemented with some success. ] . Walter Thompson Advertis
ing Company arranged half-hour slots on nearly 200 commercial stations to
show the "Peace Through Strength" film a month before the November
election. Public and cable TV showings were also arranged. Crisis in the
Americas didn't make it before the elections.
The ASC planned to complement that week of film showings on TV
with "Peace Through Strength" rallies in forty-eight states.162 Most were
poorly attended. The ASC also planned a "World Peace Through Strength
Day" on September 1 9 , 1 984. Although the nature of the event was unclear,
the ASC noted "the day-long extravaganza is scheduled for the eve of
America's Presidential elections" which the ASC felt "further enhances its
significance." 1 61
The coordinators of some of the state Coalition activities represent the
extreme politics of the national organization. The North Carolina Coalition
coordinator during the 1 984 re-election effort for Senator Jesse Helms was
Milton Croom, 164 a longtime supporter of Lyndon LaRouche's activities, and
a partner in a western Maryland radio station owned by the LaRouche
group.165 The LaRouche network frequently organizes around anti-Semitic
and neo-Nazi themes, and collaborates with American neo-Nazi groups and
the Ku Klux Klan. Former members say the core of the organization is a cult
with members totally subservient to LaRouche. 166
Betty McConkey, the Iowa Coalition coordinator, was a candidate for
50

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

state legislative office under the banner of the Populist Party, 1 67 a political
front of the anti-Semitic and quasi-Nazi Liberty Lobby. The Populist Party
.openly includes elements from the Ku Klux Klan as well as the violent
paramilitary Posse Comitatus. 168
When the ASC put together the "In Defense of America" project, they
assembled a "strategy board" for the ASC Foundation.169 It included two
former directors of covert operations of the CIA, and two former intelli
gence operatives involved in organizations aiding the illegal shipments of
lethal material to Libya under the direction of former CIA operatives
Edmund Wilson and Frank Terpil.
One of the operatives involved in the Wilson-Terpil arms trade was Brig.
Gen. (retired) Robert C. Richardson III. He was a vice-president of Con
sultants International from 1 973-7 7, 1 70 a front company used in the Libyan
operations.171 A senior officer in U.S. Air Force Politico-Military Affairs
(covert operations), he is an associate of Roger Pearson (see Pearson section)
and retired Lt. Daniel 0. Graham's High Frontier, a group which lobbies for
a form of Star Wars and is also a member group of the Coalition for Peace
Through Strength.
Another covert operator on the strategy board was the late Brig. Gen.
Edwin F. Black. Formerly on Eisenhower's Operations Coordinating Board,
which implemented National Security Council policies and supervised the
CIA, 172 Black was a principal of the N ugan Hand Bank of Australia. m The
Australian government found that the bank was involved in drug and gun
trafficking174 and that it aided the Wilson-Terpil operations.17 1
The government also noted the bank's employment of "so many former
high ranking U.S. and Armed Services personnel and other people widely
known to have had a previous formal connection with the U.S. intelligence
community." 176 Although the government did not find Nugan Hand to be a
sanctioned covert cover for CIA activities, it remarked that "there are a
number of matters that give rise to serious disquiet," including "the relation
ships that some of the N ugan Hand group . . . had with persons of U.S.
intelligence background." 177 Black and Richardson also serve on the ASC
National Strategy Committee. 178

THE ASC AND CONGRESS

T 1984 elections. A "Salute to Ambassador Jeane J. Kirkpatrick" dinner

he ASC's close relationship to the executive branch continued after the

was arranged by the ASC in 1 985, with a host committee studded with
administration officials. 1 79 Having solidified its relationship with the Reagan
Administration, ASC targeted Congress to receive more attention.
THE AMERICAN SECURITY COUNCIL

51

ANALYSIS OF DEVELOPMENTS AFFECTING THE NATION'S SECURITY

WASHI NGTON . JUl"E 1982

WR

ISSN OOO l 1011

825 6

The Nuclear Weapons Freeze Movement

1h1np

American founda11ons and from the

novel. bizarre. and even radical. c111

grip larse se1n1enls o( the populauon

1nten110ned but exploited Americans.

America

almoJI

is

land

overni111h1

where

dona11ons

of

of

thousands

wt'll

But in any case. Sovic1 propaganda has

Someumes lhese

phenomena teem 10 anse spontaneout

ly in !he natural course of human

made a cri1ical conmbuuon 1 0 1he

over.all .a1mosphere
of the
freeze

events: 1n other cast"!. as with P ub1k's

cube. thf'y are the rC"Sul1 of someone's
shrewd and calcula1ed effon.

a d1vmve poh1ic1l force

1han 1he talled nuclear free1f'

movemen1 The media have 1outed the

embraced lhe eoncepl as 1heir own by

co-sponsorinR a frcezenow. equalize
lhrou11hnego11at1ons-later
rt'Solution
in lhe Senate
Bantam books has

c.ampaign. by crea1 i n g 1 clim11 c o f fcar

The movemen1 1s rapidly b(-com1n1
Sena1on Ted

Few !rends or fads have :wt"m1n1/.v

bun1
upon
1 h e nation
more
sponlanenuly o r sprt"ad more rapidly

movemenl.

hailed

1u

Kennedy

coopera1ed

1nss-roots..

days

parl of the mas11ve camp111n to disarm

the

Wot

which

the

Sov1e11

llorr1d rzltivv ..,oufd litr "orlt'" f>tllP'

1ltt111 a Nudtt1r Frttzt ar prur111 /r..,/s

have
cruise mistilct in Holland and Helsium
when these weapons become available.
There is no oven dala. as such. on

develop 1he so-called neutron bomb in

1he sums be1n1 tpcnl

1978 by President Caner. and more

recently
m
mall:in11
11
polnically

campa111ns. and 1n fact much of 1he

rundins for lhtlle m111a1ives com from

II

and

mu1ual

lorcrs

frce1e

now

resul1ins in the cancelhns of plans 10

imponible to deploy Persh1n111

by

Kennedy

and

S e na1o rs Jackson

levels

and verifiable nuclear

al

of

e,11

The

KcnnedHatfield

rtolut1on mustered onlv 1wen1v co

eITon has been vecy effective so far,

conducted over !he put five years. This

bv

Frrr:r.

sponsor. compared ... 11h .fif1v-e1sh1 for

the Jackon-Wamer resolu11on

carefully

is clearly an intepal

Senators

enlllled

equal and harply

forces The Op(ra1we
word 1n 1h1s 1ni11a11ve is ..tqual."
rencc1 1n!l thc \ICW 1ha1 pan1y ds no1

June 10 July of this year

Moreover.
behind the seemins spontaneily therT is

term.

reduced

as the Uni1ed Nations Special

Session on 01sarmamen1 1all:n place,

Soviet Union

have

ilnd
Warner have sponored Senalt J01nt

organ1za11.:ins concerned thill the freeze

call wu dt'S1gned to reach a crescendo

servn to 1mplemen1 the aims of the

the

Ha1field

R esolu uo n 177. which calls fora lon11-

JUSI

dC"St8ned Slril1t1Y
II 1s no coincidence tha1 th11 Sl1'11tety

wriuen

I n response.

referenda
Bui 1hc t1m1n111 of 1h1s
phenomenon was not acc1den1al. h is
eviden1 from the li1era1ure o( 1he

with

paperback

Hai field

item nut fall on the Califorma stare

followin11

osrens1bly

EnsJand town meeun" to an agenda

o r111a n17trs.

Mark

rushm111 1n10 pnnt 1n a near-record s1

nature. and dt'Scnbed 11 as sweeping like

a pran1e fire. from resolutions 1n New

a complt1 hierarchy of profeu1onal

and

Umon

10

promote

by 1he Sov1e1

1he

free1e

On

the

01her

hand.

Prc1dent

Rea[[an hu opposed a freetc. as uch. at

.
this 11me. which would . lc!11t1m11e a
cond111on of grea1 advanta@'e 1 0 the
Soviets Recentl. he challenged the
USSR by proposing a cul of one-third
111 the ura1eg.1c nuclear weapons of bo1h
s1du

I n a second phase. he suueed.

miss ile 1hrow-we1gh1s would be reduced

to equal and verifri.ble levels

The Soviet

response to Rca1111.n's

proposal came in

I eonu.J H rt1 h nevs

The American Securlly Council and Its Coalition for Peace Through
Strength circulate a large volume of promllltary Informational materials.

52

OLO NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

"Our increasing emphasis is going to be on Congress," said Fisher. 180 He

was mindful of the congressional resistance that still existed on a variety of
foreign and military policy issues. The two ASC vehicles for influencing
Congress were the U.S. Congressional Advisory Board (USCAB), a part of
the ASC Foundation, and the Congressional Division of the Coalition for
Peace Through Strength.
USCAB has given citizens the opportunity to become "advisors" to
Congress by paying money to the ASC, although an occasional postage
stamp would be cheaper and perhaps just as effective. Members of USCAB
were also invited to ASC fundraisers called "annual meetings" of USCAB.
The meeting held in July 1 986 cost $ 1 50 a head to attend.
Administration officials aided these fundraisers by providing speakers
and even the White House for events. Caspar Weinberger has addressed the
1 985 181 and 1 986 meetings; SDI director Lt. Gen. James Abrahamson and
George Keyworth, former Science Advisor to the President, have also
addressed USCAB.1 82 In December of 1 985 a "Post Geneva Summit Brief
ing" was sponsored by USCAB that featured speeches from Lt. Col. Oliver
North, John Lenczowski, director of European and Soviet Affairs for the
National Security Council, and William Martin, executive secretary of the
NSC. 'Hi
The Congressional Division of the Coalition for Peace Through Strength
has been the ASC's fig leaf of bipartisanship. With 252 congressmen and
senators as members in 1 986, the ASC claimed their Congressional Division
to be the largest caucus in Congress. Nearly forty percent were Democrats,
according to the ASC. As Division members, elected representatives were
expected to support a "Peace Through Strength Resolution" and maintain a
seventy percent positive rating on the ASC index of key congressional
votes. This entitled congressional representatives to certain rewards. The
main reward was financial.
The ASC has a Political Action Committee that doles out money-if
you are a member of the Coalition's Congressional Division. In 1 985,
Common Cause Magazine reported that conservative Republican Senator
John Warner of Virginia was denied a campaign donation unless he joined.
Warner, who says he refuses donations with strings attached, said no. He
also told the magazine that he believed they wanted his name for fundraising
purposes. "I was not about to become part of their fundraising operations,"
Warner was quoted as saying. 1 84
ASC-PAC donations are a small part of the money available to
influence Congress. While ASC reported that in 1 982 its PAC distributed
$82,000 to Congressional candidates, Fisher's annual ASC report noted that
the Council also "played a senior role in the raising of over $2 million" in the
campaign. 185 In 1 984 ASC-PAC spent $225 ,000 while raising another
THE AMERICAN SECURITY COUNCIL

53

$4.5 million in campaign money,1 86 possibly from defense contractors.

Select congressmen receive other benefits. Florida Democratic Congress
man Bill Chappell, chair of the Defense Appropriation Subcommittee and a
cochair of the Congressional Division of the ASC, says that in 1 984 the
ASC was responsible for the "most successful Washington fundraiser ever
held during my eighteen years in Congress." 18; In 1987, he praised the ASC
by writing "I am pleased and honored that you will once again be coordinat
ing my Steering Committee efforts." 188
Another direct means of rewarding congressional favorites is by paying
honoraria to members of Congress who participate in ASC activities. Con
gressman Bill Dickinson of Alabama, the ranking Republican on the House
Armed Services Committee and an endorser of the anti-Semitic and quasi
Nazi Liberty Lobby, 1 89 received $7 ,000 in honoraria from the ASC in 1 984 1 90
and $6, 500 in 1 985. 1 9 1 One $2,000 payment came specifically for aiding the
In Defense of America fundraising project. 1 91 ASC raised $500,000 from
defense contractors over three years. : 9 i The project funds were used to pro
duce films and organize political activity on behalf of increased military
spending and aid to the contras, and to bolster the 1 984 re-election efforts of
Ronald Reagan.
The ASC regularly organizes meetings between defense contractors and
key members of Congress. For instance, in the summer of 1 987, then
Senator Dan Quayle, a member of the Senate Armed Services Committee,
addressed such a meeting to "discuss the vital importance of the Strategic
Defense Initiative," according to the ASC newsletter National Security
Report. The newsletter reported Quayle told the meeting that "the Soviets
have outspent the United States on strategic defense during the past decade
by a margin of fifteen to one." 194
After the July 1 986 USCAB annual meeting, as is the yearly practice, the
ASC gave awards to members of Congress who were members in good
standing. With martial music blasting out of the Cannon Office Building
Caucus Room, representatives and senators queued up to receive bald eagle
statues with their names engraved on brass plates.
The ASC also attempts to punish its opposition. It ran a full-page ad in
the S r . Louis Globe Democrat , 195 a newspaper long associated with the
ASC, 1 06 demanding that Congressman Richard Gephart support contra
funding.
The ASC's biased voter index is sent to a targeted congressperson's
hometown press pointing out the low ratings, hoping to elicit negative
stories and editorials. The Wall Street Journal and newspapers from around
the country use the ASC index as if it comes from a responsible, nonpartisan
organization. 1 97 The votes upon which ratings are made require the most
hard-line positions in order to gain ASC approval.
54

OLD NAZIS, Tl IE NEW R!()HT,

AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

Congressmen Bill Chappell and Sam Stratton and Senators Dennis

DeConcini, the late Ed Zorinsky, and Bennett Johnson were the Democrats
most often associated with ASC political and fundraising activities in recent
years. [Zorinsky switched to the Republican Party shortly before his death.]
Often their presence is highlighted to suggest what is termed the bipartisan
character of the event or the bipartisan character of the Coalition. In effect,
however, the ASC acts as if it were a GOP operation.
All of the partisan groups in the Coalition for Peace Through Strength
are Republican, including fifteen units of the GOP itself. The "Private
Sector Co-Chairmen," as distinct from the Congressional Division of the
Coalition for Peace Through Strength, are Republican. The so-called
private sector in the Coalition refers to the 1 7 1 groups that are supposed to
be the "grassroots" complement which interacts with the Congressional
Division. Among the 1 7 1 are the Nazi-linked groups previously described.
The ASC Political Action Committee also reflects a GOP bias. Eighty
percent of the $ 1 38,560 disbursed between February, 1 985 and June, 1 986
went to Republicans, with Steve Symms the big winner with $6, 7 38. 1 98
Reps. Guy Molinari and Jack Kemp followed with $5,250 and $5 ,000
respectively.
In presidential elections, the ASC can be counted on to support the
Republican candidate. Among the first to use heavy negative advertising as
a partisan tool, ASC campaign material continues to exaggerate and mis
represent the views of Democratic opponents in order to defeat them.
Campaign crisis-mongering statements by Singlaub and Graham, used by
the ASC in the 1 980 elections, have become a Council trademark. As early
as 1 970, the ASC campaign warned "the 1 970 elections may be [your] last
chance to vote for Peace Through Strength." 1 99
Admiral La Rocque noted that "They have always used the rhetoric of
fear and panic to make their case." He cited a 1 980 ASC appeal: "No
generation of Americans has ever before been so recklessly placed at the
mercy of so pitiless and powerful an enemy . . . our nation stands paralyzed
in blind obedience . . . so utterly unprepared is America . . . the crisis is
approaching the point of no return . . . . " 200
In 1 984 the ASC mailed a list of Russian-English language translations of
words and phrases it would be necessary for Americans to learn if Mondale
won. Fisher says it was "one of the politest" ways of saying what they thought
would happen if Reagan lost in 1 984. 20 1
One of the sources of ASC funding is the Communication Corporation
of America and its subsidiaries, Preferred Lists and Direct Marketing, all
owned by Fisher and his family.202 CCA is a direct mail firm that employs
250 people on three shifts. Located on the ASC's 850-acre Virginia estate,
CCA does work for private businesses, New Rightists such as Tim LaHaye,
Tl IE AMERICAN SECURITY COUNCIL

55

and for eleven years has had a contract with the Republican National
Committee. "If we didn't have the CCA, the ASC would have gone out of
business on three occasions," says Fisher.201 The firm also works for GOP
campaigns and local GOP units.
It is easy to see the partisan and pecuniary motives of the ASC, its
corporate friends and Republican allies. But the ASC also represents a world
view with the influence to spread that world view. Fisher himself summed it
up in four words-"I believe in Rollback." 204 The ASC network, including
its Nazi friends, has not given up the idea of the U.S. military destruction of
the USSR. The purpose of the massive weapons buildups they advocate is
toward that end.
Jay Winek, a former executive director of the neoconservative Coalition
for a Democratic Majority, said that the ASC "uses the word 'peace' to
justify strength. They really don't see peace as the purpose of strength." 205
Forge together elements from the New Right, the Republican Party,
certain hawkish congressional Democrats, military and intelligence agency
connections, and powerful business interests, and you have the essence of
the ASC, a lobby for weapons and war.
Taward its goal the ASC has also pulled into its coalition racialists,
American sympathizers of Hitler's war aims, representatives of postwar
Italian fascism, and even collaborators with Hitler's Waffen SS.
The guiding principle of the ASC throughout the cold war was to
cultivate as an ally anyone who supported the military destruction of the
Soviet Union as the font of communism. Since this was also a primary goal
of German National Socialism and other European fascist movements it
should not be surprising that adherents of these philosophies, which revere
militarism, power, and the cleansing crucible of war, would find allies within
the American Security Council. Nor is it surprising that the ASC received
both moral and financial support from the same corporations who had a
financial stake in large budgets for military armaments. In the politics of
militarism, the bedfellows are not really very strange.
For over thirty years the ASC has successfully focused public discussion of
foreign policy on aggressive militarist options, and it continues this mission
unabated. In early 1 99 1 , the American Security Council coordinated the
formation of the Coalition for Desert Storm, "a bi-partisan alliance orga
nized by the National Security Caucus in the U.S. Congress." In a full-page
ad in the February 27, 1 99 1 Washington Post, the Coalition announced it
was launching a campaign to garner one million signatures for the proclama
tion from Americans across the nation. The coupon for signers and con
tributors was to be mailed to the ASC's John M. Fisher, "Administrative
Chairman" of the Coalition.
Some thirty years ago President Eisenhower warned of the "unwarranted
56

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUALICAN PARTY

influence" of the "military-industrial complex" in the councils of govern

ment. The Bush Administration's quick reliance on the military option in
the Gulf war reflects, at least in part, the groundwork laid by the ASC and its
allies, and suggests Eisenhower's nightmare has become a reality.

THE AMERICAN SECURITY COUNCIL

57

PART THREE
Allies and
Allegiances
ii Perhaps

what is mos t wrong with the World

AntiCommunist League is what it hides behind

and what it has rejected. In the name of anticommunism,
it has embraced those res ponsible for death squads , apartheid,
torture, and the extermination of European Jewry.
Along the way, it has repudiated democratic government
as

a viable alternative, either to govern

or to

combat communism."

Scott Anderson & Jon Lee Anderson

Inside the League

OODD, MEAD & COMPANY, 1986

ALLIES AND ALLEGIANCES

59

ROGER PEARSON,
THE WHITE HOUSE, AND RACIALISM

W 14, 1 982, written for Roger Pearson and signed by Ronald Reagan, it

hen journalists first saw the White House fundraising letter dated April

was thought to be a fluke. Since Pearson, a former leader of the World Anti
Communist League, was a world-renowned racialist with a long history of
associations with neo-Nazi groups and individuals, a White House repudia
tion of the letter was expected when the problem was discovered. After all,
it was the summer of 1 984, and who would want Reagan connected in any
way with an advocate of racial extermination policies before the November
elections?
The Wall Street Journal, however, pursued the story and found out that
the White House itself was unwilling to repudiate the letter, or Pearson.206
White House staff did say Pearson would be asked to stop using the letter.
Anson Franklin, an assistant presidential press secretary, added "the
president has long held views opposing racial discrimination in any form,
and he would never condone anything to the contrary. But that's a general
statement; I'm not addressing Dr. Pearson specifically."
When Roger Pearson first visited the U.S. in 1 958, he didn't seem a likely
candidate to receive White House favors. At the time he was the London
based organizer of the Northern League,207 a white supremacist European
organization that included former Nazi SS officials. The League was inclined
toward Nordic, pre-Christian pagan culture. 208
Pearson's first American visit was arranged by Right magazine, edited by
Willis Carto. The magazine was an endorser of the American Nazi Party.209
Right called Pearson "the world's foremost spokesman for the scientific
and forward looking view of nationalism. He is held in renown by white
nationalists the world over." 210
Pearson moved to the U.S. in 1 965, merging his magazine Northern Wor/.d
with a Willis Carto publication to form Western Destiny , which Pearson
edited for a short time.211 The magazine had over two dozen racialists and
anti-Semites on its masthead, including Austin App and C. M. Goethe,
honorary president of the American Coalition of Patriotic Societies.m
Pearson published four monographs in 1 966 that represent the core of his
ideas. One monograph, titled Race and Civilization, was "based on Professor
Hans F. K. Gunther's Racial Elements of European Civilization." m Gunther
was a top Third Reich racial theoretician and Pearson associate from the
Northern League. 2 14
In Eugenics and Race , published in 1 966, Pearson's writing reached the
logical end of racial hatred:

60

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

If a nation with a more advanced, more specialized, or in any

way superior set of genes mingles with, instead of exterminating,
an inferior tribe, then it commits racial suicide . . . . 2 1 1
Pearson's monographs are still offered by neo-Nazi booksellers today.216
The Wall Street ]ournal quoted Pearson as saying "I'm not ashamed of any
thing I've said or written." 217
Pearson moved to Washington in 1 975. Within a year his Council on
American Affairs was sponsoring seminars and publishing monographs
with persons such as Edwin Fuelner, president of the Heritage Foundation;
Ray Cline, former C.l.A. deputy director; and others who would later
become high officials of the Reagan Administration.21 8 His Council also
became the U.S. chapter of the World Anti-Communist League (WACL),
an international network including fascists, followers of the authoritarian
Korean cult-leader Rev. Sun Myung Moon, and neo-Nazis.219
Pearson became the editor of the American Security Council's Journal of
International Relations220 and served on the board of the ASC's American
Foreign Policy Institute.221 His Journal co-editors were James Jesus Angleton,
former C.l .A. deputy director for counterintelligence, and Robert C.
Richardson Ill, the retired Air Force general who worked in the Air Force's
Politico-Military covert operations branch. At the time he was working
with the ASC and Pearson, Richardson was also aiding the Wilson-Terpil
operations to Libya, involving secret gunrunning and explosives transfers.
He was also active in various ASC-spawned groups, such as the Security and
Intelligence Fund and Coalition for Peace through Strength. The Council
on American Affairs is also a member of the Coalition for Peace Through
Strength.
Pearson was a member of the editorial board of Policy Review, the
monthly Heritage Foundation magazine, during this period. In 1977, Heri
tage officials reciprocated, joining Pearson's Journal of Social and Economic
Studies . When Pearson decided to host the 1 978 World Anti-Communist
League (WACL) conference in Washington, D.C., he was well established
with American and European Nazi networks, as well as the far right of the
Republican Party and the New Right. The WACL meeting was not a total
success for Pearson, however. The Washington Post warned of "The Fascist
Specter" behind WACL and highlighted the conference participation of an
Italian fascist party, American neo-Nazis, and Pearson's own racialist back
ground. 222 Pearson's name soon disappeared from the Policy Review mast
head. However, ASC president John Fisher, who addressed the WACL
meeting,223 did not drop Pearson from the American Foreign Policy Institute
board.
In a sense, the Pearson-Heritage link wasn't severed either. Heritage's

ALLIES AND ALLEGIANCES

61

.-&

'

\., .... ...

.

T H I: W H I T E H O L' S E
W'\tll ...,; ( ,TO
14,

April

Dear

Dr .

Thank

1982

P ears on :

you

quarter l y ,

for

the

recent

The Journal

and

Economic Stud i e s .

You

are

performing

of

i s s ue

of

Soci al ,

a valuable

your
Po l i t i c a l

s e!"- ice

br i n g i n g t o a wi de audience the work

i n g s c ho l a r s w h o a r e supportive o f a
enterpri s e economy ,
foreign p o l i c y and

a
a

f i rm and
strong

i. n
o f l ea d
free

con s i s tent

national

d e fense .

Your substan t i a l contributions to promo t i n g

and upho l d i n g those i d e a l s and p r i n c i p l e s th a t
we v al u e at home and abroad are g r e a t l y ap p r e
c i ated .
I hope that your e f forts continue to receive
broad i n te r e s t and support and w i s h you every
success

i n your

future endeavors .
S incerely ,

ur .

ager Pearson ,

Coun c i l

for

Social

P r e s ident
and Economic Studi e s

Suite 5 0 2
1 6 2 9 K S tree t , N . W .
Was h in q ton , D . C .
20006

The Ronald Reagan letter to Dr. Roger Pearson was never repudiated by
the White House.

62

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

director for domestic issues, Stuart Butler, joined Pearson's Journal, as did
right-wing sociologist Ernest van den Haag of National Review, who is on the
editorial board of the Heritage Foundation's Policy Review.
When van den Haag was asked in 1 984 about his Pearson association, he
said he didn't remember the journal at first, but several minutes later insisted
it wasn't a racist publication.
Van den Haag is apparently not offended by a little racialism himself.
"I support the voluntary sterilization proposals of William Shockley," he
volunteered in a 1 984 interview. Van den Haag wrote a monograph on the
1 954 Supreme Court desegregation decision which argued that the decision
was wrong. He has also claimed that Blacks are inferior to whites: "I am all in
favor of improving the quality of education for all. But this can be done
only if pupils are separated according to ability (whatever determines it).
And this means very largely according to race." 224 Van den Haag's writings
have been distributed for years by the International Association for the
Advancement of Ethnology and Eugenics ( IAAEE), a racialist organization
on whose executive board van den Haag served.m
Journal associate Stuart Butler simply insisted that Pearson was not a
racist. Donald Senese, also associated with Pearson's Journal and a former
Department of Education official, insisted that Pearson wasn't a racist, and
that his monographs were written long ago. When he was told that Pearson
continues to defend his writings, he said that "this interview isn't going
anywhere," and hung up the phone. Pearson continues to publish a racialist
journal, Mankind Quarterly , which uses body and head measurements, such
as the cephalic index, to identify "ideal types" among races. He also pub
lishes the Journal of Inda-European Studies through his Institute for the Study
of Man. In 1 990, Pearson launched a new publication, Conservative Review .
The magazine's articles often espouse racialist theories. Conservative Review
received a boost when the failing Conservative Digest (with Senior Editor
Paul Weyrich) endorsed the magazine as "very thoughtful" and "an excel
lent journal." Pearson maintained contact with European racialists not only
through WACL, but also as a board member of Nouvelle Ecole, a French
highbrow neo-Nazi group.m
After the Wall Street Journal story, Pearson's Journal of Social, Political and
Economic Studies , which is copublished by George Mason University, added
two officials of former Interior Secretary and New Right activist James
Watt's Mountain States Legal Foundation.m Pearson was elected to head
University Professors for Academic Order (UPAO), a group that includes
many members of the Heritage Foundation, the Reagan Administration,
and the Mont Pelerin Society.228 The latter is a group of about 500 ultracon
servatives whose best known economists, Milton Friedman and Friedrich
von Hayek, were architects of the economy of Pinochet's Chile. Both
ALLIES AND ALLEGIANCES

6.3

advocated a form of dictatorship as part of the economic plan. Heritage

Foundation president Edwin Fuelner is treasurer of the Society. Another
board member of UPAO, white supremacist Ralph Scott, a former vice
president of DANK,229 the Nazi-apologists, recently became head of UPAO.
Scott, who has praised the book Dispossessed Majority, 230 a white-supremacist
discourse, was named to the Iowa Civil Rights Advisory Commission in
1 98 1 by the Reagan Administration. Scott later become chair of the Iowa
group, which advises the U.S. Civil Rights Commission, but stepped down
in 1 988 after an article by Barry Mehler in The Nation revealed his back
ground. m Scott and Pearson have also received tens of thousands of dollars
from the Pioneer Fund,m which assists researchers attempting to prove
Black inferiority. m Pearson's Council for Social and Economic Study dis
tributes Scott's book, Education and Ethnicity : The U . S . Experiment in School
Integration.

One well-connected Pearson associate is Sam Crutchfield, who has been

the attorney for the racialist IAAEE, for a number of Jesse Helms' organi
zations, and for Pearson's Institute for the Study of Man.234 In addition to
serving on the Editorial Advisory Board of a Pearson publication,
Crutchfield, an attorney, set up the Institute for Democracy, Education and
Assistance ( I DEA) on behalf of Oliver North and his courier, Robert
Owen.m
Pearson has friends at the American Security Council, the Heritage
Foundation, and among Reagan appointees, as well as several aides to Jesse
Helms.236 He is connected to a network of academic racialists in the U.S.
and abroad. Long-established ties to Saudi Arabia, Korea, Taiwan, and
South America from his WACL days continue to serve him well. When the
Wall Street Journal article came out five weeks before the election, the White
House decided to stick with Pearson. He was apparently still seen as part of
the Reagan team.
Senator Alfonse D'Amato wrote a plank into the proposed 1 984 GOP
platform denouncing "those who preach all forms of hatred, bigotry, racism,
and anti-Semitism." 237 A statement from his office added, "there should
never be room for compromise on issues like this . . . . Racism and anti
Semitism must be condemned outright-without hesitation." 238 D'Amato
declined all comment on the Pearson-White House ties.
When George Bush denounced Walter Mondale a week before the 1 984
election as soft on anti-Semitism, no one looked at Reagan's ties to Roger
Pearson, one of the foremost Nazi apologists in America and clearly one of
the best-connected racialists in the world.

64

OLD NAZIS, TI IE NEW RIG! IT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

THE ASC AND THE WORLD

ANTJ,COMMUNIST LEAGUE

T promilitary network warned of by Senator Fulbright, but ASC is also one

he American Security Council not only has ties to the aggressively

of the key U.S. links to the World Anti-Communist League (WACL). The
League, described extensively in a 1 986 book, Inside The League, is an um
brella group for Latin American death squad leaders, H itler collaborators,
followers of the Rev. Sun Myung Moon, rightist dictatorships, and anti
Semitic activists, some of whom are connected to the quasi-Nazi Liberty
Lobby.239 As early as 1 978 The Washington Post described the fascist and neo
Nazi elements affiliated with WACL. The Post article carried the headline:
"The Fascist Specter behind the World Anti-Red League." 240 In 1 984 the
unsavory elements of WACL were detailed in a series of columns by Jack
Anderson. 241 Alternative publications since 1 978 have carried articles about
the fascist and Nazi undercurrents in WACL.242
Despite this journalistic record, when the World Anti-Communist
League was named in the "Iran Contragate" congressional hearings into the
contra supply networks of Oliver North, not one major news outlet reported
the fascist constituencies within WACL or the leading role played in
WACL by followers of Sun Myung Moon.
Moon, of course, is no friend of democracy. He is a theocratic authori
tarian who considers himself the Son of God and the new Messiah. Moon
and his many front organizations have long been used by the Korean CIA as
a lobbying and propaganda vehicle to advance the twin goals of maintaining
high levels of U.S. military and economic aid, despite successive repressive
regimes in South Korea and the continued presence of U.S. armed forces in
South Korea. Moon's organizations have supported WACL financially and
have helped solidify cooperation between WACL and members of the
American political right wing.243
Since 1 970 there have been three organizations that have served as the
U.S. branch of WACL. All three are in the ASC's Coalition for Peace
Through Strength:
The American Council for World Freedom was, from 1 970 to

1 975, WACL's U.S. affiliate. Composed of thirty-five U.S.

groups, it was formed at the urging of Taiwan. Its first chairman
was ASC's John Fisher.244
The Council on American Affairs was the second U.S. branch

of WACL from 1 97 5 to 1 980. It was chaired by racialist Roger

Pearson, who had strong ASC links throughout that period.

ALLIES AND ALLEGIANCES

65

 The U . S . Council for World Freedom (USCWF) was formed

in 1 98 1 by retired Major General John Singlaub. It immediately

became the third group to serve as the U.S. branch of WACL.
While Singlaub was Field Education director for the ASC for
the next three years, he cultivated USCWF and personal
contacts abroad.
Singlaub attended the August 1 9 8 1 WACL meeting in Taiwan. 245 On
June 25, 1 982 he told the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (ABN) [described
in detail later in this report] meeting in Munich, Germany that it was his
"objective to organize all anticommunist forces in the world, so as to not
only contain this communist threat, but to bring about its final and
unequivocal demise" [emphasis in the original], according to a paraphrased
remark in an ABN periodical.246 In 1 984, Singlaub assumed the role of
Chairman of the World Anti-Communist League.
Although Singlaub began devoting his time to WACL, he kept the ASC
briefed on his activities. Fisher served on the USCWF advisory board and
Singlaub served on three ASC boards. The ASC is also one of seventeen
member organizations of the Coalition for World Freedom, the political
action arm of the U.S. Council for World Freedom. At the 1 984 WACL
conference the ASC was also represented by Sam Dickens, who sat on a
contra aid panel. Another panel, concerned with aiding UNITA in Angola,
reached the conclusion it was advisable to consult with Fisher on the best
way to proceed with pressuring Gulf/Chevron Oil out of Angola. Other
ASC leaders also participated in the WACL meeting.
WACL was considered an important vehicle for Reagan's Central
America policy. The White House sent warm greetings to the 1 984 meeting
in San Diego.247 A U.S. military honor guard was also provided, as had been
the case with other USCWF events in previous years. The White House
sent R. Lynn Rylander, Deputy Director of the International Security
Agency in the Pentagon, who kept the White House briefed on events as
the meeting progressed.248 His boss, Neal Koch, served as the Pentagon's
representative on a panel coordinating assistance to the contras, in concert
with Oliver North.
At the 1 984 WACL meeting, Singlaub announced the launching of the
private aid campaign for the contras. WACL, he declared, was going to lead
efforts around the world on behalf of the contra cause.
Singlaub planned to approach the Taiwan and South Korean dictator
ships for contra aid. The New York Times reported that Singlaub told Con
gress that Assistant Secretary of State Abrams had "told him not to make
the request, explaining that it would be made instead at the highest level,
which Singlaub said he believed meant the White House." Holly Sklar, in

66 OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

her book Washington's War on Nicaragua, cites testimony from the lran
contra hearings and concludes that Singlaub did approach both Taiwan and
South Korea for contra aid and then passed those contacts on to Oliver
North.249 Both Taiwan and South Korea have historically assumed leader
ship roles and provided substantial funds for WACL, as has the Saudi
Arabian monarchy.
The Canadian branch of WACL, the Canadian Freedom Foundation,
headed by John Gamble, works closely with the U.S. Council for World
Freedom (USCWF) and Singlaub. Together USCWF and the Canadian
Freedom Foundation form the North American Regional unit of WACL
(NARWACL) . Gamble and Singlaub alternate as chair of NARWACL.
Gamble was implicated in the Iran-contra funding network when a firm for
which he served as treasurer and director, Vertex Investments, was discov
ered to have invested in the arms sale to Iran through two of his partners.
The Canadian Freedom Foundation ( CFF) and Vertex both operate out of
Gamble's law office. 250
At least two CFF leaders are active anti-Semites: Pat Walsh is the
Canadian correspondent for the quasi-Nazi Liberty Lobby newspaper the
Spotlight251 and Paul Fromm helped found the neo-Nazi Western Guard.252
The Western Guard is led by John Ross Taylor, who served fifty-one
months in detention for pro-Nazi activities during World War II.25 3 Taylor
also leads Canadian contingents to Aryan Nations meetings, including a
commemoration of the deaths of members of The Order, a paramilitary
offshoot of Aryan Nations that engaged in robberies and murder in its effort
to overthrow the U.S. Government.2 54
Shortly after the 1 984 WACL conference, the National Security Coun
cil recommended that Reagan approve a plan that made Singlaub "the chief
'authorized' contact for private fund raising," according to the Associated
Press. His selection, due to "his military background and international
connections," was verbally approved by President Reagan.255

UKRAINIAN NATIONALISM
AND NAZI COLLABORATION

I laborated with SS units and mass murder, and who helped maintain a
n 1 983, the White House proved that a Nazi whose organization col

Nazi organization for four decades, can still be an honored guest of the
President. 2 56
Yaroslav Stetsko was the source of that lesson. Stetsko, who died in July
1 986, worked with intelligence agencies of Nazi Germany, and briefly
established himself as a pro-Nazi premier of the Ukraine under German
military occupation. 257
ALLIES AND ALLEGIANCES

67

T H E W H I TE l-I O U S I::
WASHINQTON

A u gu st J l , 1984
It ii an honor to send wann greetings to all those
pthered for the 17th Annual Conference of the World
Anti-Communiat League In San Diel".
The plague of Mandst-Leniniat dlctatonhip , which hu
cauMd so much human suffertn1, la no w In the 1lrat
phue of decline .
Aa the comm unist world falla turther
behind economically, the Weatern world la moving Into s
new technoJ.ocical ap.
The stark contl'IUlt betw-n the
prom.. of the West and the stagnation ol communism I s
too rrut to be hidden by propaganda or dlalnfol'lllation .
But the atru1r1l betw"n treedom and communtam le , ln
lta eeMnce , not an economic contlict but a spiritual one.
It Is a etru1r1le ln which thoee who love God , cou ntry ,
family an d freedom are pitted acatnet tho.. poeeeeaed by
ldealopcal zeal who seek abeolute power.
The que11tlon
taC9 ii whether the moral atreng'th of tho.. ready to
make eacridcee for their faith and principles Is a mater
force than the con"Uption of human enerpea that sustains
the communtata .
We In America believe It la, and the
atpa of reeu rpn t moral atreng'th amon1r freedom loving
piplea are all a.round ua .
We are belJlnning to see e91dence of a growing realatance
to unlet oppreulon within the Soviet bloc Itself.
TheN U'lll lllght active anti_..,uniat realatance move
-nta in e'V9ry comer ot the glo be .
All free peop le
should stand in unity with thoee who risk their llvee
in defense of liberty.

The World Anti-Communlet League hu long played a lead

enhip role in drawing attention to the gallant strugle
now IMlnir wapd by the true freedom dtrhten of our

Nancy and

aucceu.

I send 70u our

day.

bellt wtehea for every future

,_

The Ronald Reagan letter to the 1 984 World Anti-Communist League

convention.

68

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIG! ff, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

The Ukraine, now a Republic of the Soviet Union, is an Eastern Euro

pean region of lush farmland that has a long history of nationalist fervor.
During the rise of European fascism after World War I, some Ukrainian
nationalist groups tied their hopes to fascism as an ideology, and then
collaborated with Hitler and nazism in World War II.
One Ukrainian nationalist group was the Organization of Ukrainian
Nationalists (OUN ) which split into two organizations: a less militant wing,
led by Andrew Melnyk and known as OUN-M, and the extremist group
of Stepan Bandera, known as OUN-B. The Nazis preferred the radical
nationalist OUN-B.258 During the German military occupation, the Ukraine
witnessed terrible atrocities against Jews and other groups targeted by
Nazi policies. The OUN-B organized military units that participated in
these atrocities. With the collapse of the Third Reich, many Ukrainian
collaborationists fled their homeland.
After the war, the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists-Bandera
(OUN -B), a clandestine group financed in part by German intelligence
and led by Stetsko, accelerated its work in the West. A secretive group,
OUN-B's tracks are difficult to follow. "You have to understand. We are an
underground organ ization. We have spent years quietly penetrating
positions of influence," explained an OUN-B member who insisted on
anonymity. The positions of influence under discussion were Reagan
Administration appointments. All of the OUN-B's key Administration
contacts were through an organization called the Ukrainian Congress
Committee of America (UCCA), headquartered in New York City.
The UCCA is described as heavily influenced but not totally controlled
by the OUN-B. Supposedly an umbrella organization of Ukrainian
American groups, there are groups within UCCA that are complete OUN-B
fronts. 259
The White House had looked favorably on the Ukrainian Congress
Committee of America, appointing its chairman, Lev Dobriansky, ambas
sador to the Bahamas in 1 983. Dobriansky is a longtime ASC official. His
daughter Paula was put on the National Security Council. George
Nesterczuk, former director of the Ukrainian National Information Service
(UNIS), which is the Washington, D.C. affiliate of the UCCA, was
appointed deputy director of the Office of Personnel Management. In 1 984
he became Deputy Director of the U.S. Information Agency.260
In 1 984, Bohdan Futey, head of the Cleveland branch of the UCCA
and a Republican Heritage Groups Council activist, was appointed head
of the U.S. Foreign Claims Commission.26 1 Futey and Nesterczuk are de
scribed as the contact points between the OUN-B and the White House.262
The top OUN-B leader for external affairs in the United States is Bohdan
Fedorak, who also chairs the Southeast Michigan UCCA branch. He mainALLIES AND ALLEGIANCES

69

rains contacts with Futey and Nesterczuk. It was through this network
that arrangements were made for Reagan to make a campaign stop in
October 1 984 at the Ukrainian Cultural Center in the Detroit suburb of
Warren, Michigan.161 The Center is headed by Fedorak, who has been a
delegate to WACL conferences for many years as a lieutenant of the
Stetskos.164
In 1 985 the UCCA's Committee on Foreign Affairs, chaired by Fedorak,
continued pressing Congress against the Office of Special Investigations,
the Justice Department unit charged with bringing action against suspected
Nazi war criminals and collaborators in the United States. Futey and
Nesterczuk are also members of that committee.165 Such agitation on behalf
of suspected war criminals and mass murderers did not deter the State
Department's Committee for Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE)
from working with the National Captive Nations Committee, cosponsoring
a series of hearings on human rights problems in the Soviet Union in June
1 986.166
The Captive Nations Committee is essentially an OUN-B front that
operates out of the UNIS office in Washington, D.C. It has local affiliates
around the country (Fedorak chairs the Detroit committee), but the UNIS
office told an interviewer that the National Captive Nations Committee
had been inactive. Committee literature available in the office was at least
four years old. No current board of directors was available. A UNIS
employee considered it a paper organization. The hearings held jointly by
the State Department and Captive Nations in Detroit were hosted by
Fedorak at his Ukrainian Cultural Center.167
The UCCA is also a member of ASC's Coalition for Peace Through
Strength. Like so many elements of the Coalition and the American Secu
rity Council, it is networked into the World Anti-Communist League
(WACL). The masthead of the UCCA's Ukrainian Quarterly lists several
representatives from Taiwan and Korea, both major funders of WACL. 168
Wherever the OUN -B has political involvement, the UCCA seems to be
its representative. In the U.S. Council for World Freedom, chai red by
Singlaub, the OUN-B is represented by Secretary-General Walter
Chopiwskyj (who has also organized the Republican Heritage Groups
Council in Arizona and is president of the national Captive Nations
Committee). 169 The only public indication of the OUN-B presence in the
UCCA is in the U.S. Council for World Freedom's political arm, the
Coalition for World Freedom, of which the UCCA is a memberY0 The
Council is the U.S. branch of the World Anti-Communist League, in which
the Stetskos play a major role. 171
The UCCA has also played a leading role in opposing federal investiga
tions of suspected Nazi war criminals since those queries got underway in the
70

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGI IT, AND THE REPt.:BLICAN PARTY

late l 970's. 272 Some UCCA members have many reasons to worry-reasons
which began in the 1 930's.
Even before Hitler came to power, the German Nazi Party was seeking
and working with like-minded political groups around the world. By the
time the Nazis came to power, the OUN was one group that received
money and training from Germany.m The OUN-B was not only an instru
ment to aid Hitler's war aims against the Soviet Union, but also to serve his
intelligence agencies in the United States.
There are Ukrainian communities within most large urban population
centers in the United States. In the 1 930's, German military intelligence
worked with the OUN as it established and financed a variety of front
organizations to provide cover for propaganda and espionage activities in
the United States. In each city with a Ukrainian community, the OUN
established cells. The great majority of Ukrainian-Americans had no idea of
the OUN agenda. N ewspapers and organizations were taken over--one
such newspaper even printed instructions on how to make a homemade
bomb.
According to Sabotage , a 1 942 book on Axis spy and sabotage operations
in the U.S., the OUN was "set up under the supervision of the Intelligence
Department of the German War Office." Other authors argue that the OUN
was not controlled by German intelligence to this extent, although OUN's
military and financial links to the Nazis are not in dispute. One U.S. Army
captain who got involved in stealing military secrets for the OUN lost his
commission. 274
By far the greatest crimes of the Ukrainian nationalists were against other
Ukrainians. The OUN -B internalized the ideology of their Nazi mentors,
which included viewing the world in terms of racial nationalism. "Nation
alism is based on feelings, which are carried by the racial blood," was the way
one OUN-B publication explained their views on the subject.m In John
Armstrong's Ukrainian Nationalism , OUN-B's views are described as having
"tended to drive the movement still further in the direction of deification of
the mystic concept of the nation, even to the point of racism." 276 For those
judged not to be pure Ukrainians, this meant trouble.
That trouble rolled in on the treads of German tanks in the Ukraine in
June, 1 94 1 . Stetsko and German-commanded OUN-B militia arrived in the
city of lwow (Lvov) with them.277 Stetsko declared a short-lived Ukrainian
government, with himself as premier, pledged to fight as an ally for Hitler's
"New Order."
In The War Against The ]ews , Lucy Dawidowicz writes that "In Lwow, the
Germans and Ukrainians, in house to house hunts for Jews, shot them
randomly on the spot." 278 She noted that later "the Ukrainians staged
massive pogroms, slaughtering thousands and carrying off other thousands of
ALLIES AND ALLEGIANCES

71

Jews to [the German] Einsatzgruppen headquarters." 279 A concentration

camp was also built in Lwow. An estimated 900,000 Jews disappeared from
the Ukraine during the German occupation.280 Heavy persecution of Poles
also took place in this region, mirroring the German policy in Poland.
Militias and military units led by the OUN-B were involved with these
crimes. 28 1 Although Stetsko was under an "honorary arrest" by the Germans
because the creation of the Stetsko regime hadn't been cleared by Berlin, he
was still active in OUN-B affairs and was even allowed to travel.282
Ever the Nazi ally, Stetsko was released from his arrest near the end of the
war to help organize resistance to the Soviet offensive that was rolling back
the German army. The headlong retreat of the Germans began after their
defeat at Stalingrad at the end of 1 942. In 1 943, the Germans inspired their
collaborators from the Ukraine, Bulgaria, Byelorussia and the Baltic coun
tries to form a Committee of Subjugated Nations to coordinate resistance
activity against the Soviet army.283
The Ukrainian Congress Committee of America chooses to ignore the
Ukrainian collaboration with the extermination of Poles and Jews. A 1 984
article in their Ukrainian Quarterly praised Pavlo Shandruk, who was the
Ukrainian General (under the Division's Commander-in-Chief German
General Fritz Freytag) of the 1 4th Waffen SS Galician Division during the
final days of the war.
The Galician division was renamed the First Ukrainian Division of the
Ukrainian National Army in April 1 945-two weeks before the German
surrender. The Division remained under complete German military control
during World War 11.284 The Veterans of the First Ukrainian Division is a
group member of the UCCA. 285
When the Stetskos visited the White House on July 1 9, 1 983, Reagan
told them that "Your struggle is our struggle. Your dream is our dream."286
The Stetskos' dream, however, does not represent an alteration of their
wartime goals. Slava Stetsko, for instance, wrote a forward to a book, Captive
Nations , which offered a glossary of definitions of political terms:
Anti-Semitism: A smear word used by Communists against those
who effectively oppose and expose them.
Fascist: An anti-Communist.
Nazi or Hitlerite : An active anti-Communist. 287

Slava Stetsko, who is the editor of ABN and OUN-B publications,

described the book as "objective, factual" and "highly recommended." 288
The OUN-B "dream" includes a racial conception. Although it passes
itself off as an anticommunist organization, its primary belief is anti-Rus
sian.289 As an OUN-B member said, "The problem isn't seventy years of
72

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND Tl IE REPUBLICAN PARTY

Communism, it's three hundred years of Russian imperialism." 290 Thus,

Russian anticommunists are also seen as the enemy. They are not allowed
into the ABN, Captive Nations Committee, or World Anti-Communist
League. Captive Nations says that "the Russian character" is to blame "for
this overwhelming Russian desire for power, for expansion, for dicta
torship."291 N icolas Nazarenko, the Cossack Republican organizer says,
"Russian communists and anticommunists are all the same to me." 292
The Ukrainian nationalists see a Ukrainian state under their control as
having "ethnographic borders," as was originally proclaimed by a OUN-B
Manifesto in December 1 940.293 Put more simply, the OUN -B sees Ukraini
ans as a separate, classifiable race that have a right, when in power, to
exclude others from the Ukraine's borders. The realities of that formulation
were made bloodchillingly clear to the Poles and Jews in the region when
the OUN- B had temporary power six months after the Manifesto was issued.

THE ANTI, BOLSHEVIK BLOC OF NATIONS,

THE WHITE HOUSE, AND THE ASC

T in 1 946, claims direct descent from the Committee of Subjugated

he Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (ABN ), which took its current name

Nations, which was formed in 1 943 by Hitler's allies, including the Organi
zation of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN ) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army
(UPA).
Nonetheless, while the name changed, the membership remained the
same. The dominant leadership of the ABN came from the leadership of the
Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists- Bandera (OUN-B). The ABN
brought together fascist forces from Hungary, Bulgaria, Romania, the
Ukraine, the Baltic states, Slovakia, and other nations. Today ABN unites
fascist emigre organizations from Eastern and Central Europe under one
umbrella. It serves as a common milieu in which many Coalition for Peace
Through Strength members associate and network. It is also the Eastern
European branch of the World Anti-Communist League.
A booklet published in 1 960 by the ABN acknowledged its members'
alliance with Hitler: "That many of us fought on the German side against
Russian imperialism and Bolshevism, was in our national interest . . . the
fact that some of us fought on the German side against Russia can be
justified from the national, political, and moral point of view." 294
The ABN in more recent years has maintained the impression that
they opposed the Nazis and Soviets simultaneously during World War IL
This historically dubious impression is conveyed by the Organization
of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN ) that leads ABN. But other groups
ALLIES AND ALLEGIANCES

73

that make up the ABN do not bother with an anti-Hitler pretense.

Other ABN affiliates include:
SLOVAK WORLD CONGRESS

A successor organization to the Nazi-allied Tiso regime of Slovakia.

The Congress is part of the Republican Heritage Groups Council and the
Coalition for Peace Through Strength.
BULGARIAN NATIONAL FRONT

The exiled successor group to the Hitler-allied Bulgarian Legion. A member

of the Coalition for Peace Through Strength and part of the Republican
Heritage Groups Council.
SUPREME COMMITTEE FOR THE LIBERATION OF LITHUANIA

Its American branch, the Lithuanian-American Council, is a member of the

Coalition for Peace Through Strength. The head of the Detroit branch of
the Council, Algis Barauskas, who is also a local Republican Heritage
Groups Council activist, linked the Lithuanian Republicans to the ABN .
He stated in a 1 985 interview that the Lithuanian-American Republican
National Federation is connected to "the Lithuanian-American Council,
then to the Supreme Committee for the Liberation of Lithuania, to the
ABN in Germany."
WORLD FEDERATION OF FREE LATVIANS

A member organization of the Coalition for Peace Through Strength, the

federation has branches in six countries. Its U.S. branch, the American
Latvian Association, is active in the campaign against the J ustice
Department's Office of Special Investigations, discussed in the next section.
The book Inside the League describes the ABN Latvian affiliate as "a band of
Latvian leaders who assisted the Nazis in exterminating the Jews of their
Baltic homeland." 295
CROATIAN LIBERATION MOVEMENT

A pro-Ustashi affiliate of the ABN. This group's leadership came from

officials of the German-created Croatian Ustashi regime of 1 94 1 -44,2%
which killed an estimated 750,000 Serbians, Gypsies and Jews. The Croa
tian Liberation Movement, a front for the postwar clandestine Ustashi, has
been connected to bombings, hijackings and assassinations in the l 970's. 297
BYELORUSSIAN CENTRAL COUNCIL

The Nazi puppet government in exile. The Council is linked to both the
Republican Heritage Groups Council and the Coalition for Peace
74

OLD NAZIS, TI IE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

Through Stre ngth through the Counc il's American branch, the
Byelorussian-American Association.
ROMANI AN LIBERATION MOVEMENT

The Romanian affiliate of ABN and the World Anti-Communist League.

Its leader for many years, Horia Sima, was also the head of the Romanian
Iron Guard following WWII. Sima could hardly claim to have fought the
Nazis and Soviets simultaneously, since he was released by the Germans
from house arrest to head a Romanian puppet government-in-exile. It was
set up by the Germans in Vienna in 1 944, immediately after the Romanian
government abandoned the Axis and sued for peace with the Allies. As
head of the government, Sima formed Romanian military units which
fought on Germany's behalf on the Eastern Front from 1 944-45. Sima's
government-in-exile was disbanded nine days after Hitler's death.298
The head of foreign affairs for the Romanian organization under Sima is
Alexander Ronnett of Chicago, a long time Iron Guard commander, and
delegate to WACL meetings for sixteen years. His association with the Iron
Guard goes back to at least World War II when he lived with Iron Guard
members in a German controlled military encampment.299
Consistent with the goals of the World Anti-Communist League and the
American Security Council, Ronnett has organized contra support activities
in the Chicago area. Exposed as an Iron Guard Leader by Chicago NBC
affiliate WMAQ-TV (see Appendix), Ronnett denounced his accusers, and
said proudly that he had received frequent invitations to visit the White
House due to his support for and organizing on behalf of the contras. 100
The ABN is the high council for the expatriate nationalist groups that
formed the police, military, and militia units that worked with Hitler during
World War II. Some were organized as mobile killing teams that extermi
nated villages and sought to murder whole ethnic, racial, and cultural
groups. These mobile killing teams are the forerunners of the modern death
squad. It is consistent, then, that the Latin American Anti-Communist
Confederation (CAL) (for many years the Latin-American branch of
WACL) has a great affinity for the ABN and its members, according to
several ABN members. CAL historically has served as an umbrella group for
the regional death squads. 10 1
A meeting o f the youth sections o f CAL and ABN i n 1 983 took place in
Fedorak's Ukrainian Cultural Center in Warren, Michigan. The resulting
1 6-point resolution bore statements that might surprise some of their con
servative U.S. supporters. Not only were the usual anticommunist senti
ments expressed, but also anticapitalist positions were taken. One point, for
instance, called for "rejection of all materialist doctrines (author's emphasis)
ALLIES AND ALLEGIANCES

75

which defile the human individual by treating people as egotistical, covet

ous and selfish beings . . " 301 The resolution called for a "faith in Revolu
tionary, liberation nationalism . . . " and "opposition to collectivist slavery,
against communist and capitalist alienation of human labor . . " JOJ
These formulations mirror the classic outlines of National Socialism,
which simultaneously fought the communist and western capitalist powers
ideologically and militarily. The Third Way, rejecting East and West, is still
a position taken by significant elements of the contemporary neo-Nazi
movement. 304
The Stetskos were not only leaders of OUN but of the multi-ethnic ABN
as well. The July-August 1 983 ABN bulletin ABN Correspondence carries
several cover photos which show the Stetskos and other ABN leaders as
White House guests in July 1 983, personally meeting with Reagan, George
Bush, and Jeane Kirkpatrick.
After the Stetskos visited the White House, Yaroslav Stetsko's wife Slava
Stetsko, who lives in Munich, West Germany, called on the ABN to support
Reagan's re-election. She carried that message to ABN chapters during
1 984 as well. Jos The Reagan campaign cooperated with ABN, including
scheduling an appearance by Michael Sotirhos, head of Ethnic Voters for
Reagan-Bush Campaign 1 984 as well as the Republican Heritage Groups
Council, at the 1 984 ABN conference in New York City.306
The goal of the ABN is to pressure the U.S. government toward a
"liberation" policy aimed against the USSR, with ABN leaders as the
liberators. Although ABN members say they only need technical assistance
from the West, they want the U.S. military to put them in power in Eastern
Europe and the USSR. This is the formula they tried under German Nazi
sponsorship. Their manipulations of the American political system are
toward that end.
The emigres of the ABN still dream of one more chance to create a new
order in Europe. They even got Michigan Republican Congressman Paul
Henry to enter a statement into the Congressional Record in July 1 986
commending the "independence" of the Ukraine under Stetsko in 1 94 1 .
According to Henry, "a representative assembly of the most prominent
Ukrainian leaders from all walks of life issued a Proclamation of the Restora
tion ofUkrainia's Independence . . . The proclamation received enthusiastic
support of the Ukrainian people." Henry referred to the "freedom fighters" of
the "Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN ) , led by Stepan
Bandera." When questioned about his praise for a document which included
the line "Glory to the Heroic German Army and its Fuhrer, Adolph Hitler,"
a spokesperson for Henry said he'd "not been aware of the fine print. . . . " 3c7
On July 20, 1 988, George Bush reaffirmed the ties between the Republi
can Party and the ABN by making a campaign stop at Fedorak's Ukrainian
.

76

OLO NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

Cultural Center in Warren, Michigan. Bush delivered a hard-line foreign

policy speech to those attending the annual Captive Nations banquet
sponsored jointly by the Captive Nations Committee and the ABN .
Sharing the dais with Fedorak and Bush was Katherine Chumachenko,
formerly the director of the UCCA's Captive Nations Committee and then
Deputy Director for Public Liaison at the White House. Ignatius M.
Billinsky, President of UCCA, had already been named Honorary Chair of
Ukrainians for Bush, and Bohdan Fedorak named National vice-chair of
Ukrainians for Bush.
Also on the dais at the Ukrainian Cultural Center Bush speech was Dr.
Joseph Sazyc, who has led the Byelorussian- American Veterans Association
for twenty years. While the group's name suggests its members were veterans
of U.S. military service, the group includes Nazi collaborators. According to
a 1 948 U.S. intelligence report, the Byelorussian-American Veterans
Association was originally formed in 1 947 by N azi collaborators at a
German displaced persons camp. The leader of the group was former SS
Major General Franz Kushel, described in the first section of this report.308

THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST OSI

A Bush was introduced by Bohdan Fedorak

t the July 1 988 Captive Nations banquet in Michigan, Vice-President

(see photo , page 74) , whose
brief comments included a strong denunciation of the U.S. J ustice
Department's Office of Special Investigations (OSI ). Bush nodded his
agreement and applauded the comment.
There is perhaps no current issue which sets the emigre fascist network
apart from mainstream American society more than the campaign against
the Office of Special Investigations.
The OSI was established by a 1 978 act of Congress to discover and deport
Nazi war criminals who entered the U.S. after World War II. Almost
immediately the Ukrainian Quarterly ( published by the Ukrainian Congress
Committee of America) denounced OSI, as did the quasi-Nazi Liberty
Lobby and the neofascist Lyndon LaRouche organization. Soon the
Lithuanian-American Council, the American Lithuanian Community, and
the Joint Baltic American National Committee-all members of the ASC's
Coalition for Peace Through Strength-joined in the anti-OSI campaign.
Other Coalition for Peace Through Strength groups that actively opposed
the OSI pursuit of Nazi collaborators were the Byelorussian-American
Association, Congress of Russian-Americans, and the World Federation for
a Free Latvia. 309
While some organizations claimed they only opposed the methods emALLIES AND ALLEGIANCES

77

Vice-President George Bush stands next to Bohdan Fedorak at July 20,

1 988 Captive Nations banquet in Warren, Michigan. The event was
co-sponsored by the Captive Nations Committee and the pro-Nazi Anti
Bolshevik Bloc of Nations. Fedorak introduced Bush.

(Photo 0 1 988 Russ Betlant)

President Ronald Reagan signs on July 31 , 1 988 the proclamation

declaring Captive Nations Week.

(Ollic1al While HcJ<ose photograph C831 609 tiy Bill Fi!L-Patrick)

78

OL!l AZ!::;, Ti IE EW RK;J JT, AND Ti IE REPUBLICAN PARTY

ployed by OSI, others called for its abolition. The specific method used by
OSI which drew the sharpest criticism concerned the use of evidence from
Soviet citizens, archives, and prosecutors. Even though such evidence is
independently scrutinized and tested by the U.S. government and must
meet U.S. rules of evidence in court, the anti-OSI groups call it "KGB
evidence" without offering any proof of their own to back up that assertion.
All of the above groups claim there is an "OSI/KGB partnership." 1 1 0 None
of the groups has supported the legal proceedings against even one suspected
war criminal, even when the accused has publicly confessed his crimes.
The charges of KGB plots, according to the Anti-Defamation League of
B'nai B'rith, appear to be a "propaganda smokescreen that seeks to exploit
anti-communism," in an attempt to stop the OSI investigations and legal
proceedings. H 1
Right-wing groups such as Accuracy in Media and individuals such as
former Reagan advisor Patrick Buchanan and writer Joseph Sobran have
joined in the anti-OSI campaign.
A New Hampshire organization, the American Freedom Company,
which publishes a periodical called The Truth, began anti-OSI activity as
early as 1 982. 1 1 2 The group is a member organization of the Coalition for
World Freedom, the political arm of Singlaub's U.S. Council for World
Freedom. ll 1
The emigre fascists have employed a variety of methods to protect those
charged with war crimes and to stop the OSI investigations. These methods
include lobbying Congress and the White House, urging their respective
ethnic communities not to cooperate with government investigators, and in
some cases, employing increasingly anti-Semitic propaganda and historical
revisionism which denies the facts of the Nazi Holocaust.
The Lithuanian-American Council (LAC) is an example of a group that
practices the latter technique. In 1 979 the Council published a book that
blamed the Germans and the Jews but not the Lithuanians (other than a few
"irresponsible Lithuanians with criminal inclinations") for the annihilation
of Lithuanian Jews.114 A 1 986 book distributed by the LAC suggests that
Jews brought persecution on themselves,m while another LAC-distributed
book (available by mail order from LAC or from the literature rack at their
offices in Chicago) praises pre-Christian, pagan LithuaniaY6 The 1 97 5
book, by Charles Piche! (see Order of St. John in Part 2) says that "Christi
anity has failed her [Lithuania] miserably and as a result, many Samogitians
[Lithuanians] have turned to ancient, pagan prophecies as a guide and hope
for their future." l l l
Why the Lithuanian-American Council promotes a brand of paganism
used as the basis for the racialist beliefs of Nordic chauvinists ranging from
Nazi Heinrich Himmler to racialist Roger Pearson is in itself unclear, but
ALLIES AND ALLEGIANCES

79

then the Lithuanian-American Council has never acknowledged-much

less condemned-the brutal Lithuanian Greywolves organization and
Lithuanian police units that actively pursued the German Nazi policy of
exterminating Jews, Russians and political opponents of the German mili
tary occupation in that region.
While these emigre organizations concern themselves with issues other
than OSI, several groups have been formed for the specific purpose of
stopping OSl's investigation and deportation of war criminals. One of these
groups, the Coalition for Constitutional Justice and Security (CCJS), is a
member of the Coalition for Peace Through Strength. It has called for a
suspension of OSI activities and the "initiation of public inquiries into
possible links between OSI, FBI, KGB, extremeist [sic] groups." 3 1 8 CCJS is
led by Anthony and Danute Mazeika, who helped arrange the 1 986 Repub
lican Heritage Groups Council Annual Convention in Los Angeles.
The CCJS has also claimed that the 1 985 bombings which targeted two
accused war criminals living in the U.S. were "a direct result of the Justice
Department's lack of control of the Office of Special Investigations' method
" 3 19
of operation.
Intense emotions and rhetoric have accompanied the anti-OSI efforts.
The World Jewish Congress has charged that the motivating factor behind
such activity is "the fear that the Justice Department's prosecutors are
exposing the American public to the historical facts that Hitler's annihila
tion of six million Jews was carried out not by the Germans alone, but rather
with the extensive collaboration of Lithuanians, Latvians, Ukrainians,
Estonians, and other Europeans." no
Various fascist emigre elements have, over the years, attempted to
present themselves as advocates of human rights and champions of per
secuted minorities. Being identified with Nazi campaigns of murder does
not lend credibility to their assertions when they make their public
presentations in forums ranging from the Helsinki Human Rights Review
to local U.S. rallies endorsed by congressional representatives and the
President of the United States.
G iven the claimed patriotic purpose of the American Security Council,
it makes little sense why the Coalition for Constitutional Justice and
Security is a member of the ASC's Coalition for Peace Through Strength
especially since the primary purpose of the group is to shield accused Nazi
war criminals from prosecution. One can also ask why the Republican
National Committee remains indifferent when one of its components, the
Republican Heritage Groups Council, opposes OSI.
.

80

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

SUPPORT FOR SOUTH AFRICA AND APARTHEID

W of Angola (UNITA), met with President Reagan and Administration

hen Jonas Savimbi, the head of the Union for the Total Independence

officials in a high profile, whirlwind tour of the Capital in January 1 986, it

represented the success of a ten-year American Security Council effort to
get recognition and funding for UN ITA. Savimbi's Washington visit was
hosted and coordinated by the American Security Council.32 1
UNITA i s a South African-allied military force attempting to take over
the government of Angola. The government of Angola, which is unfriendly
to the apartheid regime in South Africa, came to power in 1 975, despite a
major CIA effort that supported UNITA. 322 Since then, a virtual South
African lobby has sprung up in American right-wing circles demanding a
defense of the apartheid regime.
"We first invited Savimbi to come to the U.S. in 1 975," says ASC
president John Fisher. "We paid for a plane to bring him here with a dozen
staff from Africa. We set them up in a hotel for ten days. We set up
Congressional meetings." 323 Congress at the time was preparing to cut off aid
to UNITA. The Clark Amendment was finally passed, which barred further
aid to UN ITA.
The ASC began what it called a decade-long "educational campaign" to
have the amendment repealed. In 1 98 1 , Savimbi again was an ASC guest at
its Virginia estate, and meetings with "the Secretary of State [Alexander
Haig] and numerous Congressional leaders" were arranged, according to an
ASC newsletter.m With the repeal of the Clark Amendment in 1 985, ASC
hosted a celebration with members of Congress and UNITA's Jeremias
Chitunda, who said that "John Fisher has always been standing by us . . . . "32 5
The effort to aid UNIT A was so crucial to the ASC that they gave their
1 986 "Distinguished Service Award" to Senator Bob Dole for his behind
the-scenes work on behalf of UNITA. Dole has attempted to do the same for
another South Africa-backed operation against Mozambique called
RENAM0.126 RENAMO has ties to the World Anti-Communist League
(W ACL) and its representatives spoke at the WACL 1 984 and 1 985
conferences.
The ASC has worked with South Africa itself, and not just its proxies. In
1 979 an ASC "fact-finding mission" visited South Africa, then white su
premacist Rhodesia, and South Africa-occupied Namibia.327 The trip was
funded and coordinated by the Southern African Freedom Foundation,
which had been exposed the year before as a project secretly funded by the
South African government. 128 Press coverage at the time identified Ray
Ackerman, a Capetown businessman, as an architect of the SAFF.129
The ASC praised Ackerman with "a special debt of thanks," for helping
ALLIES AND ALLEGIANCES

81

to raise the "funds needed for the project." Ian Smith, head of the white
minority Rhodesian regime, had been a guest at the ASC estate near Boston,
Virginia j ust months earlier. no
Two months after the Reagan Administration came to power, the ASC
hosted and coordinated the visit of five military intelligence officials from
South Africa to the U.S., including the head of military intelligence. The
Council arranged for them to meet with staff at the Pentagon's Defense
Intelligence Agency and the National Security Council.331 Through Roger
Pearson associate and Jesse Helms staffer J im Lucier, meetings were arranged
on Capitol Hill.332 A meeting was also arranged with then Ambassador to
the United Nations Jeane Kirkpatrick.m Because South African military
officials were supposed to be banned from U.S. visits, the intelligence
officials were hurried out of the U.S. after six days of activity, including a
two-day briefing for the ASC on Southern Africa. JJ4 Several days after the
visit, then Secretary of State Al Haig called for the repeal of the Clark
Amendment. 335
Several member organizations of the Coalition for Peace Through
Strength are also close to South Africa's apartheid regime. In 1 983, for
instance, Jack Abramoff went to South Africa as chairman of the College
Republican National Committee to begin an ongoing relationship with the
extreme right National Student Federation (NSF). The NSF noted this as a
"grand alliance of conservative students . . . an alliance that would represent
the swing to the right amongst the youth in America and Western
Europe."lJ6 After an exchange of trips between College Republicans and
South African student rightists, the College Republican National Council
passed a resolution condemning "deliberate planted propaganda by the
KGB," and "Soviet proxy forces" in Southern Africa, without mentioning
apartheid or racism. 117 The National Student Federation, which says that 72
percent of its funding comes from corporations, resolved out of these meet
ings "To inspire, focus and unite the national will . . . to achieve . . . 'Peace
Through Strength'." 338
Another Coalition for Peace Through Strength member, the Conserva
tive Caucus (which is also part of the World Anti-Communist League),
works directly with South African government officials.
Caucus Chair Howard Phillips cosponsors trips to South Africa (at a
$4,000 fee) which offer "confidential intelligence and financial briefings"
and meetings "with the very highest officials of government, business,
banking and the military in South Africa." Also promised are "military
intelligence briefings." Ads for such trips are placed in John Birch Society
publications.JJ9 The Conservative Caucus lobbies vigorously for UNITA
and attempted to initiate a corporate campaign against Gulf Oil/Chevron
for buying Angolan oil. 340
82

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

Phillips and Abramoff both supported campaigns calling for the dismissal
of Chester Crocker and George Shultz from the State Department because
they are seen as insufficiently supportive of South Africa.34 1 The "Dump
Schultz" campaign grew out of a meeting of the Council for National
Policy,342 a secret membership group that has included Phillips, Abramoff,
then N at ional Security Council officials Oliver N orth and J ohn
Lenczowski, WACL chair John Singlaub, and many others with ASC
interlocks.143 CNP's secret quarterly meetings bring together right-wing
funders (such as Joseph Coors) and foreign policy activists.344 The June 1 987
speaker was Richard Secord.345 Secord was a major player in the lran
contragate arms for hostages private network.
Because the ASC and WACL have a shared history, leadership and
political outlook, it seems appropriate to note one other South African
connection to American rightists.
Although it doesn't show up on the list of delegates at WACL confer
ences, WACL has a South African chapter. It has been headed for years by
Ivor Benson,346 who has also been the South African correspondent to The
Spotlight ,347 the notoriously anti-Semitic newspaper published by the
quasi-Nazi Liberty Lobby. Benson wrote a speech for the 1 986 meeting of
the Institute for Historical Review,348 an organization devoted tu proving
the Nazi Holocaust against Jews and others was a hoax. The Institute is the
brainchild of Willis Carto, who also runs Liberty Lobby and Spotlight.
Benson was unable due to illness to attend the 1 986 IHR conference, but his
speech was delivered by a colleague (at the same IHR event attended by Dr.
Ronnett). Benson's speech implied that South Africa's troubles were due to
a Jewish conspiracy.349
Like other friends of Liberty Lobby who are also members of WACL,
Benson stays out of sight so as to not embarrass other African delegates. He
has, however, addressed at least one meeting of North American WACL
chaired by Gen. Singlaub. South Africa's main interest in WACL is to
gamer support for UNITA and REN AMO. Benson's direct and publicized
presence could only hurt this effort at coalition-building, so he stays in the
shadows.

CENTRAL AMERICA, DEATH SQUADS,

AND THE ASC

M U.S.-backed dictatorships for most of this century.350

uch of Central America has been plagued by poverty, corruption, and

In N icaragua, the Somoza family had ruled from 1 933 to 1 979. In the
1 970's, a form of "crony capitalism" similar to that of former Philippines
ALLIES AND ALLEGIANCES 83

dictator Ferdinand Marcos also dominated the politics and economy of

N icaragua. Few prospered without the blessing of Anastasio Somoza. A
small corrupt circle of wealthy landowners and National Guard leaders
ruthlessly maintained their hold over N icaragua.
When the Somoza regime in N icaragua collapsed and the Sandinista
coalition came to power on July 19, 1 979, the American Security Council
was quick to respond. "The Marxist Threat to Central America" was the
headline and sole topic of its newsletter, Washington Report, August 1 979. It
immediately formed a Task Force on Central America. "The goal of that
Task Force is to be an energizing element within the Congress and within
the two political parties that would seek to force the [Carter) Administra
tion to correct its policies toward Central America." By which they meant,
get rid of the Sandinistas.
The ASC Task Force on Central America included a handful of retired
generals, including John Singlaub, Daniel 0. Graham, Richard Stillwell,
Gordon Sumner, William P. Yarborough, and Alexander Haig. Congres
sional members included Larry McDonald (D-GA), George Hansen ( R-ID),
John Murphy (D-NY), Bob Stump ( R-AR), and Charles Wilson ( D-TX) .
Retired Admiral Thomas Moorer, also o f the Task Force, saw threats "all the
way from Mexico down to the Cape of South America." 351
The ASC sought to make a popular issue out of Nicaragua for the 1 980
elections, j ust as the Panama Canal issue had aided the Right for the
previous four years. The film Attack on the Americas was produced in
1 980, the first of three ASC films on Central America. It depicted all
revolution as the result of KGB machinations rather than as responses
to conditions in Central America itself. Even Florida was judged to be
threatened.
As the Task Force name implied, the ASC was interested in all of
Central America, not just N icaragua. In 1 979, a delegation of ASC leaders
went to Guatemala and met with rightists connected to the death squads
there. The delegation, led by Graham and Singlaub, told the ruling Guate
mala military that they would urge Reagan to resume aid to the military
dictatorship, which Carter had terminated because of the military's death
squad activity. An estimated 1 00,000 deaths resulted from the brutal
pacification programs in rural Guatemala in the late 1 970's and early 80's.
After the ASC delegation briefed him, one Guatemalan official was quoted
as saying he felt the message was clear, "Mr. Reagan recognizes that a good
deal of dirty work has to be done." Within days of the ASC visit, there was a
dramatic increase in death squad activity. 35z
Latin America has death squads, active or dormant, from Mexico to
Argentina. Most, if not all, are linked to military intelligence and police or
national guard units. 3 53 They also have above-ground political organizations
84

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

complementing their covert activity. These political organizations publicly

advocate the most extreme measures against dissent within their respective
countries. i54
The ties between the legal political organizations, death squads, the
American Security Council and World Anti-Communist League can be
found in several countries including El Salvador, Guatemala, and Argen
tina.
Such was the case with the Argentine Anti-Communist Alliance
(AAA) in the 1 970's. It was an organization of right-wing murder, terror,
and propaganda whose activity was coordinated with the military
regime.355 It was also the Argentine branch of the World Anti-Communist
League.356
Roberto D'Aubuisson, closely identified with the death squads of El
Salvador, is affiliated with the ARENA party and he has served as that
country's representative to WACL.
During a 1 98 1 trip to Washington, D.C., Roberto D'Aubuisson was an
honored guest at an ASC conference, although D'Aubuisson had already
been linked to El Salvadoran death squad activities, including the 1 980
murder of Archbishop Oscar Romero. The purpose of the D'Aubuisson visit
was to enhance his support in Congress.357
The ASC also conducted an interview with D'Aubuisson in June of 1 984
for its radio program that is broadcast into Latin America, and for the ASC
newsletter.358 A photo of ASC leader Samuel Dickens and D'Aubuisson still
hangs on the ASC conference room wall. Dickens is a retired colonel who
held various intelligence posts and headed the Air Force Directorate of
Plans for the Western Hemisphere.
In early 1 987 the ASC also organized a Washington reception for
Alfredo Christiani, D'Aubuisson's successor as head of the extreme right
ARENA party. Over 1 50 attended the reception, according to the ASC.159
As an ASC and World Anti-Communist League organizer, Singlaub also
worked with D'Aubuisson. One mercenary magazine photo shows Singlaub
and D'Aubuisson studying a military map in El Salvador.360
Under Somoza in N icaragua, the National Guard was the base of WACL.
In Guatemala, Mario Sandoval Alarcon is the leader of the National Libera
tion Movement, a political party, as well as the leader of the death squads in
that country.361 He is also the Guatemalan representative to WACL.
An official spokesman of the National Liberation Movement ( MLN )
glorified the violence of his movement in terms strikingly similar to those
used by Mussolini:
I admit that the MLN is the party of organized violence.
Organized violence is vigor, just as organized color is scenery

ALLIES AND ALLEGIANCES

85

and organized sound is harmony. There is nothing wrong with

organized violence; it is vigor, and the MLN is a vigorous
movement. 161
The ASC view of death squads was probably best expressed by Neil
Livingstone, whose Institute on Terrorism and Subnational Conflict works
out of the ASC offices. Often perceived as an opponent of terrorism,
Livingstone wrote in World Affairs , Winter 1 983-84, that "the problem of
human tights is genuinely bad in Guatemala and El Salvador. We should not
wring our hands, however, over this problem." After giving a misleading
explanation of the origins of death squads, Livingstone advocated their use
because "they have helped more governments remain in power than they
have harmed." He offered Argentina as an example. Argentina is one
country where the death squads embraced the swastika.
Livingstone, who also has served on the ASC Foundation's Strategy
Board, wrote in World and I (a monthly publication under the control of
Rev. Sun Myung Moon) , that "methods are needed that involve targeting
individual terrorists and their leadership for assassination." 163 A box ac
companying the article identifies such groups as the African National
Congress and the ruling party of Zimbabwe as "terrorist." 364
Livingstone worked with other Reagan Administration luminaries
through his role with World Affairs , whose editorial board has included
Jeane Kirkpatrick and her husband Evron, as well as procontra activists
Penn Kemble and Joshua Muravchic.
Livingstone's Institute also employed Robert Owen, Oliver North's cou
rier in secret contra-support operations. Owen, a former staffer of then
Senator Dan Quayle, met with a key contra organizer of the southern front
against N icaragua, John Hull, in Quayle's office. According to the Wall
Street Journal, "After a long talk about conditions in Central America, Mr.
Owen escorted Hull to the White House, where he met Col. [Oliver] North.
In August, 1 983, Mr. Owen testified that he made his first trip to Central
America, traveling to Costa Rica on a round-trip ticket provided by Mr.
Hull."365
North discussed the secret operation with Livingstone.366 According to
the Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-contra
Affair, Livingstone's Institute received at least $75 ,000 from Interna
tional Business Communications (IBC). IBC was part of the Oliver North
network which funded various procontra operations while working closely
with Carl "Spitz" Channel's National Endowment for the Preservation of
Liberty. 167
The ASC's Director for Inter-American Affairs is Samuel Dickens. An
associate of contra military commander Enrique Bermudez when they were
on the Inter-American Defense Board in 1 976, Dickens says that in 1 98 1 , "I
86

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

took him to meet people at the State Department and Defense Department,
saying this is a man, these are the efforts that should be supported." 368
Dickens traveled in Honduras in 1 981 "on the border of N icaragua . . .
meeting and really reviewing some of his forces." He adds that "the ASC is
one of a number of organizations that put [Congressional funding for the
contras] really high on the priority list of things to accomplish."
Connected into the Latin American extreme right, Dickens believes in a
hard-line military policy toward the civil war in El Salvador. In 1 985, he
wrote an article for Replica that attacked El Salvadoran President Napoleon
Duane's gestures toward negotiations with the FDR opposition. Dickens
claimed that "Many people in El Salvador consider the word ' negotiations'
to be a bad word, and with complete justification." He called advocates of
negotiations "dreamers." 169 In 1985, in another article in Replica, Dickens
praised the founder of El Salvador's death squads as "the patriotic General
Medrano," and called Medrano's critics "fools." 370 Replica is the magazine of
the Tecos, a Mexican neo-Nazi group noted for bizarre anti-Semitism and
for its longtime leadership of the Latin American affiliate of the World
Anti-Communist League-an affil iate which served as the political
umbrella of Latin America's death squads.371
The same murderous policies pursued by the Romanian Iron Guard when
it collaborated with Hitler are praised as appropriate and necessary by
current ideologues in Latin America. The Iron Guard, for instance, seems to
have been allied with the Pinochet regime in Chile. Pinochet personally
met with Iron Guard leaders, and several Guardists proudly display photo
graphs of themselves individually posing with Pinochet and his wife. In tum,
Iron Guard propaganda, such as Alexander Ronnett's publication, Potomac,
praised Chile, spoke of the "years of progress" under Pinochet, and expressed
its hope "that other nationalist governments will follow the example of
President Pinochet." Pinochet has secretly funded WACL according to
Ronnett.m That the Pinochet regime would ally itself with pro-Nazi ele
ments was evident as early as 1 974, when Chile's new ambassador to the
United States met with Austin App and others to discuss improving Chile's
image in the U .S. press.373
In the introduction, by Dr. Dimitrie Gazdaru, to the English language
translation of For My Legionaries , by Iron Guard founder Codreanu, the
policies of the Iron Guard are seen as having current application in Latin
America:
. . . level-headed youth in several parts of the convulsed globe
are now being guided more and more by the doctrine of the
movement ideated by Codreanu. The most telling demonstra
tion of this is the recent recognition of it by healthy-minded
youth in Chile, whose spokesman, an eminent university profesALLIES AND ALLEGIANCES

87

sor, clearly declares that the anticommunist victory there has

initiated posthumous victories for Corneliu Codreanu. 374
The ideological training of many of the Latin American death squad
members has emphasized the brutal tactics and theories of Mussolini and
Hitler. Sometimes the connection is quite direct. For instance, after World
War II, Third Reich collaborator Klaus Barbie actually continued to ply his
gruesome trade in Bolivia as an advisor to the government-sanctioned death
squads and as a supporter of a 1 980 pro-Nazi coup. 17 5 Some death squad
members have openly sported swastikas.
These are the groups Singlaub, WACL, and the ASC have worked with
internationally. The words may change from counter-insurgency to special
operations to low-intensity conflict, but these are merely deceptive terms
for what history calls war. As an advisor to the contras, the Pentagon,
Oliver North, and others, Singlaub provided advice based on his own
experience, including Operation Phoenix, a covert operation which em
ployed cross-border raids, terrorism, and assassination against Vietnamese
civilians.376 Applying those lessons to aid the contras, Singlaub declared on
the Phil Donahue show that "my life has been dedicated to . . . low-intensity
warfare." m

88

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPURLICAN PARTY

CONCLUSIONS
A Eastern Front in the history of World War II. The German blitzkrieg,

mericans are, in general, not aware of the role and importance of the

the Russian winter, and the long Soviet counterattack are the staples of the
history of this subject. The resulting ignorance allows us to tolerate an
extensive network of collaborators established by Hitler's Third Reich,
many of whom then came to the United States after the war ended. When
these collaborators promote themselves as past victims of Soviet (or
Romanian, Hungarian, etc.) persecution and as patriotic anticommu
nists, they mask their past fascism, nazism, and sometimes crimes against
humanity.
Some of the ethnic unrest in Eastern Europe in the early 1 990's can be
directly traced to the organizing efforts of a number of these same anti
Semitic, collaborationist, and pro-Nazi elements and their offspring. Mem
bers of the Iron Guard were expelled from Romania for fanning the flames of
hate. A convicted Nazi collaborator who served in the Hungarian Arrow
Cross helped secure funds from the tax-supported National Endowment for
Democracy (NED) to build a Hungarian political party with a strong under
current of anti-Semitism. The unrest in Czechoslovakia was engineered in
part by the Slovak World Congress. NED funds for building democracy also
went to a Lithuanian group whose leadership includes an accused Nazi
collaborator. Members of the Russian group Pamyat have circulated transla
tions of anti-Semitic articles from the U.S. white supremacist newspaper
Thunderbolt (now known as The Truth At Last).
A combination of ignorance, amnesia, and in some cases political sympa
thy have allowed both American and European abetters of the Third Reich
to play a prominent and respectable role inside the Republican Party. In
many cases these fascists are unrepentant about their past as enemies of the
CONCLUSIONS

89

United States and as supporters of Nazi genocide. It is painfully ironic that it

was our victory over Germany which forced SS-linked groups to flee their
Eastern European homelands, in some cases to the United States, and
subsequently allowed former enemies of the United States to influence
American politics at the highest levels.
The American right wing has made common cause with this racism and
anti-Semitism in their ranks. The American Security Council is an impor
tant organization which is less an aberration of the American Right than the
expression of two generations of Old and New Right issues, priorities,
outlooks, and personalities. As Christopher Simpson observes in Blowback:
Captivated by a vision of the world in which any enemy of
the Communists was a friend of ours, the United States' public
role in Eastern Europe during the cold war consisted in large
part of the creation of polarized crises in which East-West
cooperation became impossible, while the clandestine counter
part to this same policy often created secret alliances with war
criminals, Nazis, and extremists.
The presence of these political currents in the American political process
presents a challenge to members of both political parties and to those of
neither party. Observers and researchers in the media, academia, and in
non-profit political and religious groups must all ask themselves whether the
condition described herein is acceptable.
In 1 988 the George Bush presidential campaign was presented with the
opportunity to repudiate the anti-Semites, Nazi apologists, and fascists who
had been recruited into the campaign's ethnic outreach arm through Repub
lican party contacts. Instead of repudiating antidemocratic tendencies and
bigotry, the Bush campaign chose to sidestep the charges and moved instead
to minimize damage to the political campaign.
The record to date leads to the conclusion that the Republican National
Committee and the network around the American Security Council and
World Anti-Communist League may consider it forgivable to have been
a fascist collaborator so long as one is today an active anticommunist
pursuing the maintenance of the cold war in foreign policy and extremist
right-wing politics at home. If this is an incorrect interpretation, then it is
incumbent upon them to give a better-and public-explanation of why
a tolerance for anti-Semitism, racism, authoritarianism, and fascism is a
hallmark of both their foreign policy intrigues abroad and their political
coalition-building at home.

90 OW NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

NOTES FOR PAGES 1-7

ENDNOTES
1. U.S., Displaced Persons Comm ission, Memo w America , The DP S tory , The
Final Report of the Displaced Persons Commission (Washington, D.C.: GPO,
1952), p. v.
2. Ibid. , p. 1 01.
3. lbid.
4. For information on the Waffen SS, see George Stein, The Waffen SS: Hitler's
Elite Guard at War: 1 939-1 945 ( Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press,
1966); Alexander Dallin, German Rule in Russia, 1 94 1 -45: A Study of
Occupation Policies (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1957).
5. Jack Anderson, "Nixon Appears a Little Soft on Nazis," Washington Post, Nov.
10, 1971, p. Bl 7; Nora Levin, The Holocaust: The Destruction of European Jewry
1 933- 1 945 (New York: T. Y. Crowell, 1968; Schocken Books, 1973), pp. 61011, 644, 653-55, 662-64; Randolph L. Braham, "Boring from Within: The Case
of Laszlo Pasztor," Midstream , June/July, 1989, p. 25.
6. Interview with Laszlo Pasztor, Washington, D.C., May 15, 1 985. I nterviews will
be indentified with date and location the first time they are cited only.
7. The requests were made in person Sept. 1984, May 1985, and June 1986.
8. See, for instance, the ad sponsored by the American Security Council in the
Washington Times , Sept. 28, 1983, p. AS.
9. Anderson, "Nixon Appears a Little Soft on Nazis," p. B l 7.
10. Interview with Spas T. Raikin, by telephone, August 1986.
11. Interview with Ivan Docheff, by telephone, Sept. 1984. See pp. 4 1 -44 of
this report for discussion of the Nazi-linked National Confederation of
American Ethnic Groups. Leaders of NCAEG have included Austin App and
Josef Mikus.

EN DNOTES 9 1

NOTES FOR PAGES 7-9

1 2. Interview with Professor Frederic Chary, Detroit, M ichigan, August 1 984.

Chary is author of Bulgarian Jews and the Final Solution (Pittsburgh: University of
Pittsburgh Press, 1 97 2 ) .
13.

Chary also supplied the Prelom masthead with headline ( Prelom , March 3 1 ,
1 933).

14.

I van Docheff, Half Century Struggle against Communism for the Freedom of
Bulgaria (New York: Bulgarian National Front, 1 982), p. 83; also see Dochefrs
biographical statement in his book, A New Danger for World's Peace-Red
Bulgaria (Salzburg, Austria: n.p., 1 950). Also, Raikin letter to the author,
August 1 7, 1 986.

15.

Docheff, Half Century Struggle against Communism, p. 1 8 5 .

1 6.

Ivan Docheff, "Why President Reagan?" Borba, Sept. 1 984, p. 1 . Borba is

published by the Central Executive Roard of the Bulgarian National Front,
Inc.

1 7.
1 8.

Interview with Ivan Docheff.

Interview with Ivan Docheff; interview with Frederic Chary; confirmed by the
author in a telephone conversation in Sept. 1 984 with aide to White House
Director of Ethnic Liaison, Linas Kojelis.

19.

Interview with Nicolas Nazarenko, Washington, D.C., May 1 7- 1 8, 1 985;

interview with Alex Aksenov, Washington, D.C., May 1 7- 1 8, 1 985. See also
Christopher Simpson, Blowback: U . S . Recruitment of Nazis and Its Effects on the
Cold War (New York: Weidenfeld and N icolson, 1 988), pp. 24-25 .

20.

Interview with Florian Galdau, by telephone, Sept. 1 984.

2 1 . Chris S impson, "Not Just Another Nazi," Penthouse , August 1 983 , p. 1 56.
22.

Howard Blum, Wanted: The Search for Nazis in America (New York: Quad
rangle/New York Times Book Co., 1 9 7 7 ) , pp. 109-1 1 , 1 1 4- 1 6. Trifa offered
an opening prayer for the U.S. Senate on May 1 0, 1 95 5 , at the request of
Richard N ixon, who presided over the Senate as part of his vice-presidential
duties.

23.

"Viorel Donise Trifa," FBI Memo (April 6 , 1 954), p. l ; on Galdau,

"Viorel Donise Trifa," FBI Memo (Oct. 5, 1 9 5 5 ) , p. 2. Copies of these memos
are in the possession of the author.

24.

A privately circulated, typewritten document by George Roman names sixty

Iron G uardists and briefly describes their functions in the U.S.

25.

New York City News World, July 3 1 -August 1, 1 982, p. B l . News World is
affiliated with the Reverend Moon's Unification Church. Moon's followers
have made great efforts to link into emigre fascist groups. See, for example,
"Will the Soviet Union Survive?: ABN International Conference" program,
May 1 3 - 1 5 , 1 988, Washington, D.C.: several speakers, including the keynote
speaker, were representatives of Moon-connected organizations.

26.

92

Both groups were accredited to the Displaced Persons Commission. See Memo
to America , pp. 270, 277, 285, and 289. On Tolstoy Foundation, see Blum, pp.
68-70; Doug Hostetter and M ichael Mcintyre, "The Politics of Charity,"
OLD NAZIS, TI IE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

NOTES FOR PAGES 1 0- 1 8

Christian Century , Sept. 1 8 , 1 974, pp. 845-50. O n the International Rescue

Committee, see R. Harris Smith, OSS: The Secret Histary of America's First
Central Intelligence Agency ( Berkeley, California: University of California
Press, 1 9 7 2 ) , p. 404n; S impson, Blowba.ck, p. 200n. Also, U.S., Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations, The U . S . Government and the Vietnam War:
Executive and Legislative Roles and Relationships ; Part 1 : 1 945- 1 96 1 , 98th Cong.,
2nd sess., 1 984, pp. 301-303.
27.

Interview with Valerian Trifa, conducted by Dennis Debbaudt, Oct. 20, 1 98 1 ,

by telephone. Transcript made available to author.

28.

United Israel Bulletin, Summer 1 974, p. 1 .

29.

Interview with Dennis Debbaudt, Detroit, M ichigan, Sept. 1984.

30.

I nterview with Walter Melianovich, Washington, D.C., May 1 7, 1 985.

3 1 . John Loftus, The Belarus Secret (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1 982), p. 1 8 1 ;
interview with Mark Masurowsky, Washington, D.C., May 1985.
32.

Loftus, p. 29.

33.

U.S., Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression , Nuremberg Document #PS 3047

34.

Interview with Mark Masurowsky.

(Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1 946), Vol. 5, pp. 772-76.

35.

I nterview with Cheslav Nadjiuk, Los Angeles, June 28, 1 986. Also, a list of
those who attended the 1 4th plenum of the Byelorussian Central Council ( the
Nazi puppet government in exile) in South River, New Jersey on Sept. 4 and
5, 1 954, includes Nadj iuk (spelled Naydzyuk) and says that he attended the
1944 Congress.

36.

Gerhard L. Wineberg, The Foreign Policy of Hitler's Germany (Chicago: Uni

versity of Chicago Press, 1 970), pp. 1 1 6-18.

37. Joseph Lemich, History of Modem Slovakia (New York: Praeger, 1955), pp.
143-73. The declaration of war is mentioned on p. 1 69.
38.

Lucy Dawidowicz, The War against the Jews (New York: Bantam, 1 976), p. 544.

39.

David Duke for President Committee, Quarterly Report of Receipts and Dis
bursements, Federal Election Commission, Form JP, Schedule BP, July I -Sept.
30, 1 987, p. 9.

40. Joseph M . Kirschbaum, ed., Slovakia in the 1 9th and 20th Centuries (Toronto:
Slovak World Congress, 1 973 ), pp. 9-10; Lemich, pp. 1 1 6- 1 7 , 1 7 5 .
41.

Kirschbaum, p. 1 5 1 .

42 . New York Times , May 25-June 10, 1 98 1 ; Thomas Sheehan, "Italy: Terror on
the Right," New York Review of Books , Jan. 22, 1 98 1 , pp. 23-26. Also, Luigi Di
Fanzo, St. Peter's Banker (New York and London: Franklin Watts, 1983 ) ; Larry
Gurwin, The Calvi Affair ( London: Macmillan, 1 983 ) .
43 .
44.

Boston Sunday Globe, Oct. 18, 1 987, p. A l 8.

Who's Who in American Politics : 1 987--88, 1 1 th ed. (New York : R.R. Bowker
Co., 1 987).

ENDNOTES 93

NOTES FOR PAGES lS-25

45.

Di Fonzo, p. 229.

46. New York Times , June 4, 1 98 1 , p. 7.

47.

Di Fonzo, p. 230.

48.

Ibid. , p. 259.

49.

Gurwin, p. 1 89.

SO.

Who's Who in America: 1 984- 1 985, 43rd ed. (Chicago: Marquis Who's Who,
1 984 ); Gurwin, pp. 1 2 , 1 89-90.

51.

Di Fonzo, pp. 72-73.

52.

Stella's curriculum vitae, 1 986, p. 2.

53.

The announcement was made Oct. 20, 1 98 1 according to an undated White

House letter received by the author in Feb. 1984.

54. New York Post, Feb. 2 1 , 1 986, p. 8.

55.

Stella's curriculum vitae, 1 986, p. 5.

56.

Roben Katz, The FaU of the House of Savoy (New York: Macmillan, 1 97 1 ) , pp.
366--6 7 ; Charles Fenyvesi, Splendor in Exile (Washington, D.C.: New Republic
Books, 1 979), pp. 92-93; E. J. Dionne, Jr., "Italy's Royal Heir, in Exile, Pleads to
Return," New York Times , March 2, 1 986, p. 6.

57.

Fenyvesi, pp. 1 00- 1 0 1 ; Taki Theodoracopulos, "Princes and Playboys," Esquire ,

Feb. 27, 1 979, pp. 87-88.

58.

Fenyvesi, p. 96.

59. The delegation's membership, their backgrounds and planned itinerary were
described in a booklet distributed at the Republican Heritage Groups Council
meeting, "President Reagen's [sic) Reinauguration Celebration Delegation,"
(Room 8, l l F, 1 50, Chi Lin Road, Taipei, Taiwan: Chinese Times, 1 98 5 ) .
60.

A proposal t o create such affiliates was roundly denounced b y delegates at the

June 1 986 convention.

61.

Kevin Phillips' syndicated newspaper article, "Economics, Not Heritage, the

Key," was reprinted in Cossack Life in 1 975. Mr. Phillips declined to look for a
more accessible citation, but a copy of the reprinted article is in the author's
possession.

62.

" 1 7th Annual Convention Program," National Republican Heritage Groups

63.

Quotations in this section from the 1 985 Republican Heritage Groups Council
convention are from the author's own notes of the event.

64.

Interview with Michael Sotirhos, Washington, D.C., Sept. 1 984.

65.

National Republican Heritage Groups Council brochure, Washington, D.C.,

n.d.

66.

Author's notes from the 1 985 Republican Heritage Groups Council Conven

(Nationalities) Council, Washington, D.C., Oct. 30-Nov. l , 1 987.

tion.

94 OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

NOTES FOR PAGES 25-32

67.

Peter Braestrup, "GOP's Open Door: Who's Coming In?" Washington Post,
Nov. 2 1 , 197 1 , p. A l .

68. Jack Anderson, "Doleful Dole," Washington Post, May 1 8 , 1978, p . A25; J ack
Anderson and Les Whitten, "Nazi Eulogy," Washington Post, May 4, 1 976, p.
B I S.
69.

"Join the Crusade for Freedom" brochure, National Committee for a Free
Europe, New York City, n.d .. The Crusade for FreeJom was a project of the
Committee for a Free Europe, which was the ostensible sponsor of Radio Free
Europe.

70.

Interview with Andy Yaluchek, Washington, D.C., May 20, 1 985.

71.

Washington Post, Jan. 8, 1979, p. C l .

7 2 . Telephone interview with Wes McCune, July 1 4, 1 988. See also "ASC's John
Fisher Moves Further into Right-Wing Politics," Group Research Report, April
3, 1 970, p. 2 5 , which states that "Fisher is in effect the organized leader of the
military-industrial complex as it impinges on civilian l ife." Group Research
Report, Feb. 26, 1 975, p. 6 and Nov. 1 983, p. 37 makes similar assertions.
73.

William Turner, Power on the Right ( Berkeley, California: Ramparts Press,

1 97 1 ) , p. 1 99. Turner's book has a chapter on the ASC. Also, New York Times ,
July 1 0, 1 958, p. 56.

74.

Turner, pp. 1 99-200.

75 .

America First Committee literature, 1 940-4 1 . See, for example, "Monster

Rally and Demonstration" flyer ( Brooklyn, New York: Brooklyn Chapter,
America First Committee, June 1940), which reads, "Keep United States Out
of War . . . No Convoys, No War, No Death for American Boys."

76. J. Edgar Hoover to Major General Edwin M. Watson, Secretary to the Presi
dent, FBI Memo (Feb. 1 3 , 1 942), p. 6.
77.

Ibid . , 2-page cover letter; M ichael Sayers and Albert E. Kahn, Sabotage: The
Secret War Against America (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1 942), pp.
241-42.

78. J . Edgar Hoover

to

Major General Watson, cover letter.

79.

J. Edgar Hoover to Major General Watson, p. 4; "Monster Rally and Demon

stration" flyer, America First Committee letterhead, June 1 940.

80.

Frances Locher, ed., Contemporary Authors (Detroit: Gale Research,

1 98 1 ) , Vol. 1 0 1 , p. 394. This interview was conducted April 30, 1 980.

81.
82.

Turner, pp. 200-20 1 .

Donald S . Strong, Organized Anti-Semitism in America (Washington, D.C.:
American Council on Public Affairs, 1 940), pp. 83-108.

83.

Strong, pp. 83-93; Robert Wohlforth, "Spy-Hunters: 1930," The New Republic ,
Jan. 29, 1 930, pp. 27 1-73 (note also reply in Harry Jung, "Correspondence,"

The New Republic , March 1 2, 1 930, pp. 1 0 1 - 1 0 2 ) ; Norman Hapgood, Profes

sional Patriots (New York: Albert & Charles Boni, 1 9 2 7 ) , pp. 1 39, 1 62-65.

EN DNOTES 95

NOTES FOR PAGES 32-35

84. John Roy Carlson, Under Cover ( Philadelphia: Blakiston Company and New
York: E. P. Dutton, 1 943 ) , p. 392. Jung had White Russian emigres translate
the "Protocols" from Czarist forgeries in Russian to English forgeries. See also
Strong, pp. 105-6.
85. New York Times , July 24, 1 942, p. 8; Strong, p. 95.
86. The Coalitionist, published by the ACPS, from 1 929-3 2. See, for example,
The Coalitionist , Nov. 1 929, p. I .
87. John Higham, Strangers in the Land (New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers
University Press, 1 9 5 5 ; New York: Acheneum, 1 98 1 ) , pp. 3 1 4, 3 1 9-2 1 .
88. Ibid. , p. 3 1 9.
89. Barry Mehler, "The New Eugenics: Academic Racism in the U.S. Today,"

Israel Horizons, Jan.-Feb. 1 984, p. 2 5 .

90. In Fact, August 1 1 , 1 947, p. 2; In Fact, Feb. 2 4 , 1 947, p. 4. In Fact, begun a s a
biweekly in 1940, soon became a weekly chat was published until 1 950. It was
edited by George Scldes.
9 1 . In Fact, Feb. 14, 1 949, pp. 1-2. For details on National Republic , see In Fact,
Feb. 24, 1 947, p. 3 .
92. New York Times , July 24, 1 942, p. 8.
93 . Felix Morley, "Travesty of Justice," Human Events, Nov. 2 1 , 1 945, pp. 1 92-95.
94. Arnold Forster and Benjamin R. Epstein, Cross-Currents (Garden City, New
York: Doubleday & Co., 1 95 6 ), pp. 1 56-60.
95. Ibid. , p. 1 58; Thomas Reeves, The Life and Times of]oe McCarthy: A Biography
(New York: Stein and Day, 1 982), p. 662.
96. Margaret Fisk, ed., Encyclopedia of Associations , 8th ed. ( Detroit: Gale Re
search, 1 973 ), Vol. 1 , p. 1057. For background on the political character of
ACPS, see Group Research Report throughout the 1 960's and Report to America
(an ACPS organ) 1 960-1 962.
97. "American Coalition of Patriotic Societies," Group Research Organizations
Directory , Washington, D.C., Feb. 1 2, 1 963, p. 2.
98. Encyclopedia of Associations , 22nd ed. ( Detroit: Gale Research, 1 987), Vol. 1 ,
pt. l , p. 1 669.
99. Who's Who in America: 1 984- 1 985 .
1 00. Proceedings of the M ilitary-Industrial Conferences, 1 955-6 1 .
1 0 1 . New York Times , Feb. 1 9 , 1 967, pp. 1 , 3 2 ; "The Foreign Policy Research
Institute," Ramparts, March 1 966, pp. 39-40 for discussion of CIA ties to think
tanks and foundations; Gene M. Lyons and Louis Morton, "School for Strat
egy," Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists , March 1 96 1 , pp. 1 03-6.
1 02. Robert Strausz-Hupe, William Kintner, and Stefan Possony, A Forward Strat

egy for America (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1 96 1 ) , p. 1 5 .

1 03 . Clarence Lasby, Project Paperclip (New York: Atheneum, 197 1 ) , p. 1 28.

96

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

NOTES FOR PAGES 35-38

104. Wernher von Braun is listed as a participant in the 1 95 8 Military Industrial

Conference in the published proceedings of the conference: George B. de
H uszar, ed., National S trategy in the Age of Revolutions (New York: Praeger,
1 959), p. iii; Medaris presented a lecture at the 1957 Conference, according to
Military-Industrial Conference: Papers and Discussions , Chicago, 1 95 7 , p. v.
105. Who's Who in G ermany ( M unich: Intercontinental Book and Publishing Co.,
1 956).
106. James Pool and Suzanne Pool, Who Financed Hitler (New York: Dial Press,
1 978, 1 979), pp. 207, 2 1 1 .
107. Who's Who in G ermany ; New York Times , June 1 3 , 1 944, p . 4.
1 08. New York Times , July 1 4 , 1 923, p. 2.
109. T. H. Tetens, The New Germany and the Old Naz:is (New York: Random House,
1 96 1 ), p. 255.
1 1 0. Ibid . , pp. 56-70, 254-55.
1 1 1 . New Benjamin Franklin House, a Lyndon LaRouche outfit, has translated and
printed an English-language version of August von der Heydte's 1 972 book,
Modern Irregular Warfare (New York: New Benjamin Franklin House, 1 986);
according to LaRouche's New Solidarity , Feb. 2 1 , 1 986, p. 8, von der Heydte
signed a political advertisement ( placed in newspapers throughout West Ger
many), which identified him as a member of Patriots for Germany, a LaRouche
front.
1 1 2. de Huszar, pp. 269-82. "Special Report on the American Security Council,"
Group Research Directory , May 2 5 , 1 962, pp. 4-1 1 ; Lyons and Morton, "School
for Strategy," pp. 104-5; Harold Relyea, "The American Security Council,"
The Nation , Jan. 24, 1 972, p. 1 1 4.
1 1 3. See Lyons and Morton, "School for Strategy," pp. 1 03-6 on the extremism of
the Institute for American Strategy, its ties to the Pentagon and its origins in
the military-industrial conferences; Senator William Fulbright's "Memoran
dum Submitted to the Department of Defense on Propaganda Activities of
Military Personnel," Congressional Record, August 2, 1 9 6 1 , pp. 1 4433-39; New

York Times , June 18, 1 96 1 , p. I on the NSC directive; Frank R. Barnett, "A
Proposal for Political Warfare," Military Review, March 1 96 1 , p. 3 ; and "Special
Report on the American Security Council," pp. 9- 1 1 for discussion of Senator
Fulbright's memorandum on the military's sponsorship of seminars on com
munism. The New York Times and Lyons and Morton articles are reprinted in
the Congressional Record as attachments to the Fulbright Memorandum.
1 1 4. Ramparts, March 1966, p. 39.
1 1 5. Barnett, "A Proposal for Political Warfare," p. 3 .
1 1 6. "Special Report o n the American Security Council," p. 9.
1 1 7. David Wise and Thomas B. Ross, The Invisible Government (New York: Ran
dom House, 1 964; Bantam, 1 96 5 ) , pp. 1 67-69; Alfred W. McCoy, The Politics
ofHeroin in Southeast Asia (New York: Harper & Row, 1 9 7 2 ) , pp. 1 20-2 5 , 26465; Institute for American Strategy letterhead, n.d.
EN DNOTES 97

NOTES FOR PAGES 38--43

l l 8. Guidelines for Cold War Victory (Chicago: ASC Press, 1964), pp. 9-10. In

Group Research Individuals Directory , 1962, see, for example, the backgrounds
of Lt. Gen. Edward Almond (Ret. ) ; Spruille Braden; Charles Edison; Adm.
Ben Moree! (Ret . ) ; Rear Adm. Chester Ward (Ret.); Gen. Robert Wood
(Ret.); and Gen. C.A. Willoughby (Ret. ) .
1 1 9. Frank P. Mintz, The Liberty Lobby and the American Right: Race , Conspiracy, and

Culture (Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1 98 5 ) , pp. 4-5; Right,

Sept. 1 960, p. 5.
1 20. Tumer, p. 2 1 1 .
1 2 1 . Coalition Insider, Nov.-Dec. 1 980, p. 2 . Coalition Insider is an organ of the
Coalition for Peace Through Strength. For subsequent quotes, all from this
edition of Coalition Insider: on showings of "The Salt Syndrome," p. 3; on
"super-dove" McGovern, p. 2; on the South Dakota race, p. 3; on ASC PAC
Abdnor contribution, p. 4; on S inglaub and Grassley campaign, pp. 4-5; on
D'Amato campaign, pp. 4-5 ; on Church as architect of intelligence system
destruction, p. 5; on Church and Soviet supremacy, pp. 4, 5, 7; on ASC aiding
67 candidates, p. 4; and on ASC PAC contributions to other campaigns, p. 4.
1 22. Interview with Dr. Richard Kolm at his Washington, D.C. home, May 2 1 ,
1 985; "Szaz's springboard" quote is from a confidential interview.
1 23 . The names of NCAEG affiliates were provided by Z. Michael Szaz in a
telephone interview on May 20, 1 985 and by Dr. Richard Kolm.
1 24. Alexander Ronnett, Romanian Nationalism: The Legionary Movement (Chi
cago: Loyola University Press, 1 974 ) . The book's cover has the Iron Guard
symbol on it.
1 25 . See Corneliu Z. Codreanu, For My Legionaries, trans. ( 1 936; Madrid: Editura
"Libertatea," 1 9 7 7 ) . Codreanu was the founder and ideological leader of the
Iron Guard. This book, written in 1 936, is the Guard's Mein Kampf. The
English translation is available from Liberty Bell, a neo-Nazi publisher and
book distributorship at P.O. Box 2 1 , Reedy, W. Va., 2 5 270.
1 26. Blum, pp. 9 1-96; Hans Rogger and Eugen Weber, eds., The European Right
( London: Weidenfeld & N icolson, 1965 ) , pp. 565-66; interview with Dennis
Debbaudt.
1 27 . Interview with Alexander Ronnett, Chicago, December 1 984.
1 28. Program for the seventh !HR Conference, held in Los Angeles on Feb. 1 5- 1 7 ,
1 986. For the text o f his speech, see Alexander Ronnett, M . D. and Faust
Bradescu, Ph.D., "The Legionary Movement in Romania," Journal of Historical

Review, Summer 1 986, pp. 1 93-228. The Journal of Historical Review is pub
lished by !HR.
1 29. Interview with Ronnett. Also, WACL documents and interviews with Iron
Guard delegates to 1 985 WACL conference. Ronnett was WACL delegate for
many years.
1 30. Austin J. App, The Six Million Swindle (Tacoma Park, Maryland: Boniface
Press, 1 97 3 ) , available from the Institute for Historical Review, 1 82 2 1/2
Newport Blvd., Suite 1 9 1 , Costa Mesa, California, 92627.
98 OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

NOTES FOR PAGES 44-45

1 3 1 . Forster and Epstein, p. 229; Austin J. App, No Time for Silence: Pleas for a Just

Peace Over Four Decades (Cosca Mesa, California: Institute for H istorical
Review, 1 98 7 ) , p. 62.; Austin J. App, Ravishing the Conquered Women of
Europe, as cited by John Roy Carlson in The Plotters (New York: E.P. Dutton,
1 946 ) , pp. 1 60-6 1 .
1 3 2 . National Convention Program brochure, NCAEG, Washington, D.C., Sept.
29-0ct. 1, 1 983.
133. Interview with Joseph Plonski at the Republican Heritage Groups Council
convention in Los Angeles on June 2 5 , 1 986. Other statements in this section
attributed to Plonski are also from this interview.
1 34. William S. Turchyn and NCAEG, NJ Chapter, Victory Without Fear: A

Response to OSI's " Nazi Hunting" Experiment (Rivington, New Jersey:

NCAEG, 1 98 5 ) , p. 26.
1 3 5 . Washington Post, Nov. 2 1 , 1 97 1 , p. A l 3 .
136. CCPA News & Views , Feb.-March 1 983, p . 3 .
1 3 7 . Rev. Anthony Cekada, Light

on

the OS] (Oyster Bay, N e w York: The Roman

Catholic, n.d.; reprinted from the The Roman Catholic, December 1 98 1 ) . This
article is a Catholic traditionalist examination of the Order. See also the cover
page of Charles Piche!, History of the Hereditary Government of the Sovereign
Order of Sc. John of Jerusalem, 2nd ed. ( Shickshinny, Pennsylvania: Maltese
Cross Press, 1 970), which traces the Knights of Malta from Jerusalem in 1050
to the U.S.A. in 1 908.
1 38. Sander A. Diamond, The Nazi Movement in the United States : 1 924-4 1 { I thaca:
Cornell University Press, 1974 ), pp. 1 1 6-1 7 .
1 39. Piche I, History of the Order of S c . John, pp. 1 92-93. See, fo r example, i n Arnold
Forster and Benjamin R. Epstein, Cross-Currents ( Garden City, New York:
Doubleday & Company, 1 956), the descriptions of Pedro del Valle (p. 1 4 5 ) ,
George Stratemeyer ( p . 1 68), and Bonner Fellers ( p . 1 63 ) . Also, a number of
figures named in Pichel's History of the Order of Sc. John were instrumental in
setting up the Liberty Lobby. Edward von Rothkirch, a member of the Order,
helped set up Truth-in-Press, a Liberty Lobby 5 0 l {c)3 tax-exempt group, and
has worked with LaRouche for many years.
140. Washington Post, Nov. 2 1 , 1 97 1 , p. A l 3 .
1 4 1 . "Western Goals Annual Report, 1 9 8 1 -82," Alexandria, Virginia, 1 982; Karol
Sitko, ABN Correspondence, March-April 1 983, pp. 1 0- 1 3 .
1 4 2 . Wall Screec ]oumal, Dec. 1 7 , 1 985, p. 1 6 ; Washington Post, Sept. 1 8, 1 984, p .
A Z ; and Washington Post, National Weekly Edition, Oct. 1 , 1 984, p . 1 2 .
1 43 . "National Coalition for America's Survival: Human Rights and National
Survival Program" brochure, Conservative Alliance, Washington, D.C., n.d.
Arthur Jones and the America First Committee are listed both under "Promi
nent Individual Members" and "Organ izational Members" in the brochure.
According to the Washington Post, National Weekly Edition, Oct. 1 , 1 984, p.
1 2, Warren Richardson has been the lobbyist for CALL; his nomination by
Reagan as general counsel for HEW was torpedoed in 1 9 8 1 when it was
ENDNOTES 99

NOTES FOR PAGES 45-50

discovered that he worked for the Liberty Lobby for four years in the 1 970's.
Richardson is also the former Executive Director of CAUSA, Rev. Moon's
organization.
1 44. New York Times , Oct. 1 2 , 1 985, p. 1 2. 0n June 28 and 29, 1 986, Jones
addressed a two-day Ku Klux Klan event planned to provoke confrontations in
Chicago's racially tense southwest side Marquette Park and in the near-north
shoreline area of Chicago where a Gay Pride Day march was ending.
1 4 5 . New York Times , April 1 7 , 1 938, p. E4; New York Times , August 4, 1 966, p. 8;

In Fact, Dec. 30, 1 940, pp. 2-4; and In Fact , July 1, 1 940, p. 2.
1 46. Interviews with Sam Dickens, Washington, D.C., July 1 6, 1 986; Curt Winsor,
Washington, D.C., July 1 7 , 1 986; Constantine Menges, by telephone, April
1 986; and another who requested anonymity. The discussion and quotations
which follow are, unless otherwise noted, based on these interviews. For
information on Radio Free Americas, see New York Times, Feb. 2 1 , 1967, pp.
1-2.
1 47 . An anonymous interview.
1 48. Washington Report, Oct. 1 978, p. 8. Washington Report is published by ASC.
1 49. John Fisher, "President's Report," ASC, Boston, Virginia, 1 982.
l SO. Rear Admiral Gene La Rocque, "Ronald Reagan ls No War Monger-But
What about His Advisors?" press statement, Oct. 3 1 , 1 980.
1 5 1 . Interview with Dickens.
1 5 2. "White House Hosts ASC Foundation Speakers Bureau Seminar," Washington
Report, Sept. 1 983, pp. 4-5. The event was August 25-26, 1 983.
1 53 . Jenny Pearce, Under the Eagle ( Boston: South End Press, 1 984 ) , pp. 1 7 5-80.
1 54. Interview with David Taylor, by telephone, August 1 986.
1 5 5 . Peace Through Strength Report, March 1985, p. 1 .
1 56. American Banker, May 1 1 , 1 987, p . 3 ; Jeffrey Zaslow, "Ex-officers of First
Chicago Investigated in Possible Funds Diversion for Group," Wall Street

Journal, May 1 1 , 1 987, p. 9.

1 57 . I nterview with Matthias Lydon, by telephone, March 4, 1 988.
1 5 8. Peace Through Strength Report, July 1 985, p. 2.
1 59. New York Times , Jan. 29, 1 988, p. A l l .
1 60. "In Defense of America: A Campaign for Peace Through Strength" fund
raising brochure, ASC Foundation, Washington, D.C., [ 1 984].
1 6 1 . Ibid.
1 62. ASC statement at Sept. 1 9, 1 984 press conference sponsored by the Coalition
for Peace Through Strength.
1 63 . Washington Report , Nov. 1 983, p. 5 .
1 64. ASC press packet, Sept. 1 9 , 1984.
1 65 . See ( Lexington, North Carolina) Dispatch, March 26, 1 986, p. 4 which reports

1 00

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

NOTES FOR PAGES 50-5 1

that M ilton Croom "said this week he agrees with right-wing extremist
Lyndon LaRouche on many issues, and was pleased LaRouche candidates had
recently won primaries in I llinois." Also see North Carolinians against Racist
and Religious Violence Report on the North Carolina Elections , May 7, 1 986,
which identifies Croom, who ran for the North Carolina Senate on the
Democratic ticket, as a LaRouche candidate; corporate filing of station WTRI
in Maryland; Washington Post, May 1 8, 1 987, p. A l 6.

1 66. See Dennis King, Nazis without Swastikas (New York: League for Industrial
Democracy, 1983 ) ; Chip Berlet and Joel Bellman, Lyndon LaRouche : Fascism
Wrapped in an American Flag (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Political Research
Associates, forthcoming); and Brownshirts of the Seventies (Arlington, Virginia:
Terrorist Information Proj ect, n.d. ) , which is available from National Lawyers
Guild, Civil Liberties Committee, 14 Beacon Street, #407, Boston, Massa
chusetts, 02 1 08 .

1 67. "Populist Groups Get More States," Spotlight, August 20, 1 984, p . 1 4 says that
McConkey was state chair of the Populist Party.

1 68. Leonard Zeskind, It's Not Populism (Atlanta, Georgia: National Anti-Klan
Network, 1 984 ) , available from the Center for Democratic Renewal, P.O. Box
50469, Atlanta, Georgia, 30302. For further background on the Populist Party,
see also the author's article, "Fake Populism, Real Fascism," New America,
Jan.-Feb. 1 985, p. 1 2 .
1 69. A Strategy for Peace Through Strength ( Boston, Virginia: ASC Foundation,
1984 ) .
1 70. Who's Who in America: 1 984--85 , Vol. 2.
1 7 1 . Joseph C. Goulden, The Death Merchant (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1 984;
Bantam, 1 985 ) , pp. 2 1 , 27.
1 72 Jonathan Marshall, "The Friends of Michael Hand," Inquiry , Nov. 24, 1 980, p.
1 1 . Also, Black wrote the chapter, "Structure for Strategy," on the National
Security Council in A Forward Strategy for America, pp. xi, 3 59-95. Black's
Who's Who in America entry omits the position in the Eisenhower administra
.

tion.

1 73. Who's Who in America: 1 984--85 , Vol. 2.

1 74. Australia, Commonwealth-New South Wales Joint Task Force on Drug Traffick
ing: Report of Royal Commission, Vol. 2, Nugan Hand (part ! ) , June 1 982, pp.
298-299, 303-304 ( hereafter cited as Joint Task Force Report); Wall Street Jour
nal front page series, August 24-26, 1 982.
1 7 5 . Wall Street Journal, August 24-26, 1 982; Joint Task Force Report, Vol. 4, pp.

7 3 1 -5 1 .
1 76. Joint Task Force Report, Vol. 4 , p. 796.
1 77. Joint Task Force Report, Vol. 4, pp. 796-97; see also Jonathan Kwitny, The
Crimes of Patriots : A True Tale of Dope , Dirty Money , and the CIA (New York
and London: W. W. Norton, 1 987 ) , pp. 1 20-2 1 .
1 78. National Strategy Committee letterhead, ASC, received Sept. 1 9 , 1 984.
ENDNOTES

101

NOTES FOR PAGES 5 1-55

1 79. "Salute to Ambassador Jeane J. Kirkpatrick" dinner program, ASC Founda

tion, April 1 6 , 1985, p. 3 .
1 80. Interview with John Fisher, Washington, D.C., July 1 6, 1986.
1 8 1 . Caspar Weinberger, "Introductory Remarks," Peace Through Strength Report ,
July 1 985, p. 2. Includes another Reagan letter to ASC, commending the June
4th event.
182. Ibid. , p. 2.
1 83 . Peace Through Strength Report, Jan. 1 986, p. 3 .
1 84. Lee Norrgard and Joe Rosenbloom, 3rd, "The Cold Warriors," Common Cause

Magazine , J uly-August 1 985, pp. 1 4-19, esp. p. 19.

185. John Fisher, "President's Report," ASC, Boston, Virginia, 1 983.
1 86. John Fisher, "President's Report," 1985.
187. "ASCPAC Plays Vital Role," Peace Through Strength Report , August 1 984, p. 8 .
O n p. 6, the newsletter also says ASC helped t o raise $ 1 86,000 fo r Cong. Bill
Dickinson. Jack Kemp made a claim similar to Chappell's.
1 88. "Quotable," Peace Through Strength Report, Winter 1987, p. 4.
1 89. Liberty Lobby promotional brochure, Washington, D.C., n.d., with endorsing
quote from Dickinson.
1 90. U.S., Congress, Office of the Clerk of the House, Ethics in Government Act:

Financial Disclosure Statement for I 984 , 98th Cong., 2nd sess., 1 984, attach
ment, p. l .
1 9 1 . U .S., Congress, Office of the Clerk of the House, Ethics in Government Act:

Financial Disclosure Statement for 1 985 , 99th Cong., ! st sess., 1 985, attach
ment, p. 1 .
1 92. Financial Disclosure Statement for 1 984 , attachment, p. I .
1 93 . National Security Report, June 1 987, pp. 4-5.
1 94. Norrgard and Rosenbloom, p. 1 4.
1 9 5 . St. Louis Globe Democrat, March 1 5 , 1 986.
1 96. Tumer, p. 202. G. Duncan Bauman, formerly the publisher of the now
defunct Globe Democrat, has been on the ASC's National Strategy Committee
for years, according to ASC letterhead, received Sept. 1 9, 1984.
197. Coalition Insider, Nov.-Dec. 1980, p. 7 . Wall Street Journal, Nov. l, 1 984, p.
30, in an editorial, attacked the AFL-CIO for supporting candidates with low
ASC ratings.
1 98. Monthly Reports of PAC Campaign Financing, Federal Election Commission,
Form 3X, Schedule B.
199. Tumer, p. 2 1 1 .
200. La Rocque, "Reagan Is No War Monger."
201 . Washington Post, Nov. 4, 1 984, p. AS.

102

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

NOTES FOR PAGES 55-61

202. CCA corporate records, State of Virginia; CCA brochure, Boston, Virginia,
n.d., shows Steve and Linda Fisher as president of CCA and president of
CCA's subsidiaries respectively. Their father, John M. Fisher, is listed as the
chairman of CCA.
203. Interview with John Fisher, Boston, Virginia, July 1 6 , 1 985; Norrgard and
Rosenbloom, pp. 1 6- 1 7 .
204. Interview with John Fisher, Washington, D.C., J uly 1 6, 1 986.
205. Interview with Jay Winek, by telephone, Sept. 1 984. The ASC had listed the
Coalition for a Democratic Majority as a member organization of the Coalition
for Peace Through Strength without CDM's permission, according to Winek.
After several years of letters asking the ASC to desist, CDM's name was
dropped from the 1 985 list.
206. Wall Street Journal, Sept. 28, 1 984, p. 46.
207. E. l. Anderson, "Northern League Notes," Right, Feb. 1 959, p. 6. Carro used

the pen name E. l. Anderson with Right and its successors, such as Western
Destiny . Carto's use of this alias is mentioned in one of the best articles on his
operations, C. H. Simonds, "The Strange Story of Willis Carro," National
Review , Sept. 1 0, 1 97 1 , pp. 978-89, esp. p. 982. Anderson as Carro alias also
confirmed to this writer by former Liberty Lobby official.

208. Right promoted an international pagan-racial gathering scheduled for July

1 959 that was organized by Pearson. See also "The Northern League" (Lon
don) Searchlight , June 1 984, p. 9; "Reagan Praises Leading FasCist" ( London)
Searchlight, Sept. 1984, p. 2.
209. Right, Sept. 1 960, p. 5, which also says, of the Nazis, "Their critics should
consider that at this late date, only a hard-core group of fanatically-determined
young men can possibly save the White Race."
2 1 0. "Roger Pearson to Tour United States," Right, June 1959, p. 1 .
2 1 1 . "Reagan Praises Leading Fascist," Searchlight , pp. 3-4, which reproduces the
masthead of the Nov. 1965 Western Destiny .
2 1 2 . Ibid.
2 1 3 . Roger Pearson, Race and Civilization ( London: Clair Press, 1 966), title page.
2 1 4. Robert Wistrich, Who's Who in Nazi Germany (New York: Macmillan, 1 982),
pp. 1 1 4- 1 5 .
2 1 5 . Roger Pearson, Eugenics and Race ( London: Clair Press, 1 966), p . 26.
2 1 6. For example, NS Publications, P.O. Box 88, Arlington, Virginia, 22210.
217. Wall Street Journal, Sept. 28, 1984, p. 46.
2 1 8. Edwin J . Feulner, Jr., ed., China-The Turning Point (Washington, D.C.:
Council on American Affairs, 1 976). Other topics include anti-union themes
(3 monographs ) , Southern Africa (also 3 monographs ) , Korea, and Social
Security.
2 1 9. Scott Anderson and Jon Lee Anderson, Inside the League (New York: Dodd,
Mead & Co., 1 986) , pp. 92-97.

ENDNOTES

1 03

NOTES FOR PAGES 61-64

220. Journal of International Relations , Winter 1977, title page. John M. Fisher was
the publisher.
22 1 . American Foreign Policy Institute letterhead, n.d. Confirmed in telephone
interview with Eldridge Dubrow on Sept. 26, 1 984.
222. Washington Post, May 28, 1 978, p. C l .
223. "Eleventh WACL Conference Proceedings," Washington, D.C., 1 978.
224. Ernest van den Haag, "Intelligence or Prej udice?" National Review, Dec. l ,
1 964, pp. 1 059-63; Washington Post, May 2 1 , 1 964, p . AS.
225. "International Association for the Advancement of Ethnology and Eugenics,"
Group Research Organizations Directory, Dec. 1 7, 1 969, pp. 6-7.
226. Conservative Digest , letter to subscribers, Dec. 26, 1 989; Nouvelle Ecole
letterhead, June 1 979.
227. The two officials, Clint Bolick and Maxwell Miller, are listed in Journal of
Political and Economic Studies , Fall 1 984.
228. Universitas (UPAO Newsletter), Oct. 1 984, pp. l , 3; Barry Mehler, "Rightist
on the Rights Panel," The Nation , May 7, 1 988, p. 64 1 .
229. Lubomyr R . Wynar, Encyclopedic Directory of Ethnic Organizations in the United
States ( Littleton, Colorado: Libraries Unlimited, 1 97 5 ) , p. 1 50.
230. Ralph Scott, "The Bookshelf: The Dispossessed Majority," Voice of Americans of
German Descent , Oct. 1 97 5 , p. 4.
23 1 . Mehler, "Rightist on the Rights Panel," The Nation, May 7 , 1988, p. 64 1 ; Des
Moines Register , July 1 3 , 1 988, p. 4A.
232. New York Times , Dec. 1 1 , 1 977, p. 76; according to Pioneer Fund, Inc., U.S.
Federal I ncome Tax Return, Form 990-PF, 1 976, Pearson's Institute for the
Study of Man received $4,000 for the "study of American Anglo-Saxon school
children."
233. New York Times , Dec. 1 1 , 1 977, p. 76; Washington Post, March 3 1 , 1 985, pp.
A l , A l 6.
234. "International Association for the Advancement of Ethnology and Eugenics,"
p. 7; Application for Recognition of Exemption, Internal Revenue Service,
Form 1 023, submitted by Institute for the Study of Man, May 25, 1 97 5 .
235. Secret Military Assistance t o Iran and the Contras: A Chronology of Events and
Individuals (Washington, D.C.: National Security Archives, 1 987), p. 1 1 4.
236. Helms staffer Clifford Kiracofe, former staffer James McClellan, and Sam
Crutchfield are on the masthead of Pearson's Journal of Social, Political and Eco
nomic Studies , Fall 1984.
237. See Alfonse D'Amato, Press Release, July 3 1 , 1 984, for this proposed wording;
the final version appears in the published GOP platform, "Republican Party:
America's Future Free and Secure," Committee on Resolutions to the Republi
can National Convention, August 20, 1 984, p. 4 1 .
238. D'Amato Press Release, July 3 1 , 1 984.

1 04

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

NOTES FOR PAGES 65--69

239. Anderson and Anderson, pp. 83, 1 54.

240. Washington Post, May 28, 1 978, p. C l .
24 1 . Washington Post, Jan. 1 2- 1 3 , 23, 26, and 30, 1 984; Feb. 9 and 1 8 .
242. Charles Goldman, e d . [pseud.], "World Anti-Communist League," The Public
Eye , Vol. 2, Nos. 1-2 ( 1 979), pp. 1 8-27. This article was adapted from a
translation of an article by Henrik Kruger in Erik Jensen and Petter
Sommerfelt, eds., Under Daekke [ Under Cover) (Copenhagen: Demos, 1 978).
243. Robert Boettcher with Gordon L. Freeman, Gifts of Deceit: Sun Myung Moon ,

Tongsun Park , and the Korean Scandal (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston,
1 980) , pp. 3 1-34, 338, 343, 348-350.

244. Tan Tien, "Special Report: Establishment of the American Council for World
Freedom," Asian Outlook, April 1 970, pp. 34-35.
245. The WACL Bulletin, Sept. 1 98 1 , photo section and p. 70.
246. "General John Singlaub--Our Guest," ABN Correspondence, July-Oct. 1 982,
p. 97.
247. "United Strength for Peace with Freedom for All" program, Seventeenth
WACL conference, San Diego, California, Sept. 4, 1 984, p. 10.
248. Singlaub interview on Sept. 6, 1 984 at the 1 984 WACL conference.
249. New York Times , May 22, 1 987, p. A l 3 . ; Holly Sklar, Washington's War on

Nicaragua ( Boston: South End Press, 1 988 ) , p. 229.

250. Los Angeles Times , Dec. 20, 1986, p. 33; James Ridgeway, "Et tu, Singlaub ?
( Moving Target ) ," Village Voice, Dec. 30, 1 986, p. 20.
2 5 1 . Spotlight, April 1 1 , 1 988, masthead.
252. Julian Sher, White Hoods : Canada's Ku Klux Klan (Vancouver: New Star
Books, 1 983 ) , p. 78; Toronto Star, Oct. 8, 1 983, p. BS.
253. From introduction to Taylor's speech by Robert Miles at Oct. 5-6, 1 985
meeting of Aryan Nations in Cohoctah, M ichigan. Attended by author.
254. The above mentioned meeting was a commemoration of those neo-Nazi Order
members killed in a shootout with local and federal agents. For additional
coverage of the event, see New York Times , Oct. 1 2, 1985, p. 1 2 .
2 5 5 . Robert Parry, "Reagan Said t o O K Private Aid Plan fo r Contras," Associated
Press wire story, Washington dateline, Oct. 7, 1 985 .
256. See ABN Correspondence , July-August 1983, front and back covers, for photos
of the White House meeting.
257. John Armstrong, Ukrainian Nationalism , 2nd ed. (New York: Columbia
University Press, 1 963 ), pp. 73-84.
258. Phillip Friedman, Roads to Extinction: Essays on the Holocaust ( Philadelphia:
Jewish Publication Society of America, and New York: Conference on Jewish
Social Studies, 1980), pp. 1 76-83.
259. For example, the Organization for Defense of Four Freedoms for the Ukraine
(ODFFU ), according to confidential interviews with OUN members.
ENDNOTES

1 05

NOTES FOR PAGES 69-7 1

Ukrainian Review is published in the U.S. by ODFFU and the editor is Slava
Stetsko.
260. Ukrainian Quarterly , Summer 1 984, p. 2 1 4 mentions Nestercuz' UCCA affilia
tion and other ethnic activism.
26 1 . Interview with Bohdan Futey, Washington, D.C., May 1 7 , 1 98 5 ; Ukrainian

Quarterly , Summer 1 984, pp. 2 1 5- 1 6 .

2 6 2 . Confidential interview, OUN-B member.
263. The campaign stop was widely reported. See Ukrainian Newsletter ( the organ of
the World Conference of F.ree Ukrainians, the international body in which all
Ukrainian factions participate), Nov.-Dec. 1 984, pp. 3, 7. I t reports on the
Reagan visit and notes that Fedorak was elected to the Presidium of the
UCCA Executive Committee. Fedorak was also Toastmaster at a UCCA
banquet where Jeane Kirkpatrick received a "Shevchenko Freedom Award."
264. Fedorak attended the 1 984 and 1985 WACL meetings in the U.S. His name
appears on lists of previous W ACL meetings.
265. "UCCA Calls for Congressional Hearings into OSI," Ukrainian Review, Sum
mer 1 985, p. 96. Ukrainian Review is an OUN magazine.
266. Invitation to Committee for Security and Cooperation in Europe Forum,
signed by Ambassador-Designate Warren Zimmerman ( 1 986).
267. Ibid.
268. Ukrainian Quarterly , Editorial Advisory Board, Spring 1 984.
269. Confidential interview with OUN member; list of Republican Heritage
Groups Council leaders.
270. List of groups made available to the author for notetaking purposes only, at
1 985 WACL meeting.
27 l . Anderson and Anderson, pp. 20-25, 1 5 2-55.
272. World Jewish Congress press statement, Dec. 9, 1 985 , p. 2; Joe Conason,
"Reagan and the War Crimes Lobby," Village Voice, May 14, 1 985, pp. 20-23 ;
UNIS press releases of April 4 and April 19, 1 985 (UNIS is the Washington,
D.C. affiliate ofUCCA); and many articles in Ukrainian Quarterly , the UCCA
publication. See, for example, an article that attacks OSI and praises the
Waffen SS (as defenders of freedom) in Edward M. O'Connor, "Our Open
Society under Attack by the Despotic State," Ukrainian Quarterly , Spring
1 984, pp. 1 7-49, esp. pp. 48-49.
273. Sayers and Kahn, pp. 80-88; Dallin, pp. 1 1 4- 1 5 ; Armstrong, pp. 3 5 , 50, 73-74.
274. Sayers and Kahn, pp. 80-98; Dallin, p. 1 1 5 , n. 3, which cites German intelligence reports; Simpson, Blowback, pp. 1 60-63 .
2 7 5 . Armstrong, p. 38.
276. Ibid.
277. Ibid. , p. 7 7 .
2 7 8 . Dawidowicz, p. 3 7 7 .

106

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

NOTES FOR PAGES 72-75

279. Ibid.
280. Ibid . , p. 544.
28 1 . Friedman, pp. 1 76-208, 244-32 1 .
282. Armstrong, p. 83.
28.l ABN literature cites Nov. 2 1 -22, 1 943 as the founding dates of ABN. A 40th
ann iversary commemorative booklet, "Freedom for Nations and for the Indi
vidual" (Ukrainian Cultural Center, Warren, M ichigan, Nov. 27, 1 983) gives
a brief version of their history of ABN's origins. For a rejoinder to the OUN/
ABN version, see Dallin, pp. 620-25.
284. Wasyl Veryha, "General Pavlo Shandruk," Ukrainian Quarterly, Summer
1 984, pp. 1 64-77; Dallin, p. 625.
285. Wynar, p. 3 77.
286. ABN Correspondence , J uly-August 1 983, front cover.
287. Bernadine Bailey, Captive Nations (Ch icago: Chas. Hallberg & Co., 1 969 ) , p.
1 46.
288. Ibid. , p. xi.
289. Ibid. , pp. 29-36, 1 1 8, 1 30-34, 1 70.
290. Confidential interview.
2 9 1 . Bailey, p. 3 2 . On p. 28, Bailey says communism is "a convenient tool or catch
word" used by "Russian imperialists."
292. Interview with N icolas Nazarenko.
293. "On the 40th Anniversary of the Establishment of the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of
Nations," ABN Correspondence , July-August 1 983, p. l ; Dallin, p. 624.

294. Niko N akashidze, The Truth about ABN (Munich: ABN Press and Informa
tion Bureau, 1 960), p. 1 4. Although the ABN claims a direct lineage from the
1 943 Committee of Subj ugated Nations (CSN ) , some scholars emphasize that
the CSN went through a variety of splits and reorganizations immediately after
WWII, and that ABN did not emerge in its current manifestation until several
years after the war.
295. Anderson and Anderson, p. 45.
296. "Death of a Great Croatian Intellectual and Politician," ABN Correspondence ,
May-August 1 986, p. 97; Anderson and Anderson, pp. 25-29.
297. Anderson and Anderson, pp. 40-4 1 .
298. Joseph Rothschild, East Central Europe Between the Two World Wars (Seattle:
University of Washington Press, 1 974 ), p. 3 1 7 ; Rogger and Weber, p. 567,
Anderson and Anderson, p. 20.
299. "About the Contributors," Journal of Historical Review, Summer 1 986, p. 254.
See a picture album commemorating the 50th anniversary reunion of the Iron
Guard: Legiunea in Imagini ( Madrid: Iron Guard, 1 976), p. 1 1 6, photo #l l ; see
also p. 345 for a photo of Ronnett honoring the Bulgarian National Front in

ENDNOTES

1 07

NOTES FOR PAGES 75-81

197 5 for the 1 94 1 assistance of the BNF ( then the Bulgarian Legion) during
the Iron Guard's escape from Romania, following their failed coup attempt.
300. WMAQ-TV (NBC) Chicago, "The Chicago Controversy," Evening News,
May 1 1- 1 2, 1 987. Transcript in Appendices.
301 . Anderson and Anderson, pp. 72, 1 38-4 1 .
302 . Executive Board of the World Youth Anti-Communist League, "For a Heroic
Concept of Life," ABN Correspondence , Sept.-Dec. 1 983, p. 90.
303. Ibid. , p. 9 1 .
304. Martin Lee and Kevin Coogan, "Killers o n the Right: Inside Europe's Fascist
Underground," Mother Jones , May 1 987, pp. 40-54.
305. ABN Correspondence , May-August 1 984, p. 73.
306. Ibid. , back cover.
307. Congressional Record, July 14, 1986, p. E2388-89; Chicago Tribune , July 18,
1 986, p.22.
308. U.S. Counterintelligence Corps (CIC), Consolidated Guidance Report, Febru
ary 1 948, p. SO; Encyclopedia of Associations, 3rd ed. (Detroit: Gale Research,
1 96 1 ) .
309. Ad in Darbininkas , a Lithuanian newspaper, Sept. 7, 1 984, p. 4.
3 1 0. Ibid.
3 1 l . The Campaign Against the U . S . Justice Department's Prosecution of Suspected
Nazi War Criminals (New York: Anti-Defamation League, 1 98 5 ) , p. 1 2.
(Hereafter cited as ADL Special Report)
3 1 2 . ADL Special Report, pp. 3 1 , 37-38.
3 1 3 . List of groups provided to this writer in 1 985 for notetaking purposes only.
3 1 4. Dr. Juozas Prunskis, Lithuania's Jews and the Holocaust (Chicago: Lithuanian
American Council, 1 979), pp. 1 6-19.
3 1 5 . Danielius Ralys, The Chosen People: A Look into the Past (Canada: Alpha- Book
Publishers, 1 986) , pp. 1 85-93.
3 1 6. Charles Piche!, Samogitia (Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania: Maltese Cross Press,
1 9 7 5 ) , pp. 5-7.
3 1 7 . Ibid. , pp. 294.
3 1 8 . CCJS telegram to Attorney General Edward Meese, Sept. 8, 1 985.
3 1 9. "Justice Department Passivity Held Responsible for Recent Terrorist Bomb
ings of East Coast Ethnic Homes," CCJS Press Release, Sept. 9, 1 985.
320. Kevin Freeman, "WJC Charges Emigre Groups are Thwarting OSI Activities,"
Daily News Bulletin, Jewish Telegraph Agency, April 3, 1 985 , p. 3 .
3 2 1 . Interview with John Fisher; confirmed b y other sources.
322. John Stockwell, In Search of Enemies : A CIA Story (New York: W.W. Norton,
1 9 7 8 ) ; contemporary news reports.

1 08

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

NOTES FOR PAGES 81-83

323. Interview with John Fisher.

324. "Clark Amendment Repealed: A Victory for Freedom," Peace Through Strength
Report, August 1985, p. 1 .
325. Ibid . , pp. 1-2.
326. Anthony Lewis, "How to Isolate America," New York Times, May 1 9, 1 987, p.
A35 .
327. "Southern Africa: The Fateful Struggle" report, ASC, 1 979. The trip was
conducted from March 24 to April 10, 1979.
328. Ibid. , p. 2; Stephen Orpen, "Secret Funds, Unanswered Questions," To the

Point International, Dec. 1 , 1 978, p. 5 5 . To the Point ( founded in 1 972, it

became To the Point International in 1 97 4) was closely identified with the
South African regime.
329. Orpen, "Secret Funds," p. 5 5 .
3 3 0 . Washington Post, Jan. 8, 1 979, p. C l .
33 1 . Washington Post, March 1 5 , 1 9 8 1 , p. A l J .
332. New York Times , March 1 5 , 1 98 1 , p . 1 .
333. New York Times, March 24, 1 9 8 1 , p . A6; New York Times , March 2 5 , 1 98 1 ,
p. 4 .
334. Washington Post, March 1 5 , 1 98 1 , p. A l J .
335. New York Times , March 22, 1 98 1 , sec. IV, p . 2 .
336. National Student Federation of South Africa untitled report, issued by Stu
dent Moderate Alliance (Univ. of Witwatersrand ) , Students Action Front
(Univ. of Natal, Pletermaritzburg) and Moderate Student Movement (Univ.
of Cape Town) , 1 985, p. 1 0.
337. Ibid. , p. 1 1 .
338. Ibid. , pp. 1 3 , 1 7 .
339. For example, New American , Jan. 2 7 , 1986, p . 3 2 ; "South Africa '87: 1 2th
Annual Financial Geopolitical Tour," Conservative Caucus direct mailing,
n.d.
340. Grassroots, the newsletter of the Conservative Caucus, August 1 985, devoted
its 8 tabloid pages to advocating apartheid interests.
341 . An ad calling for Cracker's firing, signed by Abramoff, appeared in Conserva

tive Digest, May 1 985, p. 18.

342. Interview with CNP member.
343. CNP membership list; Board of Governors Mailing List, CNP, Baton Rouge,
Louisiana, 1 984, pp. 1 , 1 1 , 2 1 , 26, 28.

344. Interview with CNP member, background only; Board of Governors Mailing
List, p. 7 .
3 4 5 . From source close t o CNP.

ENDNOTES

1 09

NOTES FOR PAGES 83--86

346. Anderson and Anderson, pp. 83, 253.

347. Spotlight , March 28, 1 988, masthead.
348. Ivor Benson, "The Siege of South Africa," Joumd of Historical Review, Spring
1 986, pp. 5-20; "Seventh International Revisionist Conference A Smashing
Success," Institute of Historical Review Newsletter, Feb. 1 986, p. l .
349. Benson, "The Siege of South Africa," esp. pp. 9- 1 0, 1 3- 1 4.
350. See generally Walter LaFeber, Inevitable Revolutions: The United States in Cen

tral America (New York: W.W. N orton, 1 983 ) and Jenny Pearce, Under the
Eagle ( Boston: South End Press, 1 984 ) .
3 5 1 . Washington Report, August 1 979, p. 2 .
3 5 2 . Anderson and Anderson, p p . 1 74-7 5.
353. Jack Anderson, "Death Squads Have Permeated Latin America," Washington
Pos t , Jan. 1 3 , 1 984, p. E l 2; Jack Anderson, "Latin Terrorists' Leader Retains
Support of CIA," Washington Post , Jan. 30, 1 984, p. B32.
354. Anderson and Anderson, pp. 2 1 7-4 1 ; Jack Anderson, "Assassin Calls Death
Squads Part of Network," Washington Post , Jan. 23, 1 984, p. B30; Jack Ander
son, " 'Death Squads' Continue Despite U.S. Pressures," Washington Post, Jan.
26, 1984, p. Md. 1 5 .
355. Anderson and Anderson, pp. 223-24.
356. Ibid . , p. 223.
357. Ibid. , p. 203. In the New York Times, March 4, 1 98 1 , p. 1, D'Aubussion says
he's met with and maintained contact with Lt. Gen. Dan Graham, among
others.
358. Samuel T. Dickens, "El Salvador's Roberto D'Aubuisson," Peace Through

Strength Report , July 1 984, p. 2. See p. 4 of the same Report for photos.
359. Peace Through Strength Report, Winter 1 987, p. 2.
360. Eagle , Feb. 1 984, p. 1 8 .
36 1 . Anderson and Anderson, pp. 1 69-74.
362. Washington Post , Feb. 2 2 , 1 98 1 , p. C7.
363. Neil Livingstone, "Fighting Fire with Fire ," World and I, March 1 986, p. 96.

World and I is published by the Washington Times, which is under the control of
the Rev. Sun Myung Moon. Its editor is Morton Kaplan, who has been one of
Moon's top collaborators in the U.S., especially as chairman of the Interna
tional Conference for Unity of the Sciences. Kaplan has praised Moon as a
great religious leader. According to the "Special Report on the American
Security Council," May 25, 1 962, by Group Research, Kaplan is also a long
time associate of the Foreign Policy Research Institute, discussed earlier in this
paper. In 1 988, he is still listed on the masthead of FPRl's Orbis .
364. Ibid . , p. 95.
365. New York Times , May 1 5 , 1987, p. A l 2; Miami Herald, June 8, 1 986, p. A26;
Wall Street ]oumal, May 2 1 , 1 987, p. l .
I IO

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

NOTES FOR PAGES 86-88

366. New Yark Times , Jan. 1 2 , 1 987, pp. A l , A6; see also Neil Livingstone,
"What Ollie North Told Me Before He Took the Fifth," National Review, Jan.
30, 1 987, p. 3 7 .
3 6 7 . U . S . , l OOth Cong., 1st sess., 1 988, Appendix A: Vol. l ; Source Documents,
pp. 634-3 7 .
368. Interview with Dickens.
369. Samuel Dickens, "When Dialog Reeks of Treachery," Replica, Dec. 1 984-J an.
1 985, p. 29.
370. Samuel Dickens, "Campaign of Attacks on the Salvadoran Army Launched
by Leftist Human Rights Defense Organization," Replica, March 1 985, pp.
19-20.
3 7 1 . Anderson and Anderson, pp. 7 1-8 1 ; Craig Pyes, Salvadoran Rightists: The

Deadly Patriots (Albuquerque: Albuquerque Journal, 1 984 ), pp. 1 1 - 1 2 . This

booklet is a reprint of a series of articles by Pyes which ran in the Albuquerque
Journal from Dec. 1 8 to Dec. 22, 1 983.
372. Interview with Alexander Ronnett; Potomac , Jan. 1 5 , 1 979, pp. 1-3, 1 5-16,
24. Potomac is published by Ronnett in Mt. Prospect, Illinois.
373. "New Chile Pleads for Fair Treatment in U.S. Press," Voice of Americans of

German Descent, November 1 2, 1 974, p. 3.

374. Codreanu, p. viii.
375. Magnus Linklater, Isabel Hilton, and Neal Acherson, The Nazi Legacy (New
York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1 984 ), pp. 2 1 5-3 1 9 .
3 7 6 . Singlaub biographical statement, Roni H icks Advertising and Public Rela
tions, San Diego, California, n.d., distributed at the 1 984 W ACL Conference;
Anderson and Anderson, pp. 1 50- 1 5 1 ; Eagle , Feb. 1 984, p. 20; Anthony
Herbert with James T. Wooten, Soldier (New York: Holt, Rinehart and
Winston, 1 973 ), pp. 1 03-104, which discusses Singlaub's role in what later
became known as Operation Phoenix.
377. ABC-TV, "Phil Donahue Show," Sept. 30, 1985.

EN DNOTES

111

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
AMERICAN/GERMAN CORPORATE SUPPORT FOR HITLER
Ambruster, Howard Watson. Treason's Peace. New York: Beechhurst Press, 1947.
Borkin, Joseph. The Crime and Punishment of I . G . Farben. New York: Free Press,
1 978.
Higham, Charles. Trading with the Enemy. New York: Delacorte Press, 1 983 .
Pool, James and Pool, Suzanne. Who Financed Hitler. New York: Dial Press, 1 978.
Reiss, Curt. The Nazis Go Underground. New York: Doubleday, Doran and Co.,
1 944.
Thyssen, Fritz. I Paid Hider. New York: Farrar and Rinehart, 1 94 1 .

WAR CRIMINALS AND NAZI COLLABORATORS I N THE U.S.

Allen, Charles R. Nazi War Criminals in America: Facts . . . Action. New York:
H ighgate House, 1 985 .
Blum, Howard. Wanted! The Search for Nazis in America. New York: Quadrangle,
1979.
Lasby, Clarence. Project Paperclip. New York: Atheneum, 1 97 1 .
Simpson, Christopher. Blowback: U . S . Recruitment of Nazis and Its Effects on the
Cold War . New York: Weidenfeld & N icolson, 1988.

FASCISTS AND NAZIS IN THE U.S.: 1920-1950

Diamond, Sander A. The Nazi Movement in the United States 1 924--4 1 . I thaca,
New York: Cornell University Press, 1 974.
Kennedy, Stetson. Southern Exposure . New York: Doubleday, 1 946.
Lavine, Harold. The Fifth Column in America. New York: Doubleday, 1 940.
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

1 13

Magil, A.B. and Stevens, Henry. Perils of Fascism. New York: International
Publishers, 1 938.
Piller, E.A. Time Bomb. New York: Arco, 1 945.
Sayers, Michael and Kahn, Albert. Sabotage! New York: Harper, 1 942; Lev
Gleason Publications, 1 943.
Smith, Geoffrey S. To Save a Nation. New York: Basic Books, 1973.
Spivak, John L. Secret Armies . New York: Modem Age, 1 939.
Seldes, George. In Fact, 4 vols. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Reprint

Corporation, 1 970. This is a reprint of In Fact, a weekly periodical edited by

George Seldes, published from 1 940-1 950.

THE AMERICAN RIGHT: 1 950-PRESENT

Clabaugh, Gary K. Thunder on the Right: The Protestant Furulamentalists. Chicago:
Nelson-Hall, 1 974.
Forster, Arnold. A Measure of Freedom . New York: Doubleday, 1 950.
Mcintyre, Thomas J. The Fear Brokers . Boston: Beacon Press, 1 979.
Saloma, John S., Ill. Ominous Politics . New York: Hill & Wang, 1 984.
Sanders, Jerry W. Peddlers of Crisis . Boston, Massachusetts: South End Press, 1 983.
Turner, William. Power on the Right. Berkeley, California: Ramparts Press, 1 9 7 1 .

REV. MOON AND THE UNIFICATION CHURCH

Boettcher, Robert. Gifts of Deceit . New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1 980.
Horowitz, Irving L., ed. Science, Sin and Scholarshitr-The Politics of Reverend Moon
and the Unification Church . Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press, 1 978.
U.S., Congress, House, Committee on International Relations, Subcommitee on
International Organizations. Investigation of Korean-American Relations Report,
2 vols. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1 978.

OTHER WORKS OF INTEREST

Anderson, Scott and Anderson, Jon Lee. Inside the League : The Shocking Expose of
How Terrorists , Nazis , and Latin American Death Squads Have Infiltrated the World
Anti-Communist League. New York: Dodd-Mead, 1 986.
Codreanu, Corneliu Z. For My Legionaries . Madrid, Spain: Editura Libertatea,
1 976. This is an English translation of the original 1 936 work.
Cook, Fred J. The Warfare State. New York: MacMillan, 1 962; Collier Books, 1 964,
1 969.
Eisenberg, Dennis. The Re-emergence of Fascism. South Brunswick, New Jersey:
A.S. Barnes, 1 968.
Sklar, Holly. Washington's War on Nicaragua. Boston: South End Press, 1 988.

1 14

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

APPENDIX 1
The Chicago Controversy
PART ONE
WMAQ-TV (NBC) Chicago
Evening News , Unit 5 Report
Broadcast Date: May 1 0 , 1 987
Peter Karl, Reporter - Marsha Bartel, Producer
1 987, WMAQ-TV News - All Rights Reserved
Transcript prepared by Political Research Associates .
PETER KARL: There are many private citizens who are working hard
to support the contras. We have found some of them have ties to Nazi
Germany. Working through groups who wave the banner of anti
communism, some have the ear of foreign policy makers, and some don't
like to talk openly about their past.
The N icaraguan contras needed money. So national security advisor Lt.
Col. Oliver North made it his job to get it. And, according to the Tower
Commission report, North turned to this man, retired General John
Singlaub, for help.

[Screen: 1 985]

APPENDIX I

THE CHICAGO CONTROVERSY

115

JOHN SINGLAUB: I represent hundreds of thousands of Americans

who are sympathetic to your cause, and want to help.
KARL: In 1985, Singlaub promised the Nicaraguan contras the backing
of the Americans. He turned to a private network of anticommunist
organizations for help-some right here in Chicago.
[Screen: Dr. Alexander Ronnett, Contra Fundraiser]
ALEXANDER RONNETT: I consider myself a freedom fighter.
KARL: Dr. Alexander Ronnett is a Chicago area doctor. He is actively

involved in a number of anticommunist groups working for the contras.

RONNETT: If they do want to struggle for liberty, they deserve the help
of anybody that understands the situation politically.
KARL: Ronnett provided both moral and financial support to the
contras. He traveled overseas to raise money. His journey brought him into
the offices of Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet, and into the White
House.
KARL: Have you ever been invited to the White House?
RONNETT: Many times, yes.
PETER KARL: For briefings ?
RONNETT: Yes, almost every month ... twice ...
KARL: On national security and all that sort of stuff?
RONNETT: Yes.
KARL: You've been invited ?
RONNETT: Yes.
KARL: For what purpose ?
RONNETT: To attend, to be briefed on certain situations ...
(fade under)
KARL: But who is Dr. Alexander Ronnett? A Unit 5 investigation
reveals that he belongs to a controversial organization that dates back to the
days before World War II. It was called the Legion of the Archangel
Michael. According to these counterintelligence reports, it was an extreme
right, shock organization that used criminal means to achieve its goals. It
was labeled as anti-Semitic and fascist.
The Legion was also known as the Iron Guard. It began in Romania in
the 1 930's. Its members swore blood oaths in support of its leaders. The goal
of the Iron Guard was to purify the Romanian race; and to that end, the
Guard supported the Nazis-and worked to rid Romania of communists and
Jews.
Efraim Zuroff is with the Simon Wiesenthal Center in Israel.
1 16

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

EFRAIM ZUROFF: They were very xenophobic, very anti-Semitic.

Their agenda was the exclusion of Jews, from Romanian politics, from
Romanian life . . . they viewed the Jews as an enemy.
KARL: According to this document from the Simon Wiesenthal Cen
ter, Dr. Alexander Ronnett's name is on the list of Iron Guard members who
were active during World War II. The list was turned over to the Justice
Department. The Justice Department says it could not comment specifically
on the report.

[Screen shows list of names: Dr. Alexandru Ronette-Rahmistriuc]

RONNETT: You can put a lot of things on paper, you can make a lot of
accusations-and it is how you resolve them, that is the essence. And as it
stands today, in my opinion the Justice Department of the United States is
the injustice department.
KARL: Ronnett says he never was a member of the Legionnaires in
Romania, but admits to being a strong supporter of the Legionnaires today.
His office is lined with symbols representing the Legion. Ronnett says he's
rewriting history to favor his point of view. His books talk about the Jewish
menace in Romania in the 1 930's and 40's. Quote:
"Because their exclusive and hoarding mentality had broken the finan
cial and commercial equilibrium of the country and because by means of
corruption and hidden pressures, the Jewish community had become a
veritable state within a state."
RONNETT: Economy and politics go hand in hand, you cannot sepa
rate them. So who has the money, who has the economical power, will
control the political arena, too.
KARL: So you wanted to limit the number of Jews who were in power?
RONNETT: That's right . . . or . . . not eliminate them. It's j ust curtail
their influence . . . economical influence.
PETER KARL: You should know that Dr. Ronnett was very active in
the Reagan/Bush campaign in 1 984, but he has taken an autographed
picture of President Reagan off his wall because he disagrees now with the
President's handling of the Iran-contra affair. Those involved in the Chi
cago Controversy are small in number, and we don't mean or intend to paint
ethnic groups with the broad brush of anti-Semitism or fascism. Tomorrow
at ten, more on the Chicago Controversy, and the Nazi connection.

(transition from report on Iran-contra hearings)

A PPENDIX l - THE CHICAGO CONTROVERSY

117

The Chicago Controversy

PART TWO
WMAQ-TV (NBC) Chicago

Evening News , Unit 5 Report

Broadcast Date: May 1 1 , 1 987
Peter Karl, Reporter - Marsha Bartel, Producer
1 987, WMAQ-TV News - All Rights Reserved
Transcript prepared by Political Research Associates .
RON MAGERS: . . . what Robert Mcfarlane and others did was try to
find some private money to aid the contra cause, and some of the private
money, and support, came from Chicago.
CAROL MARIN: Peter Karl and Unit 5 have learned the contra
connection goes from Chicago all the way back to the Nazis of World War
II. Peter . . .
PETER KARL: Carol and Ron, the Reagan Administration may be
surprised to learn about the background of some of the people they did
business with to deliver aid to the contras.
Go back in time forty years to World War II. Many Eastern European
countries had a common goal: stop Russia and communism, no matter what
the cost. And for at least some period, many turned to the Nazis for support.
Now forty years later, it's a similar story in N icaragua. They call themselves
freedom fighters, and they are vowing to stop communism, no matter what
the cost.
A Unit 5 investigation has found that some people with ties to Nazi
Germany forty years ago are members ofgroups actively providing support to
the N icaraguan contras today. Even more surprising, some of chose groups
are right here.

{Screen: John Loftus , Former Investigator]

JOHN LOFTUS : Well, the Nazis didn't go away. They are in Chicago.
They are working on another covert operation . . . .

(fade under)
KARL: John Loftus is a former investigator for the Justice Department.
For two years he tracked down alleged Nazis living in America.
1 18

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

LOFTUS : If we had known who John Kosiak was, he would never have
set foot in America.
KARL: In the early years of the war, John Kosiak was an engineer in
Byelorussia, an area bordered by Russia on the east and Poland on the west.
When the Nazis took over, a puppet government was established. And
according to this roster, John Kosiak was promoted to a leadership role in
that puppet government.
LOFTUS: It's the politicians like Kosiak that helped run the Nazi
empire.
KARL: Kosiak wrote this book on the history of Byelorussia. He de
scribes the ongoing relationship between the puppet government and the
Nazis. He even shows this telegram sent to Adolph Hitler in June of 1 944:
"Fuehrer: . . . The Byelorussian people will unbendingly fight together
with the German soldiers against our common enemy-Bolshevism. We
hope and believe in the final victory which under your direction will bring a
happy future."
It was approved by the members of the Byelorussian Congress . . . Kosiak
among them. John Kosiak is now living in the Chicago area.
LOFTUS : John Kosiak helps propagandize for the support of the
Contras.
KARL: Kosiak refused to do an on-camera interview. But reports show
he is active in several anticommunist organizations currently working to
support the N icaraguan contras. One group is the ABN , the Anti-Bolshevik
Bloc of Nations. It's a worldwide organization, and its news magazine
pictures ABN leaders with some powerful politicians, such as Vice-Presi
dent George Bush, and even President Ronald Reagan.
LOFTUS : Backing the ABN is like hiring the Ku Klux Klan to be your
consultant for school desegregation. Anyone who allows their name to be
affiliated with the ABN . . . is going to be terribly embarrassed.
KARL: Why embarassed? Because according to this book, Inside the
League , in 1 980 seven of the eleven leaders of the ABN, and several of the
organizations they represent, are listed as having close ties to the Nazis.
Example: the Romanian Legionnaires. U.S. Army counterintelligence re
ports describe the Legion's role as Nazi collaborators during World War II. It
is listed as being anti-Semitic and fascist.
Dr. Alexander Ronnett, the Chicago leader of the Legion today, vehe
mently denies those charges, and he also says the ABN does not have any
ties to the Nazis.
KARL: (to Ronneu) What do you say to the people who say ABN is a
collection of neo-Nazis . . .
RONNETT: Neo-Nazis . . .
KARL: . . . fascists . . .
APPENOIX l

THE CHICAGO CONTROVERSY

1 19

RONNETT: . . . fascists, and criminals, and everything like that. I

would tell them, even the [unclear] "kiss my butt," because you are an idiot,
even to believe that, and mimic some other [unclear] that told you that.
KARL: The Chicago ABN is only a small part of the private network
working to fund the contras, and there is nothing illegal about what they are
doing. But what worries John Loftus is that they are speaking for Americans.
LOFfUS: There are a lot of good people in the world who are anti
communists. We don't have to resort to the dregs of humanity.
KARL: In fairness, we want to make it clear that the vast majority of
Eastern Europeans had nothing to do with these organizations.

Controversial Veteran
WMAQ-TV (NBC) Chicago
Evening News
Broadcast Date: November 1 1 , 1 985
Carol Marin, Reporter - Don Mosely , Producer
I 985 , WMAQ-TV News - All Rights Reserved
Transcript prepared by Political Research Associates .
Daley Plaza, November 1 , 1 985 .
CAROL MARIN: This is the group called Civilian Military Assistance
rallying in Daley Plaza a week and a half ago. Rallying in praise of Ronald
Reagan's Central American policy; rallying to raise money to overthrow the
Sandinistas of Nicaragua.
ART JONES: One, two, three, four. No more Reds, no more war.
MARIN: On this day the head CMA cheerleader was Art Jones. Back in
the 70's, Art Jones was part of the Nazi movement in Cicero. Now in the
80's, his America First Committee works with national neo-Nazi and white
far-right organizations.
JONES: Communism will be defeated.
MARIN: Jones, a Vietnam veteran, says he is a patriot, and wants to stop
the spread of communism in Central America; so does the CMA and so does
the World Anti-Communist League.

[Screen: John Singlaub-World Anti-Communist League]

1 20

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

Leaders of Civilian Miiitary Assistance (CMA) rally in Chicago, Illinois

November 1, 1 985 sponsored by CMA of Illinois. From left to right, Art
Jones, neo-Nazi leader of the reconstituted America First Committee,
Guy A. Hoch, rally coordinator and acting secretary for CMA of Illinois,

and Tom Posey, national director of CMA. (Photo

1 986

Paul L Merideth/PAA)

Art Jones, In full Nazi regalia, enters Chicago's Gage Park Fieldhouse
with his followers for a 1 979 rally against integration. While Jones no
longer wears a swastika in public, his speeches and writings continue
to reflect a neo-Nazi agenda with virulent anti-Jewish and anti-Black
pronouncements. (Photo c0

1 986

Chip BerleVPRA)

Al'l'ENlllX I

THE CHICAC>O CONTROVERSY

121

SINGLAUB: I represent hundreds of thousands of Americans who are

sympathetic to your cause and want to help.
MARIN: Both the CMA and the World Anti-Communist League, the
latter reportedly at the urging of President Reagan, have been supplying
financial support for N icaraguan rebels. But for some time now there has
been a question of whether these anticommunist groups have been attract
ing, and in some cases enlisting, people like Art Jones-people who com
bine neo-Nazism with their anticommunism.
CHIP BERLET: It's clear that there are neo-Nazis and anti-Semites in
both the World Anti-Communist League and CMA.
MARIN : People who study the far right, like Chip Berlet of M idwest
Research, believe there is within the anticommunist movement now, a
struggle going on.
BERLET: Inside the World Anti-Communist League itself there has
been a fight for almost twenty years; with the anticommunists who are not
Nazis and not anti-Semites trying to get rid of the Nazis and anti
Semites... and they haven't succeeded.
CAROL MARIN: Tonight, in at least one case, they have, however.
Since our recent inquiries about Art Jones and his relationship to the CMA,
Jones has been thrown out by the Illinos leader of CMA who says his group
disavows racism and anti-Semitism. Meanwhile, Art Jones tonight told us
he will still privately help the CMA while he works on other things, like his
next project---organizing the Klan, Aryan Nations, and neo-Nazis to protest
the upcoming national holiday marking the birth of Dr. Martin Luther
King.

IZZ

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

APPENDIX 2
Chronology of 1 988 Bush
Campaign Controversy
Coalition of American Nationalities
Republican and Bush Campaign responses to charges
(with selected other responses)
b y C hip Berlet
Adapted from an article in the Boston Phoenix

W support coalition which included racists, fascists, anti-Semites, Nazi

hen the Bush campaign was revealed as having recruited an ethnic

apologists, and even aging Nazi collaborators, it responded with a number of

conflicting statements. At various points during the controversy the Bush
campaign announced:
It would investigate the charges.
It would not investigate the charges.
It was shocked by the charges.
It could not be held responsible for screening everyone.
A PPENDIX 2 - 1988 BUSH CAMPAIGN CONTROVERSY

1 23

 lt was unable to substantiate the charges.

The unsubstantiated charges were reckless political attacks.

No one would resign until the charges were substantiated.

The persons resigning admitted no wrongdoing.
The anti-Semites had resigned from the campaign.
The issue was closed.

Clearly there are some mutually exclusive positions in the above list.
The charges primarily came from three sources: a report by Detroit-based
free-lancer Russ Bellant (published by Political Research Associates in
Cambridge); a series of articles by reporter Larry Cohler and Walter Ruby
appearing in Washington Jewish Week; and articles by David Lee Preston in
the Philadelphia Inquirer. Both press sources focused on the Bush campaign's
recruitment of Eastern European nationalists who had emigrated to the U.S.
after World War 11, having fled countries such as Latvia, Rumania, Bulgaria,
and the Croation section of Yugoslavia. As the Bellant report revealed,
these ethnic activists had gravitated towards the Republican Party due to a
shared emphasis on rolling back communism and gaining independence for
the nations near the Baltic coast and the Balkans which now are under
Soviet domination.
Some of these ethnic emigrcs, who champion "liberation" for these
"Captive Nations," had fled their homelands due to their allegiance to Nazi
Germany. Their continued support for fascism and their anti-Semitic views
were aspects of their political work kept hidden while toiling on behalf of
George Bush and the Republican Party.
A chronological look at the controversy shows how artfully the Bush
campaign sidestepped the charges while simultaneously placating its Jewish
and emigre constiruencies.
8/2/88-A Bush campaign news conference announces the formation of
Coalition of American Nationalities to coordinate the campaign activities
of various ethnic groups.
9/1/88-Political Research Associates (PRA) mails galley copies of the
report by Bellant to twenty reporters and news outlets. Press embargo is
listed as 9/9/88 in the A.M.
9/8/88-The story offically surfaces in the press when Washington Jewish
Week charges several Bush ethnic advisory committee members are well
known anti-Semites and profascists, including persons who opposed the
Justice Department's Office of Special Investigation (OSI ) and its probe
into emigre Nazi collaborators in the U.S. The article focuses on Bush
ethnic advisors Jerome Brentar and Ignatius Billinsky and includes material
124

OLD NAZIS, Tl IE NEW Rll>IH, AND Tl IE REPU!lLICAN PARTY

on the Republican Heritage Groups Council, Florian Galdau, Philip

Guarino, and Laszlo Pasztor from the Bellant report. [Bellant also "faxed"
supporting documentation on Galdau to Washington Jewish Week prior to
publication of the article. Bellant was not identified as the author of the
PRA report until the third article in the Washington Jewish Week series.]
Brentar has suggested the OSI search for Nazi war criminals

is a communist plot, and worked with groups claiming the

Holocaust is a Jewish hoax.
Billinsky, a longtime critic of OSI, is president of the Ukrai

nian Congress Committee of America which Bellant

desribes as "heavily influenced but not totally controlled by"
anti-Semites, collaborators with Hitler, and apologists for
nazism.
Galdau is described by Nazi hunter Simon Wiesenthal as the

leader of the Romanian pro-Nazi and anti-Semitic move

ment in New York City.
Guarino is linked in published accounts to the fascist

oriented P-2 masonic lodge in Italy, and has made racist

statements about nonwhite ethnic minorities.
Mark Goodin, spokesperson for Bush campaign, announces, "The
Reagan-Bush Administration supports OSI and George Bush will support
OSI as president," and pledges the campaign will look into the allegations.
"If there is anything to them, we'll take action," says Goodin.
James Baker, Bush campaign chairman, adds, "There is no place in this
campaign for anti-Semitism, racism, bigotry, or people who espouse those
views. Any individuals who espouse those views will not be welcome in this
campaign."
Response in the Jewish community is quick. Henry S iegman, executive
director of the American Jewish Congress, says the charges are a shocking
revelation:
It suggests a high degree of either insensitivity or incom
petence on the part of George Bush's staff. I'm sure George Bush
is personally unaware of the sordid personal history of these
people. But now that he has been made aware of them we have
every right to expect him not only to remove these people but to
repudiate what they stand for.
Albert Vorspan, senior vice-president of the Union of American Hebrew
A PPENDIX 2

- 1 988 BUSH CAMPAIGN CONTROVERSY

125

Congregations calls the composmon of the Coalition "outrageous and

frightening. The inclusion of notorious extremists in a committee with such
close ties to the vice president violates the principles that George Bush has
publicly espoused."
Abraham Foxman, national director of the Anti-Defamation League,
urges "an immediate investigation by the Bush campaign of the backgrounds
of members of the Bush campaign ethnic coalition who are known anti
Semites and have been linked to Holocaust revisionist and anti-OSI (Office
of Special lnvestiations) activities." Foxman adds, "There is no place in any
political campaign for anti-Semites. The League urges that these persons be
summarily removed."
9/9/88-Bush spokesperson Mark Goodin announces Jerome Brentar
has resigned, saying Brentar's "association with [convicted Nazi war crimi
nal] John Demjanjuk put him at odds with Vice-President Bush." No
mention is made of the more substantial charges regarding Brentar.
As for Galdau and Guarino, Goodin says, "We have absolutely no
substantiation at this point of any of these charges."
Michael S. Miller, executive director of the Jewish Community Rela
tions Council, however, says his group has information supporting the
Washington Jewish Week descriptions ofJerome Brentar, Florian Galdau, and
Philip Guarino. "There's absolutely no doubt in my mind that these three
individuals have expressed sympathies with nazism, with fascism," Miller
tells the New York Times . The Simon Wiesenthal Center in Los Angeles is
also cited by the Times as having corroborating background material.
9/1 0/88-The Philadelphia Inquirer runs an article by David Lee Preston
which corroborates much of the material in Washington Jewish Week .
Preston cites the forthcoming Bellant report.
9/1 1/88-The first section of the Bellant report is officially released to
the press. The report describes how the Republican Party has been recruit
ing ethnic facists, racists, and anti-Semites for over 20 years, through its
Heritage Groups Council.
9/1 1/88-The Washington Post carries a story on Bush advisor Fred
Malek, who resigns from the Bush campaign almost immediately.
Malek, according to the Post, while serving as an aide

to President N ixon, had compiled lists of employees with

"Jewish-sound ing" names-names of persons N ixon
suspected were part of a "Jewish Cabal" at the Bureau of
Labor Statistics.
9/1 1/88-The Boston Globe carries a summary of the charges made in
the Bellant report concerning the Republican Heritage Groups Council.
9/1 2/88-The Bush campaign announces five more resignations in addi1 26

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

tion to Brentar, in a stated effort to prevent Bush from being hurt by what
are called "politically motivated attacks."
The statement of resignation issued on behalf of the five panel members
says in part:
We have been attacked unfairly by George Bush's political
opponents. These . . . attacks are aimed at neutralizing the sup
port George Bush has and will continue to have in the ethnic
community.
In addition to Brentar, who previously had resigned, the five new
resignees include Galdau and Guarino as well as Ignatius Billinsky, Laszlo
Pasztor, and Bohdan Fedorak.
Pasztor, who recruited many of the ethnic leaders with

questionable backgrounds for the Republican Heritage

Groups Council, himself briefly served during World War II
as an official in a Nazi-collaborationist Hungarian govern
ment controlled by an anti-Semitic organization, the Arrow
Cross.
Fedorak, also a leading critic of OSI, hosted the July 1 988

campaign appearance by George Bush cosponsored by a pro

N azi group.
Mark Goodin, spokesperson for Bush, dismisses these charges as "little
more than politically inspired garbage . . . the campaign looked into the
allegations against these individuals and was unable to substantiate them."
Bush responds to reporters questions by saying: "Nobody's giving in.
These people left of their own volition. We're not accusing anybody of
anything . . . . We're getting into a very peculiar deal where some people are
accusing people . . . I don't like it a bit."
A few days later, Radi Slavoff, national co-chairman of Bulgarians for
Bush, becomes the seventh ethnic panel member to resign.
Slavoff is charged with working in a national front which

was aligned with Nazis, and heading up the Heritage Groups

Council which has become a safe harbor for anti-Semites
and pro-Nazis emigres.
9/1 5/88-The entire Bellant report is released. The report includes a
photo of Bush on the campaign trail at a July 1 988 event co-sponsored by
the pro-Nazi Anti- Bolshevik Bloc of Nations. Also reproduced is a 1 984
Republican ethnic-pride calendar which urges the celebration of "Croation
Independence Day." The Croation state was run by a Nazi-puppet govern
ment which oversaw the slaughter of over 500,000 Serbians and Jews.
APPENDIX 2

1 988 BUSH CAMPAIGN CONTROVERSY

127

9/1 5/88-With the resignations out of the way, the Bush counterattack
begins. Bush spokesperson Mark Goodin denounces Bush's political en
emies for disseminating "reckless allegations." Although he claims the Bush
campaign has not seen the Bellant report, Goodin says "The campaign has
been unable to substantiate any of the allegations . . . They are some of the
most reckless allegations leveled against anybody . . . . This has the unmistakable stink of Boston Harbor." Bush campaign supporters begin to refer to
the charges as "Sasso-like attacks," and tell reporters the Bellant report is
part of a Dukakis dirty-tricks effort. In fact, Political Research Associates
has no ties to the Dukakis campaign and had moved to Cambridge from
Chicago the previous summer, but the smear sticks. Most major media drop
the story.
9/1 5/88-For those newspapers still covering the story, the Bush
campaign's statements start to unravel. Washington Jewish Week reports that
Florian Galdau says he had never been asked to resign and had no intention
of doing so. According to the newspaper, Galdau "said he had never signed
a statement issued by the Bush campaign in his name and that of four
others whose resignations the campaign announced." Says Galdau, "I did
not resign. Why should I resign? I don't want to resign. I was appointed [to
the Bush committee) . . . and I don't think they have the right to ask me to
resign."
Galdau's son, Florin: "[The Bush campaign) called my father [on Sept.
1 2) and denied they had any information whatsoever on any of the allega
tions made [against) him. Neither [the caller) or anyone else in the Bush
campaign asked my father to resign-and he did not resign . . . If they ask
him to resign, he will tell them to go to hell."
Meanwhile on a Cable Network News program Jerome Brentar insists he
never resigned from the Bush ethnic panel; and he denies that the Nazis
deliberately gassed Jews during the Holocaust.
Bush spokesperson David Sandor quickly responds: "This is obviously in
conflict with what we have said. We stand by what we have said . . . . We
didn't force them to resign . . . . George Bush is their friend. They will
continue to support him. They stand by their statement."
9/1 6/88-Jerome A. Brentar tells the Philadelphia Inquirer he is "definite
ly still in the campaign, still in the coalition . . . . I was asked to step down. I
told them that I'll step down if they send me a letter outlining why I have to
step down, what I did wrong to earn this degradation . . . . Until I get such a
letter, I feel I'm still part of the Coalition."
The Bush campaign finally takes its only stand relating to the actual
issues involved, and issues the following statement: "Jerome Brentar and
this campaign disagreed . . . . We were at fundamental odds over some very
important beliefs in this campaign toward racial and religious tolerance, and
128

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

he was asked to step down . . . . as far as we're concerned he's no longer part
of this campaign."
9/1 8/88-Philtul.elphia Inquirer reporter David Lee Preston reports that
since 1 969, several dozen alleged Nazis, fascists, and anti-Semites have held
leadership posts in the Heritage Groups Council. He quotes Allan A. Ryan,
Jr. (now with the legal office of Harvard University but formerly director of
the Justice Department's OSI war criminal probe) as saying he had read
Bellant's report and found it to be "well documented and reliable."
Preston also reports that in 1 97 2 a convicted Nazi war criminal Boleslavs
Maikovskis of Minneola, N. Y. served on the advisory board of the Latvian
American section of the Republican's Heritage Council for the Re-Election
of the President.
9/22/88-ln Washington Jewish Week the Republican National
Committee's Kathryn Murray admits she has not read the evidence con
tained in the Bellant report, but claims the report is "filled with ridiculous
charges" and "insults all ethnic Americans." Murray says the RNC has no
intention of examining evidence of the extremist background presented
against anyone in the report. The paper, however, reports AOL has evi
dence backing charges against four of the persons resigning from Bush
campaign.
The Jewish Telegraphic Agency quotes Albert Maruggi, RNC press secre
tary, saying there were no plans to investigate the backgrounds of any of the
ethnic group members cited in the Bellant report. Incredibly, four of the
Bush ethnic panel members who resigned, Guarino, Slavoff, Galdau, and
Pasztor, are still active in the RNC's Heritage Groups Council.
9/2 7/88-The Boston Herald carries an Alan Dershowitz column where
Dershowitz reveals he has independent knowledge of some of Bellant's
charges. "I first heard about the presence of Nazis in the hierarchy of the
Republican Party as far back as 1 970." In the course of working on the New
York governor's race, Dershowitz says he "learned that several members of a
Republican 'Captive Nations Committee' were Nazi sympathizers who had
been personally involved in the Holocaust in Europe, as well as with racist
and neo-Nazi groups in America."
9/27/88-New York Post columnist Pete Hamill in a column titled
"George Bush and his fascist fan club" quotes Menachem Rosensaft, presi
dent of the Labor Zionist Alliance and leader of the International Network
of Children of the Holocaust:
He accepted their resignations. And he said he was against
anti-Semitism. But when they were gone, an aide said the
charges against these men were "unsubstantiated and politically
motivated." Clearly Bush wanted them out once they were ex
posed, but he still wants the votes of their constituency.
APPENDIX 2 - 1 988 BUSH CAMPAIGN CONTROVERSY

1 29

9/29/88-Ron Kauffman, N ortheast political director for the Bush

campaign tells the Jewish Advocate newspaper the Bellant report is "totally
outrageous." Mark Goodin, Bush campaign spokesman, denounces Bellant's
report and says people who voluntary resigned from campaign "vigorously
defended" themselves against the charges. "We were not able to substantiate
any of the allegations . . . These individuals maintain fierce opposition co
the charges. We certainly accept that explanation." [At no time during the
controversy did the Bush campaign contact Political Research Associates or
Russ Bellant.]
1 1/1/88-Author Charles R. Allen Jr., an expert on the emigre Nazi
network, questions the candor of Bush when he "professed ignorance of
[the] pro-Nazi backgrounds" of the ethnic campaign supporters. In a Village
Voice article, Allen produces a 1 983 photograph of George Bush shaking
hands with Yaroslav Stetsko, then leader of the pro-Nazi Anti-Bolshevik
Bloc of Nations. The photo was taken at a White House reception. Bush
signed the photo: "To the Honorable Yaroslav Stetsko with best wishes
George Bush." Allen also produced a 1 976 RNC memo in which Bush, as
RNC Chair, is reported to have reviewed the past work of the Republican
Heritage Groups Council and set goals for the coming year.
1 1/4/88-The Philadelphia Inquirer reports charges concerning the back
ground of Bush ethnic coalition leader Akselis Mangulis. Even before the
story appears in print, the Bush campaign announces Mangulis has resigned,
although the woman who answers the phone at the Mangulis residence tells
reporters Mr. Mangulis was not asked to resign and would not resign.
Mangulis, a Latvian member of CAN , is accused of belong

ing co the Latvian Legion which during World War II was

connected to the Nazi SS.
Prior to the election, the charges in Bellant's report are not covered in
the New York Times , Washington Post, Associated Press, or United Press
lnterrw.tional. Coverage was extensive in the Jewish daily and weekly press,
as well as alternative weeklies and monthlies, but for most of the country the
story was never examined outside coverage of the initial resignations.
Following the election, on November 1 9, 1 988, the New York Times ran
an Op-Ed page column by Russ Bellant. One New York Times editor, at a
media forum at Harvard University, had claimed the newspaper had thor
oughly covered the charges raised in the Bellant report. In fact, the post
election column by Bellant is the first, and only, mention of the substance of
Bellant's charges. The column details the charges against several of the Bush
supponers discharged during the campaign, and concludes chat President
"Bush owes Americans a complete explanation."
On February 2, 1 990, a USA Today article by Tom Squitieri notes chat
130

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

"Four key Republican activists, ousted from George Bush's 1 988 presidential
campaign amid charges of anti-Semitic or past profascist links, are back
working for the party." Fred Malek and Phil Guarino are named as having
returned to work with "full party support." But "questions persist about"
Laszlo Pasztor and Radi Slavoff, writes Squitieri after interviewing Repub
lican National Committee chief counsel Benjamin G insberg, quoted as
saying Heritage Groups Council officials have been warned that they still
need to "alleviate the taint of those charges."
In late 1 990, Political Research Associates issues a press release charging
the Republican Party has yet to answer the charges in the 1 988 Bellant
Report, despite promises made during the Bush campaign that such an
investigation would take place.
In response, Washington Jewish Week raises the issue in a November 29,
1 990 column by Nancy Watzman. The column chronicles a series of letters
between PRA and RNC chief counsel Ginsberg, and concludes that
"There's no excuse not to examine the documentation Political Research
Associates has provided the RNC."
In the December 1 2-18, 1 990 issue of In These Times , Joel Bleifuss
reports that during the Bush presidential campaign, the GOP "claimed it
was launching an internal investigation. The investigation, however, never
materialized, and two years later [four of the) fascists remain active in the
National Republican Heritage Groups Council."

APPENDIX 2 - 1988 BUSH CAMPAIGN CONTROVERSY

131

APPENDIX 3
The Republican
Ethnic Division

T component since

he Republican National Committee has maintained an ethnic outreach

1 95 1 . Dr. Lev E. Dobriansky, former congressman
Edward J . Derwinski, Anna Chennault, and Laszlo C. Pasztor have been
among the key leaders of this effort for many years. Below is a chart from a
Republican National Committee memo outlining the official chairman,
predecessor formations, and early years of the Republican Heritage Groups
Council.
ETHNIC/NATIONALITIES/HERITAGE GROUPS DIVISION

1 95 1-76 Division Chairman

1 9 5 1 -5 3
1 953-5 5
1 95 6
1 9 5 7-58
1 959-60
1 96 1 -62
1 963-69

132

Joseph A. Jackovics
(Vacant)
Dr. Lev E. Dobriansky
(Vacant)
Dr. Lev E. Dobriansky
(Vacant)
Cong. Edward J .
Derwinski

Heritage Groups Division

1 9 70-73 Laszlo C. Pasztor, Dir.

1 973-76 Julian M. N iemcyk, Dir.
National Republican Heritage
Groups (Nationalities) Council

1 9 7 1 -74 Laszlo C. Pasztor

1 974-76 Cong. Edward ).

Derwinski

OW NAZIS, THE NEW RICHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

INDEX
A
ABN

See Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations

(ABN)
ACPS
See American Coalition of Patriotic
Societies (ACPS)
ACWF
See American Council for World
Freedom (ACWF)
AOL
See Anti-Defamation League of B'nai
B'rith (AOL)
AJA
See Aircraft Industries Association
(AlA)
AIM
See Accuracy in Media (AIM)
ANC
See African National Congress
(ANC)
AP
See Associated Press (AP)
ASC
See American Security Council (ASC)
ASCF
See American Security Council (ASC)
ASCPAC
See American Security Council (ASC)
AVlF
See American Vigilante Intelligence
Federation (A VIF)

Abdnor, James-39, 40.

Abrahamson, Jamcs-53.
Abramoff, Jack-82, 83.
Abrams, Elliot-66.
Accuracy in Media (AIM)-79.
Ackerman, Ray-8 1 .
Advisory Committee on Foreign Affairs35.
Africa-3 5, 47, 81, 83.
African-American- 1 2, 20, 28, 45, 61, 64.
African National Congress (ANC)-86.
Agnew, Spiro T.-5.
Aircraft Industries Association (AIA)-35.
Air Force Directorate of Plans for the
Western Hemisphere-SS .
Aksenov, Alex-8, 44.
Alabama-54.
Alarcon, Mario Sandoval-85.
Albania-20.
All-Byelorussian Second Congress-I I .
Allen, Charles R . , Jr.-130.
Allies (Allied Powers)-x, xi, 26, 3 1 , 44.
Almond, Edward-98n.
America First Committee-3 1 , 45, 1 20,
121.
American Banker-49.
American Coalition of Patriotic Societies
( ACPS)-3 1 -33, 60.
American Council for World Freedom
(ACWF)---6 5 .
American Foreign Policy lnstitute-4 1 , 6 1 .
American Freedom Company-79.
American lndian-20.
American Jewish Cungress-1 2 5 .
American Latvian Association-74.
INDEX

1.H

American Lithuanian Community-77.

American Nazi Party-38, 60.
American Public Research Council-1 S.
American Security Council ( ASC)-29-S 7 ,
6 1 , 64-66, 6 9 , 70, 73, 7S, 77. 80-90.
Congressional Division-S3, S4.
American Security Council Foundation
( ASCF)-38, 39, 4S, 48, S l , S3, 86.
American Security Council National
Strategy Committee-S I , 86.
American Security Council PAC
( ASCPAC)-39-4 1 , S3, SS.

See also ] ournal of lnremational

Relations
See also Task Force on Central America

American Vigilante Intelligence Federation

(AVIF}-3 1 , 32.
Americans for a Democratic ltaly- 1 8.
Anderson, E. L.
See Carta, Willis
Anderson, Jack--6, 2 5, 6S.
Anderson, Jon Lee-x, S9.
Anderson, Scott-x, S9.
Angleton, James Jesus--6 1 .
Angola-30, 66, 8 1 , 82.
Anti- Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (ABN)4S, 66, 72-78, 92n, l 07n, 1 1 9, 1 20, 1 2 7,
1 30.
ABN C01Tespondence- 76.
Anticommunism-xi, 2, 23, 33, 38, S9, 6S,
66, 72. 73, 7S, 79, 88-90, ! I S, 1 1 6, 1 1 9,
1 20, 1 2 2 .
Anti-Communist Confederation o f Polish
Freedom Fighters in the USA-ix.
Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith
(ADL)-27, 79, 1 26, 1 29.
Anti-Jewish bigotry
See anti-Semitism
Anti-Semitism (anti-Jewish bigotry )-vii,
ix, 8, 3 1 -33, 3S, S i , 66.
H istorical revisionism-42, 79, 1 2 S,
1 28.
Liberty Lobby-38, 4S, S4, 6S, 67, 83.
NRHGC-xvii, 2, 20, 28, 1 29.
Nazi-era-viii, 1 5, 43, 1 1 6, 1 1 7, 1 1 9,
127.
Republican Party and George Bush2, 27, 64, 72. 1 23 - 1 26, 1 3 1 .
U.S. right wing--4 1 , SO, 87, 89, 90, 1 2 1 ,
1 22.
See also Jews
Apartheid-S9, 8 1 , 82.
App, Austin--43-4S, 60, 87.
Arciuch, Joe-1 1 , 1 2 .
ARENA Party ( E l Salvador)-8S .
Argentina-84-86.
134

Argentine Anti-Communist Alliance

(AAA)-18, 8S.
Arizona-70.
Armstrong, John-7 1 .
Arrow Cross--4, S , 89, 1 2 7 .
Aryan-vi, ix.
Aryan Nations--45, 67, 1 22.
Asia-3 5 .
Asian American Republican Federation1 9 , 20.
Associated Press (AP)--67, 130.
Attack on the Americas--48, 84.
Australia-S I .
Austria-viii.
See also Vienna
Authoritarian-x, xvii, 2, 3, 1 7 , 30, 6 1 , 90.
Axis Powers-2, 1 2, 3 1 , 33, 43, 7 1 , 7 5 .

B
BAA

See Byelorussian-American Association

(BAA)
BBC
See British Broadcasting Corporation
( BBC)
BNF
See Bulgarian National Front (BNF)
Bahamas--69.
Baker, James-1 25.
Balco, Method-3, I S, 1 6.
Balkans-I 24.
Baltic--4, 72-74, 1 24.
Baltic Legion--4.
Bandera, Stepan--69, 76.
Barauskas, Algis-74.
Barbie, Klaus-88.
Barnett, Frank-3 7.
Bartel, Marsha-1 1 S, 1 1 8.
Bauman, G. Duncan-I OZn.
Belarus Brigade--4, 1 1 .
Belarus Secret (Loftus)-! I .
Bellant, Russ-v, x , xiv, 1 24- 1 3 1 .
Benson, lvor--83.
Bentley, Helen-ZS .
Berlet, Chip-iii, xi, xiv, x v , 1 22, 1 23.
Berlin, Germany-2, S , 8, 3S, 72.
Bermudez, Enrique-86.
Billinsky, Ignatius M.-26, 77, 1 24-1 26.
Bitburg, Germany-xvii, 10.
Black
See African-American
Black, Edwin F.-S l .
Blackshirts-1 8 .

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPURLICAN PARTY

Blank, Marcin-35, 36.

Bleifuss, Joel- 1 3 1 .
Blitzkrieg-89.
Blowback (Simpson)-x, xviii, 90.
Bolick, Clint-104n.
Bolivia-88.
Bologna, lcaly- 1 7 .
Bolshevism
See communism
Borba-7.
Borissow- 1 1 .
Boston, Massachusetts-27.
Boston, Virginia-82.
Boston Globe- 16, 1 26.
Boston Herald- 1 29.
Boston Phoenix- 1 23.
Bouchey, L. Francis-46.
Bower, Tom-x.
Braden, Spruille-98n.
Brentar, Jerome-26, 1 24- 1 28.
Brezhnev, Leonid-50.
Britain
See England
British Broadcasting Corporation ( BBC)9, 48.
Brownshirts-vi.
Buchanan, Patrick-44, 79.
Bucharest, Romania-9.
Bulgaria-ix, 6, 7, 72, 73, 1 24.
NRHGC Affiliate-2, 6.
Bulgarian Legion-4, 7, 1 08n.
Bulgarian National Committee---6 , 7.
Bulgarian National Front (BNF)---6 , 7, 4 1 ,
107n, 1 2 7.
Bulgarians for Bush-1 27.
Bulletin of Atomic Scientists-36.
Bureau of Labor Statistics-26, 1 26.
Bush, George-xiv, xviii, 2, 7, 10, 24, 26,
27, 43, 57, 64, 76-78, 90, 1 1 7, 1 1 9,
1 23-1 28, 1 30, 1 3 1 .
Business Week-47.
Buder, Scuarc---6 3 .
Byelorussia-3, 4, 1 1 , 12, 4 1 , 72, 1 1 8, 1 1 9.
Byelorussian-American Association
( BAA)-1 1 , 1 2, 75, 77.
Byelorussian-American Republican
Federation-3, 1 1 .
Byelorussian-American Veterans
Association-77.
Byelorussian Central Council-74, 93n.
Byelorussians for Bush- 1 2 .

c
CAA
See Council on American Affairs
(CAA)
CAL
See Latin American Anti-Communist
Confederation (CAL)
CALL
See Conservative Alliance (CALL)
CAN
See Coalition of American Nationalities
(CAN)
CCA
See Communication Corporation of
America (CCA)
CCJS
See Coalition for Constitutional Justice
and Security (CCJS)
CCPA
See Catholics for Christian Political
Action (CCPA)
CDU
See Christian Democratic Union (CDU)
CFF
See Canadian Freedom Foundation
(CFF)
CFR
See Council on Foreign Relations (CFR)
CIA
See Central Intelligence Agency (CIA)
CIS
See Council for Inter-American Security
(CIS)
CMA
See Civilian M ilitary Assistance (CMA)
CNN
See Cable Network News (CNN)
CNP
See Council for National Policy (CNP)
CPTS
See Coalition for Peace Through
Strength (CPTS)
CSCE
See Committee for Security and
Cooperation in Europe (CSCE)
CSIS
See Center for Strategic and
Internacional Studies (CSIS)
CSN
See Committee of Subjugated Nations
(CSN)
Cable Network News (CNN )-128.

IN DEX

135

Califomia---4 7.
See also Costa Mesa, Los Angeles, San
Diego
Calvi, Robemr-- 1 8, 19.
Calvi Affair (Gurwin)-18.
Cambridge, Massachusetts-xi, 1 24, 1 28.
Canada-7, 10, 67.
See also Toronto
Canadian Freedom Foundation (CFF)-67.
Cannon Office Building-54.
Capitalism-vi, ix, x, 7 5 , 76, 83.
Captive Nations-7, 23, 24, 77, 78, 1 24.
Captive Nations-72, 73.
Captive Nations Committee-70, 73, 77,
78, 1 29.
Caribbean-48.
Carter, J immy-39, 48, 49, 84.
Carto, Willis-38, 4, 60, 83.
Use of E. L. Anderson alias- 103n.
Catholic-vii, viii, 4 S .
Catholics for Christian Political Action
(CCPA)-44.
Center for Defense lnformation---48 .
Center for Strategic and International
Studies (CSIS)---46 .
Central America-Z S , 48-50, 66, 83, 84,
86, 1 20.
Central Europe
See Europe, Central
Central Intelligence Agency (CIA)-6, 9,
1 7 , 2 5 , 33, 35, 37, 40, 46, 49, S J , 6 1 , 8 1 .
Chamber o f Commerce-3S.
Channel, Carl "Spitz"-86.
Chappell, Bill---4 1 , 54, 55.
Chary, Dr. Fred-xiv, 7.
Chemical weapons---4 7 .
Chen, Ben John-20.
Chennault, Anna-3, 20, 26, 132.
Chiang Kai-Shek-20.
Chicago, lllinois-30, 43, 45, 49, 7S, 79,
l l S - 1 2 1 , 1 28.
Chile---43 , 50, 63, 87, 1 1 6.
China (Chinese)-19, 20, 4 1 .
Chinese NRHGC Affiliate-3, 1 9 , 4 1 .
Chitunda, Jercmias-8 1 .
Chopiwsky, Walter-70.
Christian-3 2, 44, 60, 79.
Christian Democratic Party { ltaly)-1 7.
Christian Democratic Union (CDU)-36.
Christiani, Alfredo-SS.
Chumachenko, Katherine-77.
Church, Frank---40, 4 1 .
Cicero, lllinois-1 20.
Civilian Military Assistance-1 20- 1 2 2 .
Clark, William-48.
Clark Amendment-8 1 , 82.

Clerical Fascism-viii.
Cleveland, Ohio-18, 63.
Cline, Ray-6 1 .
Cliveden Set---46 .
Coalition for a Democratic Majority-S6.
Coalition for Constitutional J ustice and
Security (CCJS)-39, 40, 4 1 , 43, 48,
53, 80.
Coalition for Desert Storm-56.
Coalition for Peace Through Strength
(CPTS)-30, 32, 44-46, 49-.52, S S , 6 1 ,
6S, 70, 73-75 , 77, 80, 82.
Coalition for World Freedom-66, 70, 79.
Coalition lnsider-39, 40.
Coalition of American Nationalities
(CAN)-26, 27, 1 23- 1 2 5, 1 28, 1 30.
Codevilla, Angelo---4 7.
Codreanu, Comeliu-1 0, 87, 88, 98n.
Cohler, Larry-1 24.
Cold War-xi , 23, 30, 33, 34, 36, 37, 90.
Collaboration
See Nazi collaboration
College Republican National Committee82.
College Republican National Council-82.
Commentary---44.
Committee for a Free Europe-95n.
Committee for Security and Cooperation in
Europe (CSCE)-70.
Committee for the Defense of the
Mediterranean- 1 8.
Committee of Subjugated Nations (CSN)72, 73, 107n.
Committee to Unite America---4 S , 46.
Common Cause Magaine-53.
Communication Corporation of America
(CCA)-S S, 56.
Communism-iii, vi, 1 7, 23, ZS, 35, 38, 56,
73, 90, l l 8, l l9, 1 24.
Democratic support for communism
alleged---4 , 1 1 , 23, 39.
Jewish support for communism alleged
ix, 32, 33, 43, 72, I ZS .
National Socialist rejection of
communism-viii, x, xi, 76.
World Anti-Communist League-S9,
66, 1 20.
See also anticommunism, World Anti
Communist League (WACL)
Congress of Russian Americans-77.
Congressional Division, American Security
Council (ASC)
See American Security Council (ASC)
Congressional Record-76.
Connally, John- 1 8, 1 9.
Conservatism-vi, 28, 30, 75, 82.

136 OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIG! IT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

Conservative Alliance (CALL)-45.

Conservative Caucus-82.
Conservative Digest---63.
Conservative Review---63.
Conservatives Against Liberal Legislation
See Conservative Alliance (CALL)
Conspiracy theories-vii, viii, x, 3, 38.
Consultants l ntemational-S 1 .
Contras---6 , 30, 46, 47, S4, 6S, 66, 7S,
86-88, l l S , 1 1 6, 1 1 8- 1 20.
Coors, Joseph-83.
Cossack-2, 7, 8, 4 1 , 73.
Cossack War Veterans-8.
Costa Mesa, Califomia-43 .
Costa Rica-46, 86.
Coughlin, Father Charles-3 1 .
Council fo r Inter-American Security
(CIS)-46.
Council for National Policy (CNP)-83.
Council for Social and Economic Study---64 .
Council of Deputies (italy)-viii.
Council on American Affairs (CAA)-6 1 ,
6S.
Council on Foreign Relations (CFR)-38.
Crisis in the Americas-48-SO.
Croatia-viii, ix, 3, 1 2 , 14, I S, 1 24, 1 27.
See also Ustashi
Croatian Liberation Movement-74.
Crocker, Chester-47, 83.
Croom, M ilton-SO, I O ! n.
Crusade for Freedom-ZS.
Crutchfield, Sam---6 4, 104n.
Cuba-39.
Culver, John-40.
Czechoslovakia-I S, 16, 89.

D
DANK
See German American National
Congress (DANK)
D' Amato, Alfonse-40, 64.
D'Aubuisson, Robeno---4 7, 8S.
Dawidowicz, Lucy- I S, 44, 7 1 .
Death camps-viii, I S .
Death squads-1 8, 48, S9, 6S, 7 S , 83-88.
Debbaudt, Dennis-xiv, 10.
DeConcini, Dennis-SS.
Defense Appropriations SubcommitteeS4.
Defense Intelligence Agency-40, 82.
Del Valle, Pedro-99n.
Demjanjuk, John- 1 26.

Democracy-iii, vi ... viii, x, xi, xviii, 2, 29,

32, 89.
Democratic Party-xiii, 4, 10, 1 1 , 23, 26,
28, 39-4 1 , S3-S6, S9, 90.
Department of Defense-49, 87.
Department of Education---63 .
Dershowitz, Alan- 1 29.
Derwinski, Edward-1 3 2 .
Detroit, Michigan-xiii, xiv, 1 9, 70, 74,
1 24.
Devil's Island-vii.
Dickens, Samuel-46-48, 66, 8S-87.
Dickinson, Bill-S4.
Direct Marketing-SS .
Disinformation-37, 48, 49.
Displaced persons-3 , 77.
Displaced Persons Commission-3, 4.
Dispossessed Majority (Robertson)---64 .
Dobriansky, Lev-69, 1 3 2.
Dobriansky, Paula---69 .
Docheff, lvan---6 , 7, 2S, 45.
Dolan, Terry-4S.
Dole, Robert-B l .
Donahue, Phil-88.
Doman, Robert K.-4 1 .
Douglas, Lord Malcolm-46.
Douglas-Hamilton, Lady Malcolm-4S, 46.
Dreyfuss, Alfred-vii.
Duarte, Napoleon-87.
Dukakis, Michael- 1 28.
Duke, David-l S.
Durcansky, Ferdinand-l S, 16.

E
Eastern Europe
See Europe, Eastern
Eastern Front-7S, 89.
Edison, Charles-98n.
Education and Ethnicity : The U. S .
Experiment in School Integration
(Scott)---64 .
Eichmann, Adolph- 1 6.
Einsattgruppen-72.
See also mobile killing teams
Eisenhower, Dwight D.-4, 29, 36-38, S I ,
56, S 7 .
E l Salvador-47, 4 9 , 85-87.
Emmanuel, Victor- 1 9.
England-46.
See also London
Estonia-4, 80.
Ethnic Division, GOP-4, S, 1 7 .
INDEX

137

Ethnic Voters for Reagan- Bush Campaign

1984-76.
Ethnogenetic- 1 2, 1 5, 73.
Eugenics-32, 46, 60.
Eugenics and Race ( Pearson)---60 .
Europe-v-viii, x, xi, xiv, 3, 4, 7, 16, 20, 3 1 ,
32, 3 5 , 53, 56, 59-6 1 , 63, 69, 76, 80, 82,
89, 1 29.
Europe, Central-2, 3, 5 , 73.
Europe, Eastem-v, ix, xvii, 2-5, 20, 23, 27,
69, 73, 76, 89, 90, 1 1 8, 1 20, 1 24.
Extermination camps
See death camps

F
FBI

See Federal Bureau of Investigation

(FBI)
Fahrenkopf, Frank J .-3, 10, 12, 24.
Fascism-iii, xii-xiv, 36, 69, 72, 89, 90, 1 1 6,
1 1 7 , 1 23 - 1 26, 1 28, 1 3 1 .
American Security Council
(ASC)-30, 33, 56.
Emigre fascist network in NRHGC
xvii, xviii, 2-6, 23, 25, 27, 28, 4 1 , 77,
79, 80.
History and characteristics of fascism
v-xi, 9, 1 2 , 1 4.
ltalian-16- 1 9, 56.
World Anti-Communist League
(WACL)---6 1 , 65, 73, 1 1 9.
Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBl)-9,
30, 3 1 , 33, 49, 80.
Federal Election Commission- 1 5 .
Fedorak, Bohdan-26, 69, 70, 75-78, 1 06n,
1 27 .
Fellers, Bonner-99n.
Final Solution-5, 16.
First National Bank ofChicago--49.
First Ukrainian Division-72.
Fisher, John-xiv, 33, 38-4 1 , 46, 48-50, 53,
5 5 , 56, 6 1 , 65, 66, 8 1 , 103n, 104n.
Fisher, Steve-103n.
Fisher, Linda- 1 03n.
Florida-54, 84.
Foley, Tom-26.
For My Legionaries ( Codreanu)-87.
Ford, Gerald-1 8.
Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board- 1 8.
Foreign policy-v, xi, 20, 24, 28, 30, 33, 3 5 ,
36, 46, 47, 53, 56, 83, 90, 1 1 5.
Foreign Policy Research lnstitute-3 5-37.

138

Forward Strategy for America ( StrauszHupe)-34, 35.

Foxman, Abraham- 1 26.
France-vii, ix, 63.
Franco, Francisco-- i ii, viii.
Franklin, Anson---60 .
Freedom Fighters-xi, 47, 76, 1 1 6, 1 1 8.
French Revolution-vi.
Freytag, Fritz-72.
Friedman, Milron---6 3 .
Fromm, Paul-67.
Fuelner, Edwin---6 1 , 64.
Fulbright, William-36, 37, 65.
Fund for an American Renaissance-47.
Futey, Bohdan---6 9, 70.

G
GOP

See Republican Party

Galdau, Florian-2, 3, 9, 10, 26, 27, 30, 43,
1 25 - 1 29.
Galdau, Florin [sic)- 1 28.
Galician Division-4, 72.
Gambino Family- 1 8 .
Gamble, John---6 7 .
Garn, Jake-4 1 .
Gas chambers-.5 , 9.
Gavins, J im-4 7.
Gayre, Robert-46.
Gazdaru, Dr. Dimitrie-87.
Gelli, Licio-- 1 8, 1 9.
General Was a Spy ( Hohne & Zolling)-x.
George Mason University---63 .
Georgia-3 7.
Gephart, Richard-54.
German (Germany)-xvii, 19, 44, 45, 76,
77, 79, 80, 89.
Army--8, 36, 72, 75.
German-sponsored puppet govemments-1 1 , 67, 74, 1 1 9.
National Socialism (Nazis)-4, 5 , 1 5,
3 1 , 32, 35, 56, 7 1 , 80, 1 1 5 , 1 1 8, 1 24.
Occupation, World War II-xiv, 3, 4, 6,
I I , 67, 69, 72.
SS-4, 43.
World War II era-viii-x, 46, 73, 90.
See also Berlin, B itburg, Hanover,
Munich, Nuremberg, Ruhr
German-American Bund-3 1 .
German American National Congress
( DANK)-43-45, 64.
Ginsberg, Benjamin- 1 3 1 .

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

Goethe, C. M.---60 .
Gold, Walter--49.
Goldwater, Barry-38.
Goodin, Mark- 1 2 5 - 1 28, 1 30.
Graham, Daniel 0.--40, 5 1 , 55, 84, I !On.
Grant, Madison-32.
Grassley, Charles--40.
Gregory, Wayne--49.
Greywulves
See Lithuania
Group Research-30.
Guarino, Philip A.-3, 1 7- 1 9, 26, 27, 1 25 1 27, 1 29, 1 3 1 .
Guatemala-48, 84-86.
Guernica (Picasso)-viii.
Guide to Nationality Observances- 1 2, 1 3 .
Guidelines far Cold War Victory (ASC)38.
Gulf/Chevron Oil---66 , 82.
Gulf War-57.
Gunther, Hans F. K.---60.
Gurwin, Larry- 1 8.
Gypsies-viii, 1 2 , 74.

H
HUAC
See House Committee on UnAmerican
Activities (HUAC)
Haig, Al-8 1 , 82, 84.
Hamill, Pete-1 29.
Hanfsraengl, Emst--45.
Hanover, Germany--4S .
Hanrahan, Robert--49.
Hansen, George-84.
Hardisty, Dr. Jean-xiv.
Hart, Mervin K.-3S.
Hartland Four Comers, Vermont-iii.
Harvard University-1 29, 130.
l lawaii-3 1 .
Hawkins, Paula--4 1 .
Hegel, George Wilhelm Friedrich-vi.
Helms, Jesse--46, 47, 50, 64, 82.
Helsinki Human Rights Review-80.
Henry, Paul-76.
Heritage Foundation-30, 46, 6 1 , 63, 64.
Heritage Groups Council for Citizenship
Education--45.
Heritage National Committee (Connally for
President Campaign)- 1 9 .
Hess, Rudolph-ix, 45, 46.
H igh Frontier-S I .
Higham, John-32.
Himmler, Heinrich-79.

H ispanic-20, 45.
H istorical revisionism--43, 79, 83, 1 2 5 ,
1 26, 1 28.
H itler, Adolph-iii, vi, viii, ix, xi, xviii, 3-S,
7, 8, IS, 3 1 , 32, 3 5 , 4S, 46, 56, 65, 69,
7 1 -76, 80, 87-89, 1 1 9, 1 2 5 .
Hlinka Guard- I S .
Hoch, Guy A.- 1 2 1 .
Holme , Heinz-x.
Holocaust-viii, ix, 5, 43 , 44, 79, 83, 1 2S ,
1 26, 1 28, 1 29.
Holtzman, Elizabeth--40.
Homosexuals-viii.
Honduras--47, 87.
Honeywell Corporation-33.
Hoover Institution--4 7.
Hoover, J. Edgar-3 1 .
House Armed Services Committee-54.
House Committee on UnAmerican
Activities (HUAC)-32.
House of Savoy (ltaly)-19.
Hughes Aircraft-I I .
Hull, John-86.
Human Events-33.
Hungary-viii, 2, 4, 5, 73, 89, 1 27.
Hunt, H. L.--4S, 46.
Hvasta, John- I S.

I
IAAEE

See International Association for the

Advancement of Ethnology and
Eugenics (IAAEE)
!AS
See Institute for American Strategy
(!AS)
!BC
See International Business Communica
tions ( ! BC)
IDEA
See Institute for Democracy, Education,
and Assistance ( I DEA)
!HR
See lnstiture for Historical Review
(!HR)
ldaho--40, 4 1 .
Ideology-vi, viii-x, 2, 8 , 36, 38, 69, 7 1 , 87,
88.
Illinois--43, 49, 1 20, 1 2 1 .
See also Chicago, CICERO
lmmigration-3, 9, 3 2 .
Immigration Restriction Act-32.
In Defense of America Project--49, S I , S4.
INDEX

1 39

In Fact-96n.
In These Times- 1 3 1 .
Industrialism-ix, 1 7 , 35.
Inside the League ( Anderson and
Anderson)-x, 59, 65, 74, 1 1 9.
lnstauration-8.
Institute for American Strategy (IAS)36-38.
Institute for Democracy, Education, and
Assistance ( IDEA )-64.
Institute for Historical Review (IHR)43, 83.
Institute for the Study of Man-63, 64,
l04n.
Institute on Terrorism and Subnational
Conllict-86.
lmelligence-7, 8, 1 6, 1 7, 1 9, 30, 40, 45,
5 1 , 56, 61, 67, 69, 7 1 , 77, 82, 84, 85.
Intelligence Oversight Board- 19.
Inter-American Defense Board-86.
International Association for the Advancement of Ethnology and Eugenics
(IAAEE)-63, 64.
International Business Communications
(IBC)-86.
Internacional Conference for Unity of che
Sciences
See Moon, Sun Myung
International Network of Children of the
Holocaust- 1 2 9.
International Rescue Committee-9.
International Security Agency-66.
lowa-40, 50, 64.
Iowa Civil Rights Advisory Commission64.
lran-67.
Shah of Iran, Reza Pahlevi- 1 9.
Iran-contra Affair-47, 65, 67, 83, 86, 1 1 7.
Ireland, Andrew-4 1 .
Icon Guard ( Romania)-2-4, 9, 1 0, 42, 43,
75, 87, 89, 1 1 7.
Legion of Archangel Michael-1 1 6.
lsrael-1 16.
Italian-Americans for Bush- 19.
Italian Communist Party (PCl )-1 7, 18.
Italian Heritage Council-3, 1 9.
Italian NRHGC Affiliate-4 1 .
Italy-vi, viii, 3 , 16, 1 7 , 1 9, 32, 4 1 . S6,
6 1 , 1 2 5.
See also Bologna, Milan, Rome, Sicily

140

J
JBS
See John Birch Society (JBS)
JTA
See Jewish Telegraphic Agency (JTA)
J . Walter Thompson Advertising
Company-SO.
Jackovics, Joseph A.-1 3 2 .
Jacobs, Kris-xiv.
Jamaica-20.
Jasenovac- 1 5 .
Jewish Advocate-130.
Jewish Community Relations Council1 26.
Jewish Telegraphic Agency (JTA)- 1 29.
Jews-vii-ix, 2, 4, 7- 1 2 , I S , 16, 20, 26, 27,
32, 33, 43, 45, S9, 69, 7 1 -74. 79, 80, 83,
1 1 6, 1 1 7, 1 2 5, 1 26, 1 28, 1 30.
See also anti-Semitism
John Birch Society (JBS)-37, 38, 4S, 82.
Johnson, Bennett-SS.
Joint Raltic American National
Committee-77.
Joint Chiefs of Staff-36, 37.
Jones, Art-4 5, 1 20- 1 22.
J ones, Mark M.-35.
Journal of Hisr:arical Review-42.
Journal of Inda-European Studies-63.
Journal of International Relations (ASC)61.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies6 1 , 63.
Jung, Harry-.3 2.
Justice Departmtmt-6, 10, 23, 26, 27, 32,
33, 35, 44, 70, 74, 77, 80, 1 1 7, 1 1 8, 1 24,
1 29.

K
KGB-10, 37, 79, 80, 82, 84.
KKK
See Ku Klux Klan (KKK)
Kaplan, Morton-1 lOn.
Karl, Peter- l l 5 , 1 1 6, 1 1 8- 1 20.
Kauffman, Ron- 1 30.
Kemble, Pcnn-86.
Kemp, Jack-24, 4 1 , 47, S S , l02n.
Kennedy, John F.-36, 3 7 .
Keyworth, George-53.
King, Dr. Martin Luther- 1 22.
Kintner, William-3S, 37.

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

Kiracofe, Clifford- 104n.

Kirkpatrick, Evron-86.
Kirkpatrick, Jeane J.-10, 5 1 , 76, 82, 86,
1 06n.
Kirschbaum, Joseph-1 5, 16.
Knights of Malra--45.
Koch, Neal---66 .
Kojclis, Linas-24.
Kolm, Richard--4 1 .
Korea-6 1 , 64-67, 70.
Korean CIA-65.
Kosiak, John- 1 1 8, 199.
Kremlin-37.
Ku Klux Klan (KKK ) - 1 5 , 38, 45, 50, 5 1 ,
1 1 9, 1 22.
Kushel, Franz- I I, 77.

Lithuanian-American Council ( LAC)-74,

77, 79, 80.
Lithuanian-American Republican National
Federation-74.
Livingstone, Neil-86.
Loftus, John-1 1 8 - 1 20.
London, England-9, 19, 60.
Long, Clarence-2 5.
Long, Huey P.-xii.
Los Angeles, California-I I, 80, 1 26.
Lucier, Jim-82.

Luftwaffe-viii.
Lwow (Lvov)-7 1 , 72.
Lydon, Matthias--49.

M
MLN

LAC

See Lithuanian American Council

(LAC)
Labor Zionist Alliance-1 29.
LaHaye, Tim-5 5 .
Lansdale, Edward-3 7, 38.
La Rocque, Gene--48, 5 5 .
LaRouche, Lyndon H . , Jr.-36, 45, 5 0 , 77,
97n.
Lasby, Clarence-3 5.
Latin America--46, 65, 75, 84, 85, 87, 88.
Latin American Anti-Communist
Confederation (CAL)-75.
Latvia--4, 26, 74, 80, 1 24, 1 29, 130.
Latvian Legion--4, 26, 130.
Laughlin, Harry-3 2.
Laxalt, Paul-24, 39, 4 1 .
Legion of the Archangel Michael
See Iron Guard
Legionnaire Movement
See I ron Guard
Lenczowski, John-53, 83.
Liberalism-vi, x, 23, 36, 39.
Libeny-vi, vii, 29, 1 1 6.
Liberty Bell-98n.
Liberty Lobby-xiii, 38, 43, 4.5, 54, 65, 67,
77, 83, 99n, IOOn.
Truth in Press-99n.

Liberty Lobby and the American Right

(Mintz)-38.
Libya-5 1 , 6 1 .
Lithuania-ix, 4 , 74, 79, 80, 89.
Greywolves-80.
Samogitians-79.

See National Liberation Movement,

Guatemala (MLN )
MX missile--47.
McCarthy, Joseph-3 2, 33, 48.
McClellan, J ames- 1 04n.
McClure, James--47.
McConkey, Bctty-50.
McCune, Wes-xiv, 30.
McDonald, Larry--45, 84.
McFarlane, Robert--49, 1 1 8.
McGovern, George-39.
Machiavelli, Niccolo-vi.
Mafoi- 16, 1 8 .
Magers, Ron- 1 1 8.
Maikovskis, Boleslavs-1 29.
Malek, Fred-26, 1 26, 1 3 1 .
Mangulis, Akselis-26, 130.
Manhattan
See New York
Mankind Quarterly--46, 63.
Marcos, Ferdinand-84.
Marin, Carol- 1 18, 1 20, 1 22.
Martin, William-53.
Maruggi, Albcrt-1 29.
Marx, Karl-vi.
Marxism-vi, ix, 32, 84.
Maryland-ZS, 50.
Masons--45.
Massachusetts-xi.
See also Boston, Cambridge
Mattingly, Mack--4 1 .
Mazeika, Anthony-80.
Mazeika, Danute-80.
Medaris, John-35 .
Mediterranean-1 9.
Medrano, Jose Alberto-87.
INDEX

141

Mehler, Dr. Barry-xiv, 64.

Mein Kampf ( Hitler)-ix.

Meldon, Jerry- 1 6 .
Melianovich, Walter-J, 1 1 , 1 2, 2 6 , 44.
Melnyk, Andrew--69.
Menges, Constantine--46, 4 7.
Mexico--47, B4, B7.
Michel Amendment--47.
Michigan- 1 9, 69, 70, 76.
See also Detroit, Warren
Mid-American Research Library-JO.
Midwest Research
See Political Research Associates (PRA)
Mikus, Josef- I S , 16, 25, 44.
Milan, Italy-viii, 1 7 .
Miles, Robert-IOSn.
Militarism-ix, 56.
Military-industrial complex-29, JO, 33, 36,
37.
Military-Industrial Conference
See National Military Industrial
Conference
Miller, Maxwell- 104n.
Miller, Michael S.- 1 26.
Minneola, New York- 1 29.
Missile crisis-39.
Mobile killing teams-5, 7 5 .

See also einsatzgruppen

Modernism-vi, x.
Molinari, Guy- 5 5 .
Mondale, Walter-5 5 , 64.
Mont Pelerin Society-63, 64.
Moon, Sun Myung-xiii, 45, 6 1 , 65, B6,
92n, IOOn.
International Conference for Unity of
the Sciences-1 l On.
Moorer, Thomas---84 .
Moree!, Ben-9Bn.
Moscow-.37.
Mosely, Don-1 20.
Mountain States Legal Foundation--63.
Mozambique-B l .
Munich, Germany-ix, 66, 76.
Muravchic, Joshua---8 6.
Murphy, John---84 .
Murray, Kathryn- 1 29.
Mussolini, Benito-iii, v, vi, viii, 1 7, 19,
BS, BB.

Nation--64.
National Association of Manufacturers-J S.
National Broadcasting Corporation
( N BC)-7 5 , 1 1 5 , l l 8, 1 20.
National Coalition for America's
Survival--45 .
National Confederation of American
Ethnic Groups (NCAEG )--4 1 , 43-45.
National Conservative Political Action
Committee (NCPAC)--45.
National Economic Council-3 5 .
National Endowment fo r Democracy
(NED)-B9.
National Endowment for the Preservation
of Liberty---86 .
National Forum Foundation--46.
National Front
See Bulgarian National Front
National Italian American Foundation- 19.
National Liberation Movement (MLN)
B5.
National Military Industrial Conference33, 35-J7.

National Republic-.33.

NARWACL
See N orth American Regional World
Anti-Communist League (NARWACL)
142

NATO
See North Atlantic Treaty Organization
( NATO)
N BC
See National Broadcasting Corporation
( N BC)
NCAEG
See National Confederation of
American Ethnic Groups ( NCAEG)
NCPAC
See National Conservative Political
Action Committee (NCPAC)
NED
See National Endowment for Democracy
(NED)
NRHGC
See National Republican Heritage
Groups Council (NRHGC)
NSC
See National Security Council (NSC)
NSDAP (National Socialist German
Workers Party)
See Nazism.
NSF
See National Student Federation (NSF)
Nadjiuk, Cheslav-1 1 , 93n.
Namibia---8 1 .

National Republican Heritage Groups

Council (NRHGC)-xiii, xvii, xviii, 1 ,
2, 4-B, 10- 1 3 , 1 5 , 16, 1B-28, .30, 4 1 . 4J ,
44. 69, 70, 74, 76, 80, 1 2 5 - 1 27, 1 2 9- 1 3 1 .
National Review---8 , 63.

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

National security-39, 46.

National Security Caucus-56.
National Security Council (NSC)- 1 2, 33,
36, 37, 46-49, 5 1 , S3, 67, 69, 82, 83.
National Securiry Report-S4.
National Socialism
See Nazism
National Socialist German Workers Party
(NSDAP)
See Nazism
National Strategy Seminars-36.
National Student Federation (NSF)-82.
National War College-36, 37.
Nationalism-iii, v-vii, ix-xi, 2, S, 1 1 , 1 2,
l S, 38, 43, 60, 67, 69, 7 1 , 73, 7 S , 76,
1 24.
Naydzyuk, Ceslau
See Nadjiuk, Cheslav
Nazarenko, N icolas-2, 7-9, 44, 73.
Nazi collaboration-v, xi, xiv, xviii, 1 -6, 28,
89, 90, 1 2 3 - 1 27.
American Security Council (ASC)30, 6S.
Byelorussian- 1 1 , 1 2, 77.
Slovakian- I S, 2 S .
National Confederation o f American
Ethnic Groups--4 1 , S6.
Ukrainian-67, 69-72.
Romanian----8 7 -88, 1 1 9.
Nazism-2- 1 1 , I S, 23, 2 S , 26, 38, 4 1 -46, S I ,
56, 6 1 , 64, 6S, 67 ' 83, 87-90, 1 1 S - 1 30.
History and characteristics of nazism
v-xi, 70-80.
German National Socialism-xvii, xviii,
S, 7, 60, 7 1 .
U . S . Nazi activism, World War 113 1 - 36
See als o Nazi collaboration
See also neo-Nazi
Neo-fascism-16, 1 7, 36, 4S.
Neo-Nazi-viii, 8, 4S, SO, 60, 6 1 , 63, 65, 67,
76, 87, 1 1 9, 1 20- 1 22, 1 29.
Nesterczuk, George-69, 70.
New Benjamin Franklin House-97n.
New Hampshire-79.
New Jersey--44.
South River, New Jersey-93n.
New Jersey Republican Heritage Groups
Council--44.
New Right-30, 46, S S , S6, 6 1 , 63.
New York-7, 9, 10, l S , 3 1 , 40, 69, 76, 1 2S ,
1 29.
See also M inneola
New York Post- 1 29.
New York Times- 1 8, 36, 66, 1 26, 1 30.
N icaragua-6, 47, 83-87, 1 1 5, 1 1 8- 1 20.

Nickles, Don--4 1 .
Niemcyk, Julian M.-132.
Nietzsche, Friedrich Wilhelm-vi.
Night of the Long Knives-ix.
Nixon, Richard--4-6, 8, 1 8, 2 S , 26, 39, 92n,
1 26.
Nordic-3 2, 60, 79.
North, Oliver--46, S3, 64-67, 83, 86, 88,
l lS.
North American Regional World Anti
Communist League (NARWACL)67, 83.
See also World Anti-Communist League
(WACL)
North Atlantic Treaty Organization
(NATO)-SO.
North Carolina-SO.
Northern League-60.
Northern World-60.
Nouvelle Ecole-63.
Nugan Hand Bank-S I .
Nuremberg-7, 33, 4S.

0
ODFFU
See Organization for the Defense of Four
Freedoms for the Ukraine (ODFFU)
OSI
See Office of Special Investigations
(OSI)
OUN, OUN-B, OUN-M
See Organization of Ukrainian
Nationalists (OUN)
O'Connor, Edward M.-106n.
Odessa----8 .
Office of Personnel Management-69.
Office of Special Investigations (OSl)-6,
9, 3 S , 74, 1 24, 1 29.
Bush campaign-77, 1 2S , 1 26.
NRHGC campaign against OSl-10,
1 2, 23, 26.
OSI/KGB partnership alleged--44, 79,
80.
UCCA and Bohdan Fedorak oppose
OSl-!06n, 1 2 S , 1 27.
Ohio- 18, 63.
Operation Phoenix-88.
Operations Coordinating Board-5 ! .
Order of St. John of Jerusalem--4S, 79.
Order, The-67.
Organization for the Defense of Four
Freedoms for the Ukraine (ODFFU )
!OSn.
INDEX

143

Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists

(OUN)---4 , 69, 7 1 , 73, 76.
OUN-Bandera (OUN-B)---69-73.
OUN-Melnyk (OUN-M)---69 .
Owen, Robert---64 , 86.

p
PC!
See Italian Communist Party

Project Paperclip (Lasby)-3 S .

Propaganda-36, 37, 48, 49, 6S, 7 1 , 82, 8S.

Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion

(forgery)-32.
Purdue University-7.

Quayle, Dan---4 1 , 54, 86.

Quigley, Margaret-xiv.

PRA

See Political Research Associates (PRA)

P-2 Masonic Lodge-3, 1 6- 1 9, 1 25 .
Pamyat (Memory)-89.
Panama Canal-84.
Paperclip Conspiracy ( Bower)-x.
Paprikoff, George-7.
Paraguay-SO.
Paramilitary-38, 5 1 , 67.
Pastora, Eden---4 7.
Pasztor, Laszlo--2 , 5-7, 25-27, 44, 1 27, 1 29,
1 3 1 , 132.
Patriotism-ix, 8, 3 1 , 33, 3 8 , 80, 8 7 , 89,
1 20.
Patriots for Germany-97n.
Pearl Harbor, Hawaii-3 1 .
Pearson, Roger---4 1 , 46, 5 1 , 60-6S, 79, 82.
Pentagon-33, 46, 66, 82, 88.
Perk, Ralph-1 8.
Philndelphia lnquirer-26, 1 24, 1 26, 1 281 30.
Philippines-83.
Phillips, Howard-82, 83.
Phillips, Kevin-23.
Picasso, Pablo-viii.
Piche!, Charles---4 S , 79.
Pinochet, Augusto---43 , 63, 87, 1 1 6.
Pioneer Fund--- 6 4.
Plonski, Joseph---4 4 .
Poland-viii, 4, I S , 46, 72, 73, 1 1 8.
Policy Review---6 ! .
Political Research Associates (PRA)-xiv,
l l S , 1 1 8, 1 20, 1 24, 1 2 5 , 1 28, 1 30, 1 3 1 .
Midwest Research-1 22.
Populist Party-S L
Posey, Tom- 1 2 1 .
Posse Comitatus-5 1 .
Possony, Stefan-3 5.

Potomac-87.
Potter, Gary---44 .

Power on the Right (Turner )-30.

Preferred Lists-5 5 .

R
RENAM0-8 1 , 83.
RFE
See Radio Free Europe (RFE)
RNC
See Republican National Committee
(RNC)
Race and Civilization (Pearson)---60.

Racial Elements of European Civilization

(Gunther)-60.
Racism-viii, 8, 1 5 , 3 1 , 38, 45, S6, 82, 1 2 1 ,
1 22, 1 29.
Bush campaign and racism-2, 2 7.
Nazi theory ofNegrification-ix.
Pearson and racialist network---60, 6 1 ,
63, 65.
Racial eugenics-32, 46, 64.
Racial nationalism-ix, 7 1 .
Racism i n the NRHGC-xvii, xviii, 20,
28, 90, 1 23 , 1 2S.
Radio Free Americas---46 .
Radio Free Europe (RFE)-9, 20, 2S, 27.
Radio Libercy- 1 2 , 20.
Raikin, Spas T.---6 .
Rao, Paul-1 8.

Readers Digest-3 7.
Reagan, Ronald-xvii, 2, 6-8, 1 0, 1 8-20, 232S, 30, 39, 43, 47, 48, SO, S4, S 5 , 60, 62,
64, 66-68, 70, 72, 76, 78, 79, 81, 84,
1 1 7- 1 20, 1 2S .
Reagan Aministration---4 1 , 48-5 1 , 5 3 , 6 1 ,
63, 64, 69, 8 1 , 82, 86.
Reds
See communism
Regnery, Henry-3 1 .
Regnery, William-3 1 .
Reich, Wilhelm-viii.

Replica-87.

Prelom-7.
Preston, David- 1 24, 1 26, 1 28.
144

OLD NAZIS, TIIE NEW RIGl lT, AND TI IE REPUBLICAN PARTY

Report of the Congressional Committees

Investigating the Iran-Con tra Affair-

Russia

86.
Republican Heritage Groups Council
See National Republican Heritage
Groups Council (NRHGC)
Republican National Committee (RNC)
xvii, 3, 4, 6, 1 2, 1 3 , 1 7 , 1 9, 23, 24, 2 7 ,
44, 56, 80, 90, 1 29 - 1 32.
Republican Nationalities Council
See National Republican Heritage
Groups Council
Republican Party-v, xi, xiii, xiv, xvii, 2-7,
9- 1 2, 1 5, 1i 1 9 , 20, 23-2 39, 4 1 , 54
56, 6 1 , 64, 73, 76, 89, 90, 1 23, 1 24, 1 26,
1 29, 1 3 [ .
Republicans
See Republican Party
Revolution-viii, ix, 75, 84.
Rhodesia-8 1 , 82.
Richardson, Robert C., 111-40, 5 1 , 6 1 .
Richardson, Warren-99n, IOOn.
Richardson Foundation
See Smith Richardson Foundation
Riga, Jose Lopez-1 8.

(USSR)
Ryan, Allan A., Jr.-1 29.
Rylander, R. Lynn-66.

Right-60.
Roatta, Mario-viii.
Rollins, Ed-24.
Roman, George-9.
Romania-ix, 2, 4, 9, 10, 4 1 -43, 73, 7 5 , 87,
89, 1 1 6, 1 1 9, 1 24, 1 25 .
Romanian American National Congress43.
Romanian-American Republican Clubs10, 30, 4 1 .
Romanian Liberation Movement-75.
Romanian Orthodox Church-9, 10.
Romanians for Bush- I O.
Rome, Italy-viii, 16, 1 7 .
Romero, Archbishop Oscar-85.
Ronette-Rahmistriuc, Alexandru
See Ronnett, Alexander
Ronnett, Alexander-42, 43, 7 5 , 83, 87,
1 1 6, 1 1 7, 1 1 9.
Roosevelt, Franklin D.-3 1 .
Rose of Twenty-1 7 .
Rosenberg, Alfred-7.
Rosensaft, Menachem-1 29.
Rousseau, Jean J acques-vi.
Ruby, Walter-1 24.
Ruhr-35 .
Ruhrlade-3 5 .
Rumania
See Romania

See Union of Soviet Socialist Republics

s
SDI

See Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI)

SS

See Waffen SS
Sabotage: The Secret War against America
(Sayers and Kahn)-7 1 .
St. Dumitru-9.

St. Louis Globe Democrat-54.

St. Peter's Banker ( Di Fonzo)-18.
Salt Syndrome , The-39-4 1 , 49.
Salt Treaty-39.
Samogitians
See Lithuania
San Diego, Califomia-66.
Sanctuary, Eugene-32.
Sanders, Sol-4 7.
Sandinista-6, 84, 1 20.
Sandor, David-1 28.
Saudi Arabia-64, 67.
Savimbi, Jonas-30, 8 1 .
Savoy
See House of Savoy
Sazyc, Dr. Joseph-77.
Schultz, George-47, 83.
Scocland-46.
Scott, Ralph-64.
Sears Roebuck-3 1 , 33.
Second All-Byelorussian Congress
See All-Byelorussian Second Congress
Secord, Richard-83.
Security and Intelligence Fund-6 1 .
Seldes, George-iii, x , 96n.
Senate Armed Services Committee-54.
Senese, Donald-63.
Serbia-ix, 1 2, 1 5, 74.
Shandruk, Pavlo-7 2.
Shockley, William-63.
Shoreham Hotel-xvii, 6-8.
Sicily, l taly- 18.
Siegman, Henry- 1 2 5 .
Sima, Horia-75.
Simon Wiesenthal Center- 1 1 6, 1 26.
Simpson, Christopher-x, xiv, I, 90.
Sindona, M ichele-1 8 .
Singlaub, John (Jack)-40, 4 1 , 45, 5 5 , 66,
67, 70, 79, 83-85, 88, 1 1 5 , 1 20.
INDEX

145

Sitko, Karol-45.

Six Million Swindle ( App)-43.

Sklar, Holly--66, 67.
Slavoff, Radi-2, S-7, 26, 27, 44, 1 27, 1 29,
131.
Slovak-vii, ix, 3 , 1 6 , 26, 4 1 , 44, 73, 74.
Slovak-American Republican Federation), I S, 1 6, 4 1 .
Slovak World Congress- I S , 1 6 , 4 1 , 74, 89.
Smith, lan-82.
Smith Richardson Foundation-37.
Sobran, Joseph-8, 79.
Social Contmct ( Rousseau)-vi.
Socialism-vi, viii-xi, 23.
Solomon, Gerald-4 1 .
Somoza, Anastasio--8 3-85.
Sotirhos, Michael-20, 24, 76.
South Africa-50, 8 1 -83.
See also apartheid
South America-7, 8, 47, 64, 84.
South Dakota-39, 40.
South Korea
See Korea
South River, New Jersey-93n.
Southern African Freedom Foundation8l.
Soviet Union
See Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
(USSR)
Spain-iii, viii.
Spoclight-8, 67, 83.
Squitieri, Tom-130, 1 3 1 .
Stalingrad-72.
Standard Oil-33.
Stankievich, Raisa- 1 2.
Stankievich, Stanislaw-I I , 1 2 .
Star Wars
See Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI)
State Department- 1 6 , 2 5 , 46, 49, 70, 83,
87.
Steele, Walter-3 2, 33.
Stella, Frank-1 8 , 1 9, 26.
Sterilization proposal--63.
Stetsko, Slava-70- 72, 76, l06n.
Stetsko, Yaroslav--67, 69-72, 76, 1 30.
Stillwell, Richard-84.
Straight Look at the Third Reich (App)44.
Srrangm in the Land (Higham)-32.
Strategic Defense Initiative (SDl )-4 7, 5 1 ,
S4.
Strategy for Peace Through Strength-49.
Strategy of tension- I 7.
Stratemeyer, George-99n.
Stratton, Sam-4 1 , S S .

146

Strausz-Hupe, Robert-J S.
Stump, Bob--84.
Sullivan, Dave-46.
Sumner, Gordon--84.
Supreme Committee for the Liberation of
Lithuania-74.
Supreme Court (U.S.)--63.
Swastika-v, 7, 8, 86, 88, 1 2 1 .
Symms, Steve-40, 4 1 , 47 , 5 S .
Szaz, Z. Michael-4 1 .

T
Taiwan-3, 20, 64-67, 70.
Task Force on Central America-84.
Taylor, David-49.
Taylor, John Ross--6 7 .
Tecos-87.
Ten Million Americans Mobilizing for
Justice-33.
Terpil, Frank-S l , 6 1 .
Terrorism- 16, 1 7, 8S, 86.
Texas-1 8 .
Third Reich-xviii, 1 5 , 16, 4 3 , 44, 60, 69,
88, 89.
Third Way-76.
Thompson, J. Walter Advertising Company
See J. Walter Thompson Advertising
Company
Thunderbolt-8, 89.
Time-33.
Tiso, Monsignor Josef-1 S, 2 S , 26, 44, 74.
Tolstoy Foundation-9.
Toronto, Canada- 1 5 .
Tower Commission-1 1 5.
Trevor, John B., Jr.-3 2, 33.
Trifa, Valerian-2, 9, 10, 92n.
Truth, The-79.
Truth at Last

See Thunderbolt
Truth in Press
See Liberty Lobby
Tuesday Group-46, 47.
Turner, William-30.

u
UCCA
See Ukrainian Congress Committee of
America (UCCA)
UNIS
See Ukrainian National Information
Service (UNIS)

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, ANO THE REPUlllJCAN PARTY

UNITA
See Union for the Toca! Independence
of Angola (UNITA)
UNO
See United Nicaraguan Opposition
(UNO)
UPA
See Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA)
UPAO
See University Professors for Academic
Order (UPAO)
UPI
See United Press International (UPI)
USCAB
See U.S. Congressional Advisory Board
(USCAB)
USCWF
See U.S. Council for World Freedom
(USCWF)
USIA
See U.S. Information Agency (USIA)
USSR
See Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
(USSR)
USA Today-1 30.
U.S. Air Force, Political Military Affairs51, 61.
U.S. Army-8, 7 1 .
Counter Intelligence Corps-8, 3 2 , 1 1 9.
U.S. Civil Rights Commission-64.
U.S. Congressional Advisory Board
(USCAB)-49, 53, 54.
U.S. Council for World Freedom
(USCWF)---6 6, 67, 70, 79.
U.S. Foreign Claims Commission---69 .
U.S. Information Agency (USIA)---69 .
U.S. Steel-33.
Ukraine-ix, 67, 69, 7 1 -73, 76, 80.
Ukrainian Congress Committee of America
(UCCA)---69 , 7 1 , 72, 77, 1 2 5 .
UCCA Committee o n Foreign Affairs70.
Ukrainian Cultural Center-70, 75-77.
Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA)-73.
Ukrainian National Army-72.
Ukrainian National Information Service
(UNIS)---69, 70.
Ukrainian Nationalism (Armstrong)-7 1 .
Ukrainian Quarterly-70, 72, 77.
Ukrainians for Bush-77.
Union for the Total Independence of
Angola (UNITA)-30, 66, 8 1 -83.
Union of American Hebrew Congrega
tions- 1 2 5 .

Union o f Soviet Socialist Republics

(USSR)-7, 8, 1 2, 32, 4 1 , 55, 69- 7 1 , 73.
Disinformation-37, 49, 82.
OSI/USSR partnership-44, 79.
Rollback-v, 23, 35, 56, 76, 1 24.
World War 11-3, 5, 1 1 , 1 6 , 7 2 , 7 5 , 89,
1 1 8.
Unions-viii, 3 2 .
United fruit-33.

United Israel Bulletin- IO.

United Nations-38, 82.
United N icaraguan Opposition (UN0)47.
United Press International (UPI)-130.
University of Pennsylvania-36.
University Professors for Academic Order
(UPA0)---63 , 64.
Ustashi-3, 1 2 , 14, 1 5 , 74.
See also Croatia

v
Valente, Mark- 1 9 .
Valucek, Andy-25 , 2 8 .
Van den Haag, Ernest-63.
Vatican- 1 2 , 16.
Vermont-iii.
Vertex lnvestments-67.
Veterans of the First Ukrainian Division72.
Vienna, Austria-7 5.
Vietnam-20, 38, 88.
Vietnam War-39.
Village Voice- 1 30.
Virginia-53, 55, 8 1 , 82.
See also Boston
Virginia Republican Heritage Groups
Council-4 1 .
Voice o f America- 1 6.
Volk-ix, x, 43.
Von Bolschwing, Otto---9.
Von Braun, Werhner-3 5 .
Von der Heydte, Baron Frederich August35, 36.
Von Hayek, Friedrich---6 3.
Von Pannwitz, General Helmuth-8.
Von Rothkirch, Edward-99n.
Vorspan, Albert- 1 2 5 .

INDEX

147

w
WACL
See World Ami-Communist League
(WACL)
WMAQ-TV-7S, 1 1 5 , 1 1 8, 1 20.
Waffen SS ( Armed SS)-xi, xiv, xvii, 4, 8,
9, 1 1 , l S , 26, 43, 56, 60, 67, 72, 90,
106n, 1 30.
Waldheim, Kurt-viii.

Wall Stmt ]oumal-4S, 54, 60, 6 1 , 63, 64,

86.
Wallop, Malcolm--47.
Walsh, Pat-67.
Waltscheff, Dr. Dimiter-7.
War Against the }ews ( Dawidowicz)-1 5 ,
71.
War crimes-xviii, 2 , 6-8, 10, 2 7 , 33, 44,
70, 77, 79, 80, 89, 90, 1 2 S , 1 26, 1 29.
Ward, Chester-98n.
Warner, John-S3 .
Warren, Michigan-70, 7 S , 7 7 , 78.
Warsaw Pact--43.
Washington, D.C.-3 , 6, 10, 1 5, 16, 30, 4 1 ,
48, 6 1 , 69, 70, 8 1 , BS.

Washington Jewish Week-26, 27, 1 241 26, 128, 1 29, 1 3 1 .

Washington Post-25, 26, 44-46, S6, 6 1 ,
6 S , 1 26, 1 30.
Washington Reporr-84.
Washington's War on Nicaragua (Sklar)67.
Watt, James-63.
Watzman, Nancy- 1 3 1 .
Weimar Germany-35.
Weinberger, Caspar-S3.
Wiesenthal, Simon- ! 2 S .
Welch, Robert-38.

Western Destiny-60.
Western Goals Foundation--45.
Western Guard-67.
Weyrich, Paul-63.
White, William Allen-iii.
White House-xi, 2, 7, 19, 24-26, 3 1 , 44,
46, 48, 49, SJ, 60, 62, 64, 66, 67, 69, 72,
73, 75-77, 79, 86, 1 1 6, 1 30.
White Russian
See Byelorussian
White supremacist-I S, 60, 64, 8 1 , 89.
Whittlesey, Faith--49.
Who Financed Hitler! (Pool and Pool)35.
Who's Who in Germany-JS.
Willoughby, C. A.-98n.

148

Wilson, Charles-84.
Wilson, Edmund-S I , 6 1 .
Winek, Jay-S6.
Winsor, Curtin, Jr.--46, 4 7.
Wisner, Frank--47.
Wood, Robert-3 1 , 33, 98n.

World Affairs-86.
World and 1-86.
World Ami-Communist League
(WACL)-x, xiii, 43, S9-6 1 , 64-68, 70,
73, 75, 8 1 -83 , BS, 87, 88, 90, 1 20, 1 2 2 .
See also North American Regional
World Ami-Communist League
(NARWACL)
World Conference of Free Ukrainians106n.
World Federation for a Free Latvia-7 7.
World Federation of Cossacks for the
Liberation of Cossackia-8.
World Federation of Free Latvians-74.
World Jewish Congress-BO.
World War I-vi, vii, 69.
World War 11-v, viii, x, xi, xvii, 2-S, 8, 9,
1 2 , I 26, 3 1 , 33, 43, 44, 67, 69, 72-75,
77, 88, 89, 1 1 6-1 19, 1 24, 1 2 7, 1 30.

y
Yalta-20.
Yarborough, William P.-84.
Yugoslavia-1 2, 1 24.

z
Zakim, Leonard-27.
Zimbabwe-86.
Zimmerman, Warren- 106n.
Zola, Emile-vii.
Zolling, Hermann-x.
Zorinsky, Ed-55.
Zuruff, Efraim- 1 1 6.

OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REPUllLICAN PARTY