FISA Court Affirmative - DDI 2015 SWS
FISA Court Affirmative - DDI 2015 SWS
FISA Court Affirmative - DDI 2015 SWS
Notes
People assigned to this file: Ruby, Sarah, Adam,
Samantha, Joe, Jake, and Ani
1AC
See separate file for now
CARDS TO BE ORGANIZED
FISA Inherency
NSA lawyers do not protect civil liberties, but uphold the
law.
Schlanger 2015 (Margo Schlanger, Proffesor of Law at Michigan
University specializing in civil rights issues and civil and criminal detention;
Harvard National Security Journal, http://harvardnsj.org/wpcontent/uploads/2015/02/Schlanger.pdf. AGY)
Within a particular organization such as the NSA, the impact of a rights and
compliance frame is to allocate decision-making to lawyers . If those lawyers
have a civil libertarian orientation, this could be a channel by which rights
and compliance serve civil liberties interests. That is, one could imagine that agency
lawyers might systematically exercise a pro-liberty orientation, which could fill gaps that might otherwise
lawyers who now populate the military, the CIA, and the Department of Justices National Security Division.
Jack Goldsmith, for example, has labeled these lawyers a key part of something new and remarkable,
describing giant distributed networks of lawyers, investigators, and auditors, both inside and outside the
executive branch, that rendered U.S. fighting forces and intelligence services more transparent than ever,
time, describing the Bush administrations aggressive stance on a variety of national security topics, the
role of lawyers was part of why What should we do? . . . often collapsed into What can we lawfully do?
Consider one last time that 2005 speech to the NSAs lawyers and their colleagues, by then-Deputy
Attorney General James Comey, in which he praised the NSAs lawyers as custodian[s] of our constitution
and the rule of law. Comey did not exhort his audience of intelligence lawyers to ask the should
The passage of the first bill since 9/11 to curtail government surveillance
represents a dramatic shift in the politics surrounding terrorism in the US, but
a much less significant change in the way the intelligence community
actually operates. The USA Freedom Act, which has been comfortably approved by both the
Senate and the House, bars the government from collecting the phone records of
millions of US citizens, a programme which became the focus of public fears about overbearing
electronic surveillance. The surveillance legislation reform still leaves the US
intelligence community with formidable legal powers and tools to collect data
and other online information for terrorism-related investigations, however.
Despite the tidal wave of revelations and public anger towards the N ational
Security Agency following the 2013 leaks by Edward Snowden, congressional efforts to
rein in the agency have so far not curtailed the bulk of its activities . "The more
savvy members of the intelligence community have been saying for some time, 'If this is the hit that we
have to take, then so be it'," says Mieke Eoyang at the centrist Third Way think-tank in Washington,
referring to the bulk telephone data collection programme. The very first Snowden leak was a secret court
order requiring Verizon to hand over the call records of its customers, in the process revealing an official
dragnet that was capturing details about tens of millions of Americans. Amid the many Snowden
documents about the NSA that followed, it was this programme that crystallised public fears in the US that
passage of the bill represents a landmark in the underlying politics of national security. Before the
Snowden revelations, the political climate over terrorism would have made it routine to renew the sections
of the post-9/11 Patriot Act that have now been replaced by the USA Freedom Act. Yet the reality is that for
the past 18 months, the administration has been making a tactical retreat from the call records
Obama called for many of the changes to the programme contained in the new legislation. "This is
something we can live with," says a former senior intelligence official of the USA Freedom Act. Moreover,
even the bill's biggest supporters among privacy advocates acknowledge that it leaves much of the
intelligence collection conducted by the US untouched. "We have now addressed the excesses from the
very first Snowden story, so for that I am lifting a glass," says Julian Sanchez at the libertarian Cato
the NSA comes from overseas and is based on separate legal authorities not touched by the USA Freedom
Act -- most notably Section 702 of the FISA (Foreign Intelligence Surveillance) Amendments Act and the
***SOLVENCY
Public Advocates
Public advocate is very popular- Congress needs to
appoint the advocates.
Schlanger 2015 (Margo Schlanger, Proffesor of Law at Michigan
University specializing in civil rights issues and civil and criminal detention;
Harvard National Security Journal, http://harvardnsj.org/wpcontent/uploads/2015/02/Schlanger.pdf. AGY)
A reform proposal endorsed by nearly everyone 354 (with some cavil by former FISA
presiding Judge John Bates355) is to adjust FISA proceedings by introducing some kind
of public advocate with a systematic role. In the Presidents Review Group formulation:
create a Public Interest Advocate to represent privacy and civil liberties
interests in the FISA Court, allowing the Court to invite participation, but also
allowing the Advocate to intervene on her own initiative .356 The President
agreed, calling on Congress to authorize the establishment of a panel of
advocates from outside government to provide an independent voice in
significant cases before the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court.357 This was included in the Senate
version of the USA Freedom Act.358
national security wiretaps and other searches solely on the basis of their powers under Article II of the
Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence explained in its 1978 report recommending adoption of FISA:
The history and law relating to electronic surveillance for "national security" purposes have revolved
around the competing demands of the Presidents constitutional powers to gather intelligence deemed
necessary to the security of the nation and the requirements of the fourth amendment. The U.S. Supreme
Court has never expressly decided the issue of whether the President has the constitutional authority to
authorize warrantless electronic surveillance for foreign intelligence purposes. Whether or not the
President has an inherent power" to engage in or authorize warrantless electronic surveillance and, if
such power exits, what limitations, if any, restrict the scope of that power, are issues that have troubled
constitutional scholars for decades.599 v= In essence, FISA represented an agreement between the
executive and legislative branches to leave that debate aside600 and establish a special court to oversee
foreign intelligence collection. While the statute has required periodic updates, national security officials
that judicial
review provides an important mechanism regulating the use of very powerful
and effective techniques vital to the protection of the country .601
have agreed that it created an appropriate balance among the interests at stake, and
in other matters in which a FISC judge determines that consideration of the issues would merit such
has presented it with complex and novel issues of law and technology. Currently, these issues are
adjudicated by the court based only on filings by the government, supplemented by the research and
amend FISA to authorize the FISC to create a pool of Special Advocates who would be called upon to
present independent views to the court in important cases. Even in the absence of such legislative
authority, the Board believes the court has discretion to call upon outside lawyers, if they have the
necessary national security clearances, to offer analysis of legal or technical issues, and the Board would
urge the court to amend its rules to allow for such advocacy. However, it would be preferable to have a
statutory basis for such a system.
Prakash and Ramsey 12 (Saikrishna B, David Lurton Massee, Jr. Professor of Law
and Sullivan and Cromwell Professor of Law, University of Virginia School of Law and Michael D,
Professor of Law, University of San Diego School of Law, review of The Executive Unbound, Texas
Law Review (2012) 90:973, http://www.texaslrev.com/wp-content/uploads/Prakash-Ramsey90-TLR-973.pdf)
Yet we doubt the books central claim that we live in a post-Madisonian republic. First, the U.S. Executive is very
much boundby the Constitution, Congresss laws, and the courts. Though we cannot peer into the many minds
populating the Executive Branch, we do not believe that executive officials regard themselves as above the law and
the courts, answerable only to the people via elections and polls. The Executive Branch does not act this
way, and most of its actions are consistent with its own sense of what the law requires and
forbids (although, like most actors, it often reads the law to maximize its discretion). To be sure, the Executive
Branch takes advantage of gaps and ambiguities in the law, as well as its speed, decisiveness,
and access to information, all as The Executive Unbound describes.5 But the Executive does not
systematically disregard orders from Congress or the courts nor does it usually exercise core
powers that the Constitution assigns elsewhere; the Executive does not impose criminal
punishments, spend money without authorization, or rule by decree. Second, while we agree with
Posner and Vermeule that public opinion colors Executive Branch decision making, we also believe that the public
favors an executive bound by the law. So long as the public expects the law to constrain the
Executive, the Executive will take into account this expectation and the publics sense of the
law, even under Posner and Vermeules own light. In other words, the public has a taste for the rule of
law, a taste that the Executive Branch ignores at its peril. We think the legal constraints on the
modern Executive are so manifest that we wonder whether Posner and Vermeules real project is more
aspirational than descriptive. Perhaps their ultimate objective is to persuade us that we should have an unbound
executive, not that we already have one. We hedge here because the book seems of two minds. In keeping with the
title, most of the book forcefully argues that the Executive faces no material legal constraints. For instance, Posner
and Vermeule write that the legally constrained executive is now a historical curiosity6 and that the Madisonian
separation of powers has collapsed.7 There is no equivocation here. Yet Chapter 6 argues that irrational fear of
executive tyranny has prevented the Executive from obtaining powers needed to handle
modern emergencies.8 Obviously this complaint assumes that there are constraints on the Executive. And the
conclusion in particular appears to admit that the courts and Congress check the Executiv ethat the
our legal systems case or controversy requirement, which requires some type of concrete adverseness
which sharpens the presentation of issues upon which the court so largely depends for illumination of
difficult . . . questions . . . .185 There are rare exceptions, however, to the adversarial process in our legal
system which one side is allowed to address the court unopposed in ex parte proceedings.186 Opponents
Judge Reggie Walton explained, those numbers do not reflect the fact that many applications are altered
prior to final submission or even withheld from final submission entirely, often after an indication that a
judge would not approve them.199 Moreover, the FISC has a staff of five full-time legal assistants with
foreign intelligence expertise who work with the governments attorneys when an application is brought
before the FISC.200 This process only implies that the governments attorneys are well prepared to make
their arguments for surveillance and the court still does not consider arguments against surveillance. Thus,
Reform of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Courts: Introducing a Public Advocate (Mar. 21, 2014) (The
public advocate can potentially be viewed as an agent of the government and may act as a principal or
generally prohibits the government from litigating against itself, and allowing the advocate to seek relief
on national security issues could invade core executive branch powers. Last, as the advocate would not be
a party or representative of a party, they may not have standing to appeal FISC orders.); see also Andrew
Nolan, Richard M. Thompson II, & Vivian Chu, Cong. Research Serv., Oct. 25, Introducing a Public Advocate
into the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance act's Courts: Select Legal Issues (2013); cf. Marty Lederman &
Steve Vladick, The Constitutionality of a FISA "Special Advocate," Just Security (Nov. 4, 2013, 1:34 PM),
http://justsecurity.org/2873/fisa-special-advocate-constitution/ (arguing that Appointments Clause
arguments may be rendered moot if the position were not permanent and the advocate was selected on a
properly drafted legislation by precluding the advocate from being a party to the case, but merely having a
lawyer present, possibly for third parties whose metadata and communications are at issue. As to appeals,
they propose legislation denoting the advocate in a role akin to a guardian ad litem, so that they could be
representative of absent third parties).
Accordingly,
whatever one thinks of the merits of a special advocate as a policy matter,
we dont believe there is any fundamental constitutional impediment to
legislation that would authorize a role for such an advocate .
necessary in order to ensure more frequent appellate review in appropriate cases.
I. Would the Special Advocate be an Officer of the United States Subject to the Appointments Clause?
The CRS Report begins with an extended analysis of purported Appointments Clause issues surrounding
the special advocate, including whether she would be a principal officer (who could therefore only be
appointed by the President with the advice and consent of the Senate), or an inferior officer (who could
mistaken, depending on the bill in question. More fundamentally, however, the CRS Reports analysis
depends upon a fundamental, mistaken assumption that the special advocate would be an officer of the
In any event, even if the legislation provided that the advocate were to be appointed to a position of
attorney does when appointed as an amicus by the Supreme Court to represent an undefended position in
a case before the Court. (See Martys discussion of the Courts practice.) Nothing the advocate would do
would have any binding effect upon any entity. (And even if the particular legislation in question provided
that the special counsel was to be a representative of third parties affected by the proposed order (such
as the U.S. persons whose metadata were collected under section 215, or the U.S. persons whose
communications are collected in a section 702 surveillance), that would not give the special advocate the
power to exercise significant governmental authority.) The CRS Report reaches the contrary conclusion by
referring to the Supreme Courts holding in Buckley v. Valeo that Federal Election Commissioners were
officers, in part because they were assigned the authority to bring suit against private parties, on behalf of
the federal government, to compel compliance with federal election laws. See 424 U.S. at 138.
But the
Accordingly, legislation
providing for a special advocate would not raise any Appointments Clause
issue.
attorney in cases already filed in the FISC by the government itself.
requirement that they have been injured, are threated to suffer injury by
putatively illegal conduct, or are authorized to represent such an injured party. Likewise, Article III
generally prohibits the government from litigating against itself, and allowing the advocate to seek relief
Cong. Research Serv., Oct. 25, Introducing a Public Advocate into the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance act's
Courts: Select Legal Issues (2013); cf. Marty Lederman & Steve Vladick, The Constitutionality of a FISA
"Special Advocate," Just Security (Nov. 4, 2013, 1:34 PM), http://justsecurity.org/2873/fisa-special-
by-case basis, and even if they were a government employee, they would not exercise significant
government authority, and thus not fall under Appointments Clause requirements .
Likewise, the standing issue would be abrogated with properly drafted legislation by precluding the
Cong. (2014).
requires statements of reasons.327 The statement of reasons sends a useful signal to audiences for the
judges decision, conveying the judges seriousness and ongoing vigilance. In contrast, especially in the
secret loop of the pre-Snowden metadata program, a conclusory approval may send a signal to those who
have sought judicial authorization that they have more license than the court actually intends. This
dynamic may have played a role in the compliance issues that the FISC was forced to deal with in 2009.
The presence of a public advocate would prod the FISC to provide reasons for
its decisions. The advocate would receive all government requests. It would
be empowered to intervene when it believed that a matter raised novel legal
issues, or when it certified to the FISC that there was a reasonable possibility
(ten percent or greater) that the governments request failed to meet the statutory
standard. The public advocate would present the best legal and factual
arguments against the government. The court would then have to weigh the
arguments, and explain why it selected one side . The entire process also
signals to the government that compliance is a serious matter . Second, the
seriousness imposed by a public advocate would compensate for an even
bigger blind spot in the current process: the barely adequate disclosure that
the government has provided to Congress. The rogue robot explanation for
noncompliance furnished by the Justice Department in its December 2009 letter did not supply the
comprehensive self-appraisal that Congress has a right to expect.328 While the Leahy bill provides for
more transparency, the cabined deliberation characteristic of Title 50 oversight may not prove sufficiently
robust over the long haul. The work of the PCLOB, while exceptionally valuable, may also fail to completely
asserted that an institutionalized advocate would make section 215 authorizations too cumbersome.329
That risk is real, but manageable. The Leahy bill includes a provision permitting the government to request
information on an emergency basis without court approval,330 which the FISC also permitted pursuant to a
great bulk of FISC cases, but only in those that raise important legal issues, or where the public advocate
certified to the FISC that a nonfrivolous factual question had surfaced. In those cases, the familiar analogy
to the ex parte nature of warrant requests breaks down. In the section 215 context, legal issues have
arisen precisely because the government does not have to make the showing of particularized probable
cause that it must make to obtain a warrant. The mere process of obtaining a warrant in an ordinary
criminal case eliminates the issues that have proven most controversial under section 215. In addition, if a
judge issues a warrant in an ordinary criminal case that raises substantial legal issues, that decision will be
subject to review at a criminal trial, when the defendant moves to suppress the evidence obtained
placed the NSA on a stern remedial regime in 2009. If the presence of an advocate deters another
compliance meltdown like the one the FISC addressed in 2009,
Congressional Authority
Increasing Congressional authority solves
Cetina 14 (John Cetina, Balancing Security and Privacy in 21st Century
America: A Framework for FISA Court Reform, John Marshall Law Review, h
tt p://r e posit or y . jml s . e du/l a w r e v ie w/v o l47/i s s4/15,
Summer 2014)
The second proposed remedy requires additional scrutiny of judges selected to
serve on the FISA Court. The current Chief Justice of the United States , John
Roberts, selects the other eleven FISA Court judges while also sitting at the head
of that surreptitious body as its twelfth member. 16 A pending bill, the FISA Court Accountability Act
(FCAA), would fimdamentally alter FISA Court appointment and decisional
procedures. 1? The FCAA would strip the Chief Justice of some appointment power
and, instead, enable the four main congressional leaders Senate majority leader and
minority leader, House speaker and House minority leader to make some appointments. 13 The
FCAA would also grant congressional authority over certain matters, including
requiring a sixtypercent supermajority consensus on FISA Court rulings . 109 A
similar proposal would subject FISA Court judges to additional senatorial
confirmation proceedings. 11 The FCAA and the related suggestionlll
requiring a second round of senatorial confirmation would insert an attractive
balancing element that comports with the spirit of the United States government.112 With Congress
playing a more active role, the FISA Court would likely not acquiesce to every
request from the executive. Enhancing Congress's role would also make the
FISA Court indirectly accountable to public opinion and theconsequences of intervallic
democratic elections.
Transparency
Increased transparency Solves
Blum 09 (Stephanie Blum, WHAT REALLY IS AT STAKE WITH THE FISA
AMENDMENTS ACT OF 2008 AND IDEAS FOR
FUTURE SURVEILLANCE REFORM,
http://128.197.26.36/law/central/jd/organizations/journals/pilj/vol18no2/docu
ments/18-2BlumArticle.pdf)
(Note: FAA refers to the FISA Amendments in 2008)
Law professor Banks argues that FISA was a compromise allowing secret
electronic surveillance to collect foreign intelligence, while subjecting such
ap- plications to judicial warrants and Congressional oversight. 290 According to Banks,
this central premise of FISA has been lost by the cumulative complexi- ty of
the statute, challenges of new technology, the Bush administrations TSP program, and
the efforts to amend and curtail FISAs provisions. 291 Yet, FISAs situation
does not appear to be as dire as Banks might suggest. FISA was generally not
intended to cover international communications, even those involving U.S.
persons, if the intent was to target a foreign national overseas. It seems simply irrelevant to privacy
and liberty concerns whether the communi- cations occur via fiber optic cable or wireless communication,
understandable that the ACLU and others fear that the FAA could result in the acquisition of vast amounts
FISA is not transparent and not even Congress has access to all the info
Butler 13 (Alan Butler, Standing Up to Clapper: How to Increase
Transparency and Oversight of FISA Surveillance, New England Law Review,
http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2397949, 2013)
Congres s plays an important role in the intelligence oversight process as
well, but its oversight of FISA activity authorized under Section 702 and Section 215 is
severely limited by procedural rules imposed by the Department of Justice ( DOJ ) and
inadequate pub lic reporting. The law requires that the Attorney General keep the
Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, 48 the House Permanent Select
Committee on Intelligence, 49 and the Senate Judiciary Committee
fully inform[ed] concerning the Government s use of FIS A. 50 However, reports
sent from the DOJ to the House and Senate Intelligence Committees impose strict rules
on the dissemination of the governme nt s legal interpretation of these
programs. 51 For example, the detailed reports on the use of Section 215 were on ly available in
Intelligence Committee offices for a limited time period, no photocopies or notes could be taken
Similar
rules likely apply to the Attorney General s r eports on significant FISA
legal interpretations 53 and the use of Section 702 authorities. 54 Public reports
regarding the extent of FISA surveillance activity give a bare minimum of
information, including only the number of applications for electronic surveillance, the number
out of the room, and only certain congressional staff members were allowed to attend. 52
granted, modified, or denied, 55 and the same information regarding reque sts for orders compelling
***ECON ADVANTAGE
I/L
they reorganize for survival. The damage has also since spread to domestic aerospace and telephony
service providers. The programs identified in the report are PRISM; the program authorized by the FISA
Amendments act, which allowed search without the need for a warrant domestically and abroad, and
Bullrun; the program designed to compromise encryption technology worldwide. The report ends in the
following recommendations: Increase transparency about U.S. surveillance activities both at home and
abroad. Strengthen information security by opposing any government efforts to introduce backdoors in
software or weaken encryption. Strengthen U.S. mutual legal assistance treaties (MLATs). Work to
establish international legal standards for government access to data. Complete trade agreements like the
Trans Pacific Partnership that ban digital protectionism, and pressure nations that seek to erect
25 percent of
companies in the UK and Canada plan to pull data out of the U.S. Of those
protectionist barriers to abandon those efforts. The 2014 survey indicates that
responding, 82 percent indicated they now look at national laws as the major deciding factor with regard to
where they put their data. Software-as-a-Service (SaaS) company Birst indicated that its European
customers are refusing to host information in the U.S. for fear of spying. Salesforce, another SaaS
Salesforce
faced major short-term sales losses and suffered a $124 million deficit in the
fiscal quarter after the NSA revelations according to the report. Cisco, the U.S. firm that
leads the networking market, reported that sales was interrupted in Brazil, China and
Russia as a result of the belief that the U.S. had placed backdoors in its networking products.
Ciscos CEO, John Chambers, tied his revenue shortfall to the NSA disclosure. Servint, a U.S. Web
company, revealed that its German insurance client pulled out of using the firm. In fact,
Hosting company, reported losing half of its international clients as a result of the NSA Disclosure.
Qualcomm, IBM, Microsoft and Hewlett-Packard have all reported significant adverse revenue impact in
technology companies. Were hearing from customers, especially global enterprise customers, that they
care more than ever about where their content is stored and how it is used and secured, John E. Frank,
deputy general counsel at Microsoft, told The New York Times earlier this year. Those consequences have
already started to hit home, in ways that hurt U.S. companies and destroy U.S. jobs. Back in January,
and other U.S.-based tech companies to try keep their foreign users data at facilities located outside the
U.S. is motivated in part by the desire to reduce latency that is, improving the speed and responsiveness
of the service provided to foreign users by storing data closer to the customer. But the move is also
prompted at least in part, by foreign customers concerns that storing their data inside the U.S. enables
Concern over U.S. mass spying has been picked up and amplified by
foreign governments, who are eager to capitalize on the privacy concerns of
their citizens, while improving their own surveillance capabilities and
advancing the competitive interests of the EU-based technology companies
that compete with their dominant American counterparts . In June, the German
government cancelled a network infrastructure contract with Verizon , citing
U.S. spying.
fears that sourcing network infrastructure from a U.S. company would facilitate NSA spying on German
Brazil and the European Union, which had used American undersea
cables for intercontinental communication, recently decided to build their
own cables between Brazil and Portugal, and project planners shunned
American technology companies in favor of Brazilian and Spanish firm s.
Brazil also announced plans to abandon Microsoft Outlook for its own email
system that uses Brazilian data centers . Telenor, Norways largest telecom provider,
halted its plans to move its customers to a U.S.-based cloud provider. The Wall
citizens.
Street Journal recently reported that AT&Ts desired acquisition of the European company Vodafone is in
danger due to the companys seemingly willing cooperation with the NSAs data-collection programs. And
last year, leading Internet infrastructure provider Cisco Systems reported a 12 percent slump in its sales in
the developing world that the company suggested was connected to the NSA revelations.
teams at Al Jazeera English and Al Jazeera America, NSA Surveillance May Cost U.S.
Tech Companies More than $35 Billion, http://www.newsweek.com/nsa-surveillancemay-cost-us-tech-companies-more-35-billion-341168// rck)
from the Information Technology and Innovation Foundation (ITIF), a Washington, D.C., think tank, says the
agencys pervasive digital surveillance will likely cost U.S. companies more than $35 billion in foreign
business by 2016. The report says Snowdens revelations about surveillance and subsequent reports about
government spying have caused the U.S. tech industry to underperform. It also
says that U.S. policymakers made things worse by advocating for weaker information security practices
instead of moving to quell consumers fears. The
pocketbook, by costing U.S. tech companies up to $35 billion in foreign business by 2016. This may be the
most persuasive ammunition to date for critics of the NSAs programs. According to the report, The
economic impact of U.S. surveillance practices will likely far exceed ITIFs
initial $35 billion estimate. Foreign companies have seized on these
controversial policies to convince their customers that keeping data at home
is safer than sending it abroad, and foreign governments have pointed to U.S.
surveillance as justification for protectionist policies that require data to be
kept within their borders. This is particularly concerning considering the
current profitability and success of the American tech industry, with
companies like Facebook, Google, and Apple leading the way . Of course, Facebook
and Google have come under intense scrutiny of their own when it comes to data protection and privacy
rights, but problems at the federal level still outpace those of individual corporations. ITIF also included a
number of recommendations in its report on how to avoid these potentially catastrophic losses for the tech
industry, urging the American government to step up transparency when it comes to surveillance,
implementing improved information security policies, and strengthening international agreements that
seek to protect consumer privacy. Study authors Daniel Castro and Alan McQuinn warned, When
historians write about this period in US history it could very well be that one of the themes will be how the
United States lost its global technology leadership to other nations.
American soft power, but our wallets as well, ITIF is urging the NSA to make a
change.
an outcry in the capital by politicians who in the not-so-distant past accused Chinese companies of doing
Tech Competitiveness
NSA kills US tech competitivenesscreates opportunity
for foreign firms to gain the lead
Enderle 6/12/15
(Rob, 6/12/15, CIO, US surveillance programs are killing the tech industry,
Rob is the president and principal analyst of the Enderle Group, he has
worked for IBM, Dell, Microsoft, Siemens, and Intel, MBA @ California State
University, Long Beach, http://www.cio.com/article/2934887/privacy/u-ssurveillance-programs-are-killing-the-tech-industry.html, 7/13/15, SM)
NSA surveillance hurts U.S., creates opportunity for competing foreign firms This has created
significant opportunity for foreign firms competing with U.S. firms . For instance,
Hortensecurity (Germany) now markets itself as Cloud Services Made in
Germany and safe from the NSA. Cloudwatt (France) has joined a nationalistic
consortium of companies called Sovereign Cloud (cool name) and advertises as
being resistant to NSA spying. F-Secure, which competes with Dropbox and
Microsoft OneDrive, has altered its marketing to include the language that
they will not share data with the U.S. government as they move against these U.S.
firms. Additional findings include broad protectionist measures in a variety of regions using this disclosure
to lock U.S. firms out of the country and favor local firms and the creation of anti-U.S. technology
there. China further launched an IOE movement to prevent banks from buying from IBM, Oracle and EMC.
the oil and gas industry. The Snowden scandal only confirmed techs suspicions about the government.
data was voluntarily shared by the tech sector and the more accommodating telecommunications
Allied governments
and foreign companies believe the worst. On June 26, Germany announced it
would not renew a contract with Verizon (VZ) over concern that the company could not keep
providers, and how much came from the NSAs hacking into companies data.
techspeak that was once reserved for the most sophisticated kinds of Chinese hacking. After reports in
March that the NSA had masqueraded as a Facebook (FB) server to hack into an unknown number of
computers, Chief Executive Officer Mark Zuckerberg called President Obama to protest. He then vented his
of a new ITIF report. "Therefore, the economic impact of U.S. surveillance practices will likely far exceed
national security," says ITIF. President Barack Obama recently signed into law a bill ending the NSA's bulk
collection of telephone metadata, but ITIF says the agency has several other surveillance programs in
place that need to be reformed. PRISM, for instance, allows the NSA to obtain private data about a
customer in the U.S. or abroad without the need for a warrant, while Bullrun aims to undermine encryption
standards. "In
the short term, U.S. companies lose out on contracts, and over the
long term, other countries create protectionist policies that lock U.S.
businesses out of foreign markets," says ITIF. "This not only hurts U.S. technology
companies but costs American jobs and weakens the U.S. trade balance ."
Tech Leadership
NSA kills US tech leadershiploss of tech industry, tools,
and weapons
Enderle 6/12/15
(Rob, 6/12/15, CIO, US surveillance programs are killing the tech industry,
Rob is the president and principal analyst of the Enderle Group, he has
worked for IBM, Dell, Microsoft, Siemens, and Intel, MBA @ California State
University, Long Beach, http://www.cio.com/article/2934887/privacy/u-ssurveillance-programs-are-killing-the-tech-industry.html, 7/13/15, SM)
Government surveillance might just cripple and eliminate U.S. tech dominance The report
concludes that these changes taken in total will cripple and could virtually eliminate U.S.
dominance in technology internationally. While it doesnt address what U.S. companies are
doing, it is likely many of them are looking at U.S. tech companies adversely because of the
double hit of both the spying program and the inability to adequately secure
either the information about the program itself or information in general (thus
the information that was captured is also at risk). The irony here is that if the U.S. loses the
technology industry and it moves to Asia and Europe the U.S. spy agencies
will lose virtually all of their spying digital capability anyway, or it will drop to the same
level as a non-tech third-world country, because they wont be able to force the foreign firms to give them
the very least tainting their products as suspicious, said Jim Gregory, chairman of Tenet, a brand
innovation and marketing firm. Their corporate brand will be impacted and the damage will last from
three to five years depending on how actively they manage the crisis.
The
National Security Agency, and revelations about its extensive surveillance operations
sometimes with the cooperation of tech firms have undermined the ability of many U.S.
companies to sell products in key foreign countries, creating a fissure with the
U.S. government and prompting some to scramble to create "NSA-resistant"
products. The fallout could cost the tech industry billions of dollars in
potential contracts, which has executives seething at the White House. "Suspicion of U.S.
vendors is running at an all-time high ," says Andrew Jaquith, chief technology officer at
cloud-security firm SilverSky. Cisco, IBM, Microsoft and Hewlett-Packard have reported
declines in business in China since the NSA surveillance program was
exposed. The Information Technology & Innovation Foundation estimates the NSA imbroglio will cost
U.S. businesses $22 billion through 2016. Forrester Research pegs potential losses at
$180 billion, which includes tech firms and managed service providers The conflagration took on
political tones this month when German Chancellor Angela Merkel whose mobile phone was
tapped by U.S. spy agencies said she would press France President Francois
Hollande to back a push for EU-based alternatives to the current U.S.-
dominated Internet infrastructure. "We'll talk with France about how we can maintain a high
level of data protection," Merkel said in her weekly podcast in mid-February. "Above all, we'll talk with
European providers that offer security for our citizens, so that one shouldn't have to send e-mails and
Disclosures that
the NSA routinely cracked encryption, or data-scrambling, technology has
heightened the anxiety of industry leaders. But in their pursuit of NSA-proof
products, they've alarmed some intelligence officials, who argue that without
the ability to break encryption and create "back doors" to enter computer
systems abroad, the USA would be disarming at a moment of heightened
cyberconflict. During a speech on NSA reforms on Jan. 17, President Obama angered tech leaders
other information across the Atlantic." The situation is more combustible at home.
when he did not embrace two recommendations by a panel he appointed to review the surveillance that
are of pressing concern to Silicon Valley and the business community. It had recommended the NSA "not in
any way subvert, undermine, weaken or make vulnerable" commercial software, and that it move away
Many
tech companies feel they have no choice but to try to develop NSA-resistant
products because customers from China to Germany threaten to boycott
American hardware and cloud services they view as compromised . It's already
happening, with large corporate deals either lost or in danger of falling by the wayside. The United
Arab Emirates is threatening to scrap a $926 million intelligent-satellite deal
with two French firms unless they remove U.S.-built components . The UAE fears
the equipment would contain digital backdoors that compromise the security of data. About 25% of
300 British and Canadian businesses surveyed by Canadian cloud firm Peer 1
Hosting said they intend to move their computer-hosting operations out of
the U.S. While Internet service providers question the practicalities of how e-mail between the U.S. and
other countries would work in such an undefined new service suggested by Merkel, American tech
companies caution secure regional networks would fragment the Internet . With
from exploiting flaws in software to conduct cyberattacks or surveillance. NSA-resistant products
the exception of Microsoft which says it will let overseas customers have personal data stored on
servers outside the U.S. tech companies such as Facebook and Google have opposed such private
Dropbox, says Eric Cowperthwaite, vice president of advanced security and strategy at Core Security.
Tech Credibility
Backdoor technology makes foreign companies unwilling
to work with the USkills tech credibility
Holmes 13
(Allan, 9/10/13, BloombergBusiness, NSA Spying Seen Risking Billions in U.S.
Technology Sales, Director of Technology and Telecommunications @
Bloomberg, http://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2013-09-10/nsa-spyingseen-risking-billions-in-u-s-technology-sales, 7/13/15, SM)
Sept. 10 (Bloomberg) -- A congressional committees effective blacklisting of Huawei Technologies Co.s
products from the U.S. telecommunications market over allegations they can enable Chinese spying may
Intelligence Committee described the threat posed by China through Huawei. Just as the Shenzhen, China-
the NSA
disclosures may reduce U.S. technology sales overseas by as much as $180
billion, or 25 percent of information technology services, by 2016 , according to
Forrester Research Inc., a research group in Cambridge, Massachusetts. The National Security
Agency will kill the U.S. technology industry singlehandedly , Rob
based Huawei lost business after the report urged U.S. companies not to use its equipment,
Enderle, a technology analyst in San Jose, California, said in an interview. These companies may be just
Internet
companies, network equipment manufacturers and encryption tool makers
receive significant shares of their revenue from overseas companies and
governments. Cisco Systems Inc., the worlds biggest networking equipment maker , received
42 percent of its $46.1 billion in fiscal 2012 revenue from outside the U.S.,
dealing with the difficulty in meeting our numbers through the end of the decade.
according to data compiled by Bloomberg. Symantec Corp., the biggest maker of computer-security
software based in Mountain View, California, reported 46 percent of its fiscal 2013 revenue of $6.9 billion
from markets other than the U.S., Canada and Latin America. Intel Corp., the worlds largest
semiconductor maker, reported 84 percent of its $53.3 billion in fiscal 2012 revenue came from outside the
U.S., according to data compiled by Bloomberg.
Bob Goodlatte, a prominent Republican leader and Chairman of the House Judiciary Committee, in May
2014. They
Data Localization
Foreign data localization and regulations make it harder
for US companies to conduct business abroad
Kehl 14
(Danielle, 7/31/14, Slate, How the NSA Hurts Our Economy, Cybersecurity,
and Foreign Policy,
http://www.slate.com/blogs/future_tense/2014/07/31/usa_freedom_act_update
_how_the_nsa_hurts_our_economy_cybersecurity_and_foreign.html, 7/13/15,
SM)
Snowden disclosures have accelerated data
localization and data protection proposals from foreign governments that are
looking for greater national control over their citizens info . These proposals
could create significant economic and technological hurdles for
American businesses: Its both more expensive and more difficult to house
servers in specific countries in order to comply with data localization laws .
Beyond the dollars and cents, the
Whats more, mandatory data localization policies can have a negative impact on Internet freedom and the
protection of human rights in countries that do not have strong local protections against surveillance. In
Angela Merkel whose mobile phone was tapped by U.S. spy agencies said she would press
France President Francois Hollande to back a push for EU-based alternatives
to the current U.S.-dominated Internet infrastructure . "We'll talk with France
about how we can maintain a high level of data protection ," Merkel said in her weekly podcast in midFebruary. "Above all, we'll talk with European providers that offer security for our citizens,
German Chancellor
so that one shouldn't have to send e-mails and other information across the
Atlantic."
Alternative Products
NSA kills the US economyforeign customers will look for
alternatives to US products in emerging markets
Benner 14
(Katie, 12/19/14, BloombergView, Microsoft and Google in a Post-Snowden
World, Katie Benner is a columnist @ BloombergView reporting on
companies, culture, and technology,
http://www.bloombergview.com/articles/2014-12-19/microsoft-and-google-ina-postsnowden-world, 7/13/15, SM)
China intends to replace hardware and software
made by Microsoft, Cisco, IBM, Intel and Hewlett-Packard with homegrown
operating systems and networking equipment by 2020 . For those trying to calculate
Yesterday, Bloomberg reported that
the impact of all of this, it's good to keep in mind that it's costly and hard to rip out and replace an entire IT
stack that you've come to depend on over a long period of time. Simply doing it invites disruption and
glitches and all of the things we've come to hate when technological processes go awry. But its the sort of
thing that a semi-state run economy like China's can implement, even if it stymies production.
the move reflects a harsh reality for U.S. tech companies : They
earned leadership positions worldwide by making the best hardware and
software, and now global politics could obliterate the advantages created by
superior innovation and high-quality products. Most overseas corporations wont up and
abandon U.S. tech companies since they cant afford to rebuild their
businesses from the ground up. But as Bloomberg has reported, potential clients
with new projects overseas will likely look for alternatives to the
U.S. technology suppliers. Tech projects in emerging markets are
growing at a faster rate than those in developed markets, where
infrastructure is already entrenched. Brazil has already said that it can build a $185
million submarine data cable without U.S. help. Revelations about parts of the NSA
surveillance program could cause the U.S. cloud computing industry to lose $35
billion of business by 2016 (about 20 percent of the potential revenues from foreign markets), according
to a report from the Information Technology & Innovation Foundation. Forrester Research thinks that NSA
spying could cost the U.S. tech industry as much as $180 billion by 2016 because
surveillance worries will affect non-cloud companies too - and domestic
customers will want to bypass vendors perceived to be feeding data to the
government.
Nevertheless,
International Cooperation
NSA surveillance undermines US companiesdamages
international cooperation
Benner 14
(Katie, 12/19/14, BloombergView, Microsoft and Google in a Post-Snowden
World, Katie Benner is a columnist @ BloombergView reporting on
companies, culture, and technology,
http://www.bloombergview.com/articles/2014-12-19/microsoft-and-google-ina-postsnowden-world, 7/13/15, SM)
privacy concerns have already caused big
companies like IBM, Salesforce.com and Amazon to move forward with plans to build
more overseas data centers. Microsoft is trying to beat back the tide. Last week it appealed a
New York judge's order forcing the company to give the U.S. government
customer information that's stored overseas in a data center in Ireland . The
Even if tech companies dont lose customers right away,
Department of Justice wants emails and other personal information that belong to a person connected to a drug trafficking
investigation. Since the data is housed in one of Microsofts Irish data centers, the company contends that the U.S.
governments domestic search warrant lacks jurisdiction. Microsoft argues that it may violate European privacy laws if it
hands over the information, and it would certainly make foreign nations and individuals think twice about using Microsoft
for cloud-based storage. About 30 tech and media giants filed briefs in support of Microsoft, along with dozens of trade
associations and academics. Many of the companies, including Amazon, Apple, AT&T and Verizon, have large cloud
computing operations or have access to lots of user information. One brief that was filed jointly by Verizon, Cisco, H-P,
eBay, Salesforce.com and Infor (and is representative of the arguments made by all of the companies that are taking
scope and impact. It affects not only the e-mail service at issue in the case, but a host of other communication services,
Datacenters
NSA surveillance forces companies to spend billions of
dollars on datacenters abroadIBM proves
Kontzer 14
(Tony, 1/23/14, Network Computing, IBM Spends $1.2 Billion On New Cloud
Datacenters, former senior editor @ InformationWeek where he covered
tech, writes for CIO Insight, Baseline, and Investors Business Daily,
http://www.networkcomputing.com/data-centers/ibm-spends-$12-billion-onnew-cloud-datacenters/d/d-id/1234641, 7/13/15, SM)
IBM plans to invest $1.2 billion in the coming year to build out its network of cloud
datacenters in an effort to put computing resources closer to customers. IBM has been rolling out an
aggressive cloud strategy the past couple of years, and it spent $2 billion last summer to acquire cloud
IBM said
last week that it would add 15 new datacenters to its cloud arsenal by the
end of 2014, bringing to 40 the total number of datacenters it will have to
support customers' cloud environments. The company wants to spread its geographic
infrastructure provider SoftLayer -- a commitment this newest investment clearly targets.
footprint, and much of the planned expansion will focus on adding data centers in international markets,
including Hong Kong, London, Mexico City, and Sydney. The new data centers will primarily provide
Infrastructure-as-a-Service, enabling IBM to extract maximum value from the SoftLayer deal. Dennis Quan,
IBM's VP of cloud infrastructure services, said during a phone interview that the move is intended to do two
things: Help customers better contend with regulatory compliance requirements by enabling them to keep
data within the countries they operate in, and ensure that their apps are more reliable. "By placing data
centers in more countries around the world, we're much more able to meet these needs and enable our
customers to keep data in country," Quan said. On the first front, having more data centers geographically
closer to clients would allow those companies to satisfy local regulations requiring that personal data be
Edward Snowden leaked documents detailing the NSA's far-reaching surveillance tactics. And even though
analyst at 451 Research, said via email. "The NSA revelations arent causing a sudden dash for the exits.
The reality of what it takes to get into and out of a datacenter is that it just cant happen that quickly. But it
is a major concern that is shaping decisions that are being made today." Major enough that a recent
Backdoors
The NSAs backdoors and sinking credibility kills US
businesses in crucial growth marketsChinese
authorization proves
Whittaker 2/25/15 (Zach, writer-editor for ZDNet, business technology news
website published by CBS Interactive, along with TechRepublic and SmartPlanet, and
sister sites CNET and CBS News, It's official: NSA spying is hurting the US tech
economy, http://www.zdnet.com/article/another-reason-to-hate-the-nsa-china-isbacking-away-from-us-tech-brands// , rck)
The Chinese government's procurement list changes coincided with a series of high profile leaks that
showed the US government have been on an international mass surveillance spree, as well as hacking
expeditions into technology companies, governments, and the personal cellphones of world leaders.
expectations, which chief executive Satya Nadella described as a "set of geopolitical issues" that the
company was working through. He did not elaborate. Most recently, HP said on Tuesday at its fiscal firstquarter earnings call that it had "execution issues" in China thanks to the "tough market" with
increasing competition from the local vendors approved by the Chinese government. But one company
stands out: Cisco probably suffered the worst of all. Earlier this month at its fiscal second-quarter earnings,
the networking giant said it took a 19 percent revenue ding in China, amid
claims the NSA was installing backdoors and implants on its routers in transit.
China remains a vital core geography for most US technology giants with a global reach. But until some
middle-ground can be reached between the two governments, expect Silicon Valley's struggles in the
country to only get worse.
I am
deeply worried that we are soon going to see a major cyber attack aimed at
the financial system that is going to make all of us to shudder. Cyber hacking
could represent a systemic risk to our financial markets by creating a run or
panic that spills over into the broader economy , Lawsky. We are concerned
that within the next decade, or perhaps sooner, we will experience an
Armageddon-type cyber event that causes a significant disruption in the
financial system for a period of time.
third-party vendors to notify them of cyber security breaches, NYDFS said in a statement.
Spillover
International backlash from foreign markets heavily
affects US cloud computing industryspills over to other
sectors
Kehl et al 14 (Danielle Kehl is a Policy Analyst at New Americas Open
Technology Institute (OTI). Kevin Bankston is the Policy Director at OTI, Robyn
Greene is a Policy Counsel at OTI, and Robert Morgus is a Research Associate
at OTI, New Americas Open Technology Institute Policy Paper, Surveillance
Costs: The NSAs Impact on the Economy, Internet Freedom & Cybersecurity,
July 2014, rck)
It appears that little consideration was given over the past decade to the potential economic repercussions
if the NSAs secret pro- grams were revealed.38 This failure was acutely demonstrated by the Obama
Administrations initial focus on reassuring the public that its programs primarily affect non-Americans,
response was, Oh dont worry, were not spying on any Americans. Oh, wonderful: thats really helpful to
companies [like Facebook] trying to serve people around the world, and thats really going to inspire
parts of the
American technology industry are partic- ularly vulnerable to international backlash
since growth is heavily dependent on foreign markets . For example, the U.S. cloud
confidence in American internet companies.39 As Zuckerbergs comments reflect, certain
computing industry has grown from an estimated $46 billion in 2008 to $150 billion in 2014, with nearly 50
percent of worldwide cloud-computing revenues com- ing from the U.S.40 R Street Institutes January 2014
policy study concluded that in the next few years, new products and services that rely on cloud computing
will become increasingly pervasive. Cloud
industry $22 to $35 billion over the next three years.42 On the low end, the ITIF projection
suggests that U.S. cloud computing providers would lose 10 percent of the foreign market share to
European or Asian competitors, totaling in about $21.5 billion in losses; on the high-end, the $35 billion
figure represents about 20 percent of the companies foreign market share. Because the cloud computing
industry is undergoing rapid growth right nowa 2012 Gartner study predicted global spending on cloud
computing would increase by 100 percent from 2012 to 2016, compared to a 3 percent overall growth rate
in the tech industry as a whole43vendors in this sector are particularly vulnerable to shifts in the market.
Failing to recruit new customers or losing a competitive advantage due to exploitation by rival com- panies
in other countries can quickly lead to a dwindling market share. The ITIF study further notes that the
Innovation
Surveillance destroys innovationthats key to economic growth
Global Research 2/18/15 (news articles, commentary, background
research and analysis on a broad range of issues, focusing on social, economic,
strategic and environmental issues. The Global Research website was established on
the 9th of September 2001, two days before the tragic events of September 11.
Barely a few days later, Global Research had become a major news source on the
New World Order and Washingtons war on terrorism. Since September 2001, we
have established an extensive archive of news articles, in-depth reports and analysis
on issues which are barely covered by the mainstream media,
http://www.globalresearch.ca/5-ways-mass-surveillance-is-destroying-the-useconomy/5432031//, rck)
Financial Post reported last year: Big Brother culture will have adverse effect on creativity, productivity.
Christopher Lingle visiting professor of economics at ESEADE, Universidad Francisco Marroqun agrees
tinkered so creatively in their garages if the government had been watching everything they do? Everyone
who has every done anything creative knows that you need a little privacy to try different things before
youre ready to go public with it. If your bench model, rough sketch or initial melody is being dissected in
real time by an intrusive audience youre not going to be very creative. And see this.
Privacy
Plummeting US credibility destroys privacythats key to
the economy
Global Research 2/18/15 (news articles, commentary, background
research and analysis on a broad range of issues, focusing on social, economic,
strategic and environmental issues. The Global Research website was established on
the 9th of September 2001, two days before the tragic events of September 11.
Barely a few days later, Global Research had become a major news source on the
New World Order and Washingtons war on terrorism. Since September 2001, we
have established an extensive archive of news articles, in-depth reports and analysis
on issues which are barely covered by the mainstream media,
http://www.globalresearch.ca/5-ways-mass-surveillance-is-destroying-the-useconomy/5432031//, rck)
Trust is KEY for a prosperous economy. Its hard to trust when your government, your
internet service provider and your favorite websites are all spying on you. The destruction of privacy by
the NSA directly harms internet companies, Silicon Valley, California and the entire U.S.
economy (Facebook lost 11 millions users as of April mainly due to privacy concerns and that was before
the Snowden revelations). If people dont trust the companies to keep their data private, theyll use foreign
companies. And destruction of trust in government and other institutions is destroying our economy. A top
Fraser Institutes latest Economic Freedom of the World Annual Report is out, and the news is not good for
the United States. Ranked among the five freest countries in the world from 1975 through 2002, the United
States has since dropped to 18th place. The Cato institute notes:
plummeted to 18th place in the ranked list, trailing such countries as Estonia, Taiwan, and Qatar.
Actually, the decline began under President George W. Bush. For 20 years the U.S. had consistently ranked
as one of the worlds three freest economies, along with Hong Kong and Singapore. By the end of the Bush
presidency, we were barely in the top ten. And, as with so many disastrous legacies of the Bush era,
Barack Obama took a bad thing and made it worse. But the American government has shredded the
constitution, by spying on all Americans, and otherwise attacking our freedoms. Indeed, rights won in
1215 in the Magna Carta are being repealed. Economic historian Niall Ferguson notes, draconian
national security laws are one of the main things undermining the rule of law :
We must pose the familiar question about how far our civil liberties have been eroded by the national
security state a process that in fact dates back almost a hundred years to the outbreak of the First World
War and the passage of the 1914 Defence of the Realm Act. Recent debates about the protracted
detention of terrorist suspects are in no way new. Somehow its always a choice between habeas corpus
and hundreds of corpses. Of course, many of this decades national security measures have not been
taken to keep us safe in the post-9/11 world indeed, many of them [including spying on Americans]
shows that mass surveillance is always carried out to crush dissent. In other words, mass surveillance is
the opposite of the principle of the rule of law (in distinction to the rule of men) upon which America was
founded. Free speech and checks and balances on the power of government officials are two of the main
Cybercrime/Cyberspying
Cybercrime is hugely costly for small businesses
Viuker 15 (Steve Viuker, Cybercrime and hacking are even bigger worries
for small business owners, The Guardian,
http://www.theguardian.com/business/2015/jan/21/cybersecurity-smallbusiness-thwarting-hackers-obama-cameron, January 21st, 2015)
Cybercrime. It was the talk of Washington at President Obamas 2015 State of
the Union, adding one more city to the world tour of technological fear:
London, New York, Los Angeles, Paris. Even though the Charlie Hebdo attacks
on the French capital were physical in nature, serious cases of cybercrime
were reported soon after. In an effort to stymie these attacks, President
Obama and Britains Prime Minister Cameron recently announced a joint
cybergames war test. And while much of focus has been on attacks on
Target, JPMorgan Chase and Sony, small businesses are far from immune.
Hackers targeted 19,000 French websites soon after the terror attacks.
According to Arbor Networks, France was the target of 1,070 denial of service
attacks. (In 2011, hackers breached the PlayStation network, resulting in a
shutdown for several weeks. The cost to Sony was $170m.) A report from
McAfee found almost 90% of small- and medium-sized business in the US do
not use data protection for company and customer information, and less than
half secured company email to prevent phishing scams. This is an expensive
mistake. Cybercrime and cyberspying cost the US economy $100bn a year
and the global economy about $300bn annually, according to the Center for
Strategic and International Studies. According to PwC, the average cost of a
firms worst security breach is rising significantly. For small businesses, the
worst breaches cost between 65,000 and 115,000 on average; for large
firms, the damage is between 600,000 and 1.15m.
Impact
Global economic collapse cause global war
Royal 10 [Jedediah Royal, Director of Cooperative Threat Reduction at the U.S. Department of
Defense, 2010, Economic Integration, Economic Signaling and the Problem of Economic Crises, in
Economics of War and Peace: Economic, Legal and Political Perspectives, ed. Goldsmith and Brauer, p. 213214]
Less intuitive is how periods of
external conflict. Political science literature has contributed a moderate degree of attention to the impact of
economic decline and the security and defence behaviour of interdependent states. Research in this vein has been
considered at systemic, dyadic and national levels. Several notable contributions follow. First, on the systemic level, Pollins
rhythms in the
global economy are associated with the rise and fall of a pre-eminent power
and the often bloody transition from one pre-eminent leader to the next. As such,
exogenous shocks such as economic crises could usher in a redistribution
of relative power (see also Gilpin. 1981) that leads to uncertainty about power balances,
increasing the risk of miscalculation (Feaver, 1995). Alternatively, even a relatively
certain redistribution of power could lead to a permissive environment for
conflict as a rising power may seek to challenge a declining power (Werner. 1999).
(2008) advances Modelski and Thompson's (1996) work on leadership cycle theory, finding that
Separately, Pollins (1996) also shows that global economic cycles combined with parallel leadership cycles impact the
likelihood of conflict among major, medium and small powers, although he suggests that the causes and connections
between global economic conditions and security conditions remain unknown. Second, on a dyadic level, Copeland's
and external conflict and prosperity are strong and mutually reinforcing. Economic conflict tends to spawn internal
which has the capacity to spill across borders and lead to external tensions. Furthermore, crises generally reduce the
supporting evidence showing that economic decline and use of force are at least indirectly correlated. Gelpi (1997), Miller
democratic leaders are generally more susceptible to being removed from office due to lack of domestic support. DeRouen
an increase in the use of force. In summary, recent economic scholarship positively correlates economic
integration with an increase in the frequency of economic crises, whereas political science scholarship
links economic decline with external conflict at systemic, dyadic and
national levels.5 This implied connection between integration, crises and armed conflict has not featured
prominently in the economic-security debate and deserves more attention.
selfradicalized, particularly in the absence of economic outlets that would become narrower in an economic
downturn.
sophisticated attacks and newly emergent collections of the angry and disenfranchised that become
Maritime security
concerns are providing a rationale for naval buildups and modernization efforts, such as Chinas and
their regime. Even actions short of war, however, will have important geopolitical implications.
Indias development of blue water naval capabilities. If the fiscal stimulus focus for these countries indeed turns inward,
one of the most obvious funding targets may be military. Buildup of regional naval capabilities could lead to
increased tensions, rivalries, and counterbalancing moves, but it also will create opportunities for
multinational cooperation in protecting critical sea lanes. With water also becoming scarcer in Asia and the Middle East,
cooperation to manage changing water resources is likely to be increasingly difficult both within and between states in
the US
an existential
nical
May 2011, and highlighted some of the issues and potential solution paths. Those testifying called for a comprehensive strategy for the US to maintain technological
leadership well into the 21st century. Many other specific suggestions were made during that hearing as to ways to support the industrial base and to assist the
partnership of DoD and the defense industrial base to utilize technology advances efficiently. Future prospects Many remedies have been proposed to ensure continued US
technology leadership, in the face of challenges and stresses within the US S&T enterprise. Some of the typical concerns are overall funding levels, DoD funding for S&T,
the efficiency of the application of funds to S&T, and the emphasis of disciplines within S&T. Other concerns include regulations and impediments to research in S&T,
and the production rate of scientists and the career opportunities. We have noted many of these issues in our survey of elements of the S&T enterprise. The larger concern
is over the respect in which science and technology is held within our society. Since research is an intermediate product, often accomplished years before product and
societal benefits, there is often little appreciation of the role of the researcher and inventor. After World War II, there was great respect afforded scientists, particularly
physicists. Post-Sputnik, there was a deliberate effort to elevate the stature of science and technology, and the manned space program certainly contributed to societal
respect. Some argue that it is because there has been a precipitous off-shoring of manufacturing that the generation of new ideas has moved overseas (67). Andy Grove of
manufacturing as incentives normalize to less favor off-shoring. Summing up the landscape The US has the best universities, the most winners of the Nobel Prize, the best
leadership will require a dedicated and coordinated effort throughout the society.
AT
rate of scientists and the career opportunities. We have noted many of these
issues in our survey of elements of the S&T enterprise. The larger concern is
over the respect in which science and technology is held within our society.
Since research is an intermediate product, often accomplished years before
product and societal benefits, there is often little appreciation of the role of
the researcher and inventor. After World War II, there was great respect
afforded scientists, particularly physicists. Post-Sputnik, there was a
deliberate effort to elevate the stature of science and technology, and the
manned space program certainly contributed to societal respect. Some argue
that it is because there has been a precipitous off-shoring of manufacturing
that the generation of new ideas has moved overseas (67). Andy Grove of
Intel makes a complementary argument: That as manufacturing moves
overseas, American companies lose the knowledge of how to scale up new
ideas to full-scale production (68). Both arguments suggest there are reduced
incentives for domestic research as manufacturing moves elsewhere, and
lead to the conclusion that research is best performed by those with
familiarity of product production. Thus, they argue that we need to
reinvigorate manufacturing and production for economic vitality so that
technology development and leadership will follow. And, indeed, the nation
has an Advanced Manufacturing Initiative, and many cite a resurgence of
domestic manufacturing as incentives normalize to less favor off-shoring.
Summing up the landscape The US has the best universities, the most
winners of the Nobel Prize, the best young scientists, and the largest
investment in research and development of any nation on earth. So how can
it be that the US is apparently losing its lead in science and technology? The
answer isnt that the US has slowed down, although according to some the
rate of technical progress has, indeed, slowed. The fact is
that the competition has discovered the importance of innovation, and has
begun to reap rewards from speeding up. We have seen that China especially
is mustering its considerable resources to develop what they call an
innovation economy, but that other nations, as well as Europe, highly value
science and engineering, and implicitly or tacitly have begun to challenge US
technologyleadership. At the same time, the globalization of research and
ease with which international science collaborations take place mean that
continued US leadership requires full engagement with the international
scientific community. Thus, impediments to exchange of information and
bureaucracy in the conduct of US research are counter-productive. According
to Bill Gates, you always have to renew your lead.xii The US has the
resources and infrastructure necessary to maintain and renew a lead in
technology. But momentum is not sufficient. In light of concerted efforts in
other nations, coasting in science and technology will jeopardize national
security, and also jeopardize the economic and societal benefits of being first
to market with technological innovations. No single agency or entity within
the United States can enact a strategy to renew the technology lead. Instead,
continued US technical leadership will require a dedicated and coordinated
effort throughout the society.
The United States has been the leader in providing cloud computing services
not just domestically, but also abroad where it dominates every segment of the market. In
the 2013 Informa Cloud World Global Insights survey, 71 percent of respondents (of which only 9
percent were from North America) ranked the United States as the leader in cloud
computing usage and innovation.1 In this same survey, nine out of ten respondents
linked cloud computing to their countrys economic competitiveness. But
other countries are trying to play catch-up to the United States early
success. Of the $13.5 billion in investments that cloud computing service
providers made in 2011, $5.6 billion came from companies outside North
America. 2 Even national governments are helping to bankroll these efforts to combat U.S. market
leadershipFrance, for example, invested 135 million in a joint venture in cloud computing.3 At stake is a
France Telecom, said with no small amount of nationalistic hyperbole, Its extremely important to have the
governments of Europe take care of this issue because if all the data of enterprises were going to be under
the control of the U.S., its not really good for the future of the European people.5 And governments have
begun to respond. In a 2012 policy document titled Unleashing the Potential of Cloud Computing in
EU-wide certification for cloud computing providers, and model contract language.7 The Europeans are
quite frank about their intentions. The EC notes this strategy is about building a new industry, and better
competing against the United States in particular.8 Gartner estimates that in Western Europe alone the
cloud computing market will be $47 billion by 2015, and the EC estimates that European cloud computing
Neelie Kroes, European Commissioner for Digital Affairs, stated the problem quite succinctly, If European
cloud customers cannot trust the United States government, then maybe they won't trust U.S. cloud
providers either. If I am right, there are multibillion-euro consequences for American companies. If I were
The impact
of PRISM on U.S companies may be particularly acute because cloud
computing is a rapidly growing industry. This means that cloud computing
vendors not only have to retain existing customers, they must actively recruit
new customers to retain market share. Global spending on cloud computing is
expected to grow by as much as 100 percent between 2012 and 2016 , whereas
an American cloud provider, I would be quite frustrated with my government right now.10
the global IT market will only grow by 3 percent.11 If U.S. companies lose market share in the short term,
this will have long-term implications on their competitive advantage in this new industry. Rival countries
have noted this opportunity and will try to exploit it. One tactic they used before the PRISM disclosures was
to stoke fear and uncertainty about the USA PATRIOT Act to argue that European businesses should store
data locally to protect domestic data from the U.S. government.12 Reinhard Clemens, CEO of Deutsche
Telekoms T-systems group, argued in 2011 that creating a German or European cloud computing
certification could advantage domestic cloud computing providers. He stated, The Americans say that no
matter what happens Ill release the data to the government if Im forced to do so, from anywhere in the
world. Certain German companies dont want others to access their systems. Thats why were wellpositioned if we can say were a European provider in a European legal sphere and no American can get to
them.13 And after the recent PRISM leaks, German Interior Minister Hans-Peter Friedrich declared publicly,
whoever fears their communication is being intercepted in any way should use services that don't go
through American servers.14 Similarly, Jrg-Uwe Hahn, a German Justice Minister, called for a boycott of
U.S. companies.15 After PRISM, the case for national clouds or other protectionist measures is even easier
to make.
saving in the US economy. It may be hard intuitively to connect the trade deficit with the level of saving
in the economy, but in fact they are strongly related. t he trade deficit has been financed by a large
inflow of capital to the U.S. and any reduction in the trade deficit will have to be sustained by an increase
in the national rate of savingor else by a reduction in national investment, which is not a desirable
outcome.
***TERRORISM ADVANTAGE
Note
You probably shouldnt read this if you know theyre going to read a Terror DA.
1AC
Terrorism threat highcyberattack, recruitment
Bennett and Viebeck 5/17/15
(Cory, Elise, 5/17/15, The Hill, Isis preps for cyber war,
http://thehill.com/policy/cybersecurity/242280-isis-preps-for-cyber-war,
7/10/15, SM)
Islamic terrorists are stoking alarm with threats of an all-out cyber crusade
against the United States, and experts say the warnings should be taken seriously. Hackers
claiming affiliation with the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) released a video Monday
vowing an electronic war against the United States and Europe and
claiming access to American leadership online . Praise to Allah, today we extend on
the land and in the Internet, a faceless, hooded figure said in Arabic. We send this message to America
and Europe: We are the hackers of the Islamic State and the electronic war has not yet begun. The video
received ridicule online for its poor phrasing and the groups apparent inability to make good on its cyber
threat this week. But as hackers around the world become more sophisticated, terrorist groups are likely
to follow their lead and use the same tools to further their ends, experts said. Its
only really a
matter of time till we start seeing terrorist organizations using cyberattack
techniques in a more expanded way, said John Cohen, a former
counterterrorism coordinator at the Department of Homeland Security . The
concern is that, as an organization like ISIS acquires more resources financially, they will
be able to hire the talent they need or outsource to criminal organizations ,
Cohen added. I think theyre probably moving in that direction anyway. Military officials agree. NSA
Director Adm. Michael Rogers this week called the pending shift a great concern and something that we
pay lots of attention to. At what point do they decide they need to move from viewing the Internet as a
source of recruitment [to] viewing it as a potential weapon system? Rogers asked. While ISIS has been
widely recognized for its social media prowess, the growing computer science talent of its recruits has
mostly gone unnoticed. A
generating a diffuse and unconnected network that is hard to track. Kellermann said the video threats this
week were a call to arms more than anything, meant to incite individuals to act on their own. It has
actually added a new dimension to the terrorist threat that our counterterrorism approach is not intended
or designed to pick up on, Cohen said. So far, supporters have focused on distributed denial-of-service
attacks, spear phishing campaigns and hijacking legitimate websites to push malware, creating what are
known as watering holes. For example, if you go to an ISIS website and download their videos, you
better recognize most of those websites are watering holes, Kellermann said. [They are] basically trying
to attack you while youre watching that video. Experts think radical hackers are likely to expand this
tactic to mainstream websites and powerful companies websites as a way to gather information on
targets. Theyre beginning to conduct more and more counterintelligence, Kellermann said. The ISIS's
use of the Internet has been described as unprecedented for a terrorist group, and lawmakers are growing
increasingly concerned about U.S. attempts to counter its rhetoric online. Sen. Cory Booker (D-N.J.)
recently criticized U.S.-led online campaigns against radicalization as laughable, saying he was
stunned by the efforts lack of sophistication. Jen Weedon, threat intelligence manager at security
researcher FireEye, said these concerns are understandable. Part of the reason why theres a belief that
these emissaries are so savvy is because there's a sense of people not feeling that they're in control of the
message, she said. Most of ISISs current online power lies in its messaging, experts say, and not in its
ability to hack real computer networks. But a handful of high-profile intrusions point toward its aspirations
ISIS
affiliates or sympathizers. The so-called Cyber Caliphate took over the Twitter and YouTube
accounts for the U.S. Central Command in January and the Twitter account for
Newsweek magazine in February. Then, the next month, the so-called Islamic State Hacking Division
posted the personal details of 100 U.S. military personnel supposedly involved in
attacks on ISIS in Iraq and Syria. Kill them in their own lands, behead them in their own homes, stab
as a hacking group. Almost every month of 2015 has been punctuated by some online attack by
them to death as they walk their streets thinking they are safe, the group urged supporters. In April, a
French TV station was knocked offline in perhaps the best example of terrorists abilities. It seemed to be
of a broader scale than we had seen previously, Weedon said. There were a number of facets to that
attack, and they also took the station offline for quite awhile. That seemed to me to be of a different
magnitude. Some worry the next step is inevitable within the year. Kellermann has noticed an uptick in
ISIS activity on the cyber arms bazaar, the massive underground dark Web market run out of Eastern
Europe that traffics in almost every form of cyber sabotage imaginable. By
the phone dragnet did nothing to help prevent the attack even though it was
very much operational, just as it failed to stop the Tsarnaev brothers before
they attacked Boston. In both cases no more lives wouldve been lost without it. The pesky,
rather inconvenient fact is that the government's mass surveillance programs
operating under Section 215 of the Patriot Act have never stopped an act of
terrorism, the ACLU notes. That is not the opinion of the NSA's most ardent critics, but rather the
findings of the president's own review board and the Privacy and Civil
Liberties Oversight Board. This program has had over a decade to prove its
value, and yet there is no evidence that it has helped identify a terrorism
suspect or made a concrete different in the outcome of a counterterrorism
investigation. Yet Fred Fleitzs article disputes this, claiming that the Section 215 program has
been a successful tool in stopping terrorist attacks, pointing to Senator Dianne Feinsteins claim that this
program had helped stop terrorist plots to bomb the New York City subways, the New York stock exchange,
and a Danish newspaper. Lets take those cases one by one. The New York City Subway The
Associated Press investigated Najibullah Zazis failed attempt to bomb the New York City subway. The news
organization concluded that in the rush to defend the surveillance programs government officials have
changed their stories and misstated key facts of the Zazi plot. For example, they left out this hugely
important detail: The
bomb the stock exchange. It reported that its extent was as follows: Sabirhan Hasanoff, a wannabe
jihadist, sought to travel overseas and fight alongside Islamist radicals. A contact in Yemen began
correspondence, wanting Hasanoffs money more than his presence, saying he could arrange a suicide
mission but that Hasanoff would have to wait to fight abroad. Hasanoff didnt want to die and kept getting
strung along, sending occasional money to his Yemeni contact, who at one point asked for some research.
Like a student pasting Wikipedia entries into a term paper, Hasanoff completely dogged his August 2008
assignment to study the New York Stock Exchange for a possible bombing attack, the newspaper
reported, adding that when he turned over his findings, his contact in Yemen reportedly tore up the
report, threw it in the street, and never showed it to anyone, and that it added nothing to his
understanding of the stock exchange. Another Yemeni in contact with the American told the FBI that they
never had a real plan to bomb the stock exchange, and that Hasanoff was useful only insofar as he kept
newspaper is a particularly absurd case to cite as justification for keeping the phone dragnet. The terrorist
in this case is David Coleman Headley. Even a cursory look at his story suggests numerous ways that
the
U.S. government couldve stopped him years before they did , and renders absurd
the suggestion that he could only be identified through bulk collection of metadata. As Pro Publica
reports: The convicted drug smuggler radicalized and joined Lashkar in Pakistan in the late 1990s while
spying on Pakistani heroin traffickers as a paid informant for the Drug Enforcement Administration. His
associates first warned federal agencies about his Islamic extremism days after the Sept. 11 attacks.
Investigators questioned him in front of his DEA handlers in New York, and he was cleared. U.S.
prosecutors then made the unusual decision to end Headley's probation for a drug conviction three years
early. He then hurried to Pakistan and began training in Lashkar terror camps. Although the DEA insists he
was deactivated in early 2002, some U.S., European and Indian officials suspect that he remained an
informant in some capacity and that the DEA ... sent him to Pakistan to spy ... Those officials believe his
status as an operative or former informant may have deflected subsequent FBI inquiries. The FBI received
new tips in 2002 and in 2005 when Headley's wife in New York had him arrested for domestic violence and
told counterterror investigators about his radicalism and training in Pakistan. Inquiries were conducted, but
he was not interviewed or placed on a watch list, officials have said ... In late 2007... another wife told U.S.
embassy officials in Islamabad that Headley was a terrorist and a spy, describing his frequent trips to
Mumbai and his stay at the Taj Mahal Palace Hotel. In fact, Headley was conducting meticulous surveillance
on the Taj and other targets for an impending attack by a seaborne squad of gunmen. Once again, U.S.
agencies say they did not question or monitor him because the information from the wife was not specific
enough The final tip to authorities about Headley came from a family friend days after the Mumbai
attacks FBI agents in Philadelphia questioned a cousin of Headleys. The cousin lied, saying Headley was
in Pakistan when he was actually at home in Chicago The cousin alerted Headley about the FBI inquiry,
but Headley went to Denmark as planned. U.S. agencies did not find Headley or warn foreign counterparts
about him in the first half of 2009 while he conducted surveillance in Denmark and India and met alQaida leaders. After all that, the U.S. only caught up with Headley after a tip from British intelligence!
Supporters of sweeping U.S. surveillance say it's needed to build a haystack of information in which to
find a needle, Pro Publica would conclude. In
handed the needleand then deployed surveillance that led to the arrest and prosecution of
Headley and other plotters. To sum up, Fleitzs national-security claim is unsubstantiated while skeptics
of Section 215 are on solid ground. As Peter Bergen put it in his report for the New America Foundation,
appear to have helped. Second, we now know that DEA was able to find another solution to
monitor calls related to suspected narcotics traffickers when the program was ended in 2013, using
targeted orders. It is, according to reports, somewhat more costly and time consumingbut it ultimately
achieves the same ends without requiring the government to vacuum up millions of innocent peoples
international call records.
When youre looking for the needle, the last thing you want to
do is pile lots more hay on it. More specifically, there is no scientific rationale for
believing that adding irrelevant data about innocent people makes it easier to
find a terrorist attack, and lots of evidence that it does not. You might be adding slightly
more signal, but youre also adding much more noise. And despite the NSAs collect it
all mentality, its own documents bear this out. The military intelligence community even
talks about the problem of drinking from a fire hose: having so much
irrelevant data that its impossible to find the important bits . We saw this problem
with the NSAs eavesdropping program: the false positives overwhelmed the system . In
the years after 9/11, the NSA passed to the FBI thousands of tips per month; every
one of them turned out to be a false alarm. The cost was enormous, and ended
and bulk collection.
up frustrating the FBI agents who were obligated to investigate all the tips. We also saw this with the
Suspicious Activity Reports or SAR database: tens of thousands of reports, and no actual results. And
all the telephone metadata the NSA collected led to just one success: the conviction of a taxi driver who
sent $8,500 to a Somali group that posed no direct threat to the US and that was probably trumped up
so the NSA would have better talking points in front of Congress.
was dangerous. And the liquid bombers (theyre the reason governments prohibit passengers from
bringing large bottles of liquids, creams, and gels on airplanes in their carry-on luggage) were captured in
2006 in their London apartment not due to mass surveillance but through traditional investigative police
analysis showed that the FBI identifies potential terrorist plots from reports of suspicious activity, reports of
Ubiquitous surveillance
and data mining are not suitable tools for finding dedicated criminals or
terrorists. We taxpayers are wasting billions on mass-surveillance programs, and not getting the
security weve been promised. More importantly, the money were wasting on these
ineffective surveillance programs is not being spent on
investigation, intelligence, and emergency response: tactics that have been
proven to work. The NSA's surveillance efforts have actually made us less secure. Mass surveillance
and data mining are much more suitable for tasks of population
discrimination: finding people with certain political beliefs, people who are friends with certain
plots, and investigations of other, unrelated, crimes. This is a critical point.
individuals, people who are members of secret societies, and people who attend certain meetings and
The
reason data mining works to find them is that, like credit card fraudsters,
political dissidents are likely to share a well-defined profile . Additionally,
under authoritarian rule the inevitable false alarms are less of a problem;
charging innocent people with sedition instills fear in the populace.
rallies. Those are all individuals of interest to a government intent on social control like China.
the Intelligence and Security Committee [in parliament], he said. Machon called for a proper channel for whistleblowers
that would listen to their concerns, investigate and punish any wrongdoing. What
you ask questions or have ethical concerns you are told to shut up and just follow orders. And you become
as a troublemaker, she said. So those who do have ethical concerns, those who are concerned about illegal
operations, usually just resign and get on with their lives. Machon drew on her own experience going on the run with her
then-partner David Shayler in 1996, and noted that intelligence whistleblowers still face the punishment of being de facto
criminalised for speaking to anyone outside that agency. That will be the only way to change the culture: that
awareness that they cant get away with this closed groupthink any longer; the awareness that they will be held to
Committee in parliament, which is made up of place-men, appointed by the prime minister, and it really has no teeth .
It
It never has been able to investigate properly. And if this was beefed up into a
meaningful oversight body that whistleblowers and others could go to, then I think that would enforce change. Bartlett
suggested that Hannigans decision to go on the offensive reflected wider frustration within GCHQ about technology
companies ramping up encryption features. One might say with some weight that theyve brought this on themselves,
because its as a result of the revelations of Edward Snowden that more people are using this type of software, he said.
It is very difficult indeed for GCHQ and others to keep tabs on what ISIS is doing. They have become far more
sophisticated and their use of open source encryption has been increasing dramatically, he said adding that there should
be more of a partnership approach rather than bullying the sector. Theyre going to have to find a more progressive,
positive working relationship. And I dont think the best way of doing it is going on the front foot and slagging them off.
1970s to 1990s as examples of threats to national security. But going after small, fast-paced terrorist organisations is
not national security. These terrorist attacks are horrific, appalling crimes that traumatise people. But they are not a threat
to our national security, she said. The agencies have mission creep going on. They have taken over work that is not
intelligence agency, but is more appropriate for police work, where youre supposed to
needed to be a
wholesale rethink of British intelligence agencies and surveillance, starting with the establishment of an
really appropriate to an
gather evidence and put people on trial in front of a jury of their peers. Machon said there
entirely new agency that worked within a regulatory framework. Sankey said it is inappropriate for UK ministers to be
signing surveillance and interception warrants when Canada, New Zealand and Australia all appointed judges to do so.
She said Liberty had calculated that the home secretary signs around seven each day. How,
The likelihood of
such an attack is also significant. Former Secretary of Defense William Perry has estimated the
chance of a nuclear terrorist incident within the next decade to be roughly 50 percent [Bunn 2007, page
15]. David Albright, a former weapons inspector in Iraq, estimates those odds at less than one percent,
but notes, We would never accept a situation where the chance of a major nuclear accident like
Chernobyl would be anywhere near 1% .... A nuclear terrorism attack is a low-probability event, but we
cant live in a world where its anything but extremely low-probability. [Hegland 2005]. In a survey of 85
national security experts, Senator Richard Lugar found a median estimate of 20 percent for the probability
of an attack involving a nuclear explosion occurring somewhere in the world in the next 10 years, with 79
percent of the respondents believing it more likely to be carried out by terrorists than by a government
[Lugar 2005, pp. 14-15]. I support increased efforts to reduce the threat of nuclear terrorism, but that is
include estimating the risk of nuclear terrorism as one component of the overall risk. If that risk, the
overall risk, or both are found to be unacceptable, then the proposed remedies would be directed to
reduce which- ever risk(s) warrant attention. Similar remarks apply to a number of other threats (e.g.,
nuclear war between the U.S. and China over Taiwan). his article would be incomplete if it only dealt with
the threat of nuclear terrorism and neglected the threat of full- scale nuclear war. If both risks are
unacceptable, an effort to reduce only the terrorist component would leave humanity in great peril. In
fact, societys almost total neglect of the threat of full-scale nuclear war makes studying that risk all the
section explores the cost of a failure of nuclear deterrence, and the next section is concerned with the
a failure of deterrence to
mean a full-scale exchange of all nuclear weapons available to the U.S. and
Russia, an event that will be termed World War III. Approximately 20 million people
failure rate. While other definitions are possible, this article defines
died as a result of the first World War. World War IIs fatalities were double or triple that numberchaos
prevented a more precise deter- mination. In both cases humanity recovered, and the world today bears
few scars that attest to the horror of those two wars. Many people therefore implicitly believe that a third
World War would be horrible but survivable, an extrapola- tion of the effects of the first two global wars. In
that view, World War III, while horrible, is something that humanity may just have to face and from which
it will then have to recover. In contrast, some of those most qualified to assess the situation hold a very
different view. In a 1961 speech to a joint session of the Philippine Con- gress, General Douglas
MacArthur, stated, Global war has become a Frankenstein to destroy both sides. If you lose, you are
annihilated. If you win, you stand only to lose. No longer does it possess even the chance of the winner of
a duel. It contains now only the germs of double suicide. Former Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara
ex- pressed a similar view: If
resulting
during the first 30 days. Additional millions would be injured, and many would
eventually die from lack of adequate medical care millions of people might starve or
freeze during the follow- ing winter, but it is not possible to estimate how
many. further millions might eventually die of latent radiation effects .
reflect only deaths
[OTA 1979, page 8] This OTA report also noted the possibility of serious ecological damage [OTA 1979,
page 9], a concern that as- sumed a new potentiality when the TTAPS report [TTAPS 1983] proposed that
the ash and dust from so many nearly simultaneous nuclear explosions and
their resultant fire- storms could usher in a nuclear winter that might erase
homo sapiens from the face of the earth , much as many scientists now believe the K-T
Extinction that wiped out the dinosaurs resulted from an impact winter
caused by ash and dust from a large asteroid or comet striking Earth . The
TTAPS report produced a heated debate, and there is still no scientific consensus on whether a nuclear
even
a limited nuclear exchange or one between newer nuclear-weapon states,
such as India and Pakistan, could have devastating long-lasting climatic
consequences due to the large volumes of smoke that would be generated by
winter would follow a full-scale nuclear war. Recent work [Robock 2007, Toon 2007] suggests that
fires in modern megacities. While it is uncertain how destructive World War III would be, prudence
dictates that we apply the same engi- neering conservatism that saved the Golden Gate Bridge from
collapsing on its 50th anniversary and assume that
not an option.
AT Racism
Threats are realISIS has made it very clear that they are
threatening the United Statestheyre posting videos of
themselves beheading American citizens and have plans
to unleash bioweaponsif we win any risk that the threat
is real and is not merely constructed by the USFG, you
have no reason to reject us
If most manifestations of Islamophobia stem from
domestic surveillance, then we solve for thatwe curtail
that surveillancemake them prove that HUMAN
intelligence and investigation are racist
***PRIVACY ADVANTAGE
FISA court infringes on privacy much more than Title III of
Wiretap Act.
Granick, 11-13-2012, (Jennifer Granick; Director of Civil Liberties
at Stanford Law School, Expertise on Privacy, Cyber Crime,
Cybersecurity, Civil Liberties; "FISA Amendments Act Is Way
Worse for Privacy Than Title III,"
http://cyberlaw.stanford.edu/blog/2012/11/fisa-amendments-actway-worse-privacy-title-iii. AGY)
Advocates for renewal of the FISA Amendments Act (FAA) often argue that the statute poses no more harm
to the privacy of innocent Americans than does the Wiretap Act, also known as Title III. After all, when FBI
agents are tapping a suspected drug couriers phones, his friends or mother may also call. How is the FAA
any different? Actually, there are many important differences between Title III, the FAA and even traditional
by the federal courts, for conducting wiretap and other electronic surveillance in the federal law
notified, and the Court may order notification of other monitored parties. Title III prescribes serious legal
consequences, including prison time, for failing to follow the law. In practice, this means that the
agents
FBI
investigating the drug conspiracy may be on the line when a suspects mother calls to discuss
information from a monitored facility. Kris & Wilson, National Security Investigations and Prosecutions 2d
9:4 (2012) [Author David Kris was formerly the Department of Justices head of national security.]
Information is minimized later, and then only if it could not be foreign intelligence information. Further,
minimization does not necessarily mean that the information is deleted. It may be stored but not indexed.
So when my aunt -- Amnestys employee -- starts talking about her plans to visit San Francisco for the
holidays, those communications will be copied, stored, and searched at the governments discretion. Only
if those messages could not be foreign intelligence information will they be deleted or, alternatively,
safeguards even than traditional FISA. Traditional FISA at least required agents to: (1) identify the
individuals to be monitored and get court approval; (2) specify the facilities to be surveilled and show
probable cause that those facilities would be used by the target; and (3) get FISA Court approval and allow
supervision of the targeting and minimization procedures to be used in each intercept, rather than merely
green lighting general operational practices. Also, minimization under FAA need only be as appropriate,
which, according to Kris and Wilson, "suggests that the government has some latitude to tailor [traditional
FISA] minimization procedures to address the acquisition authorized by each of three [FAA] statutory
even thought to be doing anything wrong, and to do so without particularized warrants or meaningful
review by impartial judges. Government officials have placed heavy emphasis on the fact that the Act
allows the government to conduct surveillance only if one of its purposes is to gather "foreign intelligence
information." That term, though, is defined very broadly to include not only information about terrorism but
also information about intelligence activities, the national defense, and even "the foreign affairs of the
United States." The Procedures weaken the limitation further. Among the things the NSA examines to
determine whether a particular email address or phone number will be used to exchange foreign
intelligence information is whether it has been used in the past to communicate with foreigners. Another is
whether it is listed in a foreigner's address book. In other words, the NSA seems to equate a propensity to
communicate with foreigners with a propensity to communicate foreign intelligence information .
The
effect is to bring virtually every international communication within the reach
of the NSA's surveillance. 4. The Procedures permit the NSA to collect
international communications, including Americans' international communications, in bulk. On
its face, the Act permits the NSA to conduct dragnet surveillance, not just surveillance of specific
individuals. Officials who advocated for the Act made clear that this was one of its principal purposes, and
unsurprisingly, the Procedures give effect to that design. While they require the government to identify a
"employ[ing] an Internet Protocol filter to ensure that the person from whom it seeks to obtain foreign
intelligence information is located overseas," by "target[ing] Internet links that terminate in a foreign
country," or by identifying "the country code of the telephone number." However the NSA does it, the
result is the same: millions of communications may be swept up, Americans' international communications
whether prospective surveillance targets are foreigners abroad, errors are inevitable. Some of the
communications the NSA collects under the Act, then, will be purely domestic. (Notably, a 2009 New York
Times article discusses an episode in which the NSA used the Act to engage in "significant and systemic"
overcollection of such domestic communications.) The Act should require the NSA to purge these
communications from its databases, but it does not. The Procedures allow the government to keep and
analyze even purely domestic communications if they contain significant foreign intelligence information,
evidence of a crime, or encrypted information. Again, foreign intelligence information is defined
Thus, if the NSA acquires the communications of lawyers representing individuals who have been charged
before the military commissions at Guantanamo, nothing in the Procedures would seem to prohibit the NSA
from sharing the communications with military prosecutors. The Procedures include a more restrictive rule
for communications between attorneys and their clients who have been criminally indicted in the United
Statesthe NSA may not share these communications with prosecutors. Even those communications,
7. The
Procedures contemplate that the NSA will maintain "knowledge
databases" containing sensitive information about Americans. To
however, may be retained to the extent that they include foreign intelligence information.
determine whether a target is a foreigner abroad, the Procedures contemplate that the NSA will consult
various NSA databases containing information collected by it and other agencies through signals
These databasesreferred to as
databases"apparently house internet data,
including metadata that reveals online activities , as well as telephone numbers
and email addresses that the agency has reason to believe are being used by
U.S. persons. The Procedures' reference to "Home Location Registers," which receive updates
intelligence, human intelligence, law enforcement, and other means.
"NSA content repositories" and "knowledge
whenever a phone "moves into a new service area," suggests that the NSA also collects some form of
location information about millions of Americans' cellphones. The Procedures do not say what limits apply
8.
The Procedures allow the NSA to retain encrypted communications
indefinitely. The Procedures permit the NSA to retain, forever, all communicationseven purely
to these databases or what safeguards, if any, are in place to protect Americans' constitutional rights.
domestic onesthat are encrypted. The use of encryption to protect data is a routine and sometimes
legally required practice by financial organizations, health care providers, and real-time communications
services (like Skype and Apple's FaceTime). Accordingly, the Procedures permit the NSA to retain huge
volumes of Americans' most sensitive information.
its work. But some experts say the N.S.A.s campaign to bypass and weaken
communications security may have serious unintended consequences. They
say the agency is working at cross-purposes with its other major mission,
apart from eavesdropping: ensuring the security of American
communications. Some of the agencys most intensive efforts have focused
on the encryption in universal use in the United States, including Secure
Sockets Layer, or SSL; virtual private networks, or VPNs; and the protection
used on fourthgeneration, or 4G, smartphones. Many Americans, often
without realizing it, rely on such protection every time they send an e-mail,
buy something online, consult with colleagues via their companys computer
network, or use a phone or a tablet on a 4G network. For at least three years,
one document says, GCHQ, almost certainly in collaboration with the N.S.A.,
has been looking for ways into protected traffic of popular Internet
companies: Google, Yahoo, Facebook and Microsofts Hotmail. By 2012, GCHQ
had developed new access opportunities into Googles systems, according
to the document. (Google denied giving any government access and said it
had no evidence its systems had been breached). The risk is that when you
build a back door into systems, youre not the only one to exploit it, said
Matthew D. Green, a cryptography researcher at Johns Hopkins University.
Those back doors could work against U.S. communications, too. Paul
Kocher, a leading cryptographer who helped design the SSL protocol, recalled
how the N.S.A. lost the heated national debate in the 1990s about inserting
into all encryption a government back door called the Clipper Chip. And they
went and did it anyway, without telling anyone, Mr. Kocher said. He said he
understood the agencys mission but was concerned about the danger of
allowing it unbridled access to private information. The intelligence
community has worried about going dark forever, but today they are
conducting instant, total invasion of privacy with limited effort, he said. This
is the golden age of spying.
internal audit and other top-secret documents provided it earlier this summer
from NSA leaker Edward Snowden, a former systems analyst with the agency.
In one of the documents, agency personnel are instructed to remove details
and substitute more generic language in reports to the Justice Department
and the Office of the Director of National Intelligence. The Post cited a 2008
example of the interception of a "large number" of calls placed from
Washington when a programming error confused U.S. area code 202 for 20,
the international dialing code for Egypt, according to a "quality assurance"
review that was not distributed to the NSA's oversight staff. In another case,
the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court, which has authority over some
NSA operations, did not learn about a new collection method until it had been
in operation for many months. The court ruled it unconstitutional. The NSA
audit obtained by the Post dated May 2012, counted 2,776 incidents in the
preceding 12 months of unauthorized collection, storage, access to or
distribution of legally protected communications. Most were unintended.
Many involved failures of due diligence or violations of standard operating
procedure. The most serious incidents included a violation of a court order
and unauthorized use of data about more than 3,000 Americans and greencard holders. In an emailed statement to The Associated Press late Thursday,
John DeLong, NSA's director of compliance, said, "We want people to report if
they have made a mistake or even if they believe that an NSA activity is not
consistent with the rules. NSA, like other regulated organizations, also has a
`hotline' for people to report and no adverse action or reprisal can be taken
for the simple act of reporting. We take each report seriously, investigate the
matter, address the issue, constantly look for trends and address them as
well all as a part of NSA's internal oversight and compliance efforts. What's
more, we keep our overseers informed through both immediate reporting and
periodic reporting."
***SOFT POWER
US credibility decrease because of the NSA leaks only
revision of surveillance policy will appease US
corporations that are the largest tool of US soft power
Sanger and Miller 1/20/14 (DAVID E. SANGER and CLAIRE CAIN MILLER,
International New York Times, January 20, 2014, Obama maintains United
States' grip on the data pipeline lexis nexis; accessed 7/15/15 JH @ DDI)
Intel and computer security companies were eager to hear Mr. Obama embrace a commitment that the
United States would never knowingly move to weaken encryption systems. They got none of that. Perhaps
giving everyone from the Germans to the Chinese an excuse to avoid American hardware and cloud
services. ''The most interesting part of this speech was not how the president weighed individual privacy
against the N.S.A.,'' said Fred H. Cate, director of the Center of Applied Cybersecurity Research at Indiana
University, ''but that he said little about what to do about the agency's practice of vacuuming up
everything it can get its hands on.'' Mr. Cate, who also advises the Department of Homeland Security on
cyber issues, noted that Mr. Obama had taken ''a report that had 46 recommendations, and touched on
three or four of them.'' In fact, he did more than that: Mr. Obama reminded the United States that it was
not only the government that was monitoring users of the Web, it was also companies like Apple,
Facebook, Twitter and Yahoo that had complained so loudly as members of an industry group called Reform
Government Surveillance. ''Corporations of all shapes and sizes track what you buy, store and analyze our
data, and use it for commercial purposes,'' Mr. Cate said. ''That's how those targeted ads pop up on your
of the digital world, and manipulate it if necessary, as crucial to security. In public, the coalition was polite
if unenthusiastic about the president's speech. His proposals, the companies said in a statement,
''represent positive progress on key issues,'' even while ''crucial details remain to be addressed on these
issues, and additional steps are needed on other important issues.'' But as Mr. Obama himself
acknowledged,
the United States has a credibility problem that will take years to
address. The discovery that it had monitored the cellphone of Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany, or
that it had found a way to tap into computers around the world that are completely disconnected from the
Internet only fuels the argument that American products cannot be trusted.
these days from Berlin to Mexico City,
an excuse that often works. ''When your products are considered to not only be flawed but
intentionally flawed in the support of intelligence missions, don't expect people to buy them,'' said Dan
Kaminsky, a security researcher and chief scientist at White Ops, an anti-fraud company.
Mr. Obama
and iPhones are not allowed in the White House Situation Room. We know that the intelligence services of
other countries - including some who feign surprise over the Snowden disclosures - are constantly probing
our government and private-sector networks, and accelerating programs to listen to our conversations,
and intercept our emails and compromise our systems.''
is
obviously damage to America's soft power, precisely for the reason that the
US is so keen on promoting the rules-based system. When it's caught bending
the rules it obviously makes that harder to do," says Rory Medcalf, director of the
international security program at the Lowy Institute. The impact on America's "hard power"
- military and economic clout - is less obvious . "It's not going to change the
balance of power between China and the US," says Paul Buchanan, a former US defence
official and director of 36th Parallel Assessments in Auckland. "They know what the US is doing and they
are acutely aware that the US is climbing all over them and views them as a rival and as an adversary."
The job of cleaning up the mess has only just begun. It's the worst western security
breach since World War II, if not ever. Snowden and Glenn Greenwald, his journalist accomplice, are said to
have released only a tiny fraction of the vast store of documents they possess from the NSA and its Five
Eyes equivalents: Britain's General Communications Headquarters or GCHQ, the Australian Signals
Directorate and their equivalents in Canada and New Zealand. Embarrassing We should expect "heavier
stuff" says Buchanan. Tapping SBY's phones was just embarrassing. Revelations of hacking into Chinese
military or naval networks - or those of our negotiating partners in the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade deal could provoke much more damaging repercussions, should they emerge. There's also the physical cost of
fixing it. America's enemies have been given unprecedented insights into the workings of modern western
spycraft, enormously aiding their efforts to counter it.
years to work through. They are going to have to change not only all their codes but the protocols
by which they engage in signals intelligence as a result of Snowden," Buchanan says. "The whole network
has to be reconfigured to prevent the Russians and the Chinese from getting in there." Business also needs
to bolster its defences, which means billions more in cyber-security.
week that the agency had gained access to the records of more than 70 million calls inside France in one
30-day period. The American ambassador was summoned to the French Foreign Ministry for an
explanation; President Franois Hollande told President Obama by telephone that the data sweep was
''unacceptable,'' and the matter has already become an issue in a visit to Paris by Secretary of State John
Kerry intended to focus on Syria. Previous reports based on Mr. Snowden's information have alleged
American eavesdropping on Germany, Britain, Brazil, Mexico, European Union offices and European
diplomatic missions. More revelations are likely. The Obama administration's response has been
that the United States seeks to gather foreign intelligence as other nations do. That is not in dispute, and
no doubt much of the public indignation by France and other governments is largely rhetorical. Le Monde
reported in July that the French intelligence agency has its own extensive electronic surveillance operation.
Nor is there much dispute that intelligence is necessary to protect citizens against terrorists and other
U.S. surveillance, while the European Parliament has revived an effort to enact privacy legislation that
could impose restrictions on American Internet providers and complicate talks on a trans-Atlantic trade and
investment agreement. Mr. Kerry said the United States was working to find a balance between protecting
privacy and providing security in a dangerous world. Mr. Obama has pledged to review electronic
intelligence gathering, as well as the institutions charged with judicial and political oversight, a vow he
must honor given the scope of the N.S.A.'s operations. The fact is that most nations practice electronic
surveillance and that citizens everywhere surrender personal data voluntarily to digital services and social
That is why free countries must place stern limits on the security
institutions allowed to function in the shadows.
networks.
French diplomats, potentially with the president's compliance, do you see a continued tendency in U.S.
foreign policy to exert power over our allies rather than with them? Will this isolate the United States in its
with preserving global financial stability, no one country can do it by itselfyou have to work with others. But that is a two-way street. Even if our allies may be
annoyed with us because of some of the NSA surveillance, they are
concerned about international financial stability, pandemics, and climate
change, and they are going to have to work with us as well. Therefore, I think
there has been reputational damage for American soft power from the
revelations that followed Snowden, but I don't think that it is going to destroy
alliances or destroy cooperation.
soft
power lies in values, in our culture and in the way we handle ourselves
internationally. Soft power is about creating a sense of legitimacy for a nation's
international aims. To understand what's happening in US foreign policy you have to start with 9/11. Before
that date the Bush administration had been running on a fairly traditional realist platform; no more nationbuilding, and a broadly unilateralist approach to foreign policy. After 9/11 the Bush administration realised
this had to change. Credit must be given to the Bush government for the speed in which they realised
traditional conceptions of threats to national security had changed. However, what they are still struggling
quite the role you first expect. Hard military power did topple the Taliban, something soft- power was in no
position to do. However, if you look at the number of Taliban fighters actually killed in Afghanistan, you're
looking at maybe no more than a third. In order to win the war on terror therefore, you also need soft
You need the stick but you also need the carrot . Bombing and land invasions of
we must employ greater
public diplomacy in order to attract people away from militant Islam . If the US
power.
would divert even 1 per cent of its defence budget to public diplomacy it would signal a quadrupling of the
budget currently given to those looking to implement soft power rather than hard. To conclude,
what is
Our military
power stopped Soviet aggression, but it was our soft power which fostered cultural progression and
sympathy to our aims and stopped states from falling into the hands of communism.
Relations
Other countries hate US surveillance (not a really good
card)
Mitchell 13 (Andrea Mitchell and Erin McClam, US coping with furious
allies as NSA spying revelations grow, NBC,
http://www.nbcnews.com/news/other/us-coping-furious-allies-nsa-spyingrevelations-grow-f8C11478337, October 28th, 2013)
The United States is scrambling to soothe some of its closest allies, angered
as one report after another details vast American spying including
gathering data on tens of millions of phone calls in Spain in a single month .
The latest report, published Monday in the Spanish newspaper El Mundo, said that the National
Security Agency had collected information on 60 million calls in that country
last December. It followed reports in the last week that the United States spied on leaders of at least
35 countries, and even bugged the personal cellphone of German Chancellor Angela Merkel. Jay Carney,
the White House press secretary, said Monday that a White House review of intelligence-gathering would
be complete by years end, and that it would address how to balance national security and privacy. But he
stressed: The work thats being done here saves lives and protects the United States and protects our
allies, and protects Americans stationed in very dangerous places around the world. "We need to make
sure that we're collecting intelligence in a way that advances our security needs and that we don't just do
it because we can," he said. He declined comment on stories about specific NSA spying activities.
State Department
spokeswoman Jen Psaki acknowledged that U.S. spying has "created
significant challenges in some of our most important partnerships," but added
will express directly that monitoring Merkels phone calls was wrong.
that the U.S. has "not seen an across-the board impact on our foreign policy."
back to Harry Truman and Jim Crow. Even though PRISM is technically legal,
the lack of recent public debate and support for aggressive domestic
collection is hurting America's soft power. The evidence is rolling in. The
China Daily, an English-language mouthpiece for the Communist Party, is
having a field day, pointing out America's hypocrisy as the Soviet Union did
with Jim Crow. Chinese dissident artist Ai Wei Wei made the link explicitly,
saying "In the Soviet Union before, in China today, and even in the U.S.,
officials always think what they do is necessary... but the lesson that people
should learn from history is the need to limit state power." Even America's
allies are uneasy, at best. German Chancellor Angela Merkel grew up in the
East German police state and expressed diplomatic "surprise" at the NSA's
activities. She vowed to raise the issue with Obama at this week's G8
meetings. The Italian data protection commissioner said the program would
"not be legal" in his country. British Foreign Minister William Hague came
under fire in Parliament for his government's participation. If Americans
supported these programs, our adversaries and allies would have no
argument. As it is, the next time the United States asks others for help in
tracking terrorists, it's more likely than not that they will question
Washington's motives.
Impact
Soft power solves prolif
Poe 11
(Carl P., March 2011, Calhoun Institutional Archive of the Naval Postgraduate
School, An influence analysis of dissuading nation states from producing and
proliferating Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD), Lieutenant @ the United
States Navy, BS from Savannah State University,
http://calhoun.nps.edu/bitstream/handle/10945/5794/11Mar_Poe.pdf?
sequence=1, 7/17/15, SM)
Proliferation of weapons of mass destruction continues to be one of the
United States and the international communitys major security issues . Since
the United States dropped atomic bombs on Japan, the production and proliferation of nuclear weapons
has shaped the progression of several nation states. While Rublee presented cases for why nation-states
did not pursue nuclear weapons, evidence has shown that other nation states, such as India and Iraq,
chose to pursue nuclear weapons for opposite reasons. In the case of India and Iraq, the perceived threat
of national security seems to have trumped all other forms of strategic nuclear deterrence. In terms of
social-influence tactics that mirrored, or could have been used along with the strategic measures, the
a given region and increasing the level of transparency of military and governmental programs among
regional nation-states. Also, persuading the emerging nation-state to sign documentation such as the NPT
and the CTBT would also be a key step in deterring and dissuading the nation-state not to produce and
proliferate WMD. Couple these strategic approaches with the social influence tactics discussed in Chapter
V and more formidable measures such as sanctions, resolutions, and fear tactics may not have to be
invoked.
AT Off Case
Cap K
Turn NSAs collection of metadata entrenches the states
ability to use surveillance to further advance global
capitalism the aff limits this power
Price, Professor of Anthropology in the Department of Society and Social
Justice at Saint Martin's University, August 2014 (David H., Monthly Review,
Volume: 66 Issue: 3 Pages: 43-53, The New Surveillance Normal: NSA and
Corporate Surveillance in the Age of Global Capitalism proquest; accessed
7/14/15 JH @ DDI)
The National Security Agency (NSA) document cache released by Edward Snowden reveals a
need to re-theorize the role of state and corporate surveillance systems in an
age of neoliberal global capitalism. While much remains unknowable to us, we now are in
a world where private communications are legible in previously inconceivable
ways, ideologies of surveillance are undergoing rapid transformations, and
the commodification of metadata (and other surveillance intelligence) transforms
privacy. In light of this, we need to consider how the NSA and corporate metadata mining
converge to support the interests of capital . This is an age of converging state and
corporate surveillance. Like other features of the political economy, these shifts
develop with apparent independence of institutional motivations, yet
corporate and spy agencies' practices share common appetites for metadata.
Snowden's revelations of the NSA's global surveillance programs raises the possibility that the state
intelligence apparatus is used for industrial espionage in ways that could unite governmental intelligence
and corporate interests-for which there appears to be historical precedent. The convergence of the
interests, incentives, and methods of U.S. intelligence agencies, and the corporate powers they serve,
the NSA and CIA fulfill their roles, which have been
described by former CIA agent Philip Agee as: "the secret police of U.S. capitalism,
plugging up leaks in the political dam night and day so that shareholders of
U.S. companies operating in poor countries can continue enjoying the ripoff."1 There is a long history in the United States of overwhelming public opposition to new forms of
raise questions about the ways that
electronic surveillance. Police, prosecutors, and spy agencies have recurrently used public crises-ranging
from the Lindbergh baby kidnapping, wars, claimed threats of organized crime and terror attacks, to
marshal expanded state surveillance powers.2 During the two decades preceding the 9/11 terror attacks,
Congress periodically considered developing legislation establishing rights of privacy; but even in the pre-
Pre-2001 critiques of
electronic-surveillance focused on privacy rights and threats to boundaries
between individuals, corporations, and the state; what would later be known as metadata
collection were then broadly understood as violating shared notions of
privacy, and as exposing the scaffolding of a police state or a corporate
panopticon inhabited by consumers living in a George Tooker painting. The rapid shifts in U.S.
Internet age, corporate interests scoffed at the need for any such protections.
attitudes favoring expanded domestic intelligence powers following 9/11 were significant. In the summer of
2001, distrust of the FBI and other surveillance agencies had reached one of its highest historical levels.
Decades of longitudinal survey data collected by the Justice Department establish longstanding U.S.
opposition to wiretaps; disapproval levels fluctuated between 70-80 percent during the thirty years
preceding 2001.3 But a December 2001 New York Times poll suddenly found only 44 percent of
respondents believed widespread governmental wiretaps "would violate American's rights."4
Senator Feinstein-a leader of the one of the three branches of government-with impunity or lack of public outcry, it is
To live a
well-adjusted life in contemporary U.S. society requires the development of
rapid memory adjustments and shifting acceptance of corporate and state
intrusions into what were once protective spheres of private life. Like all
things in our society, we can expect these intrusions will themselves be
increasingly stratified, as electronic privacy, or illegibility, will increasingly
become a commodity available only to elites. Today, expensive technologies like GeeksPhone's
difficult to anticipate a deceleration in the pace at which NSA and CIA expand their surveillance reach.
Blackphone with enhanced PGP encryption, or Boeing's self-destructing Black Phone, afford special levels of privacy for
those who can pay.
present nebulous security relationships raising questions of role confusion in shifting patron-client relationships; and
whatever resistance corporations like Amazon might have had to assisting NSA, CIA, or intelligence agencies is further
compromised by relations of commerce. This creates relationships of culpability, as Norman Solomon suggests, with
Amazon's $600 million CIA data farm contract: " if
We need to
develop critical frameworks considering how NSA and CIA surveillance
programs articulate not only with the United States' domestic and
international security apparatus, but with current international capitalist
formations. While secrecy shrouds our understanding of these relationships, CIA history provides examples of some
ways that intelligence operations have supported and informed past U.S. economic ventures. When these
historical patterns are combined with details from Snowden's disclosures we
find continuities of means, motive, and opportunity for neoliberal abuses of
state intelligence for private gains.
cameras into the formerly private refuges of our homes, as part of a "new surveillance normal."11
Notions of privacy and surveillance are always culturally constructed and are
embedded within economic and social formations of the larger society . Some
centralized state-socialist systems, such as the USSR or East Germany, developed intrusive surveillance systems, an
incessant and effective theme of anti-Soviet propaganda. The democratic-socialist formations, such as those of
contemporary northern Europe, have laws that significantly limit the forms of electronic surveillance and the collection of
metadata, compared to Anglo- U.S. practice. Despite the significant limitations hindering analysis of the intentionally
secret activities of intelligence agencies operating outside of public accountability and systems of legal accountability, the
Senator Feinstein-a leader of the one of the three branches of government-with impunity or lack of public outcry, it is
To live a
well-adjusted life in contemporary U.S. society requires the development of
rapid memory adjustments and shifting acceptance of corporate and state
intrusions into what were once protective spheres of private life. Like all
things in our society, we can expect these intrusions will themselves be
increasingly stratified, as electronic privacy, or illegibility, will increasingly
become a commodity available only to elites. Today, expensive technologies like GeeksPhone's
difficult to anticipate a deceleration in the pace at which NSA and CIA expand their surveillance reach.
Blackphone with enhanced PGP encryption, or Boeing's self-destructing Black Phone, afford special levels of privacy for
World War, many European nations reconfigured long-distance billing systems to not record specific numbers called,
instead only recording billing zones-because the Nazis used phone billing records as metadata useful for identifying
members of resistance movements. Following the Arab Spring, Tunisia now reconfigures its Internet with a new info-packet
system known as mesh networks that hinder governmental monitoring-though USAID support for this project naturally
undermines trust in this system.27 Following the Church and Pike committees' congressional investigations of CIA and FBI
wrongdoing in the 1970s, the Hughes-Ryan Act brought significant oversight and limits on these groups, limits which
XO CP
Executive and electoral solutions to surveillance fail
Tyler C. Anderson, J.D Candidate, Harvard Law School, Class of 2014,
Summer 2014, Toward Institutional Reform of Intelligence Surveillance: A
Proposal to Amend the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, Harvard Law &
Policy Review, 8 Harv. L. & Pol'y Rev. 413, LexisNexis Scholastic, JL @ DDI
B. A Defense of a Legislative Solution
While it may be true that elections and insubordination (among other
mechanisms) can constrain the President's power to authorize broad
surveillance of American communications, neither of these answers will
satisfy critics or prevent the abuses disclosed by Edward Snowden. First,
insubordination is unreliable. As famously illustrated by Yale psychology
professor Stanley Milgram (before the ethics of human psychological testing
was seriously questioned), human beings follow orders even if asked to do
incredibly immoral things. In Milgram's experiments, he demonstrated that a
majority of people will shock innocent participants to death if given an order
to do so. n144 This phenomenon is not limited to the halls of the Yale
Psychology Department. In the context of U.S. national security law, during
the Iran-Contra Affair, Lieutenant Colonel Oliver North abnegated
responsibility for violating Congress' explicit refusal to authorize arms sales to
the Nicaraguan Contras, declaring that he was just "following orders." n145
Lieutenant North's behavior is unsurprising; in cases of national security, it
might actually be more likely that presidential subordinates will err in favor of
following orders, since decisions by the President and government agencies
presumptively directly affect the safety and wellbeing of American citizens. If
we analogize to intelligence surveillance, it is entirely likely that intelligence
agencies will defer to their superiors and conduct surveillance even if they
themselves think that it is unlawful. Electoral constraints, while perhaps more
reliable than insubordination, are similarly unsatisfying, in part because even
broad consensus on the need for reform has so far failed to materialize into a
concrete FAA amendment. n146 Even when the American public does
respond strongly to perceived presidential overreach, as in the case of
Watergate and the 2006 and 2010 elections (against Bush's counter-terrorism
strategy and Obama's healthcare [*435] plan, respectively), electoral control
exerts itself only post-overreach, and sometimes only distantly so. n147
Additionally, unless the overreach is particularly egregious, the people and
Congress may not react at all. n148 This problem is compounded by the fact
that intelligence surveillance takes place in secret, and the behavior of
intelligence agencies is often classified. The American people cannot vote to
reject something that they do not know is happening. In short, if intelligence
agencies or the President try to conduct broad, warrantless surveillance
under the FAA, both insubordination and electoral outrage are unlikely to
effectively constrain their behavior. This is because insubordination is
unreliable and the surveillance process is too secretive to provoke a reaction
from the American public. Given these problems with constraints, America
would be better served by relying on legal mechanisms for reducing possible
executive branch overreach. Most importantly, the amendments to the FAA
that this article proposes will effectively restrict intelligence agencies in a way
that electoral politics and insubordination do not.