TITLE PAGE

NIGER DELTA CRISIS: A RECURRING NATIONAL QUESTION. A

CASE STUDY OF THE RISE OF MILITANCY IN THE REGION FROM
THE YEAR 2007-2009.
BY
NWAKUDU IFEANYI SAMUEL
REG. NO: 05293145
DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND INTERNATIONAL
RELATIONS
FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES

UNIVERSITY OF ABUJA
A RESEARCH PROJECT SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE
AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT
FOR THE AWARD OF BACHELOR OF SCIENCE (B.sc Hons) IN POLITICAL SCIENCE.
DECEMBER, 2009

CERTIFICATION
This project report was written by Nwakudu Ifeanyi Samuel, and has been
examined and approved as having satisfied the requirement of the Department
of Political Science and International Relations, Faculty of Social Sciences,
University of Abuja, for the Award of Bachelor of Science (B.sc Hons) degree
in Political Science

Dr. Usman Mohammed Date

1
 Project Supervisor

Dr. Y.A Zoaka Date

Head of Department

External Examiner Date

DECLARATION
I, Nwakudu Ifeanyi Samuel, hereby do declare that this project was written by
me under the supervision of Dr. Usman Mohammed of the Department of
Political Science and International Relations, University of Abuja.

I also declare that similar work, as far I am aware, has not been written before
as at the time of putting together this piece of research work.

All information contained in this project that is not original to this research,
has been duly acknowledged by way of references.

I therefore, do take sole responsibility for any error contained therein.

DEDICATION
This research work is dedicated first and foremost, to God Almighty who made
me to see the “four walls” of the University and who also gave me the
inspiration to write this particular research work.
Also, I dedicate this work to my lovely family, my father, Mr. Anthony A.
Nwakudu, who made sure I made it into the University and who provided for
my everyday needs; my mother, Mrs. Patricia I. Nwakudu, who gave me the
required spiritual training and teachings to enable me move forward in life; and
my six sisters, Amarachukwu Nwakudu, Udochukwu Nwakudu,
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Onyinyechukwu Nwakudu, Oluchukwu Nwakudu, Nkechukwu Nwakudu and
Uchechukwu for their love and support.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
The completion of this research work which is my scholarly contribution to the
search for knowledge and academic excellence would not have been possible
without the assistance and contribution of some concerned personalities.
I am most grateful to God for sparing my life and for the grace he bestowed
upon me to see the end of my degree programme successfully and victoriously.
I wish to express my sincere gratitude to my supervisor, Dr. Usman
Mohammed, who saw it fit to assist me in writing this project despite his
extremely tight schedule. I am also thankful to the entire staff, both academic
and non-academic of the Department of Political Science in University of
Abuja.
My heartfelt gratitude and thanks goes to my parent Mr. and Mrs. Anthony
Nwakudu, who made sure I got all the needed materials to enable me write this
project. My father who made sure he bought no less than three newspapers
everyday for me to source for materials for my project, and my mother who
made sure I had access to the internet in order for me to write this research
work.
I would also like to thank my friends who made my stay in school fun filled;
this group of people also assisted me in writing this research project by asking
3
important questions and arguing with me when they felt my point did not make
any sense, they are: Godfrey Nwaokolo, Bukata Demand Ishaku (small but
mighty), Innocent Ataba Enesi, Gabriel Folorunsho, Olamilekun Olalekan,
Israel O. Pender, Nenfwot Peter Dimka, Ugorji Junior, Audu Ezekiel, Lawal
Kehinde, Longinus Ikechukwu Okafor, Abdulrahma Mohammed Okhatahi
Suleiman, Andrew Haruna, Kabiru Yakubu, Salihu (smally), and a host of my
other friends who are too numerous to mention, for their support and
encouragement.
I am sincerely overwhelmed by the efforts of the NIFES Publicity, Prayer
Units and the Final Year Brethrens (FYB), for their spiritual support and
encouragement.
Inspite of the contribution of the aforementioned individuals, I wish to state
that I am solely responsible for any acts of omission or commission contained
in this project.
I say may the Almighty God reward all mentioned and unmentioned who one
way or the other contributed to the success of my research work and my degree
course in the Name of Jesus (Amen).

ABSTRACT
The Niger Delta crisis has continued to remain a “thorn” in the “flesh” of the
Nigerian state. Although, the area is rich in mineral and natural resources, it
has not in anyway experienced development with respect to the amount of
money generated from the exploration and exploitation of crude oil in the
area.
Due to the neglect the people of the Niger Delta experiences, the people are
disillusioned and disoriented, this has actually led to the rising wave of
militancy in the region; with the people crying for resource control and
increase in revenue allocation in the Niger Delta.
The rise of militancy in the region changed the norm in the struggle for
resource control in the region, with the youths carrying arms and engaging in
4
acts of violence which are kind of nefarious in the Nigerian state; the militants
and youths in the region don’t see their acts of aggression as violence, but as
liberation struggle.
This study does not only analyze the act of militancy in the Niger Delta but the
ways the Nigerian government is doing in order to solve the problem; and the
ways forward in solving the crisis in the Niger Delta Region which has
remained a lingering sore in the Nigerian State.

TABLE OF CONTENTS
PAGE
TITLE PAGE i
CERTIFICATION ii
DECLARATION iii
DEDICATION iv
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT v
ABSTRACT vii
TABLE OF CONTENT viii

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION

BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY……………………………………..1
STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM…………………………………….4
OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY………………………………………...6
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY……………………………………...7
RESEARCH PROPOSITIONS………………………………………......8
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY……………………………………..….9
SCOPE AND LIMITATION……………………………………….……9
ORGANIZATION OF THE STUDY……………………………..……10
CONCEPTUALIZATION OF TERMS……………………………...…11
REFERENCES…………………………………………….................16
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL
FRAME WORK
2.1LITERATURE REVIEW……………………………………………17
2.2 NIGER-DELTA AND THE NIGERIAN STATE………………….18
2.3 OIL AND NIGERIA’S DEVELOPMENT……………… ………...22
2.4 OIL AND NIGER DELTA DEVELOPMENT………………..........25
2.5 OIL RESOURCE EXPLOITATION IN THE NIGER-DELTA........28
2.5.1 OIL RESOURCE EXPLOITATION AND PRODUCTION…......28
2.5.2 PRODUCTION FOR EXPORT…………………………………..30
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2.5.3 PEASANT AGRICULTURE IN THE NIGER-DELTA…………31
2.6 ENVIRONMENTAL AND SOCIAL IMPLICATION OF INTENSIVE RESOURCE
EXPLOITATION IN THE NIGER
DELTA………………………...........................................................34
2.6.1 ENVIRONMENTAL PROBLEM………………………………...35
2.6.2 SOCIAL IMPACT………………………………………………...38
2.7 HOST COMMUNITIES AND OIL REVENUE…………………...40
2.8 IMPACT OF OIL INDUSTRY ON HUMAN RIGHT……………..41
2.9 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK…………………………………..42
REFERENCES………………………………………………….44

CHAPTER THREE: NIGER DELTA AND MILITANCY

3.1 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND TO THE RISE OF MILITANCY IN
THE NIGER DELTA……………………………………………….45
3.2 UNDERSTANDING THE NATURE OF THE CONFLICT………56
3.3 POLITICAL ECONOMY OF RESOURCE CONTROL…………..59
3.4 POLITICAL DIMENSION OF THE NIGER DELTA CRISIS……63
3.5 CORRUPTION, RESOURCE LIBERATION AND ETHICAL
DIMENSION OF THE NIGER DELTA…………………………...65
3.6 RESOURCE EXPLOITATION AND CORROLARY DAMAGE TO THE
ENVIRONMENT……………………………………………..68
3.7 FORMS OF VIOLENCE IN THE NIGER DELTA………………..69
3.7.1 HOSTAGE AND KIDNAPPING…………………………...........70
3.7.2 OIL BUNKERING……………………………………………......72
3.7.3 PIPELINE VANDALIZATION………………………………......76
3.7.4 PIRACY…………………………………………………………..78
3.8 GENDER DIMENSIONS OF SOCIAL DEPRIVATION………….79
3.9 POVERTY AS VIOLENCE AGAINST THE NIGER DELTA
POPULACE………………………………………………………...80
3.10 MILITANTS ACTIVITIES IN THE NIGER DELTA REGION FROM
2007-2009………………………………………………….82
REFERENCES…………………………………………………99
CHAPTER FOUR: NIGER DELTA AND THE NIGERIAN
GOVERNMENT
4.1 GOVERNMENTAL RESPONSE TO THE CLAMOUR FOR RESOURCE
CONTROL………………………………………..102
4.1.1 THE INCLUSION OF THE NIGER-DELTA IN YAR’ADUA’S 7-
POINT AGENDA……………………………………………..103
4.1.2 THE TECHNICAL COMMITTEE OF THE NIGER DELTA...105
4.1.3 JOINT MILITARY TASK FORCE ON N/D…………………..110
4.14 THE CREATION OF THE MINISTRY OF NIGER DELTA
AFFAIRS…………………………………………………………112
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4.1.5 THE NIGER DELTA DEVELOPMENT COMMISSION……...115
4.2 NIGER DELTA AND ITS FOREIGN POLICY
IMPLICATION…………………………………………….….118
4.3 NIGER DELTA AND FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT…….128
4.4 NIGER DELTA DEVELOPMENT COMMISSION AND NIGER DELTA
DEVELOPMENT……………………………………......135
4.4.1 ELECTRIFICATION PROJECTS……………………………....135
4.4.2 FREE HEALTH PROJECTS……………………………………137
4.4.3 HOSPITAL PROJECTS………………………………………..139
4.4.4 ROAD PROJECTS……………………………………………...140
4.4.5 SCHOOL PROJECTS…………………………………………..141
4.4.6 WATER PROJECTS……………………………………………142
4.4.7 REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT MASTERPLAN………………145
REFERENCES………………………………………………….148

CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND

RECOMMENDATION
5.1 SUMMARY OF FINDINGS……………………………………150
5.2 CONCLUSION………………………………………………….152
5.3 RECOMMENDATION………………………………………….156
REFERENCES…………………………………………………..159
BIBLIOGRAPHY………………………………………………..160

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 CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 BACKGROUND

The Niger-Delta question is an old political and economic situation, to which the

various government since 1960 have not found a permanent solution. The problem

with Niger-Delta region takes its root from the search of Oil in 1908 when the

German firm known as Nigerian Bitumen Company started drilling and exploring for

Oil within the Okitipupa Area, about 200 kilometres east from Lagos. The search was

unsuccessful as Oil was not found in commercial quantities.

However, David Oluwagbami, Erudite scholar and author of the “Genesis of the

Nigerian Oil Industry”, states that in 1937, Shell Petroleum Development Company

of Nigeria Limited (then known as Shell D’Arcy and later Shell B.P), which was then

based in Warri, pioneered a fresh search for Oil. The Royal Dutch Shell group of

companies and the British Petroleum group jointly financed the company. It took

almost 20years before Oil was found in commercial quantities, Oil in commercial

quantity was first discovered at Oloibiri in the then Rivers state, present Bayelsa

state, by Shell , in January 1956, Towards the end of the same year, a second

discovery was made at Afam, also in Rivers state. Until 1956, Shell was the principal

company undertaking the search, although there had been sporadic exploration by

others before that year. Pipeline connections between Oloibiri and Port-Harcourt

8
made it possible for the first cargo of Crude Oil to leave Nigeria in February 1958

when production stood at 6,000 barrels per day (bpd).

Due to the reason that the region which is a home to millions of Nigerians is a

naturally difficult terrain to access; for that reason the Henry Willinks Commission of

1958 identified the region as being poor, backward and neglected. The

recommendation of the commission was that, special attention should be devoted to

developing the Niger-Delta. That concern was raised years before commercial oil

exploration and the attendant environment hazards went full blown in the region.

That was at a time when the region had relative autonomy over their revenue.

Political solution has been tried to solve the Niger-Delta crisis, There was the Henry

Willinks commission report of 1957; The Niger-Delta Development Board of 1960;

River Basin Development Authority of 1993; Oil mineral Producing Areas

Commission of 1998; Oladayo Popoola committee of 2002( a product of the political

reform conference); General Alexandra special committee on Oil Producing

Communities; Recommendation of the James Ibori Presidential Standing Committee

on the Niger-Delta and the NNPC-Niger Delta Youths Standing Committee. There

was also the Major-General Muhammad Presidential Committee on Peace and

Reconciliation in the Niger-Delta; the Niger-Delta Peace and Security Strategy

(PASS); The Petroleum Standing Committee headed by Dr. Edmund Daokoru, as

well as the Economic Development Council for the coastal states of the Niger-Delta.

Just before he left office in 2007, Obasanjo produced what was known the Niger-

Delta master-plan and in 2008 the Niger-Delta Technical Committee (NDTC) headed
9
by Ledum Mitee was inaugurated by the Yar’Adua administration.

The early stages of the agitation in the Niger-Delta were cries for attention and

development. The legitimate demand for the development in the area arose from the

fact that poverty is manifested in different form; Lack of necessities for modern

living such as electricity, Plentiful portable water, Roads, Adequate educational

facilities and enough jobs for the multitudes of youths in the area. Despite the efforts

put in place by the Nigerian Government and various stakeholders. The Niger-Delta

crisis has refused to abate instead it has become more violent than previously. Since

2006, the agitation for Socio-Economic development of the Oil-Bearing Niger-Delta

region took a disturbing twist with the incessant cases of violence as typified of

kidnapping and hostage-taking of expatriates, children and even the very elderly.

Added to the known cases of illegal bunkering, arms deals, cult clashes, maiming and

killings, the already scarred face of the Niger-Delta agitation has become uglier.

There is a breakdown of law and order in many parts of the Niger-Delta, threatening

lives and development efforts of the region and the Nation at large to the epilepsy of

power supply.

And for so long, an effective solution of the problem seems to have eluded the

government. No doubt, the strategic importance of the region must have made

President Umaru Yar’Adua, to name the Niger-Delta as an item in his 7-Point

agenda. But since he came to office in the year 2007, the government, it seemed, had

been nibbling at the problem. Plans to hold the region’s summit had suffered several

10
postponement and modification. But with the eventual composition of the Niger-

Delta Technical Committee (NDTC) , the establishment of the Ministry of Niger-

Delta Affairs and the granting of the Amnesty package to repentant militants, the

Federal Government, it appears, has found the kick on the matter

1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

The violence in the Niger-Delta, no doubt, has far-reaching implications for oil and

gas development in Nigeria. But more importantly is the economy as a whole, since

Nigeria gets its foreign exchange earning which is over ninety percent (90%) from

the sales of crude oil and natural gas. Indeed, Oil for more than four decades now, has

been the pivot upon which the Nigerian economy is driven. The area is turbulent due

to the activities of cultists, criminals and agitators for more shares of the Oil and Gas

revenue. The restiveness in the region has negatively affected the oil and gas

industry.

The Niger-Delta region accounts for the majority of Nigeria’s Foreign Exchange

earnings, yet its people have known nothing but underdevelopment, poverty and

deprivation. Its youths have become restive, and militant, and had for years been

attacking oil installations, taking oil workers-and recently indigenes-hostage and

disrupting oil production in the process. On June 19th 2008, The Movement for the

Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) attacked the Bonga Oil Field belonging to

the Shell Producing Development Company, SPDC. The result of the numerous

attacks on oil workers and installations has been reduction in the amount of oil

11
produced by the Nigerian State, a development that has led to a dip in the economic

fortunes of the Nigerian state. The region has suffered from a lot of

underdevelopment. The region is still severally in a condition of pandemic poverty

and abysmal state of arrested development, notwithstanding the $600billion that has

accrued to the Nigerian State through revenue from oil and gas since February 17,

1958. The high level of poverty and underdevelopment in the region has led to the

proliferation of militant organizations who claim they are fighting for the

development of the area. The militant organizations have become more violent and

they have begun to engage in Hostage Takings, Pipeline Vandalization, Oil

Bunkering, Oil Theft e.t.c. This has continued to affect the Nigerian State and has

continued to serve as a problem to the government.

1.3 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

This study seeks to understand the reason why the Niger-Delta has remained a

lingering sore in the Nigerian state despite the efforts put by the Nigerian government

and international organizations in order to find a lasting solution the incessant

uprising of armed groups and militant organizations in the region.

Previous attempts to solve the problems of the petroleum industry, the region and

Nigeria were not probably doomed to fail, but frustrated by limited knowledge, issues

at stake in the crisis, lack of political will and limited funds. The rise of militancy in

the Niger-Delta has affected the Nigerian state in a lot of ways. This study seeks to

find a panacea to the Niger-Delta crisis in order to foster peace through development.

12
Militancy has continued to be on the rise despite all summit, conferences and

seminars that has been put in place; The conflicts in the region seems to be on the

rise; the study seeks to understand why militant acts in the region has been on the

rise. The rising wave of Kidnapping, Hostage taking, Oil theft and Oil bunkering, and

pipeline Vandalization is affecting the Nigerian state, and the aim of the study is to

find a lasting solution through understanding the factors that led to the rise of

militancy in the region, because, if the foundation of the problem is addressed all

other things would follow.

1.6 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

The level of militant activities in the Niger-Delta has taken a new twist and it is
pertinent to know that the Nigerian state is really affected especially during
this period of global economic crisis and falling crude oil prices.
This research work promises to serve as a beacon light that would light the path of

everyone, particularly stakeholders, still searching for potent solutions. By every

standard, this is a reliable research work. It is not a research work on Niger-Delta

alone, but for the Niger-Delta, Petroleum industry and Nigeria for all Nigerians,

Africans and the International community.

Due to the dimensions in which the Niger-Delta crisis has taken, it is pertinent for

citizens of Nigeria to have the required information that would enable them know the

facet of the crisis and the way through wish it can be solved. This research project

brings to the fore the pathologies of Nigeria’s federalism which involves a whole lot

of complex of motivations, orientations and actions which work against the interest

13
and aspiration of the Niger-Delta people.

This research project is being written in a crucial period of the democratic

dispensation, the timing is apt as the present government is determined to tackle

deep-rooted problems.

The examination of many important issues such as Location and History, Oil Politics

and Environment Conflicts, Employment and Multinational Corporations, Meltdown

and Crisis, Governmental response to the clamour of resource control and the way

forward provides a refreshing insight, which could assist in conflict resolution.

The lucidity of this research work and its careful elucidation of the underlying

problems and the crisis of the Niger-Delta region of the country would play an

important role in solving the crisis in the Niger-Delta. The research project would be

essential for people who seek to discover the manifold problems of the Niger-Delta

region which finds itself ensconced in the mystery of the Nigerian Nation.

1.5 RESEARCH PROPOSITIONS

For the purpose of this research work, relevant research propositions have been

outlined to serve as a directional guide and articulation of the research findings or

work.

14
 However, these propositions focus more on the major problems to be
investigated and could possibly lead to other minor research questions in
subsequent research works. The following propositions are relevant and
essential/instructive to this research work:-

i. The rising wave of militancy in the Niger-Delta region has not affected the

revenue generation capacity of the Nigerian state.

ii. The rising wave of militancy in the Niger-Delta region has affected the revenue

generation capacity of the Nigerian state.

1.6 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

This research project would make use of secondary method of data collection.

Content analysis would be made use of in order to be able to analyse the problem

from different view-point. The data would be gotten from Books, Journals,

Newspapers, Magazines, The internet, Government publications and from other

sources.

1.7 SCOPE AND LIMITATIONS

This research project would cover areas in which the act of militancy has affected the

Niger-Delta region of the Nigerian state. This work would study the act Sabotage,

Hostage taking, Oil bunkering, Pipeline vandalization, Piracy, Kidnapping, and other

areas of militancy in the region. This research work also covers the victims of

militant activities and the response of the Nigerian government to the crisis. The
15
effect of militant activities on the revenue generation capacity of the Nigerian state

and the factors that led to the quest for resource control would also be understudied.

This research work is subject to some limitations and it would be a blatant lie to say

that the writing of this project has been and would be a bed of roses. Money and time

are the two major constraint to which this research work has been subjected to. The

time frame of this research work is also a major problem, because the period in which

this research is based is from the year 2007/09 and the year is still ongoing, so, there

is likely going to be some changes in the quest for peace in the region.

1.8 ORGANIZATION OF THE STUDY

This research work is divided into five (5) chapters, and each chapter deals with a

different aspect of the Niger-Delta crises.

Chapter One is the introduction to the subject of research; The chapter one contains

the background to the study, The statement of the problems, Objectives and

significance of the study, Research hypothesis and research methodology, Scope and

limitation, Organization of the study and Conceptualization of the terms.

Chapter Two is the Literature review and it deals with writings of different authors

that are similar to that of the research topic. This chapter contains issues bordering on

Nigeria’s unity like Niger-Delta and the Nigerian state, Niger-Delta as a national

question, Oil and the Nigerian state, and how the discovery of Oil has impacted on

the Nigerian state.

16
Chapter Three contains the Historical background of the rise of militancy in the

Niger-Delta region and it involves the study of the quest of resource control and

ownership by the Indigenes of the Niger-Delta region. It states the nature of conflict

and the reason why the quest for resource control and ownership has taken a new

twist, and it involves violence against the people and the Nigerian state.

Chapter Four studies the relationship between the Niger-Delta region and the

Nigerian Government. It involves the manner through which the government of

Nigeria has responded so far to the quest for resource control. This chapter also deals

with the way the Niger-Delta crisis has affected Nigeria’s external relations and

Foreign Direct Investment (FDI).

Chapter Five is the concluding part of this research project and it contains the

summary of findings of this study, the recommendation of the research to find a

lasting solution to the Niger-Delta which has become a lingering sore on the Nigerian

state and the conclusion.

1.9 CONCEPTUALIZATION OF TERMS

(A) NIGER- DELTA- This is said to be the world’s largest wetland. This 36,000 square

kilometres or about 14,000 square miles of marchland, creeks, tributaries and

lagoons, drain the mass of the River Niger in to the Atlantic Ocean at the Bight of
Biafra. About 12,000 square kilometres of this area is fragile mangrove forest,
probably the largest mangrove forest in the world. In terms of Biodiversity, the area
contains exotic and unique flowers, diverse plant and animal species. Implied in its
ecology is the fact that it is a highly fragile environment which can be easily
disequilibrated. Because of the nature of the ecosystem, transportation is difficult,
17
and for local communities, it is usually through the numerous Rivers and Creeks
which snake through the Delta. There is however, a serious scarcity of arable land
and fresh water.

The discovery of Oil (black gold) has brought both fame and curse for the area. It was
in 1956, that the Anglo-Dutch group, Shell D’Arcy discovered Oil in commercial
quantities at Oloibiri, a small town in the Niger-Delta. Since then, other
multinationals has joined Shell, namely, Mobil, Elf Aquitane, Chevron and Agip.
Nigeria’s prime export, the Bonny light, is low in sulphur content, and therefore
environmental friendly. Crude Oil is currently produced in nine (9) states of Nigeria,
namely, Rivers, Bayelsa, Delta, Edo, Imo, Abia, Akwa-Ibom, Cross-River and Ondo
states. These states constitute what is today known as Niger-Delta.

(B). NATIONAL QUESTION- These are old political and economic situations, to which

the various governments since 1960 have not found a permanent solution. There are a

lot of problems that has plagued the Nigeria state from independence till date.

National questions are does things that the government of Nigeria finds it difficult to

find a solution to it. National questions that have plagued the Nigerian state for

sometime are Revenue allocation formulae, Resource control, State creation,

Tribalism\Ethnicity, Religious conflicts, Corruption, Indigeneship and settler

dichotomy, Niger-Delta and a host of other problems. In fact, The Niger-Delta

conflicts seems to have taken the fore in the Nigerian state, although, there has been

pockets of uprising in different part of the Nigerian state but the Niger-Delta crisis

seems to be a priority to the Yar’Adua\Goodluck administration.

(C).MILITANCY -According to the Oxford advanced learners dictionary, a militant

is somebody who uses, or is willing to use, force or strong pressure to achieve their
18
aims, especially to achieve political or social change. Militancy is the act of using

violence in order to achieve a political or social change. Militancy in the Niger-Delta

came about due to the activities of Oil companies and Oil exploration activities in the

region. The Niger-Delta militants are of the opinion that the Oil that was taken from

their region are used to develop other parts of the Nigerian state while the Niger-

Delta region is left to rot and under develop in the midst of plenty. The militant in the

region resorted to the use of violent acts like Hostage-taking, Oil theft, Pipeline

vandalization, e.t.c to drive home their point.

(D).RESOURCE CONTROL-This means ownership and control of the natural

resources that is produced in an area by the people of that particular area. In a

nutshell, the Niger Deltans wants to control their resources.

(E).FISCAL FEDERALISM-This has to do with the allocation of resources to the

various components of a federal state. Since the Federal government is in charge of

all the natural resources that is accrued to the Nigerian state; the government is in

charge of the disbursement of resources from the federal government to the state and

local government.

(F).DERIVATION PRINCIPLE-It is a trite principle of Federalism that a people must

enjoy derivation from resources coming from their land. This is recognized by the

constitution of Nigeria and the Mineral Act. Derivation is the percentage sum given

to the areas that produces a particular natural resource. The Niger-Delta is given 13%

derivation for the Oil exploited in the region; this is not enough according to the

19
people who seeks to increase it from 13% to 25%, and subsequently to 50%

(G).DEVELOPMENT-The word “DEVELOPMENT” involves so many parts in human

endeavour, as a transformation process from one state to another. Development is

people centred, people inspired and citizens anchored. Whichever way, development

project, or policy, or planning intends to improve their lives, by a process of growth

better than the previous stage, in other words, the emphasis on development should

be on its effects on the quality of life and well-being of human kind.

(H).OIL FIELD- This is an area where Oil is found in the ground or under the sea.

(I).OIL RIG- This is a large structure with equipment for getting oil from the ground

or under the sea.

(J).OIL BUNKERING- This is the act of stealing or siphoning oil from oil pipeline

or storage tank.

(K).REFINERY-This is a factory where a substance such as Oil is made pure by

having other substance out of it.

(L).HOSTAGE TAKING- This is the act by which a person is captured and held

prisoner by a person or group, and who may be injured or killed if the people do not

do what the person or group is asking. This is one of the methods used by Niger-

Delta militants.

(M).EXPLORATION- This is the act of travelling through a place in order to find out

about or looking for something in it. Oil exploration has to do with search for oil in
20
the ground or under the sea.

(N).PIPELINE VANDALIZATION- This is the act of rupturing pipelines used to

transport petroleum or gas from one place to another for political or economic

reasons.

REFERENCES

Ahamefula Ogbu (Sunday, April 5, 2009). Why N’Delta’s underdeveloped.

Thisday, Page 9..

Worgu Stanley Owabukeruyele (January, 2009). Hydro Carbon exploitation,

environmental degradation and poverty in the Niger Delta. Being a paper

presented at Lund University LUMES program, Lund, Sweden.

Alexander I. Moro (2008). The Niger Delta Crisis: Beyond employment and

physical development. The critical issues involved. Mind quest resources, Port

Harcourt.

Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (1999).

Oxford advanced learners dictionary (8th edition)

Okechukwu Ibeanu (2007). “Petroleum, Politics and Development in Niger

Delta”, In Okello Oculi and Yakubu Nasidi (Eds) Brain Gain for African
Renaissance Issues in Governance. ABU Press, Zaria.

21
 CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL

FRAMEWORK

2.1 LITERATURE REVIEW

The purpose of this literature review is to introduce the readers to the existing

secondary data materials relevant to the research topic. It seeks to indicate who has

done the work on the subject matter, when, where latest research studies were

completed and for what purpose. It identifies specific books, monographs, bulletins,

journals, research reports and articles as well as unpublished materials such as

dissertations, thesis, papers presented at recent professional meetings and host of

other literature available.

The Niger-Delta crisis has become a source of National discourse in the Nigerian

Socio-Political environment. Every other day, there is breaking news of the crisis in

the Niger-Delta region. This literature review would be based on the writings of
22
several authors based on the relationship between the Niger-Delta and the Nigerian

state, Oil and Nigeria’s development, Oil and Niger-Delta, Environmental and social

implication of intensive resource exploitation in the Niger-Delta, the impact of Oil

revenue on the Host communities as well as the impact of the Oil industry on human

right.

2.2 NIGER-DELTA AND THE NIGERIAN STATE

Prior to its official amalgamation into a singular Nation by the military forces of the

British Empire in 1914, the territory of Nigeria was a loose collection of autonomous

states, villages, and ethnic communities. Many of these established themselves as

pillars of art, trade, and politics in West Africa as late as the 1800s: four of these

cultural entities, Hausa-Fulani, The Igbo (sometimes called the Ibos), The Yoruba

and the Efik grew extremely prominent in the region before the arrival of foreigners,

dictated by British colonial policies, and dominate national politics in the Nigerian

state to this day.

The Niger-Delta region, which is roughly synonymous with the Niger-Delta province

in location and contemporary heart of petroleum industry, is and was a zone of dense

cultural diversity and is currently inhabited by roughly forty (40) ethnic groups

speaking an estimated two hundred and fifty (250) dialect. Some of the more relevant

ethnic groups in the Western part of the region include the Ijaw, Itsekiri, and Ogoni.

The Ijaw (sometimes spelled Ijo), the fourth most populous tribe in Nigeria and by far

the largest in the Delta region, lived during late medieval times in some fishing

23
villages within the inlets of the Delta; however by the sixteenth century, as the slave

trade grew in importance, Ijaw port cities like Bonny and Brass developed into major

trading states which served as major exporters of fish and other goods regionally.

Other states such as those of Itsekiri domain Warri sprang up at this time as well.

The Eastern Niger-Delta region has the Efik people (Annang/ Efik/Ibibio who are all

related with a common language and ancestors were all referred to as Efik or

Calabar people in early Nigerian history). Their capital city at Calabar located at the

coastal south-east of Nigeria (Eastern Niger-Delta) served as the major trading and

shipping centre during the pre-colonial and colonial period. Calabar also served as

first capital of Nigeria and point of entry of western religion and western education

into South-Eastern Nigeria. The combined population of the Ibibio, Annang and Efik

people is the Fourth language group in Nigeria.

Even before the consolidation of British control over all present day Nigeria’s

borders in 1914 from the protectorate of Southern and Northern Nigeria, British

forces had begun imposing drastic political and economic policies on the area.

Originally, this was done primarily through the government-owned Royal Niger

Company. The company was crucial in securing most of Nigeria’s major ports and

monopolized coastal trade; this resulted in the severing of ties which linked the area

to the flourishing West-Africa regional trade network, in favour of the exportation of

cheap natural resources and cash crops to industrializing nations. Most of the

24
population eventually abandoned food production for such market-dependent crops

(peanuts and cotton in the North, Palm oil in the East, and cocoa in the West). From

the beginning, divide and rule tactics were employed by both traders and

administrators by highlighting Ethno-Religious differences and playing groups

against one another. After the 1914, the North was permitted a system of indirect rule

under authoritarian leaders, while in the South the British exercise control directly.

Interest in Nigeria’s Oil originated in 1914 when an ordinance making any oil and

mineral under Nigerian soil legal property of the Crown. By 1938, the colonial

government had granted the state-sponsored company, Shell (Then known as Shell

D’Arcy) monopoly over exploration of all minerals and petroleum throughout the

entire colony. Commercially viable oil was discovered by Shell roughly 90km west

of the soon-to-be Oil capital of Port-Harcourt at Oloibiri (now in Bayelsa) in 1956;

initially a 50-50 profit sharing system was implemented between the company and

the government. Until the 1950s concessions on production and exploration

continued to be the exclusive domain of the company, then known as Shell-British

Petroleum. However, other firms became interested and by the early 1960s Mobil,

Texaco and Gulf had purchased concessions.

The state of Nigeria that is supposed to be for all the citizens of Nigeria, to promote

the attainment of social goods for the entire country, had been hijacked. The Nigerian
25
state, with all coercive powers that go along with statehood, have been used by the

beneficiaries of state powers to oppress and subjugate the Niger-Deltans, in

contradiction of the purpose for the existence of a modern state. The Niger-Deltans

are worse than when they had stayed alone without the Nigerian Union. In essence,

the Nigerian state has failed the Niger-Deltans. Its operatives even as at now, when

things have assumed a frightening dimension in the Creeks of Oil production, are still

very unresponsive, and always resort to the unacceptable method that have been

employed, to tackle the Niger-Delta imbroglio, and which have been answered with

monumental failures.

The Nigerian state has manifestly failed the Niger-Delta, in the performance of its

inescapable obligations of protecting, respecting and preserving the human and

property rights of the Niger-Deltas. The annihilation of Odi by a wonderful

supposedly civilian democracy in Nigeria is an eloquent testimony of the mutilation

of the rights of the Niger-Delta; a tyrannical violation of the obligations the state

owned its citizens.

2.3 OIL AND NIGERIA’S DEVELOPMENT

As of 2000, Oil and gas export accounted for more than 98% of export earnings and

about 83% of Federal government revenue, as well as generating more than 4% of its

G.D.P. It also provides 95% of foreign exchange earnings, and about 65% of

government budgetary revenues.

26
Nigeria’s proven Oil reserves are estimated by the U.S United States Energy

Information Administration (EIA) at between 16 and 22 billion barrels (3.5x109m3)

but other sources claim there could as much as 35.3 billion barrels (5.61x109m3). Its

resources make Nigeria the Tenth most Petroleum-Rich Nation, and by far the most

affluent in Africa. In mid-2001, its Crude Oil production was averaging around 2.2

million barrels (350,000m3) per day (bpd).

Much of Nigeria’s petroleum is classified as “light “or “sweet” meaning the Oil is

largely free of sulphur. Nigeria is the largest producer of sweet oil in OPEC. The

sweet oil is similar in constitution to petroleum extracted from North Sea. This crude

oil is known as “Bonny Light”. Names of other Nigerian crudes, all of which are

named according to export terminal are: Qua Iboe, Escravos, Blend, Brass River,

Forcados, and Pennington Afam.

In terms of exportation, the U.S remains Nigeria’s largest customer of crude oil,

accounting for 40% of the country’s total oil exports, Nigeria provides about 10% of

overall U.S oil imports and ranks as fifth largest source for U.S imported oil.

There are six petroleum exportation terminals in the country; Shell owns two (2),

while Mobil, Chevron, Texaco, and Agip own one each. Shell also owns the Forcados

Terminal, which is capable of storing 13 million barrels (2,100,000m3) of crude oil in

27
conjunction with the nearby Bonny terminal. Mobil operates primarily out of the Qua

Iboe Terminal in Akwa-Ibom state, while Chevron owns the Escravos Terminal

located in Delta state and has a storage capacity of 3.6 million barrels (570,000m3).

Agip operates the Brass terminal in Brass, a town 113km south-west of Port-Harcourt

and has a storage capacity of 3,558,000 barrels (565,700m3). Texaco operates the

Pennington Terminal.

Since the commercial discovery of Oil in 1956, the Nigerian state has been depending

on the oil revenue for development while neglecting the agricultural and solid

mineral sector. Oil money has been used to develop various parts of the Nigerian

state and it is the oil revenue that enabled the Nigerian state to join various

International Organizations and to embark on various Peace Keeping missions.

During the Oil boom of the 1970s, Yakubu Gowon said that “….the problem of

Nigeria is not lack of money but how to spend it….” This actually led to spending

money recklessly on various projects.

Oil has played a very important role in the Nigerian and it has enabled the Nigerian

state to assume it present economic status as the “Giant of Africa”. Various parts of

the country were developed with the Oil money , the present capital of the Nigerian

state was developed from a mere virgin land to a potential mega city in less than 35

years while Oil that was discovered in the Niger-Delta region was more than 50years
28
has experienced little or no form of development.

Nigeria played host to various International Organizations such as: Hosting the

Festival of Arts and Culture (FESTAC ’77), the establishment of the Economic

Community of West-African States (ECOWAS), the establishment of the National

Youths Service Corps (NYSC) and various other development projects while

neglecting the Niger-Delta region.

The Abacha administration established the Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF) for the

development of the Nigerian state with the crude oil money, yet the Niger-Delta

region is not developed, instead, the money was used to develop other parts of the

Nigerian state where there are good road network even in the remote parts of the

areas, but a single tarred road in the Creeks would be hard to come by.

2.4 OIL AND NIGER-DELTA DEVELOPMENT

The Niger-Delta region is perhaps the most underdeveloped portion of the country

despite fifty-three years of exploiting its non-renewable oil wealth. It is a region that

is at once rich and poor; rich in mineral resources and impoverished by the oil

companies and the Federal Government which expropriates its entire resources. With

this state of affairs, lack of jobs, non-siting of industries and a near lack of

29
infrastructure; the Niger-Delta has become synonymous with squalor and mass

poverty. In a scientific survey published in 1997, The Niger-Delta Environmental

Survey (NEDES) reported that;

“Poverty is prevalent in the Niger-Delta and has been linked to degradation of

agricultural lands and fishing waters. Affected people became impoverished. In many cases,
they tend either to migrate to become part of the urban poor or to remain in their
villages to grapple with the low yielding lands and poor sources of water.”

Perhaps no other part of the Niger-Delta presents what the future holds for the area

more than Oloibiri, the first place where Oil was stuck in commercial quantities in

1956; it remains at the state of nature. With 75% of the Niger-Delta people living in

rural areas without Pipe borne water, electricity and roads, and their lands devastated

by oil exploration, their water polluted by almost daily oil spillage and the air

poisoned by external gas flares, the temper of the people was bound to short. It is

estimated that over 600billion U.S dollars has been accrued the Nigerian state from

sales of crude oil from over 50 years of oil exploration. With exception of three and

half years of civil war time, Nigeria and Her several Federal Governments have

enjoyed relative peace times with unrestricted access to resource exploration in the

area. However, due to development of retrogressive laws (1. The Petroleum Act of

1969 and 1991, II. The Nation Waterways Decree of 1997, III. The Land Use Act of

1978 and 1993) and corruption by unjustifiable unitary republics and Military

governments, the people of the Niger-Delta have suffered gross social economic

infrastructure neglect, poverty, frustrations, ecological catastrophes and other

deprivation despite their contributions to the Nigerian prosperity. There are no

30
standing legislative histories behind these laws mostly decreed by military

governments (some have been amended by elected legislature).

People in the Niger-Delta generally feel marginalized, cheated, and left out in the

lurch from concomitant largesse of contemporary “Petro-Naira”. These people

perceive a profound sense of alienation and see themselves as being far removed

from the concrete realities of a prosperous nation whose financial strength is

continuously rejuvenated from the enormous petroleum resources from the bowels of

the Niger-Delta. For a reference, they constantly visualize the enormous resources

committed to the beautified fly-over bridges in metropolitan Lagos, the emergent

high-rise architectural master-pieces in the Nation’s capital, Abuja, and the

characteristic profligacy of the typical Nigerian political who squanders “Petro-

Naira” at the slightest opportunity and they bemoan the stark discrepancy in life

chances and opportunities between THEM and US. THEM represents multinationals

and agents of the Federal government who together constitute Joint Venture partners

for oil exploration; US represents indigenous peoples in oil bearing communities;

those who pays social and health costs to several years of plunderous oil exploration

oil exploration.

Niger-Delta indigenes are not bemused at the turn of events that development for

them has remained of rhetoric. Discrepancy in the level of development in other areas
31
of Nigeria and the immediate milieu of the Niger-Delta has become a constant source

of turmoil and conflict, and these have translated into a trenchant and systematic

advocacy of resource control.

2.5 OIL RESOURCE EXPLOITATION IN THE NIGER-DELTA

2.5.1 OIL RESOURCE EXPLOITATION IN THE NIGER-DELTA

The effect of oil resource extraction on the environment of the Niger-Delta
has been very glaring in terms of its negative effect on the region. Eteng 1997, P.4
stated that “Oil exploration and exploitation has over the last five decades impacted disastrously on the
socio-physical environment of the Niger-Delta oil-bearing communities, massively threatening the subsistent
peasant economy and the environment and hence the entire livelihood and basic survival of the people”.

Suffice it to note that, while oil extraction has caused negative socio-economic and

environmental problems in the Niger-Delta, the Nigerian state has benefitted

immensely from petroleum since it was discovered in commercial quantities in 1956.

The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) 1981 annual report stated as follows,

“….oil which was first discovered in 1956 and first exported

In 1958 accounted for more than 90% of Nigerian export by

Value and about 80% of government revenue as at December

31, 1978…….The overall contribution of the oil sector to the

National economy also grew from an in significant 0.1% in

1959 to 87% in 1976.”

There is no doubt that the Nigerian oil industry has affected the country in a variety

of ways at the same time. On one hand, it has fashioned a remarkable economic

landscape for the country, however on the negative side, petroleum exploration and
32
production also have adverse effects on fishing and farming which are the traditional

means of livelihood of the people of the oil producing communities in the Niger-

Delta.

If the oil industry is considered in view of its enormous contribution to foreign

exchange earning, it has achieved a remarkable success. On the other scale, when

considered in respect of its inhabitants, it has left a balance-sheet of ecological and

socio-political disaster. This rightly provides a framework to evaluate the work of

neo-classical economists who argue that the development of primary resource

material for export in the periphery is the basis for development in the periphery

countries.

2.5.2 PRODUCING FOR EXPORT

Nigeria like most other less developed countries in the early part of the 70’s, were

engaged in intensive natural resource exploitation as a way of stimulating economic

growth. It was projected by several multilateral funding organizations such as the

International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank that export drive of primary

resource materials will eventually lead to economic growth and subsequently a

significant reduction in the level of poverty. The projection was that the long term

gain of such a process would set the stage for a sustained economic development.

33
As at 1976, about 10 years from the start of the oil export drive. Figures available

from the Federal Office of Statistics stated that oil has come to account for about 14%

of the Nation’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of Nigeria, 95% of the total export

and over 80% of government annual revenue. Total export peaked at two million

barrels of oil per day (bpd) with price range of 18-20 dollars per barrels. This created

more opportunities for the development of new oil fields, increase granting of mining

licenses and the intensive exploitation of oil mineral resources in the Niger-Delta.

The multinational oil companies made huge investments in the oil sector, which was

quite technological and capital intensive. New laws were made which includes the

Petroleum Act of 1969 and the Land Use Decree\Act of 1978. This legislation

regulated community access to communal or open access to such land, while at the

same time making it possible for the multinational investors to have unrestricted

access to explore for oil unchallenged even on sacred land.

These changes have led to a series of social conflict between the community people

and the state\oil companies as would be discussed hereafter.

2.5.3 PEASANT AGRICULTURE IN THE NIGER-DELTA.

Agriculture forms the most dominant economic activity in the Niger-Delta. Federal

Office of Statistics (F.O.S) in 1985 stated that crop farming and fishing activities

account for about 90% of all forms of activities in the area. They also estimated that

about 50%-68% of the active labour force is engaged in one form of agricultural

activity or the other including fishing and farming. Agricultural technology has
34
remained relatively unchanged over the years and over 90% of farmers are subsistent

farmers operating on traditional methods using basic tools. Azibolomari 1998, P.67

stated that-

“…….farming technique in the Niger-Delta has still

remained the use of land rotation of bush fallow -

system characterized by land and labour being the

principal unit of production.”

The organic farming techniques widely used in the Niger-Delta is highly susceptible

to environmental changes affecting the soil, water and or deforestation because it is

not technologically inspired, but rather land and labour intensive. Oil extraction and

production has led to adverse environmental impact on the soil, forest and water of

the Niger-Delta communities. This has ultimately affected peasant agriculture in a

variety of ways, which ultimately have caused problems of environmental refugees.

Some of the landless farmers migrate to other more fertile lands in other rural

communities, putting pressure on scarce fertile lands. While some of the displaced

farmers out-migrate to the urban areas in search of livelihood.

Various harmful and toxic organic compounds when introduced into the natural

environment during oil extraction such as during seismic work, oil spill, gas flares

and several other forms pollution, changes the geo-chemical composition of the soil,

rivers and other components of the environment. This in turn affects agriculture and

lead to a drastic decline in output in both fishing and farming activities. Stanley 1990,
35
P.67-79 noted that-

“……7.7% of the 797 people interviewed on the socio-economic

impact of oil in Nigeria identified farmland pollution as a major

problem.”

The peasants are very reactive to these changes because of the unavailability of

modern farming and fishing techniques to meet the challenges of a declining soil and

marine resources. The drastic fall in output of the agricultural product, led to

intensive exploitation of other fertile land. This long run effect of this is land

degradation and immigration to other rural areas, where pressures is exerted on the

often inadequate and dilapidated infrastructure, leading to increase poverty.

In addition, Ikporukpo 1981, P.23-26 stated that “most farmers are concerned with

problems of displacement without resettlement during oil spills”. Gbadegesin 1997, P.9 further

noted that

“Apart from loss of farms, oil spills have led to extensive deforestation

With no adequate replanting practices…….this in effect has shortened

Fallow periods, compounded land use degradation and led to a loss of

Soil fertility and consequently erosion of top soil.”

Elliot 1998, P.82 stated that-

“The slash and burn agriculture traditionally practiced by shifting

cultivators-up to 10% of world’s population is based on ecologically

36
 sound principles. It minimizes threats to the forest by leaving land

fallow over a period of time long enough for regeneration…….landless

peasants whom have been forced from their own land, increases the number of

people pursuing such a subsistence lifestyle, this contributes to de-

forestation through further encroachment on forest lands and reduction

in fallow times.”

The out-migration of the rural displaced farmers in the Niger-Delta as a result of

environmental degradation caused by oil extraction in the region has led to a

significant percentage of the local inhabitants to remain in cyclical poverty and

penury. This has meant a greater environmental degradation as a result of the

intensive exploitation of the few remaining fertile lands in the region by the residents.

It has also led to increasing urban blight in the urban areas in the Niger-Delta as more

displaced rural inhabitant flood the urban areas in search of non-existent jobs.

2.6 ENVIRONMENTAL AND SOCIAL IMPLICATION OF INTENSIVE

RESOURCE EXPLOITATION IN THE NIGER-DELTA

In this section, this paper will look more specifically at various environmental and

socio-economic problems that have been identified as a result of the intensive

extraction of natural oil resources in the Niger-Delta.

2.6.1 ENVIRONMENTAL PROBLEMS

The Niger-Delta is comprised of 70,000 km2 of wetlands formed primarily by

sediment deposition. Home to Twenty million people and forty (40) different ethnic

groups, this flood plain makes up 75% of Nigeria’s total wetland mass. It is the

largest wetland and maintains the third largest drainage area in Africa. The Delta’s
37
environment can be broken down into four ecological zones; Coastal barrier islands,

Mangrove swamp forests, Fresh water swamps, and Lowland rain forests. This

incredibly well-endowed ecosystem, which contains one of the highest concentrations

of bio-diversity on the planet, in addition to supporting the abundant flora and fauna,

arable terrain that can sustain a wide variety of crops, economic trees, and more

species of fresh water fish than any ecosystem in West-Africa. The region could

experience a loss of 40% of its inhabitable terrain in the next thirty years because of

extensive dam construction in the region. The carelessness of the oil industry has also

precipitated this situation, which can perhaps be encapsulated by a 1983 report issued

by the NNPC in 1983; long perform popular unrest surfaced;

“We witnessed the slow poisoning of the waters of this country and

the destruction of vegetation and agricultural lands by oil spills which

occur during petroleum operations. But since the inception of the oil

industry in Nigeria, more than fifty years ago, there has been no concerned

and effective effort on the part of the government let alone the oil operators,

To control environmental problems associated with the industry.”

Nwankwo and Ifeadi 1988, P.58-64 identified the factors as some of the pollution

problems associated with oil exploration and production in the Niger-Delta.

1. Contamination of streams and rivers- In the course of oil exploration and

production in the Niger-Delta, various materials are released into the environment.

For example during exploration, drill cuttings, drill mud and fluids are used for

stimulation production

38
2. The problem of oil spills- Oil spills in Nigeria occur due to a number of causes

which; corrosion of pipelines and tankers (accounts for 50% of all spills), sabotage

(28%), and oil production operations (21%), with 1% of spills being accounted for by

inadequate or non-functional production equipment. The largest contributor to the oil

spill total, corrosion of pipes and tanks, is the rupturing or leaking of production

infrastructures that are described as, “very old and lacks regular inspection and

maintenance.,”

Oil spillage has a major impact on the ecosystem into which it is released. Immense

tracts of mangrove forests, which are especially susceptible to oil (this is mainly

because it is stored in the soil and re-released annually with inundation), have been

destroyed, an estimated 5-10% of Nigerian mangrove ecosystems have been wiped

out either by settlement or oil. The rainforest which previously occupied some

7,400km2 of land has disappeared as well.

3. Transportation and marketing, Damage to oil pipelines and Accidents involving

road trucks and tankers generate oil spills and hydrocarbon emissions which

according to Ikporukpo 1988, P.79 have a far more reaching effect, because the

toxicity of the soil adversely affect the soil, plant, animal and water resources.

4. Forest destruction and bio-diversity loss- The major constituent of drill cuttings

39
such as barites and bentonite clays when dropped or dumped on the ground prevent

plant’s growth until natural processes develop new top soil. In water according to

Nwankwo and Ifeadi (1988), these materials disperse and sink, killing marine

animals. The environmental effect of gas flaring- Nigeria flares more natural gas

associated with oil extracted than any other country on the planet, with estimates

suggesting that of the 3.5 billion cubit feet (99,000,000m3) of Associated Gas(A.G)

produced annually, 2.5 billion cubit feet (71,000,000), or about 70% is wasted via

flaring. This equals about 25% of U.K’s total natural gas consumption and it is the

equivalent of 40% of the entire African continent’s gas consumption in 2001.

Gas flares can have potentially harmful effects on the health and livelihood of the

communities in their vicinity, as they release a variety of poisonous chemicals. There

are many human problems, which have been reported amongst many children in the

Delta but have apparently gone uninvestigated.

5. Effluent discharge and disposal- Refinery waste also contains very toxic

chemicals, which constitute potential land, water and air pollutants.

Atmospheric contaminants from refinery operations include oxides of nitrogen,

carbon and sulphur. Liquid refinery effluent usually contains oil and grease.

These compounds contain organic chemicals such as phenol cyanide; sulphide-

suspended solids, chromium and biological demanding organic matter on

40
getting in contact with land water pollute them.

2.6.2 SOCIAL IMPACT

The Niger-Delta communities have remained grossly socio-economically

underdeveloped and pauperized amidst the immense oil wealth owing to systematic

disequilibrium in the production exchange relationship between the State, the Trans-

National companies and the people. Enormous money had been derived from oil

export but the area has been subjected to severe land degradation, socio-economic

disorganization, increasing poverty, misery, militancy occupation and bloody

violence.

Oil exploration has impacted most disastrously on the socio-physical environment of

the Niger-Delta oil bearing communities massively threatening the fragile subsistent

peasant economy and bio-diversity and hence their entire social livelihood and very

survival. The oil producing communities have basically remained dependent and

underdeveloped, persistently dis-empowered, socio-culturally marginalized and

psychologically alienated. The wealth derived from oil resource exploitation and

exports benefit directly only the operators of the oil industry and the bureaucrats in

governments.

Conflicts between oil companies and host communities are also recurring phenomena
41
in the Niger-Delta region. Of the two most appropriating external systems, that is the

Government and the Trans-National oil companies, the TNC’s are in more direct and

physical contact with the communities and their expropriated inhabitants. The

deprived peasants currently make demand for social services from the oil companies,

than they can make from the often-inaccessible Nigerian state. This has often led to

conflict as the oil companies are engaged in the process of collaborating with the

Nigerian regime to use violence as a means of pacifying the protesting communities.

Oil exploration and exploitation over the last four decades has also instigated and

intensified bitter and bloody conflicts between emerging interest groups within and

between communities. These conflicts now range between elite groups and between

youths or organizations on one hand, between urban resident elite and village

community resident on the other scale. This conflict that has emerged in the Niger-

Delta as a result of the creation of oil has its roots in the violence of the rights of the

local community people as a people as a result of the promulgation of obnoxious

legislations, this has inevitably led to greater poverty and landless groups of the

people whose basis sustenance as peasants farmers have been negatively affected as a

result of oil extraction for export.

2.7 HOST COMMUNITIES AND OIL REVENUE

The Federal Government of Nigeria is accused of depriving the host communities of

42
the revenues accruing to them from Niger-Delta oil production. It must be

categorically pointed out that the crude oil is not produced out of the entire land-

scape of the Niger-Delta; rather some specific host communities are responsible for

the production of the crude oil that bestows the honour on the Niger-Delta, because

they are integral parts of the Niger-Delta.

The Federal Government has conceded at least 13% of the revenues derived from

crude-oil, even though, unjustly to the oil producing states, and crisis of the Niger-

Delta now, is a result of the deprivation arising from the expropriation of the oil

revenues by the centre, without a beneficial advantage to the swamps of the Niger-

Delta producing crude oil.

The oil bearing host communities of the oil companies are very poor, and they can

hardly fend for themselves. The host communities do not have economic activities

that generate enough money for them to be contended. The oil revenue accrued to the

Nigerian state has not in anyway impacted positively to the host communities.

2.8 IMPACT OF OIL INDUSTRY ON HUMAN RIGHT

One of the greatest threats facing the people of the Niger River Delta has actually

been their own government. The Nigerian government has total control over property

43
rights and they have the authority to seize any property for use by oil companies. A

majority of every dollar that comes out of the ground in the Delta goes to the

government of Nigeria. Despite the wealth flowing into the Nation from oil revenues,

many of Nigeria’s socio-economic factors are worse than they were 30 years ago.

According to the World Bank, most of Nigeria’s oil wealth gets siphoned off by 1%

of the population. Corruption in the government is rampant, in fact since 1960, it is

estimated that 300 -400 billion dollars has been stolen by corrupt government

officials. The corruption is found at the highest levels as well. For example, a former

Inspector General of the National Police was accused of stealing 52 million dollars.

He was sentenced to six years in prison for a lesser charge.

The situation is very bad and the people have engaged in protest. The problem is,

many of these protest have been met with unmitigated violence. One example of this

occurred in February 2005; there was a protest at Chevron Escravos Oil terminal in

which soldiers opened fire on the protesters. One man was killed and 30 others were

injured. The soldiers claimed that the protesters were armed, a claim the protesters

deny. Another, more extreme example happened in 1994, The Nigerian Military

moved into a region called Ogoniland in force. They razed 30 villages, arrested

hundreds of protesters and killed an estimated 2,000 people. In 1999, a band of

soldiers invaded a whole village down, killing the people and making them homeless.

44
The human neglect of the people of the Niger-Delta has been neglected because of

the Oil in the region. The people are treated like slaves and the government has made

sure that they don’t rise above that position.

2.9 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

This research project would make use the System Theory in analyzing the crisis in

the Niger-Delta with the rise of militancy in the region.

David Easton is usually credited with pioneering the application of system approach

to the analysis of the political process. He defines the political system as “the system

of interactions in any society through which binding or authoritative decisions are

made or implemented.”He considers the political system as existing within an

environment of other systems. Physical, Biological, Social, Psychological, etc., which

affect and are in turn affected by the political system-through continuous transactions

and exchanges.

According to Easton, the political system functions by getting inputs from its

environment. The inputs are events in the environment which evokes response from

it. The inputs could be supports, that is, expressions of approval for particular

decisions. The inputs from the environment undergoes a conversion process with the

political system and come out as outputs, which usually are authoritative decisions

such as Government policies, Judicial decisions, Acts of Parliament etc., Promulgated

by the authorities. These authoritative outputs usually affect the environment as

45
outcomes and in turn excite some form of feedback, that changes in the intensity and

value of demands and support from the environment. The system theory would be

used to analyze the Niger-Delta crisis with the cry for resource control and increase

in derivative principles, the rise of militancy, and the response of the government and

other facet of the crisis.

REFERENCES OF LITERATURE REVIEW

Alexandra I. Moro (2008). “The Niger-Delta crisis: Beyond Employment and

Physical Development, The critical issues involved”. Mind quest publishers, Port-

Harcourt.

46
Alabi Williams (Sunday, June 29, 2008).”The Niger-Delta: Begging an old

question”. The Guardian, Page 18.

Worgu Stanley Owabukeruyele (January, 2000). “Hydro carbon exploration,

environmental degradation and poverty in the Niger-Delta region of Nigeria”. Being

a paper presented at Lund University LUMES program, Lund, Sweden,

Clement Ikpatt; L. Glenn Scott, Esq. “The Niger-Delta problems and solutions: The

Equilateral Resource Control (ERC) model as an alternative dispute resolution

(ADR) concept.

http://www.crisisgroup.org/library/documents/africa/west_africa/135_nigeria_ending

_unrest_in_the_niger_delta_pdf.

Sam Olowoyeye (Saturday, June 28, 2008).”In search of peace in the Niger-Delta”.

The Guardian, Page 15.

Godwin Ijediogor (Saturday, September 20, 2008).”Niger-Delta conflict as lingering

sore”. The Guardian, Page 8.

CHAPTER THREE

NIGER DELTA AND MILITANCY

3.1 HISTORICAL BACKROUND TO THE RISE OF MILITANCY

47
 IN THE NIGER-DELTA REGION

The search oil in Nigeria dates back to 1908 when the German firm known as

Nigerian Bitumen Company started drilling and exploring for Oil within the

Okitipupa area, about 200km East of Lagos. The search was unsuccessful as oil was

not found in commercial quantities.

The Shell Petroleum Company of Nigeria Limited (then known as Shell D’Arcy and

later Shell B.P), which was based in Warri pioneered a fresh search of Oil in 1937.

The Royal Shell Group jointly financed the company.

At first, the operations covered the whole of Nigeria, but later the concession area

under Oil Prospecting License (OPL’s) was reduced to 40,000 square miles in and

around the Niger-Delta Basin. The Second World War forced the company to

suspend its activities in 1941, but they resumed in 1946. The first deep exploration

Well was drilled in 1951 at Ihuo, 10 miles North-East of Owerri, to depth of 11,228

feet, but no Oil was found. Akata-1, drilled in 1953 and suspended in 1954, was the

first well in which Oil was encountered, but seven appraisal wells, which were drilled

in the area, were dry holes. Oil in commercial quantity was first discovered at

Oloibiri in the then Rivers state, now in Bayelsa state, by Shell. Towards the end of

the same year, a second discovery was made at Afam, in Rivers state. Until 1956,

48
Shell was the principal company undertaking the search, although there had been

sporadic exploration by others before that. Pipeline connections between Oloibiri and

Port-Harcourt made it possible for the first cargo of oil to leave Nigeria in February

1958 when production stood at 6,000 barrels per day (bpd). The oil industry had

spent some 50billion Naira before the first shipment of Nigerian Oil to Europe on

February 17, 1958.

Undoubtedly, the rapid development of the Oil industry in the 1969s is probably the

single most important factor in Nigeria’s economic development. The issue of the

proper applications of the proceeds of the 13% derivation became a major issue

following a public challenge to Governors from the Zone by Babagana Kingibe, a

one time Secretary to the Federal Government, on the poverty in the Niger-Delta.

Kingibe called “on all true sons of the Niger-Delta to ask their leaders questions on

how the derivation sums have been, or being spent.”

Presently, the region is still severely in a condition of pandemic poverty and abysmal

state of arrested development, notwithstanding the over $600billion that has been

accrued to the Nigerian state through revenue from oil and gas since February 17,

1958.

49
Irked by this reality, leaders and youths of the region have formed coalitions and

political interest groups in the quest for justice and equity they believe they deserve.

The main challenge now, however, lies in how the government intends to tackle the

situation.

The people believe that very little attention has been paid to the far more daunting

challenges of the region hence the attacks by the various militant groups parading the

region including the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger-Delta (MEND).

These attacks have cut production capacity by an estimated 500,000 barrels of oil per

day (bpd), or approximately 25% of the country’s output. There has been unrest in

the Niger-Delta for decades, fuelled by underdevelopment, environmental

degradation, and violence, including the execution in 1955 of activist, businessman

and writer Ken Saro-Wiwa and Eight other fellow advocates of the Ogoni people.

The Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger-Delta (MEND), which emerged in

2005 and since became the most vocal, best organized, most visible and militant of

the armed groups, in a statement by its spokesman, Mr. Jomo Gbomo said that “their

goal was to achieve resource control or cause trouble, just like it had been doing.”

MEND had since December 2005 engaged in a spate of attacks and kidnapping of oil

50
workers, especially foreigners, thereby forcing oil production shut-ins most of the

time up to 500,000 barrels per day (bpd). In August 2006, following incessant

abductions of its workers and demand for ransom at times to secure their release,

some multinational oil companies operating in the indicated intentions to stop

operations and possibly withdraw from the Niger-Delta over security concerns.

The situation is made worse by greed and corruption on the part of their leaders, as in

other parts of the country, as after over nine years of civilian rule, government

officials at the local, state and federal level are perceived to have failed to deliver

democracy dividend to the poverty-stricken inhabitants.

Militant groups and their activities tended to be buoyed by some popular support for

their cause, maybe not modus operandi, and their moral unshaken by the arrest and

incarceration of one of their leaders, Alhaji Mujaheed Dokubo-Asari who was later

released. But the secret trial and release of one of their leaders, Henry Okah, is one

that has raised the stakes.

In Ogoniland in Rivers state, where oil was discovered in commercial quantities by

Anglo-Dutch Shell in 1957, just one year after the discovery of Nigeria’s first

commercial deposit at Oloibiri, Bayelsa state, there is little or nothing to show for oil

51
exploration apart from degradation from oil spills and gas flaring.

The minority Ogoni and other ethnic groups were forced to give up their lands to oil

companies almost free and this was made worse by the 1979 Land Use Decree which

gave the federal government full ownership and rights to all Nigerian territory and

determination of all compensation for land based on the value of crops on it at the

time of its acquisition.

Increasing agitation in the 1970’s and 80s necessitated government’s veiled promises

to develop the Niger-Delta, as the Ogoni dissent grew. The founding of the

Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) in 1992 gave the people

the needed voice and platform to up their agitation against exploitation.

Spearheaded by playwright and author, the late Ken Saro-Wiwa, MOSOP soon

became a rallying point the struggle for ethnic and environmental rights in the region,

with Shell, and invariably the government at the receiving end. The Ogoni agitation

took a new dimension in December 1992, with MOSOP issuing an ultimatum to oil

companies operating in the area, including Shell, Chevron and Nigerian National

Petroleum Corporation (NNPC). It demanded $10billion in accumulated royalties,

damages and compensation and “immediate stoppage of environmental

degradation”, and called for fresh negotiations for mutual agreement on all future

52
drilling. The Ogoni people threatened to embark on a mass action to disrupt the oil

companies’ operation if they failed to comply.

With this, the focus shifted from an unresponsive federal government to oil

companies. The federal military government at the time responded by banning public

gatherings and declaring that any disruption of production by the people amounted to

acts of treason. At that time, oil production from Ogoniland had reduced to about

10,000 bpd or 0.5% of the national output. That gave the government a window to

apply military clampdown in May 1994, with soldiers and mobile policemen detailed

to most Ogoni villages. On May 24, four conservative Ogoni chiefs were brutally

murdered, after Saro-Wiwa, who headed the opposing faction was allegedly denied

entry to Ogoniland by security operatives on the day.

Curiously, He was detained in connection with the killings by Major Paul Okutimo

led Rivers state internal security, which claimed to be looking for those directly

involved in the murder.

The security outfit was accused of reigning terror on the people of Ogoni by even

Amnesty International. By June, over 30 villages had been completely destroyed,

about 600 people detained and at least 40 killed by the outfit. This finally resulted to

over 100,000 internally displaced persons and around 2,000 civilian deaths.

53
In May 1994, Nine MOSOP activities, also known as “The Ogoni Nine”, including

Saro-Wiwa, were arrested and accused of instigating to murder of their Four Ogoni

kinsmen, a charge they vehemently denied. They were incarcerated for over one year

before they were tried, found guilty and sentenced to death by a special military

tribunal set up by then Head of State, late Gen. Sani Abacha on 10 November 1995

without due process being followed.

They were subsequently executed by hanging by the military Junta, despite Local and

International condemnation.

The Commonwealth of Nations which had pleaded for clemency, suspended Nigeria

from the organization, while the United States (USA), the United Kingdom (UK) and

the European Union (EU) imposed varying sanctions on the country. This though did

not have a commensurate impact on oil production because of the contending

interests.

The late 1990s witnessed an upsurge of clashes between Ijaw militants and their

neighbouring and smaller Itsekiri counterparts in Delta state, especially Warri.

54
Despite their rivalry, the Ijaw/Itsekiri conflict was held down in late 1998, when the

sudden death of Gen. Sani Abacha led to the resurgence of local politics over Ward

allocations.

The control of Warri, the largest commercial city in Delta state and source of political

patronage was contentious and pitched the Ijaw, Itsekiri and Urhobo against one

another.

The December 1998 All Ijaw Youth Conference added pep to the Ijaw struggle for

resource control, with the formation of the Ijaw Youth Council (IYC) and the issuing

of the “Kaiama Declaration”, in which they called on oil companies to suspend

operations and withdraw from Ijaw territories. The IYC pledged “to struggle

peacefully for freedom, self determination and ecological justice.”

Subsequently, two Nigerian Navy Warships and over 10,000 Nigerian troops were

deployed to Bayelsa and Delta state, just as the IYC mobilized for “Operation

Climate Change”. The soldiers, on entering Yenogoa, the Bayelsa state capital,

announced that they had come to attack the youths trying to stop oil companies, and

on December30, about 2,000 youths went round Yenogoa, dressed in black, singing

and dancing. The soldiers opened fire on them, killing at least three protesters and

55
arresting over 25 others. A march round town to demand the release of their kinsmen

was stopped by the soldiers and there, more protesters killed, with dusk-to-dawn

curfew and meetings banned across the state, particularly the state capital and

military road blocks.

Inspite of the repeated attacks and killings by the soldiers, IYC continued its

Operation Climate Change, which disrupted oil supplies by capping oil valves

throughout Ijawland.

Perhaps the worst atrocity yet against the people was the Odi massacre that led to the

death of many Ijaw people, following a crisis and subsequent abduction of some

policemen by youths operating in the area, and since then, the already deteriorating

relationship among the government, the Ijaw people and oil companies came to a

head, as the people mobilised against the oil industry and their hitherto non-violent

approach turned to an armed struggle.

All these culminated in the current militarisation of the Niger-Delta, as local, state

and federal officials with varying and sometime conflicting interest, funding and

arming different groups to do their political bidding, with Rivers, Delta and Bayelsa

as hot beds.

56
Until 2003, Warri was the axis of the crisis, but following the violent struggle for

supremacy between Dokubo-Asari’s Niger-Delta Peoples Volunteer Force (NDPVF)

militia and the Ateke Tom-led Niger-Delta Vigilante (NDV), the battle shifted to

Port-Harcourt and environs, in what has been called cult clashes.

In 2003, Dokubo-Asari, a former president of IYC and his boys “retreated into the

bush” to form the flank for the agitation for resource control starting with control of

illegal oil bunkering, a veritable source of acquiring sophisticated arms, which

militants justify as compensation for their exploitation and environment degradation.

The conflicts have led to disruption of civilian lives, closure of schools and a slide in

economic activities. By 2004, several cult clashes in and around the Port-Harcourt

waterfront had led to the destruction of some residential slums. It soon assumed

peaked and started to attract the attention of the international community.

Following an attempt to exterminate NDPVF by the Federal Government, Dokubo-

Asari declared an all-out war against the Nigerian state and oil corporations,

threatening to disrupt oil production by attacking wells and pipelines. This

immediately caused a major crisis, with Shell’s evacuation of 285 of its non-essential
57
staff from two oil fields and cutting production by 30,000 barrels per day (bpd).

In the course of the Ijaw agitation MEND more or less hijacked the struggle and

called on Obasanjo to release Dokubo-Asari, who was detained and charged with

treason and former Bayelsa state governor, Chief Diepreye Alamieyeseigha, held on

corruption charges.

In January 2006, MEND warned the oil industry;

“It must be clear that the Nigerian Government cannot

protect your workers or assets, leave our land while

you can or die in it......Our aim is to totally destroy the

capacity of the Nigerian government to export oil.”

Since then, then they have bombed pipelines, kidnapped foreign and sometimes local

oil workers and caused Shell and Chevron to shut-in production or shut-down some

oil installations in the Niger-Delta creeks.

3.2 UNDERSTANDING THE NATURE OF THE CONFLICT

Conflict within and across boundaries occur between the ruling classes of contending

nations and Nation-states. These conflicts are often extensions of violent inter-

communal and inter-state conflicts. Whether local, national or international, Asobie

(2004) reported that “there are tree critical factors that shape the dynamics of
58
conflicts”. First, there is the nature of the price of the conflict. This has to do with the

relative utility and size of the productive forces or social product that will accrue as a

return of the struggle. In addition, there is the relationship between the social classes,

which constitute the real actors in the conflict. These actors may include interest

groups of both sides who may cause the spiral of conflict almost unending. The third

factor is the state of domestic politics in the Nation-States and Local communities

which form the basis for the controlling parties, for instance, the nature of the regime

that controls the political machinery or leadership.

Basically, oil production has given rise to contradictions at different levels of the

Nigerian society, between the states and oil producing minority, amongst the oil

producing communities, between the state and oil majors, and amongst oil majors.

However, of these, it is the low intensity conflict between the state and the oil

producing communities; amongst the oil major and the oil producing communities

that is more common. Quite often; groups demand reparation and compensation for

increasing environmental damage by the state and the oil majors, and demand the

stoppage of further exploration and production activities likely to further cause

damage to the environment in the Niger-Delta.

Fundamentally, the exclusion of the majority of the people from the fruit of oil

economy and the degradation of their source of livelihood-the environment-has been

59
a factor in the deepening crisis in the Niger-Delta.

Different meanings have been attached to the notion of conflicts and security in the

Niger-Delta. For oil bearing communities, security means the maintenance of the

carrying capacity of the fragile Niger-Delta environment. The devastation of their

farmlands and fishing waters which threatens resource flow and livelihoods and

creates insecurity is simply unacceptable. Therefore, the issues of deprivation and

marginalization are key concerns of the communities of this area. Since the state and

its allies, the multinational oil companies, appropriate almost all the oil wealth, they

are resentful of the state and petro-business and feel that a reasonable part of the

proceeds from oil should be reinvested in the communities. Hence, security for local

communities means recognition that mindless exploitation of crude oil and resultant

ecological damage threatens their survival. For state officials and petro-business, it

means the unencumbered production of crude oil at competitive (real cheap) cost.

Also, apart from being a site where technical approaches to environmental

management have failed to halt the march of environmental degradation and conflict,

the Delta has played host to wars fought between local forces of resistance on the one

hand, and competing communities on the other.

Sometimes, scarcity of resources or of sources of livelihood lead to low-intensity

wars over fishing grounds and the right to compensation have been sources of
60
conflict in the past and appear to be on the increase with the country having embraced

factional struggles within the ruling elite, as witnessed by numerous coups-d’état and

violent politics for control of state power. This struggle for the control of state power

has influenced the formation of oil policy and the laws guiding the relations between

the oil producing communities and the multinational oil companies in a way that

favoured the oil companies and their cronies who constitute the dominant and ruling

classes. Whereas harsh living conditions of the peoples of the Niger-Delta, it has

rather been perceived as being a collaborator with the oil companies in destroying the

rich bio-diversity of the Niger-Delta.

In terms of the management of the region, institutional and policy measures, the

federal government through various laws and bodies established over the years, has

tried to manage the conflictual relations surrounding the exploration of oil in the

country. A strong catalyst that jolted the federal government into being more serious

with environmental matters was the illegal dumping of toxic wastes of Italian origin

on Nigeria soil at Koko in Delta state. The uproar created by this action elicited very

quick response from federal government with the creation of the Federal

Environmental Protection Agency (FEPA) by decree 88of 1988.

3.3 POLITICAL ECONOMY OF RESOURCE CONTROL

The notion of resource control was originally projected as the spearhead of a much

wider agenda to ameliorate the prevailing disjointed and iniquitous development

61
conditions in the Niger-Delta of Nigeria. The pattern of development that was skewed

in disfavour of the people of the Niger-Delta area produced a large and trenchant

advocacy for resource control was, therefore, a home grown initiative to restore

equity where it was non-existing.

The political economy of the Niger-Delta is, therefore, one that is historically

premised on a dialectical nomenclature. This dialectical proclivity stems from

widespread social deprivations and inevitable collective reaction to the perception of

a range of development disjointedness and iniquities including the allocation of

government revenue, ancillary infrastructure or appointment to choice public

position.

The major crisis in the Niger-Delta centres on the notion of resource control. There

are various questions that have been recurring in the Nigerian scenes which are; who

are the owners of the natural resources that are found in the North and South? Have

they been put into consideration in the question of ownership, distribution, control

and management of these resources? Has their consent been sought in any legislation

that takes part in these laws that deprived them of their resources? What is the impact

of the taking away of these resources from them? Have they fared better or worse

than when their resources had not been taken away from them? What is their standard

of living vis-a-vis when their resources had not been taken away from them? What
62
special considerations are made for them to include them in the exploitation of the

resources coming out of their land? What allowance has been provided those in the

political distribution and dispensation of the revenue that are coming out of their

lands e.t.c, the questions to be asked, are in legion?

The Niger-Deltans had been consummately deprived of the crude oil that is coming

out of their lands with disdain and despicable bravado. The deprivation of their

resources, if for a beneficial growth and development, could not have engendered any

bitterness and consternation, if it was going to benefit the Niger-Deltans and other

Nigerians. Rather the Niger-Delta resources are carted away with little or no concern

for the Niger-Delta by the use of laws that were made with the barrel of the gun in a

military autocratic government to the utter detriment and internal colonization of the

Niger-Delta. The money carted away by the oil companies, and the federal

government, is not returned to the Niger-Delta in the form of development, but this

same money is used to develop other parts of Nigeria, for example, Abuja and Lagos.

The Niger-Delta is thus, internally colonised and imperialised for the benefits of the

internal colonial capitals of Nigeria.

The crisis in the Niger-Delta is, therefore, a crisis that calls for natural resources,

especially the crude oil to its natural, true and real owners, by amending or

abrogating outright those laws that have unjustly taken away the petroleum from the
63
Niger-Delta. These laws are unjust, unfair, anachronistic, obnoxious, feudalistic, neo-

colonialist, imperialist, expropriating and exploitative; and as such they are

intolerable to the Niger-Deltans, in a country where they are bona fide citizens of the

Federal Republic of Nigeria.

Niger-Deltans are not bemused at the turn of events that development for them has

remained has remained a matter of rhetoric. Discrepancy in the level of development

in other areas of Nigeria and the immediate milieu of the Niger-Delta has become a

constant source of turmoil and conflict and these have translated into a trenchant and

systematic advocacy for resource control. People want to control their resources so

that they can commit them to a development initiative that will benefit every

spectrum of the community. The Ogonis and Ijaws in Rivers state as well as the

Urhobo in Delta state have each gone much further to outline a Bill of Rights to

reflect specific demands that must be met to reflect specific demands that must be

met to restore a semblance of social justice.

It is pertinent to state for the purpose of this analysis that the territorial space which

fall within the geographical confine of the Niger-Delta includes; Abia, Akwa-Ibom,

Bayelsa, Cross River, Delta, Edo, Imo, Ondo and Rivers states of contemporary

Nigeria. These states together constitute “the theatre of war” where the struggle

resource control, overt or convert, or efforts to redress perceived inequality are

64
played out daily in the interminable fratricidal conflict. These may assume several

forms e.g. (1) Ethnic groups against oil companies e.g. the partly resolved internecine

conflict between Ogoni and Shell Petroleum Development Company in Rivers state

over issues of environmental degradation, (2) Gender category against Oil Company

e.g. the Warri women protest of August 8, 2002 when they besieged Shell and

Chevron headquarters and demanded an end to environmental degradation and

ancillary difficulty facing present farmsteads and the larger and more pervasive

problem of poverty in the Niger-Delta.

3.4 POLITICAL DIMENSION OF THE NIGER-DELTA CRISIS

The glory of the struggle for the Niger-Delta cause seems to be fading, the content

and purpose for the agitation for a better condition for the people of the region is

almost melting away, as criminal elements have hijacked the struggle and making

nonsense of the genuine agitation of the people.

The approach adopted by the acclaimed fighters has become counter-productive, and

is affecting the fortunes of their mother state in terms of revenue and disinvestment in

the region. The whole struggle has become big business to those who can wail the

guns, as they take hostages, kidnap and hijack people for ransom, which is not shared

among Niger-Delta people.

Yet, at every attempt to check the excesses of the false fighter’s, elders from the

65
region raise alarm about youths over whom they have lost control, and who

themselves are not spared in the atrocities, as they or some members of their families

have also had a dose of kidnapping saga.

There have been about 14 reports on the problem of the area and how to address its

developmental challenges. It is widely believed that the current crisis in the oil rich

region would have been addressed had the recommendations of the various panels

and committees or commissions been implemented,

Attempts at tackling the problems of the Niger-Delta had been in haphazard manner,

most times through palliative fire brigade approach that had rarely paid off. The latest

is the Lidum Mittee- led Technical Committee, which reports submitted on December

1, 2008, though accepted by the federal government, yet remain in the cooler.

It is widely argued that the current tension in the area could have been checked if

government had capitalized on the lull in the activities of the militants to make bold

developmental statements.

The Niger-Delta crisis goes beyond the quest of resource control and development.

The people involved in the struggle are there for political interest. Self interest on the

path of the agitators and politicians here can be stated because if the Niger-Delta
66
 become developed a set of people who would lose and if it goes the other way round

would affect another group of people, so, anywhere it goes somebody would be

affected either positively or negatively.

3.5 CORRUPTION, RESOURCE LIBERATION AND ETHICAL DILEMA OF

THE NIGER-DELTA

Corruption has been defined as:

“a form of anti-social behavior by an individual or

social group which confers unjust or fraudulent benefits

on its perpetrators (and) is inconsistent with the established

legal norms and prescribed moral ethos of the land and is

likely to subvert or diminish the capacity of the legitimate

authorities to produce fully for material and spiritual well-

being of all members of society in a just and equitable manner.”

Economic corruption manifests in the application of extra-legal acts by bureaucracy

which could constitute obstacle or delay returns on private interest or prompting
official attention to applications, vouchers, and bills of private interest.

The concept of corruption is being examined here because scholars perceive

corruption as the major bane of Africa’s development. The Nigerian government had
in the past and in the present, made elaborate arrangements to contain social virus
which has exacerbated poverty in the country’s polity.

The bureau of public conduct was set up at the height of military profligacy and
financial excesses to bring public officers in line with normative expectation. The

67
dispensation under the leadership of President Olusegun Obasanjo went a step further
to institutionalize mechanisms to effectively combat corruption at all levels of the
society. In this regard, one can mention the Economic and Financial Crimes
Commission (EFCC) set up to combat crimes in civil society and the Independent
Corrupt Practices and related offences Commission (ICPC) which was setup to combat
corruption in government. It is pertinent to note that remarkable progress has been
made in the fight against corruption, especially in the realm of consciousness rising
rather than in the actual number of culprits who have been brought to book.
Corruption, graft, and other deviant characteristics are concepts which are apparently
loaded in the Nigerian context.

Corruption passes through several interpretative prisms and is generally context

specific. Oil bunkering might be a corrupt practice and pipeline vandalization may be

an unethical conduct, abduction of foreign personnel might be a criminal act but

indigenous youths of the Niger-Delta perceive the aforementioned “deviant” actions

as liberation tendencies to restore equity where it does not exist. Generally, equity

theory rests on the assumption that social relationships much as they would evaluate

economic transactions in the market place. Social relations are viewed as an exchange

process in which individuals make contributions of time and effort. Niger-Delta people

perceive lack of equity in their relationship with oil companies and in their relationship

with government. They see government as being premised on a false and exploitative

foundation and make every move to subvert the functioning and operations of

government especially, in the Joint Venture partnership for exploration of petroleum

products. As is often recognised, “He who comes to equity must come with a clean
68
hand”. Government has not come with clean hands, the oil companies have come with

even dirtier hands and the indigenous people feel that the government has no moral

ground to condemn somewhat “inimical” practices that are meant to rectify prevailing

anomalies and restore equity where none existed. This is perhaps, the continuing crisis

of ethical dilemma in the Niger-Delta.

3.6 RESOURCE EXPLOITATION AND COROLLARY DAMAGE TO THE

ENVIRONMENT

The discovery of petroleum has come with adverse environmental consequences for

the Niger-Delta. Otherwise fertile farmlands have regressively lost fertility uprooting

whole populations from the farms into an uncertain labour market. Fishermen in the

mangrove creeks and the riverine areas have not fared any better. The effluent from

industrial production and intermittent oil spillage has introduced toxicity into the

prevailing food chain and endangered aquatic life. The scenario is replicated across

the Niger-Delta in space and time.

Writing in the Guardian Newspaper of August 11, 2003, an N.G.O, Earth and Justice

highlighted a specific instance of this endemic problem thus;

“A major pipeline rupture occurred in July 9, 2003 at

Shell’s Rumuekpe-Adibawa pipeline located at Imogu,

Emohua local government of Rivers state. The spill

Spewed substantial quantity of crude oil into, nearby

69
 Streams, farms and surrounding environment.”

This is more or less the sordid environmental realism of the Niger-Delta. With an

ageing network of pipelines and an apparent lack of a discernible plan to introduce a

worthwhile change, one can only expect the present trend of incessant oil spillages to

continue.

A region in which several wells are located which experience intermittent oil

spillages would soon brace up to a hard choice between survival and decimation. The

slow gradual process of decimation could be activated if the faulty mechanism that is

responsible for oil spillage in one community is not detected and repaired to avert a

future recurrence. Decimation could also occur if there were no determined effort to

restore the people’s life support system, the land. This will, however, involve

concrete measures to restore aquatic life and also to restore the salubrity of farmlands

where oil spillages have occurred. These are supposedly reactive measures to address

environmental problems by which have yet to be introduced by government or

multinational oil companies in the Niger-Delta. This has become a critical interface

for consciousness-raising of a political kind.

3.7 FORMS OF VIOLENCE IN THE NIGER-DELTA

The rising wave of militancy in the Niger-Delta has since 2006 taken a new and

dynamic twist. Violence in the region has affected the host communities and the

Nigerian state in no small measure. This section seeks to analyze the various methods
70
and ways that have been adopted by the Niger-Delta militants in order to achieve

their aim. The methods used by the militants are: Hostage taking and kidnapping, Oil

bunkering, Pipeline vandalization and Piracy. These would be expatiated and

explained.

3.7.1 HOSTAGE TAKING AND KIDNAPPING

This is an act that has been adopted by the Niger-Delta militants in order to achieve

their aim of resource control. This has been the most visible and active part of

militancy in the Niger-Delta which has affected the Nigerian state in a negative way.

The Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger-Delta (MEND), which emerged in

2005 and has since become the most vocal, best organized, most visible and militant

of the armed groups, MEND has since December 2005 engaged in a spate of attacks

and kidnapping of oil workers, especially foreigners, thereby forcing oil production

shut-ins most of the time up to 500,000 barrels per day (bpd). In August 2006,

following incessant abduction of its workers and demand for ransom at time to secure

their release, some multinational oil companies operating in the region indicated

intentions to stop operating and possibly withdraw from the Niger-Delta over security
71
concerns.

Hostage taking was initially carried out in the “core” Niger-Delta states which

Rivers, Bayelsa and Delta states respectively, this has actually spread to other Niger-

Delta states. In Edo state, there has been a rising menace of kidnapping. Hostage

taking for ransom has become stock-in-trade for youths in Edo state and constituting

a new worry to the residents. The early signs that the nefarious trade has become a

major menace in Edo state started manifesting on January 13, 2009 when the General

Manager of a popular transport firm based in Benin, Big Joe motors, Mr. Monday

Osayanda, was kidnapped.

In Akwa-Ibom, the case is not different as the state has become a den of kidnappers

with the Governor, His Excellency Godswill Akpabio declaring war on the

Kidnappers. Among those kidnapped in recent times who were later released for

some undisclosed ransom, included Dr. Fabian Eshiet, a retired permanent secretary

and proprietor of Monef Nursery and Primary school, Uyo, the wife of the Permanent

Secretary in the Ministry of Justice, Mr. Achibong; Former speaker of the state House

of Assembly, Chief Nelson Effiong and one senior officer in the House of Assembly.

It is pertinent to note that hostage taking has taken a new twist in the Niger-Delta

72
region with criminals hijacking the scheme and asking for ransom. This has actually

affected the struggle of the militants in the Niger-Delta and they are referred to as

criminals.

Due to the rise of kidnappings in the Niger-Delta region, various state governments

has adopted stringent measures in order to stop the menace of kidnappings in the

region; Rivers state House of Assembly recommended life jail for kidnappers, this

was one of the recommendations of the Kidnapping Prohibition Bill 2008, which was

passed into law on Tuesday, February 17,2009. The case is not different in Akwa-

Ibom, with the state considering Death penalty for kidnappers; the State Attorney

General and commissioner for Justice, Victor Iyanam has disclosed the state has

recommended capital punishment for those guilty of kidnapping. The Governor of

Edo State in the person of Adams Oshiomhole has said that the government would

not negotiate with the kidnappers

3.7.2 OIL BUNKERING

Oil bunkering is sometime referred to as Oil theft. This is a lucrative business

enterprise in the Niger-Delta and it is carried out by militants, politicians and

foreigners alike. It has become a form of conglomerate of a privilege few and a

constant source of worry to the Niger-Delta state.

73
Due to the Importance the Nigerian Government attaches to the menace oil bunkering

in the Niger-Delta; the new helmsman of the reconstituted Joint Task Force (JTF),

Major-General Yaki Bello has promised to go after retired Generals and Military

officers involved in the illegal bunkering otherwise called crude oil theft.

“JTF does not hold anybody as sacred cows but has the

Federal mandate to put an end to the illegal bunkering,

Vandalism and other forms of criminality in the oil-rich

Region”, said Bello who assured that “the Federal

Government is determined to stop this illegal trade.”

The tough-talk confirms wide speculations that some retired generals are involved in

this illegal money spinning business and have thus made it difficult to be tackled.

Also, Bello spoke at time reports indicate an increase in crude oil theft in the Niger-

Delta.

The Shell Petroleum Development Company has said that Nigeria loses about 1.5

billion dollars yearly to crude oil theft and urged the government to urgently address

the situation. The company said thieves masquerading as militants agitating for

improved living conditions for communities in the oil rich region, drill holes in oil

manifolds and pipelines that criss-cross the region to siphon crude which is then

loaded into the barge and transferred into Ocean tanker on the high Seas.

74
An official of the National Petroleum Investment Management Services (NAPIMS), a

subsidiary of the NNPC is reported to have admitted that the incidence of crude oil

theft has increased since January 2008, adding that it was a security issue which the

authorities were trying to tackle.

He said out of the production shut-in of about 1.3 million barrels per day (bpd) some

60% is as a result of militancy, while 40% balance is as a result of technical

challenges.

This means that the 2.2 million barrels per day (bpd) which the 2009 budget was

predicted on could at best be a pipe dream. For a budget which premised on a higher

benchmark crude oil price than the current average, this is an additional woe.

Considering the enormity of the losses to the Nation from this criminal activity,

government’s inability to stem it is confounding.

There are more harmful effects on the thriving crime. One, a $1.5 billion dollars loss

in expected earning is a major leakage, which opportunity cost is painful to imagine.

Worst still is the fact that the loss constitutes financial gains for crude oil thieves.

75
Two, it is obvious that the bulk of oil is gotten by wealthy, highly connected and

heavily armed gangs, big enough in the Business to have easy sale outlets in the

international oil market. Foreigners are also involved, this came to fore when 13

Filipinos were convicted to five years in jail or given the option of a one million naira

fine on Saturday, February 20, 2009 after pleading guilty for handling oil product

suspected to have been stolen in the Niger-Delta.

The accused persons who were arrested on November 14, 2008, and charged on

December 17, 2008, initially pleaded not guilty on arraignment, but later changed

their plea.

The charges against them include conspiracy to commit felony; to deal in petroleum

products without authorization; dealing in 12,000 metric tones of petroleum products,

suspected to be crude oil; and bunkering in a vessel marked MT-AKUADA. The

involvement of foreigners and indigenes are therefore major contributory factors in

the arms building up in the region and the likely presence of mercenaries.

Three, their operations puts the lives of residents and particularly those of oil workers

at risk. Little wonder that the barges of these thieves sail in open creeks without much
76
challenge.

Four, hasty hot-tapping into oil facilities to siphon the crude oil or has cessation of

the exercise to avoid arrest have often led to fire outbreaks in which lives and

properties are lost and environment scourged.

Attempts have been made by some people to rationalize crude oil theft. They argue

that it is driven by local militants who, angry that the underdevelopment in the region

have resorted to oil theft or force-fully taking that which belongs to them. But there

are no excuses for criminality.

The criminality of the Niger-Delta crisis in which crude oil theft is subsumed is

understandable, but Government’s weak handling of the theft only goes to confirm

the involvement of powerful Nigerians as Bello said.

That also offers explanation of the fact that in the past, people arrested for crude oil

theft were eventually freed after the initial parade before television camera. Also

some barges and vessels impounded are known to have disappeared.

3.7.3 PIPELINE VANDALIZATION

77
Pipeline vandalization took a new twist during the period under review which is from

2007-2009, and it has affected Nigeria’s oil production capacity. In June 2008, Bonga

Field that produces 200,000 barrels of crude oil was attacked, halting production by

Shell Petroleum Development Company (SPDC). MEND claimed responsibility,

saying that the release of Henry Okah was germane to peace in the area. Less than 24

hours after Bonga incidence, another group attacked oil facilities belonging to

Chevron, leading to 120,000 bpd short fall.

Between 2005 and 2006 shut-in production as a result of violence in the Niger-Delta

was in the region of 500,000 barrels per day (bpd). This was essentially due to crude

pipeline vandalization and hostage taking by militant groups in the Niger-Delta.

However, since early 2007 to date (2009), the shut-in production has peaked at 1.4

million barrels per day (bpd). The volume was 1.3 million bpd early 2008, according

to the Minister for Energy (petroleum), Mr. Odein Ajumogobia.

According to statistics from the National Petroleum Investment Management

Services (NAPIMS), an arm of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC)

responsible for the management and supervision of government equity in oil and gas

production ventures in the country; Nigeria’s daily production capacity is 3.3 million

78
barrels per day (bpd) but the country is constraint by production quota of the

Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) to produce the entire

capacity. Rather, Nigeria’s output, in line with OPEC quota, is 2.2 million barrels per

day (bpd). It is important to note that Shell’s E.A field, which has capacity for about

115,000 barrels per day (bpd), has been shut since 2007.

The following is a breakdown of production shut-in in barrels per day confirmed by

oil companies and industry sources.

Field operator out-put outage date shut-ins, Bonga Shell 220,000 bpd, June 2008,

Brass River Eni 45,000 bpd, June 2008, Bonny Light Shell 160,000 bpd, February

2006, E.A Shell 115,000 bpd, February 2006, Escravos Chevron 120,000 bpd, June

2008, Escravos Chevron 70,000 bpd since 2003, Pennington’s Chevron is estimated

at 50,000 bpd bringing the total: 944,000 bpd and some 400,000 bpd from 30-party

small producers, who rely on major oil companies’ facilities for the evacuation of

their crude through to export terminals.

3.7.4 PIRACY

This is a major problem in the Niger-Delta and the Gulf of Guinea. Sea pirates have

become a sort of menace in the Sea and they have been hijacking vessels in the high

seas. A case to note is that which happened in January 2009, when sea pirates

79
hijacked relief materials worth millions of Naira donated by the National Emergency

Management Agency (NEMA) to the victims of 2008 invasion of Agge community in

Bayelsa state by the Joint Task Force (JTF) on the Niger-Delta, while being

conveyed to the community. There was a shoot out between the sea bandits and a

militia group contacted by the official of one of the Local Governments to retrieve

the stolen items at Azagbene near Egbema-Angalabiri from the area said that one of

the sea robbers was captured and taken to the camp of MEND commander. It was

also allegedly attacked by pirates who attempted to hijack it before a Naval patrol

come to their rescue and freed them. Also, on the same day, five suspected militants

in military fatigues allegedly attacked a 25-passenger boat at Isaka River near Bonny

and dispossessed them of their personal belongings, while a young girl in the boat

was raped. According to the coordinator of the Joint Media Campaign Centre

(JMCC) of JTF in Bayelsa state, Colonel Rabe Abubakar, his men were on patrol

when the militants opened fire on them at about 3.30 p.m on April 27, 2009.

He said they returned fire drowning six of the militants suspected to be members of

the Niger-Delta Peoples Volunteer Force (NDPVF) in the process while they suffered

no casualty.

3.8 GENDER DIMENSIONS OF SOCIAL DEPRIVATION

The social deprivation in the Niger-Delta is more fundamentally weighted against

women. They suffer from multiple adversities of the traditional African patriarchy.

Women of the Niger-Delta are faced with untold hardship when they begin to bear

80
the responsibilities of child upbringing as their husbands become victims of

environmental displacement and other deleterious consequences of oil production.

These, perhaps are some of the reasons why the women of the Niger-Delta took the

historic decision on August 8, 2002 to storm the Headquarters of Chevron and Shell

in Warri metropolis. While commenting on the protest, the Vanguard Newspaper

editorial of August 26, 2002 noted that “the protest was unique because of its being

an all women affair”. These women had protested against environmental

degradation, joblessness and the emergent bronchial and carcinogenic diseases which

had become a serious health problem in the Niger-Delta.

3.9 POVERTY AS VIOLENCE AGAINST THE NIGER-DELTA POPULACE

Poverty has been described as a “social scourge”. According to Okechukwu Emeh Jr.,
“the inhumanity of poverty could be seen from its indices of deprivation and denial of choices and opportunities most

basic to human development, as well as lack of ability to make choices and use available opportunities purposefully.”

As he further stresses

“.........the destructive seed sown by poverty are written large

In any human society it affects. These include political instability,

Social unrest, corruption, criminal violence, prostitution, drug abuse,

and moral bankruptcy. Poverty is also the harbinger of hunger, mal-

nutrition, low life expectancy, homelessness (including vagrancy),

life of misery and squalor, subservience, dependence, exploitation,

alienation, human and political rights abuse, disease, illiteracy,

ignorance and superstition. This scourge of humankind is, equally,

the source of despair, hopelessness, pessimism, disillusionment,

despondency, uncertainty and all the feelings that negates the

81
 resilience of the human spirit and blithe expectation of a better

tomorrow.”

It has rightly been suggested that woeful living conditions are also at the roots of the
catastrophic armed rebellions that have ravaged the Niger-Delta region, and this has
made the people of the region to take up arms and fight the Nigerian state. There are
widening disparities between the rich and the poor and warped distribution of
petroleum resources in favour of the rich elite class in the region.

Poverty according to Mohandas Karamchand Ghandi (also known as Mahatma

Ghandi) is “the worst form of violence against a people”. The people of the Niger-
Delta region are one of the poorest set in the Nigerian Federation and they live in
squalor and abject poverty and are not able to fend for themselves. The youths in the
region are jobless because the multinational corporations in the region consider them
as unemployable, and they prefer to employ expatriates from foreign countries. The
women and men have no reliable source of livelihood because their farmlands and
waterways have been polluted by oil spillages which have ravaged their homelands
and made their living condition deplorable. The children of the Niger-Delta are left to
play in oil spill site because their parents have no money to pay for their school fees:
All these conditions which can be summed up as poverty, has made the Niger-Delta a
hot bed which has been plagued with incessant cult clashes, kidnappings, oil
bunkering/oil theft, pipeline vandalization and piracy which can also be summed up
as militancy in the region.

3.10 TIMELINE OF MILITANT ACTIVITIES IN THE NIGER-DELTA

FROM 2007-2009

Since the beginning of 2007, the wave of militancy in the Niger-Delta region had
risen in an astronomical rate and it has affected the Nigerian state negatively.

82
In this section, some cases of militancy in the region would be analyzed. Militant
activities would be divided based on the year of occurrence in order to ensure easy
identification.

It is pertinent to note that there has been over 300 cases of kidnapping and 400 cases
of hostage taking since the beginning of year 2008, 200 foreigners were taken
hostage after paying high ransom; from 2008 to June 2009, 33 military officers were
killed in the Niger-Delta but not on active duty, this was said by Ojo Maduekwe, the
Minister in charge of foreign affairs when he was speaking to the Head of Foreign
Mission in Abuja on Friday May 22, 2009.

2007

On May 1, 2007, MEND seized six (6) expatriate workers from an offshore oil
facility owned by Chevron. The group of six consisted of four Italians, an American,
and a Croat. On the same day, MEND published photos of the captives seated on
white plastic chairs in a wooden shelter around the remains of a campfire.

On May 3, 2007, MEND seized eight foreign hostages from another offshore vessel.
The hostages were released less than 24 hours later, stating they had intended to
destroy the vessel and did not want more hostages.

On June 1, 2007, some heavily armed militants stormed the living quarters of some
Indians and after heavy shootings, made away with the expatriates who were seven in
number.

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On September 23, 2007, A MEND spokesperson named Jomo Gbomo announced,
through a communiqué to the Philadelphia Independent Media Centre, that media
reports of his arrest and detention were false; and then further informed, through the
letter, that MEND had officially declared war, effective 12 mid-night, September 23,
2007, and that they would be commencing “attacks on installations and abduction of
expatriates.”

On November 13, 2007, MEND militants attacked Cameroonian soldiers on the

disputed Bakassi Peninsular, killing more than 20 soldiers, three days after this
incident, a southern Cameroonian rebel group claimed responsibility to this attack on
the soldiers.

On the first week of December 2007, Chief Simon Ebebi, the Alei of Alebiri and
father of Bayelsa state deputy governor was kidnapped by unknown gunmen who
demanded for 10 million Naira ransom.

TABULAR REPRESENTATION OF THE RISE OF MILITANCY IN THE REGION FOR ‘07

84
DATE INCIDENCE WHERE CASUALTY LOSS
Jan.16,2007 Militants attacked an oil vessel near Bonny Island, - 187,000 bpd
Bonny Island Rivers state.

March 4, Major oil spill at a pipeline feeding Rivers 150,000 bpd

2007. the Bonny export terminal due to -
sabotage.
May 1, Six expatriate workers from an Funiwa, Delta Six oil workers -
2007. offshore facility owned by Chevron kidnapped.
were seized
May 3, MEND seized eight foreign Rivers 8 foreign 50,000 bpd
2007 workers from an offshore vessel. workers
kidnapped.
May 4, Saipen site was attacked causing Okono/Okpoho, Several oil 42,000 bpd
2007. shut-in production. Rivers. workers
wounded

May 7, Protests caused Chevron shut down Abiteye, Delta. - 98,000 bpd
2007. the Abiteye flow station that feeds
the Escravos export terminal.

May 8, Three major oil pipelines (one in Brass/Akasa - 170,000 bpd

2007. Brass and two in the Akasa area) Bayelsa.
run by Agip were attacked.
May 10, Protesters occupied the Bomu Bomu, Rivers. - -
2007. pipeline system causing Shell to
shut-in production feeding the
Bonny light export terminal
May 16, Gunmen attacked the country home Ogbia, Bayelsa - 77,000 bpd
2007. of the Vice president. state.
May 28, Protesters resumed at the Bomu Bomu, Rivers. - 40,000 bpd
2007. pipeline system. It made Shell to
shut-in crude oil production through
its Nembe creek trunk pipeline after
discovering a leak.
June 14, Gunmen stormed the Ogainbiri Ogainbiri, Delta. 24 workers were -
2007. flow operated by Eni. It led to taken hostage.
shuts-in production.
June 18, Militants overran the Chevron-Eni Port-Harcourt, 30 innocent -
2007. Abiteye flow station causing shut-in Rivers state. citizens died in
crude oil production the attack.
August, Militants attacked Port-Harcourt
2007. destroying some public properties
such as the NNPC Mega station and
Radio.
Sep. 10, Gunmen claiming to be MEND Southern Ondo, 11 persons
2007 kidnapped 11 members of the Ondo state. kidnapped. -
ruling P.D.P.
Oct. 10, Attack by MEND led to the death 1 death recorded
85
2007. of a Columbian oil workers. - -
Oct 26, Six oil workers kidnapped. - 6 oil workers -
2007. kidnapped.
Oct. 30, Naval warship, NNS Obula, Offshore, Rivers. 1 death and five -
2007 deployed to secure the EA field others seriously
2008

February 2008, prominent militant, Henry Okah, was arrested in Angola and

extradited to Nigeria.

On May 3, 2008, MEND militants attacked Shell’s operated pipelines in Nigeria,

forcing the company to halt 170,000 barrels a day of export of Bonny light crude.

On June 19, 2008 MEND Fighters sailed 220 kilometres of open sea without men of

the Joint Task Force (JTF) on the Niger-Delta allegedly hearing sounds of their speed

boats and observing any strange movement. In fact, the location of the FSPO with a

current nameplate production of 225,000 bpd and a target of raising the country’s

crude oil production to some four million bpd by 2010 was calculated to make it out-

of-the-way of impregnable militants.

MEND Naval forces attacked the Shell-operated Bonga oil platform shutting down of

10% of Nigeria’s oil production in one fell swoop. This attack demonstrated a level

of prowess and sophistication never before seen by the rebels.

On June 20, 2008, a militant group attacked oil facilities belonging to Chevron

86
leading to a 120,000 barrel per day short fall.

On Sunday, September 14, 2008, The Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger-

Delta (MEND), the “fear provoking” militia in the Niger-Delta declared the “Oil

War” christened “Hurricane Barbarossa” in response to the JTF operation in the

region. The next day, its fighters attacked oil flow stations and burst pipelines at Soku

Gas Plant; Chevron platform at Kula and a major crude trunk pipeline at Nembe

creek were blown up at several points. The militants took 25 oil workers it rescued

from the pirates that kidnapped them from the MT BLUE OCEAN, including five

expatriates from Britain and Ukraine, while the remaining 22 are Nigerians. The

South African among them were released on the 18th of September evening, following

the intervention of the wife of its leader, Henry Okah. Around 2 a.m on Wednesday

19th of September, the militants strucked again and set ablaze at the expansive Alakri

flow station complex, a gas plant owned by Shell Petroleum Development Company

(SPDC).

Gbomo said; “heavily armed fighters from the MEND stormed the facility and have razed it to
the ground, as promised. The foolhardy workers and soldiers, who did not heed our warning
perished inside the station.”

The attack was confirmed by Shell, which stated; “regrettably, a community station guard
was killed during the incident.”
87
Though the militants alleged that over 10 soldiers were killed, Shell confirmed that

four persons sustained injuries during the attack, while JTF dismissed the allegation.

Later around 10 p.m on the same day, MEND and the Niger-Delta Volunteer Force

(NDVF) in a new alliance attacked and destroyed the SPDC-operated Orubiri flow

station.

On Wednesday, September 17, the militants destroyed a major pipeline at Rumuekpe

community in Rivers state with explosives to destroy another major oil pipeline

belonging to SPDC at the Eleme-Kalabiri Cawthorne channel axis.

On Saturday, September 20, a militant group staged an attack in the early hours of the

day between 3.00 and 4.00 a.m, at Soku facility and Robertkiri where they met active

resistance from the troops guarding the facilities. A soldier was wounded and there

was no death.

No fewer than sixty persons may have lost their lives in the seven days war; that is

between Friday 12th of September to Thursday 19th of September, in the creeks of

Rivers state to the “oil war” declared by Niger-Delta militants. The guns booms,

dynamites detonated and grenade freely hauled by the warring group. It all started on
88
Friday 12th when men of the Joint Task Force, JTF, in the state were on routine

marine patrol on the water ways in Elem Tombia. And suddenly according to the

spokesman of the security body and the army in the state, Lieutenant Colonel Sagir

Musa, suspected militants opened fire on their boats. And, in self defence, they

retaliated. At the end of the encounter, about fifteen persons reportedly lost their

lives.

On September 27, a week after declaring an oil war and sustaining heavy losses at the

hands of the Nigerian Armed Forces, the group declared a ceasefire until “further

notice”.

On December 20th, 2008, two Russians (Mr. Sergey Zamotaylov and Konstantin

Aksenov) of the Aluminium Smelter Company (ALSCON), Eket, Akwa-Ibom were

kidnapped by a militant group. The Russians were rescued on Thursday February 19,

2009 by the Nigerian Navy who was on a routine patrol of the Bonny Rivers at about

the time the Russians were swimming away from their captors.

89
 TABULAR REPRESENTATION OF MILITANCY IN THE REGION FOR THE YEAR 2008

DATE INCIDENCE WHERE CASUALTY LOSS

Jan.11,2008 Petroleum tanker was attacked at the Port-Harcourt 2person were -
Nigerian Ports Authority by elements within reportedly killed.
MEND, known as the Freedom freelance
fighter

Feb.3, 2008. MEND fighters attacked a military house Shell 1 killed. -

boa stationed at the Shell Petroleum TARA petroleum
manifold Tara manifold,
Bayelsa state
February Gunmen attacked a supply vessel belonging Kalaibama 2 soldiers killed. -
11, 2008. to Total oil Nig. Ltd. MV Patience at Buoy channel,
3.5 Bonny island
Feb. 11, Gunmen attacked a Naval gunboat belonging Rivers. 4 people killed. -
2008. to the Pathfinding Naval escorting NLNG
boats from Port-Harcourt.
Mar. 19, Exchange of fire between militants and oil Rivers - -
2008. industry security ships.
Mar.21, MEND attacked Naval ship causing Rivers - -
2008. explosion.
April 2, Two oil flow stations belonging to Agip oil Rivers 11 soldiers 120,000 bpd
2008. company located offshore were blown off. reportedly killed.
April 13, Agip vessels bombed Forcados,. 10 Naval officers -
2008. died with some
Delta militants.

April 15, Serial attacks were launched on Warri-Benin Rivers - -

2008. pipelines and products marketing company
of NNPC.
April 19, MEND fighters’ crippled Adamakri crude Delta/Edo 6 people died, with -
2008. oil flow station belonging to Shell. 2 civilians

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April 22, MEND in “operation cyclone” attacked two Adamakri 10 killed in clashes. -
2008. major pipelines in Soku-Buguma and 10 foreign workers
Buguma-Alakri belonging to Shell. kidnapped.
April 24, MEND sabotaged a major crude oil pipeline Rivers 6 foreign workers -
2008. located at Kula operated by Shell. kidnapped.
May 2, Bayelsa state Shell facility attacked, key Soku/Alakri - 15,000 bpd
2008. facility destroyed. Rivers.
May 13, Chevron oil vessel hijacked. Kula, Rivers. 5 persons -
2008. kidnapped.
May 26, Assault on Rivers state pipeline, forcing Bayelsa 8 hostages taken -
2008. closure.
June 9-20, Clashes between security forces and Delta 6 militants and 29 -
2008. militants. soldiers reportedly
died.
June 19, MEND struck Shell’s Bonga facility on the Rivers Over 100 deaths. 225,000 bpd
2008. offshore oil fields in Rivers.
June 20, Chevron facility attacked in Delta state. It Rivers Recorded 120,000 bpd
2008 led to shut-ins production.
June 28, Clashes at Rivers state Shell’s facility and Delta - -
2008. nearby Army base reported between
militants and soldiers.
July 16, Clashes between militants and security Rivers/Bayelsa - -
2008. forces.
July 24, Foreign oil workers kidnapped. Rivers - -
2008.
July 26, Foreign oil workers kidnapped. Rivers - -
2008.
July 26, Two major attacks on Shell’s pipelines. Rivers - -
2008.
August 8, Militants kidnapped workers in Ondo state Ilaje, Ondo - -
2008. producing development commission, state.
(OSOPADEC) and 4 others.
August 12, Militants destroyed oil gas pipeline in Rivers Rivers - -
2008. state.
August 19, Oil pipeline destroyed in Delta. Delta state. - -
2008.
August 24, Oil vessel on Bonny River hijacked. Rivers state. - -
2008.
August 30, Militants and security forces clashed. Rivers state - -
2008.
Sep. 12-19. The oil war christened “Hurricane Rivers state No fewer than 60 -
Barbarossa” was carried out by MEND in persons lost their
response to J.T.F operation in the region. lives.
Dec. 20, Two Russians were kidnapped in Eket, Akwa-Ibom 2 foreigners
2008. Akwa-Ibom. kidnapped.

91
. 2009

MEND called off its ceasefire on January 30, 2009.

On February 17, 2009, Gunmen attacked two oil facilities operated by Royal Dutch

oil giant, Shell in Rivers state. The region’s main militant group, MEND, denied any

involvement.

On the same day in Nembe, Bayelsa state, suspected loyalist of Kiti Kata, a militant

leader linked with the recent killings of soldiers in the Niger-Delta region, invaded

the SPDC’s Nembe creek flow station in Bayelsa state. This and numerous other

attacks forced Shell to shut-in 180,000 barrel per day of crude oil.

On February 17, 2009, Nigerian security forces repelled an attack by gunmen on an

Exxon Mobil housing compound in the Niger-Delta state of Akwa-Ibom. The attack

on the U.S Energy giant’s compound in Eket, where security measures were

reinforced in December following a rise in violence in Akwa-Ibom, took place at

around 10.00 p.m.

On Tuesday, February 17, 2009, The Equatorial Guinean Government fingered the

Niger-Delta militants as the masterminds of the armed attack on its president’s

92
palace.

On Friday, March 27, 2009, the mother of the Group Managing Director of a bank

was kidnapped at Ibusa in Oshimili North Local Government Area of Delta state, just

as members were working on a bill that would stipulate death sentence for kidnappers

caught in the state.

On Tuesday, April 14, Three Naval ratings on guard duties at Shell Petroleum

Development Company (SPDC) facility in Nembe, Bayelsa state, were killed by

suspected militants’ retaliation of the killings of 14 militants by soldiers of the Joint

Task Force (JTF) on Sunday 12, April 2009.

On Tuesday, April 28, the Military Joint Task Force killed six militants who attacked

their men without provocation at Samaa, near Buguma, in Rivers state.

On Tuesday, May 20, 2009, Illegal refineries said to be used by Niger-Delta militants

as kidnapping rings were destroyed just as two passport speed boats belonging to a

notorious militant, Kingsley Opuye, were seized in a gun duel with the gangster.

On the same day, another militant group claimed it launched an attack on men of the

93
JTF at Okerenkoko, the last bastion of Ijaw resistance in Western Niger-Delta.

Prior to that time, on Friday May 15, 2009, a Lieutenant Colonel, a Major and five

other ranking officers of the Nigerian Army were killed in an ambush. They were on

their way to free a seized vessel and its crew. The attack provoked the violent

reaction from the military which vowed to go after the militants.

Also, on Tuesday, May 19, 2009, the military Task Force (JTF) sealed off major

entry and exit points on the Warri Waterways.

A number of gunboats and helicopters were deployed to the areas to comb the creeks

and rivers for boats entering or leaving the area.

On Thursday, May 21, A Delta state House of Assembly member representing Sapele

constituency, Chief Monday Igbuya was kidnapped by gunmen suspected to be

militants.

It is pertinent to note that the Niger-Delta crisis has been going on for years and it

seems it would continue for a long time with the ongoing onslaught in the Niger-

Delta which was given the backing by the House of Representatives asking the JTF to

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extend the military clampdown in Warri, Delta state to other parts of the region.

The methods of MEND are different. It has employed violence as a tool, shocking the

world with globally publicised kidnappings of expatriate oil workers, their wives,

children and relations. Local Government officials were not insulated.

MEND spokesmen, Jomo Gbomo, have defended the violence in the region

saying that “We are asking justice. We want our land and the Nigerian

government to transfer all its involvements in the oil industry to host

communities”

It is not certain if all the scattered armed militants operate under MEND. They exist

in their thousands, and they have been able to force a 27% cut in Nigeria’s oil

exports. This has sent shock waves through the global oil market still battling with

the Middle East and Gulf crisis.

It is not possible to understand the dynamics of the struggles of the popular

movements of the indigenous ethnic minorities of the Niger-Delta outside the

struggle for democratization of the Nigerian state.

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A quest for democracy underlies the desire for local autonomy and control of oil in

the Niger-Delta. It also reflects in the social character of the struggle in which

movements organised around ethnic identities and solidarities, using a history of

struggle and traditional indigenous metaphors and symbols protest against and resist

traditional values.

The key issues are the demands for local autonomy and the control of oil for the

benefit of the people of the Niger-Delta.

REFERENCES

Michael Oberabor (Sunday, June 29, 2008). “Niger Delta: A fading hope”. The
Guardian, Page, 25.

Emma Amaize (Saturday, June 28, 2008). “Bonga Field attack: MEND Commander
opens up”. Vanguard, Pages 9-11.

Adewale Adeoye (Saturday, June 28, 2008). “Rumble in the jungle.” Nigerian
Compass, Pages 2-4.

Sam Olowoyeye (Saturday, June 28, 2008). “In search of peace in the Niger-Delta”.
The Guardian, Page 15.

Godwin Ijediogor (Saturday, September 20, 2008). “Niger Delta Conflict as

Lingering sore”. The Guardian, Page 8.

96
Kelvin Ebiri (Saturday, September 21, 2008). “The Oil War”. The Guardian, Page 1.

Emma Amaize (Sunday, September 21, 2008). “Oil War: Govs. Move to contain
militants.” Vanguard, Page 14.

Jimitota Onoyume (Sunday, September 21, 2008). “Guns booms, grenades explode
in a 7-day Oil War.” Vanguard, Page 15.

Ahamefula Ogbu (Saturday, June 2, 2007). “Militants kidnap seven expatriates in

P/Harcourt”. Thisday, Page 1.

Femi Folaranmi (Tuesday, December 18, 2007). “Deputy Govs. Dad: Negotiation
with kidnappers breaks down”. Daily Sun, Page 1.

Juliana Taiwo (Saturday, February 21, 2009). “F.G hands over Russian hostages to
Ambassador.” Thisday, Page 9.

Segun Adeleye (Wednesday, April 29, 2009). “N’Delta militant abducted 128
persons in one year, says police.” Nigerian Compass, Page 48.

Joseph Ushigiale (Saturday, February 21, 2009). “13 Filipinos jailed 65 years for Oil
theft.” Thisday, Page 1.

Kingsley Omonobi (Saturday, February 21, 2009). “Navy, JTF rescues kidnapped
Russians in Niger-Delta”. Vanguard, Page 1.

Clarice Azuatalam (Wednesday, February 18, 2009). “Rivers Assembly recommends

life jail for Kidnappers.” The Nation, Page 1.

Shola O’Neil (Wednesday, February 18, 2009). “JTF deploys gunboats in Delta”.
The Nation, Page 38.

Chika A. Nwachuku, Segun James and Gboyega Akinsanmi (Wednesday, February

18, 2009). “N/Delta crisis: Shell shuts in 180,000 bpd”. Thisday, Page 7.

Ayoyinka Olagoke (Saturday, February 28, 2009). “Akwa-Ibom considers death

97
penalty for kidnappers”. Guardian, Page 4.

Kelvin Ebiri, Rose Ann Chikereuba and Willie Etim (Wednesday, February 18,
2009). “Kidnappers risks life imprisonment in River”. The Guardian, Page 3.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/conflict_in_the_niger_delta

http://maxsiollum.wordpress.com/..../niger_delta_militants_terrorists_or_freedom_fi
ghters/-

Alexander I. Moro (2008). “The Niger Delta Crisis: Beyond Employment and
Physical Development. The Critical issues involved.” Mind Quests Resources, Port
Harcourt.

Okechukwu Ibeanu (2007). “Petroleum Politics and Development in Niger Delta”, in

Okello Oculi and Yakubu Nasidi (eds.) Brain Gain for the African Renaissance:
Issues in Governance. ABU Press, Zaria

VM. Sylvester and Ruth C. Wali (eds.) (2006). “Readings in peace and conflict
resolution.” Abuja, Prince Taiwa Royal Ventures.

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 CHAPTER FOUR

NIGER-DELTA AND THE NIGERIAN GOVERNMENT

4.1 GOVERNMENTAL RESPONSE TO THE CLAMOUR FOR RESOURCE

CONTROL

The Niger-Delta crisis which has remained a recurring National Question has been
occurring for a long time. This crisis has gone through various regimes in the
Nigerian state, from independence up until date. It is pertinent to note that there has
been various commissions and reports which had been carried out by the Nigerian
state in order to solve the crisis, the Henry Willinks commission report of 1957; the
Niger-Delta Development Board of 1960; River Basin Development Authority of
1993; Oil Mineral Producing Areas Commission of 1998; Oladayo Popoola
Committee of 2002 (a product of the Political Reform Conference); General
Alexander Special Security Committee on Oil Producing Communities.

The above mentioned responses to the crisis in the Niger-Delta area of Nigeria

occurred prior to the period under review which is from the year 2007-2009; the

responses of the Federal Government to the crisis during the period under review

includes; The inclusion of the Niger-Delta in President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua 7-

Point Agenda; The Technical Committee on the Niger-Delta; The Niger-Delta

Military Task Force; The Creation of the Ministry of Niger-Delta’s Affairs and The

Niger-Delta Development Commission (though created prior to the period under

review but plays a very important role in the present day Niger-Delta peace and

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development efforts).

4.1.1 THE INCLUSION OF THE NIGER DELTA IN PRESIDENT

YAR’ADUA 7-POINT AGENDA

Ranking Nigeria’s economy among the Nations of the World, World Bank placed the

country as the 41st largest economy with Gross National Income of $203.7 billion.

Also in a UNDP 2006 report on Nigeria, it was noted that, although the Nation’s

GDP per capita in 2004 was $560 (a little over the poverty line of 1$ per day), the

situation has not changed in the last 30 years. The report also noted further that while

half of the population had sustainable access to improved sanitation, the population of

those having access to clean drinking water dropped from 48% to 46% in 14 years.

Also, the life expectancy in Nigeria was 43.4 years, compared to an average of 58.7

years for other low developing countries.

The crisis in the Niger-Delta, the insecurity of lives and properties, infrastructural

decay especially the epileptic power supply and inefficient road and transportation

system. All these are injurious to the Nation’s attempt to attract Foreign Direct

Investment (FDI).

It is against these backdrops that the Umaru Musa Yar’Adua regime came up with the

7-point agenda, backing it up with an economical development deadline tagged

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Vision 2020 (i.e. making Nigeria the 20th largest economy in the World by 2020).

Education, experience and passion for good Governance must have contributed to the

President’s early decision to articulate an economic development agenda for Nigeria.

In His first address to a World Press Conference on January 11, 2007 shortly before

he started His Presidential Campaign, President Yar’Adua gave an insight into His

programmes for Nigeria.

The content of the 7-point Agenda are: Energy emergency, Security of lives and

properties, Land reforms, and Education and Human capital development. Others are

reform of transportation sector, Food security and Agriculture, and lastly Wealth

creation.

The basis of this analysis is not to analyze the 7-Point Agenda but the inclusion of the

Niger-Delta in the 7-Point Agenda.

An unfriendly security climate precludes both external and internal investment into

the Nation. Thus, security will be seen as not only a constitutional requirement but

also a necessary infrastructure for the development of a modern Nigerian economy.

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With its particular needs, the Niger-Delta security will be the primary focus

marshalled not with physical policing or military security, but through honest and

accurate dialogue between the people and the Federal Government.

4.1.2 THE TECHNICAL COMMITTEE ON THE NIGER-DELTA

The Technical Committee on the Niger-Delta was inaugurated in September 2008,

and tasked by the Vice-President, Dr. Goodluck Jonathan, to collate and review all

past reports, starting from the Willinks’ report, appraise their recommendations and

make other proposals that will help the Federal Government to achieve sustainable

development, peace, human and environmental security in the Niger-Delta region.

The Committee made up of 44 men and women, each with a sound knowledge of the

terrain and each with a history of advocacy for the Niger-Delta stretching many years

worked tirelessly to arrive at this report. The Report captured the past, reviewed its

impact on the region and made recommendations, many of which were also found in

existing reports, and some others as responses to the current reality of the region

which is expressed in many of the memoranda received.

A summary of past reports indicates that there has been no shortage of proposed

solutions to what now seems to be the never ending Niger-Delta crisis. From the

Willinks’ Commission Report in 1958 to the submissions that form part of this report,

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the terrain is littered with the output of several committees set up by the previous

Heads of Government all of which have been barely implemented. Frustrations with

this cyclical situations led stakeholders from the region earlier in the year 2008 to

reject the idea of another summit in the region. In heeding the call by stakeholders,

the Federal Government demonstrated a commitment to listen by asking for

stocktaking from the past which will be merged and used to produce a plan for the

future. This way, actions by Government do not ignore the failings of the past in

charting a new direction for the region.

Working through an independent secretariat, the committee reached out to members

of the public and various Local, National and International stakeholders. This

achieved the dual benefit of not only gathering other perspectives but also gaining

their commitment to the realization of the region’s development. Relying on these

inputs and the substantive issues generated from the past reports, the committee

moved from plenary into eight subcommittees namely-(1) Critical infrastructure, (2)

Health and Education, (3) Economic development and Regional planning, (4)

Environment, sustainable development and corporate social responsibility, (5)

Governance and rule of law, (6) Community, youths and women empowerment, (7)

Resource ownership, management and distribution, and (8) Conflict, militancy and

decommissioning.

TERMS OF REFERENCE FOR THE COMMITTEE

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The first part of this report addresses TOR1 which is a review and analysis of all

previous reports on the region. TOR2 and 3 follow with an appraisal of

recommendations from past reports and the further delineation of recommendations

into short, medium and long term. In addition, the committee went beyond mere

recommendation to specify who does what, when and how?

In making recommendations to assist the Federal Government to achieve sustainable

development in the Region, a novel approach, the Compact with stakeholders in the

Niger-Delta was designed to build broad-based implementation and commitment.

This compact is targeted at quick impact and gains that are achievable within the

residue of the first term of the present Government. The absence of trust and the need

to see marked improvement in the quantity and quality of implementation make the

compact with stakeholders in the Niger-Delta an innovation which will be used to

accurately measure political will on all sides in the Niger-Delta equation and

potentially to redefine the relationship between stakeholders towards the Region’s

future.

KEY RECOMMENDATIONS AND THEMES

The committee has accorded the issue of monitoring implementation a high

priority in its recommended actions, and is requesting that a multi-

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stakeholders committee is established to follow up with quarterly feedbacks

or progress reports as a quick litmus test of political commitment and an

indicator of what the region expects of itself and others. Some of the main

recommendations include: Increased revenue allocation of 25% in the interim

but with a graduation towards 50%, Leveraging extra funds from other

sources, establishment of a Disarmament, Decommissioning and

Reintegration (DDR) Commission which will explore negotiated approaches

to address the challenge of arms and militancy, open trial and unconditional

bail for Henry Okah, negotiate amnesty for all Niger-Delta militants, end gas

flaring by December 2008, achievement of 5,000 MW of power for the region

by 2010, completion of the dualisation of the East-West Road including spurs

to each of the coastal states and ensure significant improvement in education,

health and youth employment in the region.

Under TOR3, recommendations are also divided into three distinct subsets, namely:

(1) Governance and Rule of Law, (2) Regional Development and (3) Human

Development. Each of these is also sub-divided into smaller themes and

responsibilities assigned to stakeholders including the Federal Government, states in

the Niger-Delta, Local Government communities, Militants, Civil society

organizations, Oil companies, Niger-Delta Development Commission (NDDC),

International development agencies and others.

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In addition, the Report, in an attempt to breakaway from the past, has recommended

institutions and mechanisms that will support the implementation of this report, and

also raise and manage resources to be applied in the development of the region.

Particularly highlighted in TOR3 is the issue of the militancy and the Disarmament,

Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) process where activities are proposed,

including roles and responsibilities assigned to all parties to support a process that

promotes peace and prosperity in the region. In the area of governance and rule of

law, the impact of corruption on the Region and the need for credible institutions are

highlighted, with recommendations on policy adjustments and legal amendments that

will redress existing imbalances. The section on Regional development makes

recommendations on transportation, power, water, reclamation of land and

environmental sustainability, economic development and resource

management/Redistribution and also restates some past recommendations were left

unimplemented. The final sections of the report on Human development looks at the

tripod on Health and education, women and youth empowerment, and community

development. It makes recommendation that seeks to reverse some of the worrying

socio-economic challenges in the Region and improve the disturbing Human

Development Indices (HDIs).

CONCLUSION
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The report presents a novel blueprint to solving an age old problem. It is the

committee’s view, as evidenced by conflicts in some other parts of the world, that

there is need for actions that are quick, sincere and sustained which will stem the

escalation of conflict and enable other programmes to become rooted. This implies

that it is not too late to reverse the trend in the Region. A careful examination of

recommendations shows an attempt to provide practical but effective answers to a

very complex and long drawn problem. It capitalizes on the fact that the question of

the Niger-Delta is part of Mr. President’s 7-Point Agenda, a critical index in

measuring the administration and Country’s march towards Vision 20-2020. The

reason for hope lies in the fact that the recommendations of this report bring together

many affected interest, who can exploit the opportunities ahead and work

progressively to stabilize the Region in the interest of the Country as a whole.

4.1.3 JOINT MILITARY TASK FORCE ON THE NIGER-DELTA

The J.T.F is a military formation set up by the Nigerian Government in order to

ensure the existence of peace in the Niger-Delta. The J.T.F is made up of sections of

the Nigerian Army, Navy, and Air Force, with the purpose of combating armed

‘rebel’ groups in the Niger-Delta. It is not a separate defense formation but it is under

the Defense Ministry.

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The J.T.F is under Brigadier Gen. Wuyep Rimtip who is the commander of the J.T.F

and he assumed position in the year 2008.

The parent tree of the J.T.F is the Nigerian Army, Operational Department-Ministry

of Defense.

The past commanders are Brig-Gen Elias Zamani 2003-2006 and Brig-Gen Lawrence

Ngubane 2006-2008.

It is pertinent to note that the J.T.F has been one of the most reliable ways through

which the Nigerian State has been able to control the crisis in the Niger-Delta. If not

of the J.T.F in the Niger-Delta, the Region would have been worse than it is today. It

is also worthy of note that there has been recurring battles between the militants and

the Nigerian Military in the Niger-Delta, a case of note is the “Operation restore

hope” embarked upon by the J.T.F in the Niger-Delta, which the J.T.F on Tuesday,

May 26, said it destroyed a camp, which served as a medical centre for militants in

Warri South-West Local Government area of Delta State.

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The J.T.F’s Joint Media Campaign Centre (JMCC) coordinator, Col. Rabe Abubarkar

said its troops “discovered” and destroyed Tompolo’s Militant’s Observation Camp

2 with a House boat hidden inside a dredged creek in Okerenkoko and Jones Creek

village in Warri South-West Local Government Area of Delta State.

A firm assurance was given by the Federal Government to the World that Nigeria

was not at war in the Oil rich Niger-Delta where insurgents are fighting for a measure

of local autonomy and greater control of the area’s Petroleum resources by the

people.

The pledge was made at separate occasions by President Umaru Yar’Adua and the

Niger-Delta Affairs Minister Ufot Ekaette just as the Director-General of the National

Intelligence Agency (NIA) Ambassador Emmanuel Imohe, said the issues of

development and good governance remain fundamental to the resolution of the crisis

in the Niger-Delta.

4.1.4 THE CREATION OF THE MINISTRY OF NIGER-DELTA AFFAIRS

The Niger-Delta Ministry was created as part of the restructuring of the Federal

Ministries announced on Tuesday 13th January, 2009 by His Excellency, President

Umaru Yar’Adua.

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This exclusive ministry for the Niger-Delta created to fast track the development of

the Region, is located at the 10th floor of the Federal Secretariat complex, Shehu

Shagari Way, Abuja.

The mandate of the Ministry is to formulate and coordinate policies for the

development and security of the Niger-Delta Region.

The main vision of the Ministry is to serve as the primary vehicle for the execution of

government’s plans and programmes for rapid socio-economic development of the

Region.

The mission is to formulate and execute plans, programmes and other initiatives as

well as coordinate the activities of Agencies, Communities, Donors and other

Stakeholders involved in the development of the Region.

FUNCTIONS OF THE MINISTRY

1. Oversee the implementation of Government policies on the development and

security of the Niger-Delta Region.

2. Coordinate the formulation of the development pan for the Region;

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3. Formulate policies and programmes for youth mobilization and empowerment;

4. Advise Government on security issues concerning the Region;

5. Liaise with relevant Government, Non Governmental and Private Sector

Organizations;

6. Formulate and coordinate policies for environmental management;

7. Liaise with Host Communities for the enhancement of the welfare of the people

and the development of the Region;

8. Facilitate private sector involvement in the Region;

9. Plan and supervise programmes on public education/enlightenment;

10. Liaise with Oil Companies operating in the Region to ensure environmental

protection and pollution control;

11. Organize Human capacity development as well as skills acquisition programmes

for the youths;

12. Take adequate measures to ensure peace, stability and security with a view to

enhancing the economic potentials of the area;

13. Submit reports periodically to Mr. President on all matters concerning the Region.

ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF THE MINISTRY

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The Ministry is structured into the following departments,

1. Strategic services department.

2. Community relations and youth development department.

3. Infrastructure development department.

4. Environment management department.

5. Agriculture, commerce and industrial development department.

6. Regional office administration and Inter-Governmental affairs department.

7. Policy, Research and development department.

8. Human resources management department/

9. Finance and accounts department.

10. Procurement department.

STATE OFFICES (9)

Abia, Akwa-Ibom, Bayelsa, Cross-River, Delta, Edo, Imo, Ondo and Rivers

States each have the Niger-Delta Ministry in their area of jurisdiction.

4.1.5 THE NIGER-DELTA DEVELOPMENT COMMISSION (NDDC)

The Niger-Delta Development Commission is a Federal Government Agency

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establishment by Nigerian President, Olusegun Obasanjo in the year 2000 with the

sole mandate of developing the Oil rich Niger-Delta Region of Southern Nigeria.

BACKGROUND

The genesis of the NDDC is largely a response to the demands of the population of

the Niger-Delta, a populous area inhabited by a diversity of minority ethnic groups.

During the 1990s, these ethnic groups, most notably the Ijaw and the Ogoni

established organizations to confront the Nigerian Government and Multinational Oil

Companies like SHELL. The minorities of the Niger-Delta have continued to agitate

and articulate demands for greater autonomy and control of these areas Petroleum

resources. Their grievances are justified by the extensive environmental degradation

and pollution from oil activities that have operated in the Region since the late 1950s.

However, the minority communities of Oil producing areas have received little or no

currency from the multi-billion dollar a year industry which lines of the pockets of

foreign multinationals and corrupt government officials; environmental remediation

measures are limited and negligible. The Region is highly underdeveloped and is one

poor even by Nigeria’s low standard s for quality of life.

The circumstances eventually precipitated active and sometimes violent confrontation

with the State Oil Companies, as well as with other committees. As a result, Oil

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production and operation in attempts to affect change. These disruptions have been

extremely costly to the Nigerian Oil Industry, and both the multinationals and the

Federal Government have vested interest in permitting uninterrupted extraction

operations; the NDDC is a result of these concerns and is an attempt to satisfy the

demands of the Niger-Delta’s restive population.

MANDATE AND OPERATIONS

The NDDC operates under the mandate of improving social and environmental

conditions in the Niger-Delta Region, which it acknowledges as horrific in its own

reports. However, the Organization has come under scrutiny and according to some is

generally regarded as vehicle of corruption and prebendalism.

To achieve its mandate, the NDDC board identified the following areas of focus:

Development of social and physical infrastructure, Technology, economic revival and

prosperity, Ecological/Environmental remediation, stability and Human development.

EXECUTIVE CHAIRMAN

The position of executive chairman of NDDC has been a subject of much debate. A

compromise was reached where the position would be rotated within the nine Oil

Producing states in alphabetical order: Abia, Akwa-Ibom, Bayelsa, Delta, Edo, Imo,

Ondo and Rivers state.

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4.2 NIGER-DELTA CRISIS AND ITS FOREIGN POLICY IMPLICATION

Nigeria is believed to have experienced relatively high quotient of violence, which is

anchored on the crisis emanating from the Niger-Delta Region, which to a large

extent have heralded the ignominious dislocation and disarticulation of Nigerian

economy, hence, bastardizing Nigeria’s bilateral, as well as multilateral relations in

the comity of Nations. It is pertinent to note, that on Nation-State, Foreign policy

vibrate, when there are elements of peace and stability as well as prosperity

domestically. Other factors that can determine the vibrancy of a Nation-State foreign

policy at any given time includes; Economic strength, Strategic position,

Management of domestic affairs, Military capability, Conduct of her citizens abroad,

Content and effectiveness of her external propaganda, Conduct of her diplomatic

relations and circumstances of the other Countries.

Consequently, Nigeria remained underdeveloped, unable to impact positively on the

teeming population, despite the fact that petroleum alone provides about 90% of

Nigeria’s foreign exchange earnings and account for over 80%bof revenue of the

Federation and substantial amount of the country Gross Domestic Product (GDP)

coupled with the fact that Nigeria has been acknowledged as the World’s 6th largest

producer and 8th largest exporter of Crude Oil. Worthy of note, is that the bulk of this

Nigeria proven Oil reserve, is located in the Niger-Delta Area. As such, this abundant

Oil and Gas deposit, which should have been a blessing, have had a very negative

115
impact on the environment of the Region, due to unsustainable explorative activities

being practiced by Oil Multinationals without taking the environment into

cognizance.

These negative impacts do not end on the biophysical environment alone, but also

affect the well being of the people including their security. Hence, Petroleum is a

paradox of poverty in the midst of plenty as it has brought about untold hardship and

poverty in the Region of the Delta. Besides its great mineral wealth, the Niger-Delta

also have fertile agricultural lands, forests, river, creeks and coastal waters but with

the advent of Oil and Gas exploration, their farmland became contaminated with Oil,

the biological and ecosystem are disturbed by noise from drilling and Oil spillage. In

the same vein, laying of pipelines for Oil takes a lot of forest clearing. Be that as it

may, the Area is one of the poorest and most underdeveloped parts of the Country;

this view was also reiterated by New Year Times in one of their recent editorials;

“That travelling through the Delta region, it is difficult

to comprehend that this is actually an area wealthy in

natural resources, that despite generating hundreds of

billions of dollars in Oil, since Oil was discovered, the

area is one of the poorest and least developed part of

the Country.”

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Stressing further, that the Region lacks the basic facilities of life and it is one of the

poorest and less developed parts of the country. The inhabitant 70% of whom still;

live in subsistence characterize by a total absence of such facilities as pipe-borne

water, hospital, proper housing, motorable roads, electricity and weighed down by

debilitating poverty, malnutrition and diseases.

Infact, it is pathetic to hear that Oloibiri, about 90 kilometres west of Port-

Harcourt in now present day Bayelsa where first commercial quantity of oil was

first discovered in Nigeria in 1956 that led to the first export of oil in 1958 just

had access to electricity in the year 2008. Hence, the Niger-Delta, angry at their

people’s political alienation and economic exploitation has resorted to violence

as a way of expressing their perceived marginalization, deprivation and neglect

by the Federal Government and Oil Multinationals. As such, the youth with no

means of livelihood “have started attracting politicians, abducting oil workers,

kidnapping expatriates and demanding ransom, organizing mega bank

robberies and literally making the streets unsafe.”Thus, the end-product is

breeding economic crisis as a virile economy is a sine qua non for a vibrant

foreign policy, as no country can optimally develop in optimally developed

atmosphere bedeviled with crisis like the one rocking Nigeria, in this era of

global financial meltdown, as the crisis is still responsible for the inability of

Nigeria’s economy to be insulated from the global economy meltdown, because

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 Nigeria no longer meets her quota of oil production to the international oil

market.

It is informative to note, the crisis ravaging Niger-Delta which has now become

internationalized is not a recent phenomena, it dates back to 1957 when

testimonies were made before Willinks Commission of Inquiry over minority

fears. Subsequently, the protests and agitations of the people for equitable remedy

have been forcibly smothered by both Military might and Civilian Governments

via the use of overwhelming military might and other documents act of state

sanction. Infact, this became tensed during, Abacha’s regime, especially in 1993

when Ken Saro-Wiwa internationalized it in his address before the United

Nations Working Group on Indigenous People in Geneva, that subsequently led

to his execution and eight others.

THE IMPLICATION FOR NIGERIA’S FOREIGN POLICY

It would be difficult to predict the future of any country would be, when the state

it is in, is a state of quagmire gradually moving towards Hobesian state. It is

pertinent to note that the Niger-Delta crisis which culminated in landing Nigeria

in a state of comatose is no longer a National Question, it has multiplier effect

within and outside Nigeria and the perspective is often overlooked or neglected in

the available literature on the delta.

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The global dimension manifested in President Yar’Adua visit to the British Prime

Minister (Gordon Brown) by November 2008, to assist in quashing the

insurgency from the region. The military option was adopted by Brown which

America kicked against and opted for dialogue as the only way out of the political

cum socio-economic macabre dance. This was geared towards protecting the U.S

security interest in the Gulf of Guinea notably Niger-Delta, especially with the

launching of security mechanism AFRICOM.

The international community has not rested as a result of this crisis, and if not

properly resolved can relegate Nigeria to the status of a failed state, as hitherto

produced by U.S Intelligence report in 2004. It should not be forgotten in a hurry,

that it was the same Niger-Delta crisis that culminated in Nigeria ostracism from

the Commonwealth of Nations in 1995, as well as European Union’s limited

sanctions as a result of the killing of renowned environmentalist from Ogoni-Ken

Saro Wiwa and eight others-over their agitations and international awareness

created over oil. Since then, the world has long seen Nigeria as non-stable

economy and a sink hole that could swallow their investment, perhaps that is the

rational behind some foreign firms contemplating removing their businesses from

Nigeria’s shore, suffice to say at this moment, that any disturbance in the form of

oil in Nigeria (as Middle East oil crisis) will impact negatively on the world

economy, because the world’s oil supply originates in the field of these Regions,

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as Nigeria’s Delta’s crisis has already led to the shut-in of a substantial

percentage of Nigeria oil, leading to the reduction in the quota of Nigerian oil

supplies to the international oil market. Let us be reminded that, due to the Arab-

Israeli crisis and the 9/11 attacks, the U.S began sourcing for alternative source of

oil supplies in the Gulf of Guinea, of which Nigeria a part. As a result of this oil

exploitation, insurgency groups such as; MEND, NDPVF, MOSOP, IYC and

other insurgency militias have taken up arms against the state and their perceived

collaborators, justifying their actions in the current underdevelopment of the

region.

The implications of this crisis for Nigeria’s foreign policy has been exemplified

in the diminishing image of Nigeria in the comity of Nations, especially as

occasioned by the despotic Abacha Military Junta which led to the ostracism of

Nigeria from the Commonwealth of Nations. Truly, this has negatively affected

the country’s image Worldwide and the direction of its foreign policy vis-à-vis

the major actors in the international system. It was this negative international

image that was inherited by the Fourth Republic President, Olusegun Obasanjo,

and in the first four years of his two terms tenure, he travelled to all continents of

the world in his bid to redeem Nigeria’s badly damaged reputation to no avail.

Infact, Nigeria’s bilateral and multilateral relations has been “contaminated” via

this process.

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For the sake of clarity, these are some of the possible implications of the Niger-

Delta crisis for Nigeria’s foreign policy.

Firstly, it has affected the inflow of Foreign Direct Investment into the Nigerian

economy as Daewoo oil servicing among others has pulled out their operations

from the Region, as a result of the insecure and unstable security situation. In the

same vein, the crisis has led to campaign of calumny against Nigeria in which

many Western Nations have advised their nationals to desist from travelling to

Nigeria especially Niger-Delta region where kidnapping for ransom and hostage-

taking have become rife.

Secondly, Nigeria status in International Organization continue to be threatened

as the International Maritime Organization (I.M.O) has seriously warned Nigeria

that if, safety of territorial waters continues to be threatened unabated, no foreign

vessel will be allowed to berth of lift Crude Oil and Gas from the region.

Thirdly, the problem has given leverage to some African States who ordinarily

cannot “flex muscles” with Nigeria. A plausible example was the contention for

A.D.B’s presidency between 2005 and 2006 where Morocco and Rwanda
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defeated Nigeria respectively.

The quest for a seat in the United Nations (U.N) Security Council is also

threatened if the Niger-Delta crisis is allowed to deteriorate, as other contending

states are assumed to be more stable in nature, politically, economically, socially,

militarily etc.

Fourthly, the capability of the Nigerian military is questionable, due to claims

been made by the militias of strategic combat recorded against the Nigerian

military as represented by J.T.F, the Nigerian military has severally been termed

“sitting ducksy” by these militias which Cable Network News (C.N.N) on

February 2007 corroborated that the militant are having a field day conquering

the Nigerian Military.

The Federal Government denied the report as bias and untrue, hence, this

necessitated the Federal government to cancel her image laundering Heart of

Africa Project with C.N.N, compelling state Governments to same.

In the same vein, Nigeria has been predicted to be next Afghanistan by a

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renowned analyst from the West, Layman Princeton, if the crisis is not resolved.

Fifthly, environmental degradation in the Niger-Delta contributes to the global

environment crisis, which has given rise to issues as, climate change, ozone layer

depletion etc. This can be seen in the degree of gas flaring and the effect of oil

spillage in the ecosystem as such, Nigeria has suffered international

condemnation and could attract international hostility, due to its reluctance to

encourage, effect and enforce environmental friendly policies.

Sixthly, the crisis in the Region has continued to attract negative attention on

globally, especially by international rights groups and humanitarian bodies, as

such, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Friends of the Earth, Green

Peace etc., who have all written at various levels, damaging reports on the

Nigerian Government, especially as it concerns the Niger-Delta crisis.

The barrage of criticisms that have the potentials of reducing Nigeria to a Pariah

State among the comity of Nations has been carried out by various N.G.O’s.

Seventhly, the recent South-South economic summit convened by Governors of

the South-South Geo-Political Zone, held early in the year 2009, in Tinapa,

Cross-River State, identified a rich pool of non-oil potential foreign revenue,

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generating sectors, which due to over-dependence on oil has remained largely

untapped.

If these resources had been rightly managed, it might have led to the

diversification of the Nigerian economy and acted as a catalyst for the

industrialization of the Nigerian economy, which was one of the indices used for

inviting Countries to the Summit of 20 most Industrializes Countries held in 2009

in London, where Nigeria, the acclaimed “Giant of Africa” was conspicuously

absent.

What a painful experience for the direction of Nigeria’s Foreign Policy among the

comity of Nations that led to the tears of Mr. President.

Against this background, it is unequivocal that the Niger-Delta crisis has already

crippled the conduct of Nigeria’s Foreign Policy, and instead of finding a lasting

solution to the protracted crisis, the Federal Government is busy channeling its

resources on a non-beneficial Peace-Keeping in Africa, as the West will not

channel their resource on a non-beneficial project.

Imagine if all the revenue wasted in the name of Africa Peace-Keeping was

channeled to the Niger-Delta case, the crisis may perhaps never occur but the
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Federal Government may have paid “deaf ears” to the agitations of the people.

It is pertinent to also note that other Third World Oil Producing States like,

Saudi-Arabia, Libya, Venezuela, Indonesia, Azerbaijan and Kuwait, have used

their oil wealth to transform their countries into modern states..

4.3 NIGER-DELTA CRISIS AND FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT

The Niger-Delta crisis which is the basis and bedrock of this research work has

continued to remain a National Question that has been difficult to solve.

The main cause of the crisis includes greed and selfishness, deprivation and

poverty, and “social injustice”. The simple meaning of social justice, according

to experts, is that the same contribution equals the same benefit.

The recent rise in hostage taking and all form of militancy has sent a “shock

wave” in the global oil market, and the price of Oil has skyrocketed and crashed.

Political instability is injurious to an economy, as it is induces capital flight.

Capital flight has multiplier effect on an economy; it impedes business

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investments, economic growth and productivity, spurs inflation and

unemployment and negatively affects the standards of the people. A Nation’s

living standards are tied to its productivity. Political instability also affects a

Nation’s National Income when investors and individual in the society begins to

perceive the crisis as a serious threat to their investment and savings.

Dr. Edmund Daukoru, Nigeria’s Special Adviser on Petroleum and Energy on the

21st of January, disclosed that the country lost billions of dollars in Oil and Gas

revenue since 1999 “as a result of the persistent crisis in the Niger-Delta

Region”.

Also, the Shell Petroleum Development Company said that Nigeria loses about

$1.5 billion yearly to crude oil theft, and it urged the Government to urgently

address the situation.

The skirmishes between the Nigerian military and Niger-Delta militants brought

the Nation’s oil production to an all time low, Minister of State for Petroleum Mr.

Odein Ajumogobia (SAN) said in Abuja. Although, Ajumogobia who made the

announcement at the Federal Executive Council meeting did not state the exact

oil production figure, Oil experts say Nigeria is currently producing 1.2 million

barrels daily as a result of the Delta crisis. The oil production figure released by

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the Federation Allocation Account Committee (FAAC) for the month of January,

2009 was 1.6 million barrels daily.

At the current oil price of about $69 per barrel in the International Oil Market, the

implication of the Nation’s low oil production level is that Nigeria is losing

$120million or17.4 billion Naira, going by the official exchange rate of $1 to 145

Naira, and the 1.2 million barrels oil production figure as at June 31st, 2009.

The Nation’s dwindling oil revenue has necessitated the depletion of the Excess

Crude Oil Account in recent times. The Federal Government has been taking

money from the Account to augment the Federation Account before revenue is

shared monthly by the Three Tiers of Government. For instance, 90 billion Naira

was taken from the Excess Crude Account for that purpose in April while

85billion Naira was removed from it in March 2009 for the same purpose.

Ajumogobia said the implication of the Niger-delta crisis on oil production

“is something we are all sad about, Nigeria has production

capacity of 3.2 million barrels per day. Today we are down

to about less than half of that in terms of production. We

are over one million down in shut-ins. I think it is something

that should concern all of us”

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He said the Niger-Delta crisis has mainly affected onshore oil production

“To take one example, Shell has lost most of its onshore production.

It is completely shut down and the irony of it, is that onshore oil is

the cheapest to produce and therefore the return on that investment

is greater but that is where we have most shut-in”, He said.

It is pertinent to note that the military action that took place in the Delta region

cost the Nigerian State in revenue. The National economy lost $25.2million,

approximately 3.75billion Naira was lost per day for the two weeks the military

campaign that took place in May occasioned by the hostilities in Delta state

between the J.T.F and Militants.

This amount works out at an average Crude Oil price of $66 per barrel for May.

Before the commencement of the hostilities, the country’s crude oil output

averaged 1.763million barrels per day in April. The 3.74billion Naira loss

excludes the cost of military hardware, oil pipelines, houses, palaces, farms and

canoes/boat that got destroyed with the war.

With the aforementioned estimates, it shows that the Nigerian state has lost a lot

in terms of Human and Natural Resources during this period of global financial

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 crisis.

The above estimates clearly focused on the year 2009, below is a tabular

representation of the quantity of oil lost during the year 2007 and 2008 and the

amount in U.S dollars for the said period of time.

TABLE I

QUANTITY OF OIL LOSS IN BARRELS PER DAY/AMOUNT IN U.S DOLLARS FOR THE YEAR 2007

Month Est. qty of barrels of Total barrels of oil loss OPEC basket price for Total amount loss for the
for the month Bonny light crude for month in U.S dollars.
oil loss per day the month in U.S
dollars.

Jan. 700,000 21,700,000 56.18 1,219,106,000

Feb. 700,000 19,600,000 59.58 1,167,768,000

Mar. 700,000 21,700,000 64.59 1,401,603,000

April 700,000 21,000,000 70.01 1,470,210,00

May 700,000 21,700,000 70.03 1,519,652,000

June 700,000 21,000,000 74.45 1,563,450,000

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 July 700,000 21,700,000 79.21 1,718,857,000

Aug. 700,000 21,700,000 73.34 1,591,478,000

Sep. 700.000 21,000,000 79.87 1,677,270,000

Oct. 700,000 21,700,000 79.32 1,721,244,000

Nov. 700,000 21,000,000 88.84 1,865,640,000

Dec 700,000 21,700,000 87.05 1,888,985,000

GRAND TOTAL 18,805,985,000

TABLE II

QUANTITY OF OIL LOSS IN BARRELS PER DAY/AMOUNT IN U.S DOLLARS FOR THE YEAR 2008

MONTHS EST QTY OF TOTAL BARRELS OPEC NASKET TOTAL AMOUNT LOSS
BARRELS OF OIL OF OIL LOSS FOR PRICE FOR FOR THE MONTH IN U.S
LOSS PER DAY THE MONTH BONNY LIGHT DOLLARS
CRUDE FOR THE
MONTH IN U.S
DOLLARS

JANUARY 700,000 21,700,000 88.35 1,917,195,000

FEBRUARY 700,000 20,300,000 90.64 1,839,972,000

MARCH 700,000 21,700,000 99.03 2,148,951,000

APRIL 700,000 21,700,000 105.16 2,208,360,000

MAY 700,000 21,700,000 119.39 2,590,763,000

JUNE 700,000 21,700,000 129.33 2,694,930,000

JULY 700,000 21,700,000 131.22 2,847,474,000

AUGUST 700,000 21,700,000 112.41 1,633,793,000

SEPTEMBER 700,000 21,700,000 96.87 2,439,297,000

GRAND TOTAL 20,720,842,000

SOURCE: The Report of the Technical Committee on the Niger-Delta submitted on Dec.2008

N.B With the above representation of the cost of the crisis on the Nigerian
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State, It is pertinent to note that the above is just an approximation of the crisis.

The tabular representation ended on September, 2008, because that was the

period prior the inauguration of the Technical Committee on the Niger-Delta,

and the cost would have risen as at the period of writing this project, but due to

lack of available data, it could not be included in the table.

4.4 NIGER-DELTA DEVELOPMENT COMMISSION AND NIGER-

DELTA DEVELOPMENT

T he NDDC is an interventionist agency set up y the Federal Government to

ameliorate the sufferings of the Niger-Delta populace.

The NDDC has embarked on various projects in the Niger-Delta, although, this

has not ended the crisis in the Region but it played an important role in

reducing the wave of criminality in the Region.

The NDDC has carried out the following project in Niger-Delta Region such as

Electrification projects, School Projects, Water Projects, School, Water Project

and the Formulation of the Niger-Delta Development Commission Master

Plan.

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4.4.1 ELECTRIFICATION PROJECT

In 1928, Port-Harcourt, the capital of Rivers State and perhaps the

headquarters of the Niger-Delta Region experienced electricity for the first

time. That was 32years after electricity came to Nigeria. But the bulk of the

communities in the Region were literarily left in darkness until recently. Ibeno,

the Crude Oil belt of Akwa-Ibom State, was one of the unfortunate lots. At

least, three Interventionist Agencies and several Governments had come and

gone. They all saw no reason for the people of this area, of no fewer than 38

communities, to have power supply. And so they remained in darkness.

The experience of the people of Tombia, Abonema, Ayibabiri and several

other communities in Bayelsa State was also dreadful. Electricity was a facility

they only saw when they ventured out of their bases with many of them

landlocked; power for several communities across Niger-Delta States was a

luxury. Day and Night were almost the same. But now, the NDDC has come to

their aid. So far, no fewer than 339 Electrification Projects has been

undertaken by the Commission.

The Niger-Delta Development Commission (NDDC) has embarked on various

electricity projects in the Niger-Delta Region, as a result of this development,

life is picking up in the Niger-Delta. And with this, it will get better as NDDC
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is embarking on new electricity projects from the dense forest of Cross-River

to the mountainous grooves of Ondo state and the creeks in Bayelsa state.

4.4.2 FREE HEALTH CARE PROJECT

The NDDC has embarked on free health care services in the Niger-Delta

Region in order to ensure the safety of lives in the region.

The NDDC, an interventionist agency was set up in 2001 by Nigeria’s

immediate past President Olusegun Obasanjo, which provided corrective

surgeries for children. Comfort Ekpeyong, a teenager who was born with club,

25-year-old Tamunobelema, born with a cleft lip and palate, and Emmanuel

Prastiack, a nine-month old baby born Plateau state with the same congenital

malformation, are also on the lost list of beneficiaries who were given

opportunities to live fulfilled lives under the NDDC’s free health care

programmes.

Since the Commission’s first pilot project in Odi, in Bayelsa state in November

2001, the free Medicare train had made a stopover in various communities in

the Niger-Delta region, leaving behind a people overwhelmed with gratitude

for sights restored, diseases healed and hopes renewed.

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Working in partnership with Pro Health International, an amalgamation of

local and international Non Governmental Organization; ARH projects and

BEARS foundation; the NDDC has, at March this year, provided for free

medical services to 400,000 patients in about 150 sites visited so far, covering

over 3,500 communities across the region.

The free medical services provided include ophthalmic surgeries and care,

dental, gynecological reconstructive and general surgeries, medical out-

patients services and distribution of glasses. Between November 2001 and June

2006, a whooping 55,832 patients were treated for various ophthalmic

ailments, 30,028 glasses were dispensed with an alarming 1,673 surgeries

carried out. Twelve-year-old Tabowei was one of the numerous children saved

from blindness.

Similarly, in collaboration with SMILE AFRICA, the NDDC’s free health care

programme has also restored smiles to the faces of thousands of people in the

region who had dental problems. Over 25,000 patients has so far benefitted

from this programme, out of which dental surgeries were performed on about

10,000, while a harvest of patients who needed reconstructive surgeries were

taken from the various project sites across the Niger-Delta to special centres at
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the regional University Teaching Hospitals for plastic surgeries. Critical cases

were referred to NDDC’s health consultant, AM Projects, who assessed and

referred them to Tertiary Health Institutions for further investigations,

definitive management, Long-Term follow-up and rehabilitation.

Unfortunately however, some of the cases reportedly came too late for the

patients to be saved.

The NDDC has also responded to the challenges posed by HIV/AIDS

pandemic with the incorporation of HIV/AIDS education and counseling into

the agenda of its medical team. The campaign is taken beyond the project sites

in local communities to primary, secondary and tertiary institutions within the

area while educational pamphlets obtain from National Action Committee on

Aids, NACA and the Institute of Virology, Baltimore, Maryland, U.S.A are

freely distributed to thousands of teenagers and young adults.

It is believed that with all these in place, the Niger-Delta region will be rid of

terrible and preventable diseases while the people will experience a new lease

of life and the NDDC’s mission to heal will not be in vain.

4.4.3 HOSPITAL PROJECTS

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Health care delivery has also been brought to the door steps of the people both

on land and in the riverine communities with the provision of health centres

and hospitals across the Niger-Delta region, including residential quarters for

medical doctors, nurses and other support staffs.

The Kiagbodo Cottage Hospital, Kiagbodo, Burutu Local Government Area of

Delta state, for instance, was commissioned in the year 2008, and it is the first

and only one in the area.

The comprehensive health centre at Ilowo, in Ilaje Local Government Area of

Ondo state showcases the NDDC’s commitment to take health care to the

doorsteps of the people of the Niger-Delta region no matter the distance and

difficulty of the terrain. Ilowo is a riverine community which not only boasts

of a hospital with full complement of staff and living quarters, there are four

more such facilities in Ilaje and Ese-Ode Local Government of the state.

4.4.4 ROAD PROJECTS

The NDDC undertakes about 3,000 kilometres of road project, thus opening up

the rural area for development. Isuochi is a border community located in

Umunneochi Local Government area of Abia state. This sleepy community

shares boundaries with other South Eastern states of Anambra, Enugu, Ebonyi

and Imo states. More significantly, the Isuochi people travel long distances
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across the neighbouring Imo state communities, notably Ihube and Okigwe, to

get to Umuahia, their state capital. Added to the travails associated with the

long journey was a dilapidated road network, famous for its potholes. Thus, for

several years, it was a nightmare to the people travelling out of their

community to access both their Isuikwuato Council Headquarters and

Umuahia. The situation persisted despite their endless cries to the Authorities

for intervention.

But the people heaved a deep sigh of relief in 2005, when NDDC eventually

took over the construction of the road. Apart from currently facilitating the

transportation needs of the people, the road has restored their confidence in

NDDC as a sensitive interventionist agency of the Federal Government.

The Commission played a historic role in the restoration of Odi. It rehabilitated

the East-West-Odi road, the major land access to the town, constructed internal

concrete road to the Odi community secondary school, which was in

accessible.

The NDDC has ameliorated the suffering of the Niger-Delta people through

the construction, reconstruction and rehabilitation of road networks in the

Niger-Delta region which has in no small measure ensured the economic

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development of the people of the region.

4.4.5 SCHOOL PROJECTS

Like other sectors, NDDC is leaving no stone unturned in investing in the

education of the entire citizenry of the Niger-Delta region. To ensure that none

of the needy communities in the area is left out of its educational programmes,

the Commission is, at the moment, siting a school near Igbokoda community in

Ondo state beside the Atlantic Ocean. According to Sam Ayadi, the state’s

NDDC coordinator, “this is because it is there that we have a bit of land, that

is, the boundary between the river and the Atlantic Ocean.”

Infact, the NDDC’s gestures are not only extended to the riverine people alone.

The Commission has also been actively involved in providing physical

infrastructure, furniture, science equipment and other facilities for educational

institutions across the Niger-Delta states. To this end, the Commission has,

since inception, constructed more than 686 blocks of classrooms, halls and

staff quarters, in addition to renovating and rehabilitating more, the

Commission has provided 63,700 standard desks and benches to the schools in

the region.

The Commission is currently embarking on the construction of 500-room

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standard hostels in 14 universities across the region. And universities and

polytechnics have, in addition, received computers, high technical equipment

and other audio visual aids, with a view to enhancing effective teaching and

learning in the institutions.

4.4.6 WATER PROJECTS

The Commission is gradually restoring portable water to the communities

which have water every, but none to drink. The Niger-Delta region,

particularly the riverine communities, is a contradiction and a compounding

paradox or how do you explain a situation whereby one is surrounded by water

and yet has none to drink? Such is the pathetic story of the riverine dwellers

whose plight reminds one of the lamentation of an ancient mariner “……water

water everywhere but none to drink” as captured by Samuel Taylor Coleridge.

Since 2001, the NDDC has undertaken 283 water supply projects in the nine

states that constitute the Niger-Delta region. Of this, over 90 have been

completed; most of them complemented with stand by generators, purpose

built-generator houses and water treatment facilities as well as service quarters.

Bayelsa state was a beneficiary of the most novel scheme ever embarked upon

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in the Niger-Delta which is a turn key pilot project in Biseni. With a

production capacity of 27,000 gallons per hour, it also has facilities for

treatment of surface water from brackish source. In addition, there is the Betem

I, II and III water schemes in Ogoniland in Khana Local Government Area of

Rivers state, the water station at Ikono, Akwa-Ibom, and the Ohegbo water

project in Edo state. Though, worst hit by the problem of acute water shortage,

the story of the waterside communities in the Niger-Delta is beginning to

change.

The Ilaje local government area of Ondo state, there are 29 water projects by

the NDDC, out of which about 10 has been completed. Though, the Ilowo

water project was yet to be completed and commissioned, the people are in a

hurry to reap the benefit.

In Edo state, 21 water projects were initiated out of which more than half have

been completed and are now functioning. These include Geledele, Ohegbo,

Ohegbonugu, Evbokabua, Igheleba and Obozogbo Nuro, among others.

In Cross River State, water projects were sited in Ine Onosi and Archibong,

both in Bakassi Local Government area, LGA, Aleparabong in Ikom LGA,

Ikot Offlpng Atnbai in Akpabuyo LGA, Ekori in Yakurr LGA and Umanoleom
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in Yala LGA, Among others.

In Abia State, 19 water projects were initiated by the NDDC, and these include

Afugiri water schme, Arochukwu water scheme at Ugwu, Ugwuanagbo water

scheme, Obodo water scheme, Igbere mini water scheme and Owaza water

scheme, among others.

And for the former Managing Director, the Commission will continue to seek

the best possible way of providing water to the riverine communities. Alaibe

said the Commission had commenced the first phase of “massive provision of

water by constructing solar-powered boreholes in 155 communities in the

region, which will ensure round the clock provision of water.”

And with the implementation of the NDDC Master Plan already, off ground, it

is only a question of time before the people’s cries for clean and hygienic

water are drowned in the sounds of gushing taps and over flowing overhead

water storage tanks.

4.4.7 REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT MASTERPLAN

There have been many attempts and many plans made in the past to improve
the lives of the people of the Niger Delta Region of Nigeria. Sadly, each ended
with very little to show for the time and resources spent. Therefore it is
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understandable that the people of the Niger Delta are quite disillusioned with
‘plans’ at this time. The disenchantment of the people not withstanding, it must
be stated that the Niger Delta Master Plan is different in its goals, focus and
approach, and will not suffer the fate of the others before it. The Master Plan is
basically conceived as a tool that the millions of people of the Niger Delta
Region can use to actualize their common vision and build their future to the
standard they desire. The Master Plan is designed to offer stakeholders at all
levels (individual, group and community) the opportunity to participate fully in
the planning and decision making process. Specifically, the coordinating
consultants require the ideas and opinions of stakeholders as basis for defining
focus areas for development and for producing a vivid picture of what the
people want the Niger Delta region to look like within 15 years of the master
plan implementation.. This implies that the input of stakeholders today is what
will determine the state of affairs (both for individuals and communities) in the
region tomorrow.

The Master Plan, for which satellite mapping had been completed and the
resource consultants appointed, is expected to cover the following areas:
1. Demography,
2. Environment and hydrology
3. Agriculture and aquaculture (with focus on economic activities);
4. Biodiversity;
5. Transport (infrastructure);
6. Rural, urban, regional planning and housing,
7. Community Development
8. Governance and capacity development,
9. Health,
10. Small and medium enterprises
11. Water supply
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12. Energy (electricity)
13. Telecommunication
14. Vocational training (with focus on employment generation)

15. Waste management and sanitation

16. Large-scale industry,

17. Solid minerals;

18. Tourism

19. Social welfare

20. Arts, Sports and Culture,

21. Women and Youth employment

22. Conflict prevention

23. Financial instruments and access

24. Investment promotion

REFERENCES

Ahamefula Ogbu (Tuesday, February 17, 2008). “NIGER-DELTA: Fostering

peace through development”. Thisday, Page 44.

Yakubu Lawal (Sunday, June 29, 2008). Niger Delta crisis: Implications for
143
government revenue and oil companies”. The Guardian, Page 20.

P.O Ani (Sunday, June 29, 2008). “Niger Delta Question: Beyond Yar’Adua
proposed jamboree”. A statement by the 4th force. The Guardian, Page 73.

Emma Amaize (Saturday, April 18, 2009). “F.G yet to approve amnesty list”.
Vanguard, Page 18.

George Oji (Wednesday, September 30, 2009). “Amnesty: F.G reads riot act
to militants”. Thisday, Pages 1 and 6.

Front Page Comment (Sunday, October 4, 2009). “Niger Delta: The time is
now”. Thisday, Pages 1 and 4.

http//:wiki.answers.com/
…./The_Effect_Of_Niger_Delta_Militancy_In_Nigeria_Economy.

http//:en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Niger_Delta_Development_Commission.

The Report of the Niger Delta Technical Committee (2008)

Alexander I. Moro (2008). “The Niger Delta Crisis: Beyond Employment and
Physical Developments. The critical issues involved”. Mind Quest Resources,
Port Harcourt.

Okechukwu Ibeanu (2007). “Petroleum, Politics and Development in Niger

Delta”, In Okello Oculi and Yakubu Nasidi (Eds) Brain Gain for African
Renaissance Issues in Governance. ABU Press, Zaria.

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 CHAPTER FIVE

SUMMARY, RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS

5.1 SUMMARY OF FINDINGS

The Niger-Delta crisis with focus on the rise of militancy is the bedrock of this

research project.

To say that the Niger-Delta militant’s activities since 2006 have had serious

negative effects on the Country’s economy is stating the obvious. Nigeria

relies for over 80% of all its income, on the exportation of Crude Oil and

Natural Gas from the Niger-Delta. As such, the Region’s Oil wealth is

absolutely crucial to the sustenance of the country.

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In the context of the recent global economic crisis, the revenue earned by

Nigeria from Oil and Gas export has already experienced a sharp decline very

worryingly, the activities of the militants are said to have caused about 20%

fall in Oil output.

Nigeria is believed to have the capacity to produce 3.2 million barrels of oil per

day (mbpd); and indeed the country was producing about 2.9mbpd at certain

stages in 2008. However, owing to an increase in militant acts of Sabotage, Oil

bunkering, Hostage Taking etc, Oil production actually fell to between 1.2 and

1.3 million bpd.

The number of persons reportedly kidnapped or held hostage has increased

from 353 in 2008 to 512 in the first quarter of 2009. In addition, the continued

disruption being caused by the militant activities has also been cited as a major

threat to the operations of the electricity projects and the local refineries.

It is, perhaps, the combination of these economic factors that has forced the

Government to come up with a Amnesty package, in the hope that it will

pacify the militants and enable the Multinational Oil Companies to resume full

economic activities in the Country, especially in the South-South. It may also

146
be a change of heart by the Government over historical neglect, by successive

Governments of the proverbial “chicken that lays the golden egg”.

The history of this crisis may also be traced to how the Country was

supposedly put together; the unequal relationship between the over 400 ethnic

groups; how political power and resources are being shared; as well as

perceived domination of one ethnic nationality by another.

Indeed, politics in Nigeria is defined as “who gets what, when and how”, or

simply as the allocation of values as defined by the elite, which cut across

ethno-religious divides. Thus, a National Sovereign Conference has been

championed by many groups as a way of resolving inherent contradiction in

the Federation.

In conclusion, due to the course of this research work, it has been discovered

that the Alternative Hypothesis (H1) which states that the rising wave of

militancy in the Niger-Delta has affected the revenue generation capacity of

the Nigerian State, has taken place, due to the fact that the Nigerian state is

deeply affected by the militants activities in the Delta.

5.2 CONCLUSION

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The Niger-Delta crisis has come a long way from the time of Isaac Boro uptil

this present moment, it is high time for the reasons that led to the crisis be laid

to rest, it has been proven beyond reasonable doubt that violence cannot solve

the crisis in the Delta Region and it is only through genuine dialogue that the

crisis can be solved, that is why the Amnesty Package of the Federal

Government is a step in the right direction.

The crisis in the Delta has defied every solutions that the Federal and State

Governments has recommended; there has been various commissions that the

Government put into place in order to nip the crisis in the bud; the Henry

Willinks Commission Report of 1957; the Niger Delta Development Board of

1960; River Basin Development Authority of 1993; Oil Mineral Producing

Commission of 1998; Oladayo Popoola Committee of 2002 (a product of the

Political Reform Conference); General Alexander Special Security Committee

on the Niger-Delta; The Joint Military Task Force on the Niger-Delta; The

Niger-Delta Technical Committee; The Niger-Delta Development commission;

Ministry of Niger-Delta Affairs; the inclusion of the Niger-Delta in President

Yar’adua’s 7-Point Agenda, and the introduction of the Amnesty Package to

the Niger-Delta Militants.

The Federal Government on June 27, 2009 officially opened a two-month

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Amnesty Window (from August 6 to October 4, 2009) to all militants in the

Niger-Delta in exchange for their demobilization and disarmament upon

surrendering their weapons, militants would receive financial compensation

from the Government over a period of time.

Amnesty is a general pardon, especially for those who have committed

political crimes. It could also be a period during which crimes can be admitted

or illegal weapons handed in without prosecution. But the questions many

Nigerians are asking, in the case of the Government reprieve for the Niger-

Delta militants are- What is the nature of the arms being submitted? How many

are being withheld? What is the source(s) of the arms?

Shortly after President Yar’adua announced the Amnesty package, one

of the militant leaders, Henry Okah, was released from a 23-month prison

detention . The charges of treason and sabotage were also withdrawn.

In consequence of this development, the Movement for the

Emancipation if the Niger-Delta (MEND) of the most active Niger-Delta

militia groups, announced a 60-day ceasefire. But the group also wanted more

than the amnesty package, it demanded the withdrawal of the Army and Joint

Task Force from the Gbaramatu area of Delta state. In addition, it has

demanded that processes be put in place that can facilitate discussions and

dialogue on the main issues-self determination and resource control-that gave

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rise to armed activities in the first instance. But responding to these demands,

Nigeria’s Defense Minister, Godwin Abbe, insisted that “they cannot give

conditions to Government. The Government will make the decisions on the

effective deployment of troops when the conditions become ripe enough and

when law and order is comfortably established.”

With the surrender and acceptance of the Amnesty programme of President

Umaru Yar’Adua by major militant leaders in the Niger-Delta including

Government Ekpemupolo (a.k.a Tompolo), Ateke Tom, Henry Okah,

Ebikalowei Victor Ben (a.k.a Boyloaf) and others, the President has won a

major battle without firing a single shot after he tried Military. But the war

against poverty, underdevelopment and marginalization in the Niger-Delta

remains a huge challenge.

Indeed, the achievement of the President in this process is a vindication of the

option of dialogue and political solution in a peaceful environment. The

president called on the militants to end violence in the creeks so that all

stakeholders would have a peaceful ambience to address the roots of the

problems in the Region.

However, this accomplishment represents only an important first step in the

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 ultimate resolution of the Niger-Delta Question. By this uncommon act of the

militants, it is now clear to anyone in doubt that the people of the Niger-Delta

love and accept the sovereignty of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. This now

puts the “ball squarely in the courts of the Government”.

The next urgent question is this, what happens after the Amnesty? Because

the Amnesty is a means to an end, not the end itself, while the courage and

sincerity of the militants is respected for acting wisely by handing over their

weapons unconditionally and giving peace a chance; the Federal Government

should respond immediately and decisively to the yearnings of the people of

the Niger-Delta by meeting them at the point of their needs and aspirations.

The Niger-Delta has a long way to go, to have and maintain lasting peace and

security which ultimately makes the Amnesty package the first step at making

the Niger-Delta a safe haven for both indigenes and foreigners alike. This is

because the settlement is founded on justice and equity that will make the

quest for the hard-won peace to endure.

5.3 RECOMMENDATIONS

The aim of this research work is to proffer solutions to the Niger-Delta crisis
151
which has remained a recurring National Question up from the period prior

independence to date. The recommended solutions to the Niger-Delta crisis are

as follows-

1. Enforcing the local content policy in Oil and Gas sectors;

2. A Regional Gas Grid alongside an effective inter-modal transport system to

enable industrialization and development;

3. The Ministry of Niger-Delta Affairs should be equipped to enable it take

part in massive developmental projects in the Region;

4. Government should without delay unfold its programme of massive

infrastructural development of the Region along with Human-Capital

development;

5. For a definitive resolution of the crisis, the people of the Region should be

given a genuine sense of ownership of the wealth accruing from their land;

6. The on-going reforms in the Petroleum sector should result in the full and

complete participation of the people from the Region at all levels of the

extractive activities from prospecting to drilling, transport and sales, the

people of the Region should be key players in the upstream and

downstream activities;

7. Completion of the dualization of the East-West road including spurs to

each of the coastal states and ensure significant improvement in education,

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 health and youth employment in the Region;

8. There should be increase in derivation to the Niger-Delta Region in order

to ensure the development of the Region;

9. Oil and Gas Companies operating in the Region should be encouraged and

if necessary, compelled to comply with international best practices to

ensure the protection of natural inhabitants through uncompromising

implementation of the demands of the doctrine of Corporate Social

Responsibility. The policy on Gas flaring should be firmly implemented;

10. Adequate compensations should be paid wherever there are oil spills and

pollution cleared within stipulated time;

11. All-season roads should be constructed to link the remote communities

with their neighbours to reduce the long and tedious detours of travelling

by boat just to get to neighbouring communities;

12. Establishment of specialized Oil and Gas Export Processing Zone (EPZ) in

the three main oil producing states to stimulate industrial development and

growth;

13. Compensation should be immediately paid for settlement of people

displaced as a result of communal clashes caused by disputes relating to oil

exploration;

14. And the Federal Government should ensure the immediate and full
153
 implementation of the Report of the Niger-Delta Technical Committee

(NDTC) headed by Ledum Mittee.

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militants. Thisday, Pages 1 and 6.

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INTERNET

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/conflict_in_the_Niger_Delta.

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envoy.htlm

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freedom-fighters|-

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…./The_effect_of_Niger_delta_militancy_in_Nigeria_economy.

En.wikipedia.org/…./movement_for_the_emancipation_of_the_niger_delta.

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militants-nigeria-delta-yar’adua

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UNPUBLISHED WORKS

Worgu Stanley Owabukeruyele (January, 2009). Hydro Carbon exploitation,

environmental degradation and poverty in the Niger Delta. Being a paper

presented at Lund University LUMES program, Lund, Sweden.

Hank Eso (Sunday, 27 July, 2008). Bunkering, Blood, Bungling and Botching

Niger Delta Policy.Kweenu.com

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PUBLISHED WORK

Alexander I. Moro (2008). The Niger Delta Crisis: Beyond employment and

physical development. The critical issues involved. Mind quest resources, Port

Harcourt.

Okechukwu Ibeanu (2007). “Petroleum, Politics and Development in Niger

Delta”, In Okello Oculi and Yakubu Nasidi (Eds) Brain Gain for African

Renaissance Issues in Governance. ABU Press, Zaria.

OTHER MATERIALS

Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (1999).

The Report of the Technical Committee of the Niger Delta (2008)

Oxford advanced learners dictionary (8th edition)

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