1

GENDER AND POLITICS IN ENUGU STATE:

A CASE STUDY OF WOMEN IN PARTICIPATION, 1999- 2016

BY

UGWU, EMELDA CHIAMAKA

U14/MSS/POL/062

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

GODFREY OKOYE UNIVERSITY,
THINKERS CORNER ENUGU

JULY 2018
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TITLE PAGE
GODFREY OKOYE UNIVERSITY
THINKERS CORNER ENUGU

GENDER AND POLITICS IN ENUGU STATE: CASE STUDY OF WOMEN

PARTICIPATION, 1999- 2016.

BY

UGWU, EMELDA CHIAMAKA

U14/MSS/POL/062

A PROJECT WORK SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF

POLITICAL SCIENCE, FACULTY OF MANAGEMENT AND SOCIAL
SCIENCES, GODFREY OKOYE UNIVERSITY THINKERS CORNER
ENUGU, IN THE PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR THE AWARD OF BACHELOR OF SCIENCE (B.SC) IN POLITICAL
SCIENCE.

SUPERVISOR
DR ONWO, D.O

JULY 2018
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Approval Page

This is to certify that this project was written by Ugwu, Emelda Chiamaka with

registration no: U14/MSS/POL/062 of the department of political science for the

award of Bachelor of Science (B.sc) degree.

Supervisor………………… Date…………………

Dr. Onwo, D.O

HOD………………………. Date…………….......

Okonkwo W.O

Dean of Faculty…………… Date……………….

Prof. Onyema Ocheoha

External examiner………… Date……………….

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Dedication

To God almighty, I dedicate this project work for his guidance and protection

throughout these turbulent years of my academic pursuit, and for seeing me

through successfully. I also dedicate this work to my parents chief and Mrs. Eddy

Ugwu and my lovely brother and sisters.

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Acknowledgment

I want to use the medium to appreciate those who assisted me in various ways as I

completed my project work. Those who assisted me with their experience, moral

support and financial contribution I say thank you. I want to also commend my

parents for their financial and moral assistance throughout my stay in the

university. Also I appreciate my siblings for their love, support and words of

encouragement towards my stay in the university.

My appreciation goes the head of department Mr. Okonkwo, W.O and to the Dean

of management and social sciences Prof. Onyema Ocheoha.

My regards goes to my supervisor Dr. Onwo D.O. Thanks for engaging me in a

task that brought out the best in me.

Also, special thanks to my lecturers who helped in one way or the other to embibe
the knowledge in me, Mr. Rowland Okoli, prof. Onyema Ocheoha, Dr Onwo,D.O,
Mr. Okonkwo,W.O, Mr. Nweke Clement, Mr. kingsley Ezechi, Mr. Onyishi and to
the secretaries, students and non-academic staffs, I love you all.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Title Page I
Approval Page ii
Dedication iii
Acknowledgement IV
Table of Contents v
List of Abbreviation vii
Abstract viii

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background of Study 1-4
1.2 Statement of the Problems 4-6
1.3 Objectives of the Study 6
1.4 Research Questions 6
1.5 Significance of Study 6-7

CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 Concept of politics 9-11
2.2 political participation 11
2.3 Political Participation and Gender Representation in Nigeria: Historical
Exploration 11-14
2.4 Evolution of Women active Participation in Politics and Governance
in Nigeria 14-15
2. 5 women as agents of development 15-16
2.6 Needs for the inclusion of women in active political process 17-18
2.7 Effort made towards Female Participation in Politics in Nigeria 19-20
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2.8 Nigeria women and democratic governance 20-23

2.9 Gender Disparity in Political Participation as a Global Phenomenon 23-26

2.10 International concern for women in political affairs 26-27
2.11 Concept of gender 28-29
2.12 women more than men adjust their careers for family life 29-32
2.13 factors leading to the growth of women participation in politics women
empowerment programs 32
2.14 Activities of UN and other international organization and women participation
in politics 33
2.15 gap in literature 35

CHAPTER THREE: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND RESEARCH

METHODOLOGY
3.1 Theoretical Framework 36-37
3.2 Research Design 37-38
3.3 Method of Data Collection 38
3.4Method of Data Analysis 38

CHAPTER FOUR: DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS

4.1 Gender as a barrier to political participation in Enugu state 39-49
4.2 Cultural Factor as a Hindrance to Women Participation in Politics in Enugu
State 50-52
4.3 Money Politics Hindered Women Participation to Elective Political offices in
Enugu State from 1999 to 2016 53-56
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CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY FINDING, CONCLUSION AND

RECOMMENDATION
Summary of Finding 57-59
Conclusion 59-60
Recommendation 61-70
Bibliography 70

ABBREVIATION

NCWS National council for women societies

WIN Women in Nigeria

UN United Nations

FOMWAM Federation of Muslim Women Association of Nigeria

PDP Peoples Democratic Party

FSP Family Support Program

BLPRW Better Life Programme for Rural Development

BLP Better Life Programme

NCWD National Committee on Women and Development

GNP Gross National Product

CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against

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women

NAWOJ National Association of Women Journalists

UNDP United Nations Development Programme

UNESCO United Nations Education, Scientific and Cultural organization

MDGS Millennium Development Goals

ECOWAS Economic Community of West Africa

NEEDS National Economic Empowerment and Development Strategy

JMA Jamiyyar Matan Arewa

NPC Northern People’s Congress

NEPU Northern Element Progressive Union

IYW International Year of Women

UNO United Nations Organization

WOTCLEF Women Trafficking and Child Labour Eradication Foundation

WINET Women in Network

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Abstract

This research was embarked on to evaluate gender and politics and women in
politics in Nigeria with special interest in Enugu State 1999-2016. The study
formulated three objectives and three research questions to navigate the study. The
major limitation to this study was that women participation in politics in Enugu
State has no much record for use for analysis. In the literature review, the study
looks at empirical study of women participation in politics. The study adopted
feminist political theory as a theoretical framework and expos facto design as its
methodology. The study used secondary data as method of data collection and
content analysis as method of data analysis. Afterword, the study found out in
gender discrimination, politics should be reserved only for women who have come
up of age and do not have much house chores. This according to the study brings
about women career adjustment in other to rescue home situation and that of
politics. The study recommends that in other to defeat the cultural factor that
hinder women in participating in politics there should be mass education of women
and gender enlightenment campaign that will create a balance of gender sensitivity
in policy and political decision making
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Chapter One

Introduction

1.1 Background of Study

One of the fundamental challenges confronting women in every political system

centers on the pervasive phenomenon of political alienation and domination of women by

their male counterpart. From the local to global level, women’s leadership and political

participation are restricted. Women are underrepresented as voters, as well as in leading

positions whether in elected offices, the civil service, the private sector or academician.

This occurs despite their proven abilities as leaders and agents of change and their right

to participate equally in democratic governance. Women face several obstacles to

participating in political life. Structural barriers through discriminatory laws and

institutions still limit women’s options to run for offices. Over the years, the debilitating

condition of gender inequality and discrimination against women in political participation

and representation has given rise to the agitation for empowerment to enable an increase

in their levels of political participation all over the world. In this regard, empowerment

implies the creation of an enabling environment where individuals can fully use their

capabilities to take charge of their lives. Women empowerment therefore, means

investing in women’s right with legal backing, moral and financial support to enable

women function effectively. Women empowerment also involves assessment of women’s

needs and designing programmes to address those needs.

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The increasing agitations for gender equality have raised intense academic discourse

on poor participation of women in politics all over the world (Peterson & Ruyan, 1999:

48 & Akinboye, 2004:233). Women’s low political participation is a universal

phenomenon (Waylen, 1996:11; Akinboye, op.cit:233; Lewu, 2005:62 &Rai, 2005).

However the imperative of women participation in democratic governance cannot be over

emphasized (Amadiume, 1997:81; Bruce, 2004:113; Babatunde, 2003; Bari, 2005).

Sustainable democracy relies upon the equality and complementary participation of men

and women in the conduct of the affairs of society through political processes (Sodaro,

2001:247, Anifowose, 2004:205; Akiyode-Afolabi&Arogundade, 2003). However,

despite widespread democratization in most countries, women record poor participation

in politics and decision making process across the world (Waylen, op.cit:10; Pokam,

2006; Henderson, 2006; Pascaud-Becane, 1999; Babatunde, op.cit; Anifowose, op.cit:204

& Bari, op.cit).

In Nigeria, although women constitute half the national population, the average

representation of women in national politics has hardly ever been more than 3% (Ajayi,

2007:138; IPU, 2007; Nigeria CEDAW NGO Coalition Shadow Report, 2008). The

challenge of women’s participation in Nigeria’s politics became worrisome following the

country’s return to democracy in 1999. With the transfer of power from the military

regime to a civilian democratic administration, one had expected a substantial

improvement in women’s political participation in the country. On the contrary, the

percentage increase in women’s political participation were 2%, 4% and 6% and women

representation in the national parliament, 6.3%, 8.8% and 7.3% in 1999, 2003 and 2007
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elections respectively (Okocha, 2007; Akioyede-Afolabietal, 2003; The Nigeria CEDAW

NGO Coalition Shadow Report, op.cit:3 & Adu, 2008:27). It is obvious therefore, that the

perception that democracy would automatically boost women’s political involvement in

Nigeria has not been validated after several years of its return to civilian rule.

The foregoing indicated that alongside men’s political association in most parts of

Nigeria, particularly in Igbo society, like in Enugu State, women also had their own well

organized political groups which were solely managed by women leaders in various

communities. For instance, in Enugu State, the Umuada at the community and village

levels had appreciable political and economic influence through established associations

that are well managed and solely run by them. “Their powers and influence go beyond

issues that affect trade to issues of governance at the state level. Igbo women’s movement

and some others in Southern Nigeria have struggled to maintain some respectable level of

power and influence in their communities” (Garba, 1999:2).Women can be described as

an indispensable group in the development of any nation. Women constitute a critical

segment of the Nigerian population. Thus, “the population of women in the present day is

estimated to over 55% of the total population of this country,” (Yahaya, 1999:132). Apart

from their numerical strength, women have great potentials necessary to evolve a new

economic order, to accelerate social and political development and constantly

transforming the society into a better one.

Women are active in the agriculture and economic sectors of the society and have

also contributed immensely to the decolonization and general development of Nigerian

state. Olawoye (1985:18), describes Nigerian women “as a crucial factor of production”.
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According to him, women assume this status because they are largely responsible for the

bulk production of crops, agro-base food processing, preservation of crops and

distribution of yields from farm centers to urban areas”. Awe (1990:9), perceived the

importance of women from their role as managers of home. She noted that “the peace and

stability at homes depends largely on the managerial abilities of women folk. She stressed

further that women, especially the mothers, plan, organize, direct and coordinated all the

resources of the home both human and materials to the benefits of all the members of the

family including their husbands”. Some of them occupy strategic positions in the

governments where they have continued to prove their good character. For instance,

“Dora Akunyili, Oby Ezekwesili of Due process fame, NdiOkereke Onyiuke, Ngozi

OkonjoIwuala and Ambassador (Mrs.) Justina Eze, among others have undoubtedly

distinguished themselves in their official assignments” (Okafor, 2010:9).

Notwithstanding, in Enugu State today, the issue of women empowerment and

political representation have been a bone of contention. Since the advent of modern

public administration in Enugu State, Cultural factors among others, have been a serious

source of problems against the development of women politically and have continued to

militate against the development and prominence of Enugu State women in their roles in

politics. Enugu state politics and government have been dominated by men at all levels,

not because there are no women fit to fill the positions but because most women think of

political participation as irrelevant for them. Among the factors inhibiting women to take

active part in political behaviors such as voting and contesting in elections is lack of

proper enlightenment about politics and financial dependence among other factors.
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It is therefore, in recognition of the above facts that gave light to the background of this

study of Gender and politics participation in Enugu State between 1999 and 2016 and to

seek ways on how to engender a balance in the political affairs of the state.

1.2 Statement of the Problem

Historical evidences in many societies, both during the ancient and modern periods

support the idea of male domination over their female folks in many spheres of human

endeavor. The literature on the subjugation of women to men’s domination knows no

bound with such literature covering wide range of issues, including the body, class and

work, disability, the family, globalization, human rights, culture, race and racism,

reproduction, science, the self, sex, work, human trafficking and sexuality. Throughout

ages and virtually in all cultures, women were rarely considered equal to their male

counterparts. From the home as daughter, wife, and mother, through the school, office

and church as student, employee and worshiper respectively, to the public sphere of life

as in business and politics, women are known to have been discriminated, marginalized

and dominated through the combination of gender-based cultural norms and practices

which were in favour of men.

Since 1999 when the present civilian government came into power after a long

period of military regime, women politicians in Enugu state like their other counterparts

in other part of the federation have continued to express dismay over the low

participation and alienation of women in the politics of the state. Consequently, in 2003 a

female governorship aspirant, lauretta Aniagolu joined the race for the seat of governor in

Enugu state. Unfortunately she was maneuvered in the party primary of the united
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Nigeria people party. She later joined the national conscience party and was defeated by

her fellow aspirant Chimaroke Nnamani.

Therefore, the gap of the problem is on the issue of cultural disadvantage which might

have impacted negatively on the women’s participation in politics and all sphere of life.

At best, women were strategically, through several means including cultural

exclusion, reduced to the second fiddle offices of ‘deputy’ and ‘vice’. This development

has raised several questions which remained largely unanswered, and has equally

attracted many gender-related studies and intellectual discourse on gender-related

matters. Against this background, this paper attempts to address some of these questions

and thus, constitutes a gap-filling or gap-bridging in the ever increasing literature on

gender studies in Nigeria.

1.3 Research Questions

To be able to find out the reason why women lag behind in political participation

in Enugu state, the following questions have been put down as a guide.

1. Has gender been a barrier to political participation in Enugu State

2. Has cultural factors enforced the discrimination and marginalization against

women over political participation in Enugu State?

3. Has money politic hindered women participation to elective political offices in

Enugu state from 1999 to 2016?

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1.4 Objectives of the Study

The objectives of the study include:

1. To ascertain gender as a barrier in political participation in Enugu State?

2. To identify the cultural disadvantages associated with the women absence in

participation in politics with their male counter parts.

3. To identify if the income status of women which hinders them from participating

in elective offices in Enugu state between 1999 to 2016.

1.5 Significance of the Study

This study is designed to provide useful information and solution to the

problems surrounding women participation in politics in Enugu state. It will correct

all the notion and misconception that people of Enugu state have in terms of women

and politics. The result of the study will make citizens of Enugu to understand that

political participation is a civil obligation where both male and female have equal

right and not meant for males alone.

This study will provide Nigerian women with the fundamental reliability and

understanding of the women and political participation in Enugu state, thereby

keeping them informed on the mechanisms suitable for the promotion of gender

equality in political participation. Thus, this work will also be more beneficial to

women, especially those who are aspiring for political positions. It will serve as a

basis for building structures that will promote the aspirations of women on gender

equality in political participation, this research work will also be beneficial to policy

makers in general, thereby including more women into the decision making process.
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Finally, this study will help to restore confidence in women, thereby building a

sense of belonging in them to collaborate with their male counterpart in driving the

economy of the state and also give reasons and hope to women for a better turn-up in

political matters or issues.

1.6 Clarification of key concepts

The purpose of conceptual clarification is to clearly define terminologies to aid

understanding for the purpose of this work. The following concepts will be defined for

better understanding.

Gender: gender refers to the socially constructed roles, behavior, activities and attributes

a particular society considers appropriate for men and women.

Gender Inequality: gender inequality refers to disparity between individuals due to

gender

Women; women can be seen as an adult female person

Women’s Right: these are inalienable, integral and indivisible parts of universal human

rights

Women Empowerment: this refers to the provision and availability of opportunity and

services which enables women to actively participate and contribute to political,

economic, social and cultural development of the nation.

Discrimination against women: discrimination is the practice of treating somebody or a

particular group less fairly than the others. Discrimination of women stands as the

practice of treating women less fairly than men in the society.

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Politics: politics is the seizure of state power, consolidation of state power and usage of

state power. It is also the art of governing especially the governing of a political entity

such as a nation and the administration and control of its internal and external affairs.

Alienation: the concept of alienation is defined as the state of being withdrawn or

isolated. It could be denying of someone’s right.

Culture: culture is defined as people’s way of life which includes their way of dressing,

dancing, cooking, eating, greeting and speaking.

Political participation: political participation is a voluntary act which encompasses wide

range of political activities, including voting at election, contesting for political and party

offices, attending political rallies, joining political parties and many more.

Involvement; to engage in the interest of something.

1.7 Hypotheses

1. Gender inequality a barrier to political participation in Enugu state 1999-2016?

2. Cultural factors enforced discrimination and marginalization against women over

political participation 1999-2016?

3. Money politics hindered women participation to contest for political offices in Enugu

state 1999-2016?
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Chapter Two

Literature Review

Generally, literature review means the review of the works of several authors, thinkers,

philosophers, writers, commentators, who have written books on the same problem areas.

For the purpose of this research work, the works of several authors will be reviewed.

2.1 Concept of Politics

The concept of politics have been given various interpretation and

conceptualizations with each of those having common linkages to the one thing, which is

control of power and sources, domination of a certain group by others, assertion of some

level of political authority and subversion of both individual and group interests to serve

personal regarding or aggrandizement (Erunke, 2012; Omodia, 2008; Ihonvbre, 1999) by

the wielders of such powers. It was Falola and Fwatshak (2003) citing the works of

professor Haswell, who agreed that subverting group or individual interests as contended

by Erunke (2012) Omodia (2008) and Ihonvbre (1999) reinforces itself in the all-

important laswellian dictum of “who gets what, when and how”. Okuosa (1996) quoting

Etzioni (1970) opined that politics stands for the competition (and in most cases such

competitions could be fierce and unhealthy) for the control of the public policy making

process within the organized framework of government.

To Okuosa (1996), argued that in a democratic society, power acquisition and control is

achieved privately or collectively, irrespective of gender through a process of active

participation and representation, which then means that the question of gender
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discrimination is ruled out in terms of contestation or even nomination of persons or

group into political offices.

The term politics is derived from Greek word polis which means city-state, which is

why most scholars relates the meaning of politics to the state. Harold D. Laswell and

Abraham Kaplan define political science as “the study of shaping and sharing of power”.

For him, it comprised of not only the institutions of state or government but also family,

property and other social institutions.

According to J W Garner, “politics begins and ends with the state”. Similarly, R G

Gettel wrote that politics is the “study of state in the past, present and future”. Harold J

Laski stated the same vein that the study of politics concerns itself with the life of men

and women in relation to organized state. Thus as a social science, political science deals

with those aspects of individuals in society which relate to their activities and

organization devoted to seeking of power, resolution of conflicts and all these within an

overall framework of the rule and law as laid down by the state.

The Marxist approach which is derived from the writings of the nineteenth century

German Philosopher Karl Marx, views politics as a study of irreconcilable conflicts

between the two classes “haves” (those who have private property or simply the rich) and

the “have nots” (those who do not have any private property or simply the poor) in other

words, the exploiters and the exploited. The emancipation of the have-nots will come

only through a revolution which would put an end to the institution of private property,

thus changing the class society to the classless society.

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2.2 Political Participation

Active participation here refers to active political participation which is seen as those

voluntary activities by which members of the society share in the selection of leaders and

directly or indirectly in the formation of policy and is a civic right of all citizens. Political

participation involves essential political activities such as attending political meetings,

rallies, campaigns, nominations, elections, etc. holding elective and appointive positions,

attaining political power in legislative bodies and other electoral activites.

2.3 Political Participation and Gender Representation in Nigeria: Historical

Exploration:

Maclosky (1968) defines political participation as voluntary activities shared by members

of a society in the selection of their rulers and directly or indirectly involve in the

formation of public policies. In a similar tone, Weiner also conceives political

participation in the following words “There are voluntary activities shared by members of

a society in the selection of their rulers and directly or indirectly involve themselves in

the formation of public policies”.

From the above definition of political participation, it appears that those actions (e.g.

voting at elections, campaigning, contesting at election) must voluntarily or willingly come

from the individuals before they can be described as active political participants.

Otherwise, any attempt aimed at coercing people to get involved in these activities is a

contradiction of the above definitions. It is obvious from the above definition that a wide

range of activities would qualify as political participation. Lester Milbrath (1965) classifies

these activities into three, namely: gladiatorial activities, transitional activities and
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spectator activities. Political activities such as holding public or party offices, canvassing

for party funds, contesting at election, etc. are classified under gladiatorial activities.

Transitional activities also include activities such as attending political meetings or

political rally, making monetary contribution to political parties etc. Spectator activities on

the other hand include political activities such as wearing of party badges, caps, uniforms

or emblems, running errands for political leaders, voting at elections, etc.

Using Milbrath’s classification of political participation and political

representation at the highest category of political participation – the gladiatorial activities,

had always favored the male gender in Nigeria since independence till date. Available

statistics on gender representation in public offices, especially, at the highest decision

making levels such as the offices of the president, state governor and local government

chairperson, reveal that female representation was almost at zero frequency. Except in

few instances where women were elected as local government chairpersons, no women

has ever in the history of Nigerian elections, been elected as chief executive both at the

national and state levels. Similarly, a summary of gender representation in the National

Assembly during the 1999,2003, 2007, 2011and 2015 elections, put together, shows that

women were ridiculously under-represented by 5% in each of the two Houses of

Assembly. Besides, no woman had ever ascended the office of the Senate President,

while the only female, Patricia Etteh, who was elected as Speaker of the House of

Representatives in 2007, was impeached by a male dominated House before the end of

her tenure.
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On the other hand, available statistics also confirms that female gender in Nigeria,

in most instances, and for several reasons, participate in politics at the least level of

Milbrath’s classification of political activities the spectator activities. Here, women are

mostly engaged in rallies and campaign activities where the uniforms, caps and badges of

respective political parties are freely displayed on them. More often than not, the female

gender is easily mobilized for the election victory of male candidates who are more

financially buoyant than their female counterparts. In this regard, Okoronkwo Chukwu

(2013) in a study on the 2011 general elections in Nigeria refers to women “as active

participants in the success of their male counterparts during elections”. Women are also

known to have registered as voters more than men in successive voters’ registration

exercises, while statistics equally support that women turnout in successive elections in

Nigeria are usually greater than that of men. Yet, all these could not translate women

representation in elective positions into an appreciable level in Nigeria.

Milbrath’s middle level classification of political participation into transitional

activities which include attending political meetings, attending political rallies, making

monetary contribution to candidates and political parties, etc. are equally male dominated

activities, which had enhanced male gender overall political participation and consequent

domination of political affairs. The prevalence of god-fatherism and nocturnal meetings

by politicians are common practices that only the male gender in Nigeria can easily

comply with their demands and terms, as against the female gender that are naturally

exposed to criticism if they comply with those terms.

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OkoronkwoChukwu’s (2013) observation, in this regard, clearly explains the

dilemma of Nigerian female politicians.

It is very difficult for a married woman to participate in politics

without people casting aspersion on her person as promiscuous. A
husband’s consent must be obtained and his relatives consulted before
a woman enters into politics. An unmarried woman venturing into
politics is simply inviting public scrutiny to her private and personal
life. Political opponents will accuse of sleeping with all the party
stalwarts to win. In addition, the nocturnal hours politicians keep in
strategizing and mapping out campaigns deter women from effectively
following the electioneering process. Most times meetings are called
for in unholy hours when they are expected to take care of their
children and booed and taunted by opponents as shameless women.
Majority of the people in Nigeria believe that no decent woman can play politics without

compromising their virtue; all the women that go into it are seen as women of easy virtue

even when they are married. Women themselves see the name calling and odd hours

fixed for meetings as schemes hatched by the men to remove them from the happenings

in the political circle. This attitude of the society creates a sense of apathy in the women

and explains the reason why they are more comfortable as voters, mobilizers, praise

singers and supporters to male candidates.

2.3 Evolution of Women Active Participation in Politics and Governance in Nigeria

According to Kant (2001), men have always called on women as assistants in order to

further their ambitions. Women are the companion of men at work. Thus, Men are the

organizers of life, while women are their organ for carrying out plans (Kant, 2001).

Ezekiel seems to support Kant when he adumbrates that women biological role is to bear

children. Their romantic role is having their husband and their vocational role is to be

second, and if possible be in control (Ezekiel, 2006). Omotoyin (2002) observes that in
 26

the past, women in some countries were not allowed to participate in politics, but things

have taken another shape as we have seen women these days being involved actively in

politics and governance.

Ogwumike (2006) stated that in many traditional Igbo Societies as well, the power

of women is reflected in the dual political participation equivalent or parallel to those of

men existed, for women whereby women’s voices were heard and their participation

guaranteed from the familiar households to the criminals in the larger s society. He

continues that in these societies; political power is diffused and leadership was fluid and

informal community and disputes were settled in variety of gathering, villages

Assemblies, women’s meeting, age grades secret and title societies. According to

Omotala (2003), stated that women in politics and governances have a greater sense of

purpose and are by far less corrupt (tentative) this goes a long way to support the

impression in society that women are both pacifiers. However, in recent times, women

have shown more interest in politics and governance. They have created so much

awareness and have proved that they are not mere spectators in politics. In addition to

FumilayoKuti, among the more prominent and influential of the leaders are or have been,

Mabel Dere, Oveza and Margaret Ekpo, who have increasingly played roles in political

affairs and governance sometime on their own. Okebugwu account that in the late 1920’s

Igbo and Ibibio women reacted when it was rumored that the government proposed to tax

them. Following the sending around of palm leaves- as a sign of distress, the women

gathered together from all over Aba and Umuahia province to demonstrate against

imposition of taxation.
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2.4 Women as Agents of Development

Babaginda (1992) confirmed women to be part of any major developmental process

and the reason according to him is their numerical strength, they are industrious and

enterprising and they are good managers. Therefore, any national development

programme without women will not be meaningful and through. The above statement

was further supported by a one-time sole administrator of Jemaa local government of

Kaduna state, when he stated that any government policy that does not take into

cognizance the role of women would be one sided and cannot enhance speedy

development of the society.

A major clarification of women been emphasized here was given by Oguonu(2009),

that when we talk of women not only the elite class, women of all classes contribute in

one way or the other to socio-economic development. She confirmed the various

programmes introduced by the Nigerian government to enhance socio-economic

developments and this has played a major role in increasing women participation in

developmental activities.

Ebolese, (1993) and Adepoju, (1994) supporting the view that women are on their

own agents of development stated. It is a historical fact and it is a disservice for any

country (including Nigeria) to ignore its women population in its development efforts.

Therefore the need for effective participation of women in politics should be compelling

and that they should be seen as partners in progress.

Anand (1983) confirmed that the role of women in development cannot be over

emphasized. Nigerian women have so far been showing the stuff they are made of by not
 28

only been spectators on the political scene but has been providing effective leadership

and positive contribution to world socio-economic advancement and also there are vital

contribution of women in political and developmental processes, some of these recorded

and unrecorded.

2.5 Needs for the Inclusion of Women in Active Political process

Nigerian government has continued to extend its interest in the involvement of women

in governance long before the period of 1999-2007. Appeals by prominent and

respectable members of the society have continued to compel each successive

government to include women in leadership position of the country.

Ae Rev.Fr. Onoyima (1986) stated given women the chance to participate in politics is

like recognizing their existence and place in the society. Women do not like to lose their

place and they can make sacrifices to get what they cherish most because of their number.

Women are intelligent he continued patient, clever and they remain vital negotiators and

love dialogue.

Maryam Babaginda (1992) former first lady stated in her address that the demand of

women for a greater and meaningful participation in politics is basically due to

democratic principle of equality of persons. Appeals for the inclusion of women in

politics were further made by Mustapha (1990) to various state governments to recognize

the activities of women when it comes to politics and that this will enable the polity to be

balanced without prejudice. The case for women to be actively involved in politics is a

major task to be realized by African states and Nigeria have proved to be ahead of them

all. Ogundile (1989) in his article, women backbone of society, enumerated the various
 29

activities Nigerian women have involved itself to make sure they fit into the Nigerian

political system. He made mention of the various feminists organizations and programme

formed by women such as National Council for Women Societies, Women in Nigeria,

Federation of Muslim Women Association, the Better Life Programme, Family support

programme and the Economic Advancement Programme to mention but a few.

Ene (1997) gave a brief insight into the activities and line up programmes of the Better

Life for Rural Women (BLP). The aim of the programme according to Ene was to

adequately create a purposive awareness on the essence of women in programme of

national development especially the rural dwellers,

UNICEF, (1993) affirmed that women’s involvement in all levels of development

should be addressed at the level of basic welfare services, access to resources,

conscientization and participation and control of power. And as Oji (2002) observed that

the danger of social exclusion of women in political and other activities involving a

nation or community is that they will not be able to contribute their own quota towards

the development of that society. Supporting the observation and further call on the

powers to be help reduce the constraints that affect women in advancement to the same

status as men in Nigeria was the comment of Dibia (2004) that even though history have

continued to play its major role on women’s involvement in politics, it is for the better if

Africans ignore such history and tradition and move their women folk alongside the male

in all developmental activities. He described the attitude of government to gender

inequality as “Gender Typing” that will not help the country attain its industrialization

goals. Given Nigeria’s critical economic and political problems, it appears increasingly
 30

obvious that suppressing the talents and skills of women in order to protect men’s

privileges is an enormous waste of human resources that the country can no longer

afford. The belief that women are less interested and have no adequate knowledge of

politics than men is wrong and this assumption does not portray the true state of minds of

majority of the women that are very much interested in the political events of the country.

2.6 Effort Made Towards Female Participation In Politics In Nigeria.

Several efforts have been made to address the low representation of women in

elective and appointive positions in Nigeria; among such efforts are the establishment of

Women Political empowerment office and Nigeria Women Trust Funds, Women Lobby

Group. Other efforts include the institution of an INEC gender policy, the national multi

stakeholder dialogue; the initiation of several interventions to actualize affirmative action

and the convening of the Nigeria Women Strategy Conference. National Center for

Women Development in collaboration with National Bureau of Statistics are making

efforts to have evidence based data about this issue. Presently the available data are not

harmonized. The data collation covers the period 1999 – 2015.

One of the objectives of the data collection is to provide a baseline for the

implementation of the new Sustainable Development Goals (SDG). The data collation

exercise is ongoing. Hopes are high that the result will show the progress steadily made

to achieving the affirmative declaration and determine how the gap that existed has been

closed as well as measure the variation between where we are and the affirmative action

of 35 percent. Also, it will improve evidence-based planning and programming involving

women in decision making; increase the support of key stakeholders on measures to

 31

increase representation of women in decision-making and further improved awareness of

new advocacy tools among stakeholders to support the campaign for increased

representation of women in decision making in Nigeria. It will also erase the un-

harmonized data at present. (Daniel and Faith, 2013).

2.7 Nigeria Women and Democratic Governance

Democratic governance has been observed to be an adequate and most enabling style of

governance that enables citizen active participation in their affairs. As quoted in Obi

(2007) Aristotle explained that democracy exists whenever those who are free and are

well off but being the majority are in control of government. It has been described as a

continuous responsiveness of government preferences of its citizens considered as

political equals. Nigeria experiencing the rule of democracy may have geared its actions

towards encouraging women in the participation in politics. Even though there is

diversity in culture and language of the units that made up Nigeria, yet the zeal to

participate in the affairs of the nation be it federal, state and local government is in the

minds of the citizens.

Obi (2007) rightly put it that Democracy accommodates different ethnic units,

cultures, sexes and religious and at the same guarantees individuals right. Therefore, this

period of democratic governance, Nigeria women have been advised to use the

opportunity offered by the democratic governance in Nigeria to come forward and

contribute their own quota to nation building. In view of Obi (2007), she urged the

women to take their proper position in governance without waiting for the men to offer

them an opportunity which may definitely not be easy. The emphasis on the equality of
 32

persons which is the cardinal pursuit in democracy should be an added advantage. It

accords respect to every individual and emphasizes on numerical strength.

Nwafor and Ezegbe (1998) confirmed the necessity of involving women in

democratic governance as an imperative to be given adequate attention to. This is because

democratic governance is an opportunity for an individual to exercise his or her right

irrespective of age, sex, gender or class. And as Miryan Zuniga (1995) observed given

women the opportunity to be involved in active politicking through adequate

empowerment will be a faithful effort and not domination over others but an increased

power of their own self-esteem and internal force.

Supporting Dighe (1995) identified an empowered woman as someone with a sense of

self-worth and self-confidence, someone who critically analyses their social and political

environment and thus exercise control over the decision affecting their life. Amujiri

(2007) further clarified women empowerment goes beyond all cultural stereotypes that

have relegated women to the kitchen. It involves a conscious effort to equalize the power

between men and women. It also involves active political participation, sound

educational opportunity among others.

2.8 Gender Disparity in Political Participation as a Global Phenomenon

There is a wealth of literature to show that the low score of women’s participation

of the highest (gladiatorial) levels of political activity and consequently their invisibility

in the top positions of power is not a peculiarly Nigerian or African problem, but a world-

wide one. “Even in the oldest and longest practicing liberal democracies of the world, the

USA, and the United Kingdom., the debate on causes of the political powerlessness of
 33

women is very much on” (Jennings, M.K., 1983; Werner, E.E., 1968, Bernstein, R. A

1986; Orum, A. et al. 1974). As at October (1990) there were only three women heads of

Government present of a world summit for children, Eugenie Charles, the Dominican

Prime Minister, Violeta Chamorro, the Nicaraguan President, and Margaret Thatcher the

former United Kingdom Prime minister who was prompted to bemoan “that it was high

time there were more women in politics so that she and her few female colleagues would

not be so conspicuous” (Vanguard, October 2, 1990.p2).

None of the western liberal democracies for instance, had produced a female Chief

Executive of Government in the period of modern nationhood until the emergence of

“Iron Lady”, Margaret Thatcher in Great Britain in 1980; and that was only after

centuries of experience in the stable and mature practice of parliamentary democracy.

The socialist countries have not fared better. If anything could be recalled, it is the first

female Chief Executive of a National Government of Sirilanka in the person of Mrs

Bandaranaike, then followed India with Mrs Indira Ghandi, and the Phillipines’ Corazon

Aquino. “The most recent is a 35 year old Benazir Bhutto who broke all Muslim religious

barriers to become the first woman to rule a Muslim nation in 1990” (Okwuosa, 1992).

These analogies may not fit into Nigerian women as it affects sexist argument

since the pattern of these women access to power had some semi power hereditary

undertone. For instance Bhutto, Ghandi and Bandaranaike rose to power on the waves of

political backlash created by the death of a male relative in the form of a husband or

father. The argument is that their dramatic rise to power is a testimony of the level of
 34

underdevelopment of their respective societies where voter attached, sentiments, apathy

are difficult to change and one’s emotive political symbol is quickly replaced by a close

substitute as quickly as possible regardless of sex. This seems as a replica of the

advanced countries of the world as Elizerbeth Holtzman, former member of United States

House of Representatives for eight years (1973-1981) avers that “In the eighteenth

century, being a political widow was almost the only way for an American woman to

gain access to high public office. In 1937 there were three woman in the United States

Senate-Hattie Carryaway (Alaska),Dixie Bibb Graves (Albama), and Rose McConnel

Long [Louisiana] all democrats and all serving as successors to their husbands. Also in

1925, there were two women governors; NelliRose of Wyoming and Mariam Ferguson of

Texas, both succeeding their husbands.

Today, while women are elected on their own right, women access to political

office remains sadly limited. There are actually few women in the senate today than fifty

years ago, and only a women governor than sixty years ago” (Holtzman, E Williams

1987:29).The United Nations agencies have since reorganized the global nature of the

problem and several surveys and international resolutions have been concerned with the

phenomena of women’s political powerlessness.

Hence, the Nairobi Forward Looking Strategies (NFLS) which is the blueprint for

action adopted at the end of 1985 World Conference on review and appraise

achievements of the U.N. Decade for Women, devotes an entire sub-section to the subject

of “Equality in Political participation and Decision-Making”. Assembly, Resolution

40/108, 13 December 1985, the UN (ECA) fourth Regional Conference on the Integration
 35

of Women in Development on the Implementation of the Arusha Strategies on the

Advancement of Women in Africa, again concerned itself with the same problem. The

conference reported, inter alia: under women at the Decision-Making level and political

participation, that “Factors affecting experience, patronage contacts and information”

Women are at a disadvantage with regard to all these factors that promote success in

politics. Participation of women requires both human, financial resources as well as

attitudinal change on the part of society towards women’s participation in political and

administrative positions that require decision-making” (CE/ECA/ATRCW/RCID 4/3, Un

(ECA) report to the 4th Regional Conference on the Integration of Women in

Development, November 6- 10, Abuja Nigeria).

Against this background, the international situation should not be regarded as

peculiar, in spite of the rather gloomy (but improving) statistics. The First republic

recorded only three female legislators, (One Senate, 2 Regional House members, no

woman in the position of minister or other similar post. However by the second republic

the picture had changed considerably and several women members of state legislators and

one senator could be counted while the presidential system of government also made it

possible for all the state of the federation to have women commissioners in addition to

the two federal level women commissioners including two federal level ministers. Oddly

enough, the tradition of women in executive (ministerial) posts in Nigeria was set by the

military interregnums, and anything, the highest visibility of women in policy-making

positions both in the private and the public sector, has been recorded under the then

present military regime as a result of deliberate government policy dictates. There is little
 36

doubt that it is that tempo and atmosphere that has set the pace for the remarkable inroads

made by women in political participation under the present transition period. The last

local government elections may have ushered in only three women chairmen of local

government (in Imo, Katsina and Oyo State), but there are several female deputy

chairmen and councilors already elected, and quite a few state deputy governors and

governors in the making. Political party leadership in this transition period has also

witnessed for the first time, women as party executive members and chairman of local

government chapters.

Establishment and recognition of women’s wings for the two political parties by

national electoral commission (NEC), means that women can compete for leadership on

an equal footing with the men. This success are however neither a reflective of the level

of participation in Nigeria lowest (spectator) level of as voters and party supporters; nor

is reflective of the proportion of the adult population. It seems obvious that are indeed

several factors impeding Nigerian women from their level of political participation from

the lower category highest (gladiatorial) levels.

2.9 International Concern for Women in political Affairs

The international concern for women have gained serious recognition and that in effect

has arose the various government to the needs of women inclusion in their political and

leadership position. Egonwan (2002) observed Nigeria’s involvement of its women folk

to developmental activities assumed visible dimension when the united nations

organization declared the year 1975 as international year of women and since then march

8th of every year have been set aside by the UN for celebrating the occasion.
 37

The 1980, July to be precise agreement was reached by all member state that every

nation should recognize the need for the involvement of women in nation building. In

continuation of this assertion by Egonmwam, he said that africa’s collective appreciation

of women’s participation in politics found concrete expression in the lagos plan of Action

which was the policy voice of African Heads of states and government in a meeting held

in Lagos, April, 1980. It was reiterated that African states is advised to develop policies

and strategies for women’s full participation in politics and all other developmental

activites. Nigeria’s response to this was the establishment of national committee on

women development (NCWD) and also setting up parallel committee in 21 states of

federation. The basic function of this committee was to promote awareness in women and

the federal government signed and ratified the convention of the elimination of all forms

of discrimination against women.

This convention otherwise known as CEDAW (2009) an international organization

joined the UN, ECOWAS organizations to compel African societies to ensure women

have adequate representation in politics, access to health care, ensuring proper education

and access to credit and loan facilities. In fact the Universal Declaration of Human Rights

recognizes the radical equality of men and women in dignity as reported in This Day

(2009) editorial commentary.

2.10 Concept of Gender

United Nations Organization has called for the elimination of gender discrimination in

remunerations in the workplace advocating equal pay for equal work which brings out the
 38

best in people regardless of gender. Nigeria with an estimated population of 140 million

people, it is common knowledge that Nigeria is the most populous country in sub-

Saharan Africa. But poverty remains a widespread issue in Nigeria; nine out of ten

Nigerians live on less than US$2 a day just as the population keeps growing at an

astronomical rate of 3.2% per year, Nigerian women make up a good proportion of the

huge population of the country and they have equally remained the most impoverished

segment of the society all thanks to antiquated and appalling laws, customs and norms

contributing in no small measure to keeping them on the breadline.

Their inability to leverage on their number may not only be attributed to their lack of

political and economic consciousness or their lack of will power to surmount challenges

from their male counterpart. The pledge of President Goodluck Jonathan to conduct

credible election and the drive to have more women contribute to national development

through active participation in politics and labour unionism. About 5,000 women

politicians from the 52 registered political parties in the country were invited to the

summit which started with plenary sessions at the international conference center Abuja,

at least one hundred (100) women from each of the 36 states and the federal capital

territory were present at the summit to draw up a national women political agenda for

2011 and beyond. Society cannot progress unless men and women, young and old, have

equal chances to achieve their potential, the Chairman of Media Trust Limited, Malam

Kabiru A. Yusuf has said.

According to the minister of women affairs and social development , the summit was an

opening to mobilize women to participation in the build –up in the 2011 general elections
 39

and beyond, especially in creating a critical mass of support for female candidates and

lobby groups. Anenih said that the summit will also examine the role and responsibilities

of stakeholders in engendering the election of female political office holders in Nigeria.

She added that a special session with the political parties was also expected to identify

gender friendly political parties in Nigeria. The summit also underlined the need for

Nigeria women to register with existing political parties in the country as well as cast

their votes for their preferred candidates, all of which will guarantee their even

participation in the democratic process. While addressing the large gathering of women at

the summit, the minister further explained that it was not something new to mobilize the

women for any particular registered political party in the country. The summit paved the

way for Nigerian women to express their displeasure at their political status and shut-out

from mainstream politics by the society. One thing that they left the summit with is an

obvious realization of the strength and potential in their number as well their resolve to

play an all-inclusive politics to the benefit of their colleagues. (Sunday Guardian, July 21,

2002).

2.11 Women more than men adjust their careers for family life

For working parents in anywhere, the challenge of juggling careers and family life

continues to be a front-burner issue – one that is being recognized by a growing number

 40

of employers who have adopted family-friendly policies such as paid leave. But while

few want to see a return to traditional roles of women at home and men in the workplace,

one reality persists: Women most often are the ones who adjust their schedules and make

compromises when the needs of children and other family members collide with work,

Pew Research Center data show.

In a 2013 survey, we found that mothers were much more likely than fathers to

report experiencing significant career interruptions in order to attend to their families’

needs. Part of this is due to the fact that gender roles are lagging behind labor force

trends. While women represent nearly half of the workforce, they still devote more time

on average to housework and child care and fewer hours to paid work, although the gap

has narrowed significantly over time. Among working parents of children younger than

18, mothers in 2013 spent an average of 14.2 hours per week on housework, compared

with fathers’ 8.6 hours. And mothers spent 10.7 hours per week actively engaged in child

care, compared with fathers’ 7.2 hours.

Another factor is the way that society views the bond between mothers and their children.

In a 2012 Pew Research survey, the vast majority of women (79%) rejected the notion

that women should return to their traditional role in society. Yet when they were asked

what is best for young children, very few adults (16%) said that having a mother who

works full time is the “ideal situation.” Some 42% said that having a mother who works

part time is ideal and 33% said what’s best for young children is to have a mother who

doesn’t work at all. Even among full-time working moms, only about one-in-five (22%)
 41

said that having a full-time working mother is ideal for young children. When asked

what’s best for women themselves, the public expressed a similar sentiment. Only 12%

of adults said it is best for women and children to work full time. About half (47%) said

working part time is ideal for these women, while 33% said not working at all would be

the best situation.

The public applies a much different standard to fathers. When we asked about the ideal

situation for men with young children, fully seven-in-ten adults said working full time

would be ideal for these fathers. One-in-five adults said part-time work would be ideal

and only 4% said it would be best for these dads not to work at all.

In reality, the “ideal” situation is not always the most practical, nor is it always attainable.

In fact, according to U.S government data, 64% of mothers with children younger than 6

are in the labor force, and among working mothers, 72% work full time. One result is that

while 42% of mothers with some work experience reported in 2013 that they had reduced

their work hours in order to care for a child or other family member at some point in their

career, only 28% of fathers said the same. Similarly, 39% of mothers said they had taken

a significant amount of time off from work in order to care for a family member

(compared with 24% of men). And mothers were about three times as likely as men to

report that at some point they quit a job so that they could care for a family member (27%

of women vs. 10% of men).

 42

It’s important to note that when we asked people whether they regretted taking these

steps, the resounding answer was “No.” However, it’s also important to note that women

who had experienced these interruptions were much more likely than men to say that this

had a negative impact on their career. For example, women who took time off at some

point in their work life to care for a child or other family member were twice as likely as

men who did the same to say that this hurt their career overall (35% vs. 17%). Similarly,

among those who took a significant amount of time off from work to look after a family

member, 32% of women compared with 18% of men said doing this hurt them

professionally.

According to many economists, family-related career interruptions can undermine

women’s economic prospects in a variety of ways, by contributing to the gender wage

gap and by narrowing the pipeline that feeds top-level jobs. Of course, for lots of women

these interruptions may serve as the catalyst to a more balanced life which may in turn

outweigh any lost financial benefits.

2.12 Factors Leading to the Growth of Women Participation in Politics Women

Empowerment Programs.

Sand Brook and Halfari defined Women empowerment as a multi-dimensional process

involving the transmission of the economic, political, social, psychological and legal

circumstances of the powerless with its aim of dismantling the cultural, traditional and

social norms which disvalue, disempower and disposes women with its central objectives
 43

tied to the needs of women to opportunities, facilities, skill acquisition and position of

authority, especially within the political sphere. This recent development accords women

to opportunity to develop their individual talent and contribute more meaningful to

societal development, helping subvert cultural as well as the societal norms which have

been of disadvantage to the women folk. Forum of Nigerian Women in Politics

(FONWIP) is an example whose central objectives is to promote women empowerment

and eradication of all forms of violence and discrimination against women. It supports

women in decision making in both public and private sector. The group organizes

seminars on empowerment and inequality among other things. It is influential in its

agenda, it requested that government should yield to 30% female representation in

government appointments, made several attempts to increase official awareness on

gender issues in public policies and conduct of workshops for women who aspire to run

for public offices.

2.13 Activities of UN and Other International Organization and Women

Participation in Politics

The principles, politics and actions towards ending gender inequality in Nigeria

politics have been advanced and undertaken with the influence of international

organization by both government and non-governmental organizations. On its part, the

United Nation (UN) has fostered several Declaration and Conventions aimed at ending all

forms of political discrimination among women. Among such documents that prohibit

women discrimination are:

 44

1. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

2. The International Convention on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR)

3. The Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimation Against Women

(CEDAW).

2.13 Factors Responsible For Low Participation of Women in Nigerian Politics

Gender Roles - Patriarchy

The family is the main institution of patriarchy (Kate Millet, 1970), which is an

important concept in explaining gender inequality. Literally, it means “the rule of the

father”. More broadly, it refers to a society ruled and dominated by men and women. This

is inherent in most African families. Giving men a higher social status over females has

crept into public life, which reflects in state activities. The family plays an important role

in maintaining this patriarchal order across generations. The socialization of children to

expect and accept different roles in life has created a social mechanism for the

development of values that endanger the several forms of discrimination against the

female sex. The greatest psychological weapon available to man is the length of time they

have enjoyed dominance over women, who have taken it for granted especially in the

area of politics that often continue to stereotype women and justify their subordination.

Virtually deficiency – women’s conception of politics some consensus has been of the

belief that Nigerian politics is based on high political virility those who have all it takes
 45

to compete in the turbulent environment, those who possess the wherewithal to take it by

force when force is required, those that can march violence with violence.

This consensus belief that men possess the superiority strength, competitiveness are

self -reliant and are prepared to tussle in political endeavor whereas women are

considered too passive to engage in politics and governance. This consensus is also

constructed by societal norms and values which through socialization has defined gender

roles according to biological differences. Women’s perception of politics as a dirty game

and continued fright at the thought of violence has further alienated them from

mainstream politics.

In Nigeria there seems to be no critical understanding of the difference between ‘a

visible agenda for women and an impacting agenda for women’. (Nkoyo, 2002:29).

While severally, emphasis is laid on women’s numerical strength, translating such into

the attainment of power has been difficult as women are perceived as ‘supporters club,

team of cheerers and clappers’ in contrast to their male counterparts. Women politicians

seek offices on the premise of being different, most believe they must do what men are

doing to succeed. And the meekness of women is not to their advantage in political

tussle. Lack of economic incentives (financial backing) women’s historical experience of

discrimination puts them at a disadvantage economically, political campaigns are

expensive and require solid financial backing for success. Over the years, sexual division

of labour and job opportunities offered on sex basic has given men productive gender

roles, enabling them to purchasing power over their female counterparts.

 46

2.15 Gap in Literature

Nigerian women constitute about half of the population of the country and are

known to play vital roles as mother, producer, time manager, community organizer and

social and political activist. But despite the major roles they play and their population, the

society has not given recognition to these and to the fact that they are discriminated

against. Very little is known about the role of women in politics due to some cultural

stereotype, abuse of religion, traditional practices and patriarchal societal structures.

Nigerian women have therefore over the years become target of violence of diverse form

based on their positions in promoting transformative politics. The study attempts to

articulate the poor behavior of women towards politics; secondly, cultural disadvantages

and barriers hindering women participation in politics as well as reason why women lag

behind in Enugu politics

Chapter Three

Theoretical Framework and Research Methodology

No basic research succeeds without a brand theory to guide the study; this is in order to tie

several other studies together. Based on this fact, a student of a political phenomenon like

women and political participation must pay particular attention to the Feminist political

theory as a framework of analysis.

3.1      Theoretical Framework

The theoretical framework adopted for this study is the feminist political theory In
 47

providing a theoretical frame work for this study, it is necessary to examine Studies on

feminist political theory.

Feminist political theory is a philosophy embracing politics, economics, literature

and all aspects of humanities and which seeks to position women on doing so as to show

how men have established and reinforced their historical dominance (mazimbah 2006).It

is a subfield of feminist theory working towards the understanding and critique the role of

gender in how political theory is conventionally construed, to re-frame and re-articulate

conventional political theory in light of feminist issues (especially gender equality), and to

support in pursuing gender equality. Feminism historically is believed to have begun

during the enlightment period with such thinkers like lady Mary, wortley Montagu and the

marquis de Condorcet championing women’s education.

Feminist political theory encompasses a broad scope of approaches. feminist political

theory broadly is the specific examination of the state and its role in the reproduction or

redressing of gender inequality. In addition to being broad and multidisciplinary, the field

is relatively new, inherently innovative, and still expanding; the Stanford Encyclopedia of

Philosophy explains that "feminist political philosophy serves as a field for developing

new ideals, practices, and justifications for how political institutions and practices should

be organized and reconstructed. (McAfee, Noëlle 2014). Feminism represents a dynamic

and complex ideology. Its purpose is to end gender inequality and it also often combats

racial, ethnic and other forms of inequality in the society (Leon 2013). Feminist political

theory seeks to liberate women from the artificial restraints historically placed on them
 48

and enable them to take charge of their own personal, professional and political destinies

(Leon 2013). All streams of feminist thought focus on the causes and remedies of

women’s inequality, subordination or oppression from their male counterparts. With the

evolution of technology, sweeping changes took place in other spheres of life but the

division of labor remained more or less changed with the idea of restoration of justice for

women who remained deprived of equal status and opportunities vis-à-vis men since

earliest times.

Indeed feminist theory and movement urge women’s situation and the inequalities

between men and women should be traced as central political issues.

3.2      Research Design

Parahoo (1997) described research design as a plan and steps that describes how,

when, where data are to be collected and analysed. A research design is the structure of

investigaion, aimed at identifying variables and their relationship to another. This is the

making of decision on how the researcher will carry out the specific study (mazi mbah

2006). It is the information gathered with the aid of their instrument, techniques and other

means that are clearly identifiable information collected under conditions that are

precisely specified and have meaning to the particular issue being investigated on. The

study shall adopt the ex post facto research design. It is best suited for this study because it

describes the process of verifying acquired information from various sources before

concluding. Here, the independent variable has already occurred, a researcher begins the

process with observation of a dependent variable, then analyzes the independent variable
 49

in retrospect for its possible relationship to and effects on the dependent variable (Asika,

2006). 

3.3 Method of Data Collection

Data collection can be said to be a way or means data are being collected by the

researcher. The study adopted qualitative method of data collection. According to

Biereenu-Nnabugwu (2006), qualitative method is used to obtain in-depth information and

concept clarification so as to facilitate instrument designs. More so, secondary data was

collected for the study. Secondary sources of data include second-hand information,

already documented by another person or institution. Hence, I used internet materials,

journal articles, newspaper reports and books obtained from Godfrey Okoye University

library.

3.4  Method of Data Analysis

In view of our sources of data and method of collection, we adopted qualitative

descriptive method of analysis. According to Asika (2006), qualitative descriptive analysis

involves summarizing the information generated for the study. Qualitative descriptive

analysis requires creativity, for the challenge is to place the raw data into logical,

meaningful categories and to communicate this interpretation to others.

 50

Chapter Four

Data Presentation and Analysis

4.1 Gender as a barrier to Political Participation in Enugu State?

Gender and Democracy

The notion of citizenship has expanded over the course of history. Whereas earlier

citizenship was restricted by literacy, economic status, race and gender, popular struggles

in recent times contributed to the inclusion of hitherto excluded social categories, such as

women, as citizens with full rights and responsibilities.

A basic precondition for women's participation in politics was recognition of her right to

vote. The quest for women's suffrage commenced in the 1920s. However, prior to 1942,

only five Latin American countries had granted female suffrage. Over the next 30 year all

countries of Latin American and the Caribbean extended voting rights to women. The

universalization of these rights has been the result of a slow and sometimes violent

process, despite the fact that the principle of popular sovereignty implies the absence of

gender, racial, religious or economic obstacles to political equality.

While the importance of suffrage should not be underestimated, a strong democracy

requires more than free and fair elections. The commitment to democracy must be
 51

substantive rather than rhetorical. Women's political action should not be limited to

supporting men's political aspirations. All citizens -- men and women -- must be

effectively guaranteed equal rights, votes, and voices. Voting is one way that women may

influence the political system. However, women's participation at higher decision-making

levels is still limited and needs to be expanded if the practice of democracy is to be

consistent with its theory and intent. Women must be included in the political decision-

making process if their concerns are to be adequately reflected and democracy is to be

truly participatory.

Modern juridical instruments recognize the principle of equality and the right to non-

discrimination as central to the success of any democratic order. They recognize the

equality of political rights, to elect and to be elected. Nevertheless, exceptionally few

women have been elected to representative political organs or hold relevant decision-

making positions. This calls into question the truly representative nature of existing

political structures.

An equal distribution of public and private responsibilities and a more equitable presence

of men and women in political decision-making organs are fundamental both to redress

gender power imbalances and to ensure good governance. It reveals that women in

general occupy only a small share of seats in representative elected bodies. In only four

countries do women hold even a third of the parliamentary seats.

 52

In response to the evident under-representation of women in the political system, the

concept of "democracy in parity" emerged in post-World War II Western Europe. This

concept suggests that equal political participation depends on the integration of all of

society into active national political life; the interaction of men and women in all spheres

of public and private life and their representation in all power structures. Democracy in

parity is the only way in which the inherent diversity of values, principles, beliefs, and

conduct characteristic of each sex can be genuinely integrated into a socially just

decision-making process.

Democratic Theory and Gender

The value of democracy resides in its ability to promote ideals of human excellence.

Citizen participation in public affairs reinforces solidarity, respect for personal autonomy

and dignity, and egalitarian and tolerant attitudes. Only when all citizens, including

women, have real access to political representation will they be able to direct these

qualities towards the full development of society. In this sense, democratic theory should

affirm the paramount necessity of both women's and men's participation under equal

conditions. Three aspects of democratic governance are analyzed here with respect to

their implications for gender equity.

First, democracy can be defined as governance with the consent of the governed. Free

and full consent can exist only when citizens are able to choose from diverse alternatives.

However, democracies even today may not allow this expression of individual will and
 53

autonomy if women have limited alternatives for channeling their political participation.

Women rarely participated in the establishment of their governments or the creation of

judicial systems, state powers or governmental norms and policies. Until mid-century,

women were unable to elect public officials. Women lacked real, effective, viable

alternatives for expressing their consent. Furthermore, despite the acquisition of suffrage,

women rarely have the option to vote for female, rather than male, representatives

because the rules of the political game make women's access to elected positions difficult.

The extremely limited presence of female representatives in legislative organs and,

consequently, in the process of debating and adopting laws casts doubts on whether

women have consented to governance.

Second, democracy has also been viewed as the system that best permits the expression

and satisfaction of individual preferences. It likens the political system to a market

wherein candidates freely offer their political positions and citizens freely express their

political demands by casting their vote for their preferred political platform or candidate.

This view assumes that democracy's own laws will guarantee free and equal conditions to

all competitors. However, when women's relative position in this competition is gauged,

it becomes evident that the social prerequisites for perfect competition do not exist. In

most democracies, only those who have access to the financial, organizational and

informational resources necessary can aspire to candidacy, thus restricting the conditions

of perfect competition implied in democratic theory. Democracy requires that men and

women have unrestricted access to spaces of power where they can realize their political
 54

value and where their individual demands and preferences can be manifested and

satisfied.

Third, political pluralism in democratic regimes should ensure a rotation of the groups in

power. The government receives, balances and adjudicates diverse interests. Through

regular elections, separation of powers and checks and balances, democracies prevent one

power or interest group from dominating public life. The pluralist conception of

democracy has not been realized in gender terms. A gender analysis reveals that men, as

a group, have maintained control of the instruments of power throughout history, thereby

adversely affecting the equilibrium of the system. The absence of women in political

debates and the decision-making process distorts the appreciation of women's interests.

Women’s interests are not clearly articulated because male representatives and their

interest groups do not possess adequate and appropriate knowledge or interest or both.

Gender and Political Participation in Latin America and the Caribbean

Historical and cultural factors have reduced women's role in public life throughout the

world. In Latin America and the Caribbean, their access to the political system is further

limited by their conditions of poverty and low educational attainment. Moreover, many

women do not identify with politics; they often seem to reject the prevailing practice of

power, authority and leadership. They fear grueling political campaigns, the aggressive

media and the exposure of their private lives. These factors have effectively
 55

disenfranchised women in the region. Their formal political participation is often reduced

simply to periodic voting in elections.

Women's low rank on economic and social indicators is mirrored in the political system.

Representation of Latin American and Caribbean women in high-level forums is

disproportionately low. It reveals that very few women have attained the status of head of

state or government, all of them during the last quarter of the century. Women are

practically absent in the deliberative political bodies that influence the development

programs in the region. The system of proportionality is a better guarantor of women's

representation as permanent actors in civil society.

Participation of women in governance in Nigeria

The participation of women in governance and politics is of strategic importance

not only for women empowerment, but because it has wider benefits and impact (British
Council Gender in Nigeria report 2012). Disadvantaged people and/ or groups can obtain
fair representation only if they are present in elected assemblies. Based on the above
therefore, women and men should be represented at decision making-bodies levels
locally, regionally and nationally particularly where crucial resources are distributed and
are allocated.

Nigeria has made several efforts to ensure the participation of women who are the
excluded to participate in governance issues through the adoption and creation of some
institutions that will facilitate the full participation of women in governance. However,
the question here is, are these institutions and agencies fully implementing the charters
and treaties to its convincing conclusion?
 56

In 1985, Nigeria ratified the convention on the elimination of all forms of

discrimination against women of 1979 (CEDAW). But it is worthy to note that the
operation of the 30 articles of the convention in Nigeria is not achieved. Nigeria also
adopted the 1985 Beijing Platform of Action and signed the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, International
Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, The African Charter on People’s
Rights, The Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa (Maputo protocol).

Even with the affirmative action of 35% representation of women in political and
non elective positions in Nigeria, the number of women in the legislative houses is not
encouraging as a result of the patriarchal dominance of the men in Nigeria.

In the elective positions in Nigeria since 1999, it is evident that women have not
reached 10% representation. From 1999 till date, no woman has been vice president of
Nigeria and not to talk about president. In 2011, only one woman contested for the post
of the president in Nigeria under the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party and she
did not survive the primary election. How could she survive the primaries when she got
only one vote despite the large number of women that attended the primary election but
refused to vote for her even on sympathy bases?

In 2015, 5 women out of the 14 persons contested the vice presidential position

while 14 men contested the post of president.

Out of the 109 senate member in Nigeria senate chambers, women were 7 in 1999,

4 in 2003, 9 in 2007, 7 in 2011 and 7 in 2015. In the house of representative, out of the

360 members of the house in 1999, 7 are women, while in 2003 21 are women, 27 in

2007 and 25 in 2011 and 14 in 2015. No woman governor since 1999 till date apart from

when the governor of Anambra  state Peter Obi was removed from office for one month
 57

and as soon as he won his case through the courts, the women governor stepped down to

her deputy position,

Out of the 990 seats in the State houses of assembly in Nigeria, in 1999 we have

24 women, 40 in 2003, 57 in 2007 and 68 in 2011 the local government councils that are

closer to the people, in 1999, out of the 774 councils 13 are women, 18 in 2003, and 27 in

2011. The councillorship position is where some women are compensated for their efforts

in making sure that the men get their positions. Though we say that women are

compensated here, the numbers of women that are councilors are still less than 30% of

the total number of councilors in Nigeria. Out of the 6368 councillorship seats, 69 are

women in 1999, 276 in 2003, and 235 in 2011.

The problems many a time are the stringent measures that our political parties put

in place for a person to qualify to run for the elective positions. Looking at the number of

men and women that participated in the 2011 general election in Nigeria, we will come to

terms what the women face in the hands of male politicians in Nigeria.

In 2011, out of the 20 persons that contested for the position of president in

Nigeria, only 1 is woman and men are 19. Out of the 20 persons for the position of the

vice president, 3 are women. Out of the 353 candidates for the post of governors in the 36

states in Nigeria, 13 are women. 347 deputy governorship positions, 58 are women and 1

got the position of deputy governor. The 2408 candidates contesting for the seat of house

representatives, women are 220 and men are 2189 and only 19 of the women won seats
 58

for the house of representative, and out of the 890 that contested for the senate in Nigeria,

90 are women while 800 are men and only 7 women won the senate in Nigeria 2011

general election. These statistics show the level of gender disparity in the Nigerian

political system. This same number of female got the senatorial seat in the current 8 th

assembly in Nigeria 

When we have this kind of system in our governance process, how can women

make concrete decisions when they are excluded in the process of making the decisions?

Why have we not implemented to its fullest the charters and conventions that Nigeria are

signatories. This problem is better imagined than witnessed in the rural areas where

culture and tradition has its own effect in the participation of women in governance. This

effect only sees women as basically home maker, not having a steed Statesmanship as a

career. Individual participation and involvement in governance to make a difference is

more or less seen as an aberration of the norm and a misnomer

Development Education Centre (DEC) Enugu having seen these problems of

women in over the past 30 years of her work in the rural communities in the South East

communities in Nigeria  employed the strategy of 100 women group initiative that gives

women the voice which they cannot as individual have. The 100 women group initiative

offers the women the opportunity to make impact in the governance of the community,

through civic engagement their critical mass action and advocacy to change the policies

and decisions that affect them as human beings in their communities DEC has used the

100 women group initiative to ensure that women are part of the decision making bodies
 59

such as members of  Igwe-Cabinet in Ezere community of Awgu LGA Mkpamte in

Igboeze North LGA both in Enugu state and Amata Afikpo North LGA of Ebonyi state,

Town Union, Development Committees, members of the local government legislative

council, Neighborhood committee members e.t.c. despite these efforts, it is important to

state that interest and unreserved quest for continued domination by the men in power

and authority has increased the fight from the men folk to use various strategies and

intimidation to fight the coming together of women as one strong united body.  A typical

example was the case of Ogboji community of Ishielu LGA in Ebonyi state where the

men through their president general ensued that women of the community never united as

one even when most of the other stakeholders in the community were of the opinion of

having their women come together as one to help in the development of the community.  

Other issues used by the men are the traditional institutions and cultural practices

that are used to deprive the women the opportunity of making changes in the community

governing institutions where policies and decisions are made.

It is therefore, if we will make good developmental impact in the live of all

citizens. The  more time we give women, and contributory opportunities to the

development of the house hold income and ownership of land and other capital income

generating ventures, the better their chances of seeking and having justice in their work

and community issues.

 60

Our old policies of early marriage and lack of educational opportunities to the girl

child should be redressed as to cope with the changing trend in the world today. Women

on their own should work hard to encourage the mass action to change injustices and

inhuman treatment against women and the society in general.

Table 1: Enugu State Governmental Office Distribution Male/Female Ratio

S / N GOVERNMENTAL OFFICE NUMBER OF MALES NUMBER OF FEMALES TOTAL

1 Enugu State Executive Council 1999 – 2003 15 (88. 24% ) 2 (11.76%) 17 (100%)
2 Commissioners in Enugu State 1999 – 2003 15 (93. 75% ) 1 (6.25%) 16 (100%)
3 Local Council Chairmen in Enugu State, 1999 – 2001 17 (100%) 0 ( 0 % ) 17 (100%)
4 Enugu State House of Assembly Members, 2003 – 2007 20 (83. 33% ) 4 (16.67%) 24(100% )
5 Enugu State House of Assembly Members, 2007 – 2011 20 (83. 33% ) 4 (16.67%) 24(100% )
TOTA L 87 (88. 76% ) 11 (11.22%) 1 0 0 %

From table 1above, it could be seen that the Enugu State Executive Council of

1999 was made up of a total of 17 members. Out of this, 15 members representing

88.24% were male, while only 2 representing 11.76% were female. This shows that

women were unarguably marginalized (under-represented) in political office

appointments in the State that year. Out of a total of 16 Commissioners in Enugu State

between 1999 to 2000, 15 of them representing 93.75% were male, while only 1 person,

representing 6.25% was a female. This again reflects that women were comparatively

under-represented in Commissionership appointments in the period under review.

 61

The data also reveal that out of a total of 24 House of Assembly Members in

Enugu State between 2001 to 2007, 20 of them, representing 83.33%, were male, while

only 4 persons, representing 16.67%, were female. This again reflects an under-

representation of women in leadership positions in Enugu State within that period. The

same result of the previous House played itself out, as out of a total of 24 House of

Assembly Members in Enugu State between 2007 to 2011, 20 of them representing

83.33% were male, while only 4 persons representing 16.67% were female.

4.2 Cultural Factor as a Hindrance to Women Participation in Politics in Enugu

State

Women constitute half of the world’s population and have contributed

significantly to the well-being of human race. African colonial experience contributed

significantly to the current marginalization of women on the continent prior to

colonialism, women in many African countries occupied few positions of power in

specific sphere of social life. These situations have not changed under colonialism.

In third world nations for instance, women have always played five key roles –

mothers, producers, home managers, community organizers, and social cultural and

political activist. Despite their large number and crucial functions, the division of power

between the male and female sexes as prescribed by most cultures, assign the subordinate

position to women. As a consequence, women have for long suffered various forms of

discrimination, inequality, exclusion and violence in third world nations. In African

nations women are regularly exposed to various forms of physical, psychological, sexual

and emotional violence. This can be traced to the unequal power relations in the society
 62

between men and women and the pervading patriarchal norms that support the inequality.

Hence, no any nation can prosper if half of its resources are neglected (women).

Women in third world nations have been under represented in the labour

unionism; simply because they command very limited economic resources and that the

prevailing cultural norms see their place as being in the home. It is not surprising that

women are grossly under- represented in labour unionism in Africa and decision making

position in most nations. Indeed, it has been estimated that women make up half of the

population in the world (Encarta 2006). It is important to note that religious precepts are

sometimes used to subjugate women. Islamic injections are usually cited as justification

for confining women in ‘purdah’ as is done in some part of the African countries and to

give away girls in early marriage and thereby deprive them of education and effective

participation in the labour union of their choice.

Factors Affecting Women Participation in Labour Unionism There is a lot of

factors affecting women participation in unionism in the third world nations. Among are;

Poverty; women do not have enough resources to enable them participate effectively in

labour union of their choice. Majority of them are found in rural areas, with few of them

involved in economic activities that do not generate enough resources. Most of them are

peasant farmers, petty traders with just subsistent income. The economic situation has

heightened this problem. Very few women have the economic power to finance

themselves in unionism, they have to depend on their husbands or close family relations

to sponsor them. These people in cases do not encourage them because they see unionism

as waste of time and resources.

 63

Religion and some other socio cultural factors account for some of the strategy used to

exclude women from labour unionism. In the third world nations, women are excluded

and not allowed to participate in any public matters like trade unionism. There is the

belief in some culture that women cannot lead but to be led and that it is an abomination

for women to lead men. African culture has separate roles for men and women. Women

areas are in the home and family (private sphere) while that of men is the public this has

in many ways affect the nations building.

Low level of education is another factor affecting women participation in labour

unionism, although, women do not have equal educational opportunities with their male

counterparts. This is as a result of our cultural attitudes where the girl child education is

not what parents bother about. They believe girls should get married, raise children and

be cared for by their husbands. However, there are some women that are more talented

and progressive than some men, if given the opportunity they will contribute their quarter

toward nation building.

This traditional stereotype that work against gender equality and occupational

opportunities between men and women in place of work / business makes it impossible

for few women to be found in high hierarchy of occupations, this constitutes a serious

problems because it is here that leaders are recruited. Women constitute the majority in

jobs of lower status, like cleaners, primary school teachers, nursing, and secretary.

Lack of interest by the women: The ability of women to pursue union activities is low.

JS Mills (cited in Held 1987) on his role of women in politics explain that ‘’if there were

a just state of things most women would rightly choose as the first call upon her exertions
 64

to marry, raise children and manage house work exclusive. Some time, lack of interest by

women in labour union is borne out of their socialization and the belief that politics and

leadership are not for women.

Time constraint: a large proportion of women’s time is allocated in household duties.

Any union active women member must be ready to devote a large part of her time to the

union activities. Women participation in the unions is hindered by family and domestic

obligations. They cannot cope with combining their roles as mothers and unionism

especially holding elective or appointive positions that are tasking.

The timing of union meetings: Because of their commitment the unions prepare to hold

meeting at the night, this also affect women participation in labor unionism.

4.3 Money Politics Hindered Women Participation to Elective Political Offices in

Enugu State from 1999 To 2016

The term money politic has been an issue in Nigeria political activities although this

equally affects men but the rate at which it affects women is more pronounced in Nigeria.

The high cost of financing political parties and campaigns is a big obstacle to women.

The minimum cost of gubernatorial election could go as high as 200 million naira. How

many women can mobilize such huge amount of money and how many men can mobilize

such amount of money for women? Which political party would nominate a woman for

that post considering her very small contribution to party finance and formation? (Nda,

2003:338).The term political participation is referred to as those political activities of

citizens, either as individuals or group intended or designed to influence the political

process. It is the actual involvement of the citizenry to influence directly or indirectly the
 65

ways and method of governance or more specifically the output or outcomes of the

political process, thus Ikelegbe sees political participation firstly as political activity. The

activity is directed as selecting rules influencing the decisions of government and the

ways government governs, thirdly, characters of political participation is that, it is

voluntary. Political participation refers to the voluntary activities by which members of a

political community share in leadership selection and policy formation. Alakpi posits that

political apathy, which refers to a state of withdrawal from or in different political action

or activities. According to Dr Mrs. Okafor political participation are activities of the

citizens aimed at influencing the political processes, such participation could be either in

an individual or group basis. Milbrath and goal put it that political participation are those

activities or actions by private individuals by which they seek to influence and support

the government and politics. They went further to add that political participation

observed in an individual can be seen as a result of different reasons or influenced by

different factors. Political participation could be refer to those voluntary activities by

which members of a society have a share in the selection of rulers and directly or

indirectly have a role in the formation of public policy. These activities typically include

voting, seeking information, discussing and propelling, attending meeting, contributing

financially and communication with representative on the view, that active form of

participation includes formal enrolment in a party, canvassing and registering voter’s

speed writing and working in campaigns and also competing for public and party offices.

Political participation as an ingredient of every polity whether large or small whether the

society is an oligarchy or democracy someone must make political decision and appoint,
 66

uphold and move leaders. In the ultimate analysis, political participation means a process

of influencing the authoritative allocation of values for a society, which may not take

place through governmental decision. Political participation can be analyzed from both

the broader and narrower angles. In its broad conception we are interested in a variety of

way in which citizens participate in relation to varied issued. In particular we do not limit

our concern to citizen’s participation in electoral process through voting and campaigns.

It is because political participation does not take place only during election time, nor is

participation at election time, the most effective way of major means of the citizen’s

control over government officials; they are rather blunt instrument of control. For an

individual or for a particular group of citizens the most important political activities may

be those in the period between, when citizen try to influence government decision in

relation of specific problem that concern them. Political participation in modern

democratic society like Nigeria should have well-established legal opportunities for

political activities. They include the right to vote in meaningful election. The right to

associate with political parties and other politically relevant groups, the right to petition

government and the general auxiliary right of freedom of speech, freedom of assembly

and freedom of press. Participation when and if effectively has a particular crucial

relation to all other social and political goals. It represents a process by which goals.

Choosing priorities and deciding the process of the goal attainment. It not only

communicates the need and desire of the citizen to the government; but also has other

more direct benefits. Participation has also been viewed as an educational device through

which civic virtues are learnt. Thus, Ikelegbe points that, where the scope and intensity of
 67

voluntary participation is high, inputs into the highly participatory citizenry could vote

out such government because alienated and resort to non- conventional models of

participation. Political participation is underscored by the values which most political

system, regime and ideologies place on it. In any liberal democracy wide spread

participation is a prized value.

Types of Political Participation: Ikelegbe argued that political participation is classified

into election related and non- election related. Election related political participation

involved the electoral process or activities which provided enormous opportunities for

political participation to great number of the citizenry, electoral participation involves

registration voting campaign meeting, party meeting, party funding and contest for

elective office. In this view electoral relation effectively been carried out. Non election

related participatory activities include contacting political leaders, expressing politics,

opinion and demands, community development activities. In a political society some

individual involvement in political matters are autonomous while in others it could be

induced. Politics in many developing nation like Nigeria is usually mobilized or induced.

In other society, political participation is usually autonomous. Autonomous participation

refers to those action or activities that are generated by the actors themselves, which

aimed to influence governmental action and authoritative allocation of values. Induced or

mobilized participation are those activities or actions that are initiated by a different

person or group of persons than the actors, which are aimed at influencing decisions of

government. Alternatively, induced or mobilized participation are those activities that are
 68

initiated outside the person or group of persons that would actually act in order to

influence government decisions.

Chapter Five

Summary Finding, Conclusion and Recommendation

Summary of finding:
 69

1. Based on the descriptive qualitative analysis of gender as a barrier to political

participation we are able to ascertain that the participation of women in governance

and politics is of strategic importance not only for women empowerment, but

because it has wider benefits and impact (British Council Gender in Nigeria report

2012). Disadvantaged people and/ or groups can obtain fair representation only if

they are present in elected assemblies. Based on the above therefore, women and

men should be represented at decision making-bodies levels locally, regionally and

nationally particularly where crucial resources are distributed and are allocated. In

Enugu State Executive Council of 1999 was made up of a total of 17 members. Out

of this, 15 members representing 88.24% were male, while only 2 representing

11.76% were female. This shows that women were unarguably marginalised

(under-represented) in political office appointments in the State that year. Out of a

total of 16 Commissioners in Enugu State between 1999 to 2000, 15 of them

representing 93.75% were male, while only 1 person, representing 6.25% was a

female. This again reflects that women were comparatively under-represented in

Commissionership appointments in the period under review.

2. The idea of political socialization is that politics is practice in groups and these

groups are seen in different unionism. However, there are some cultural tendencies

used by men to isolate women from different political activities, these are

traditional stereotype, religious and cultural believe system, time constraint and

timing of the union meeting at night.

 70

3. The study also finds out that because factor that limit women from achieving top

position in organizational hierarchy, money politics syndrome cripples them from

achieving their 35% affirmative action by Nigerian government.

Conclusion:

There is low level of political participation in Nigeria. Many Nigerians are not committed

to the electoral process and other political engagements more especially women. This

study revealed that the Nigerian political system and act of governance do not encourage

mass participation and women active involvement. This is because of the political culture

of violence, intimidation, manipulation, sentiments, money politics, ignorance,

corruption, deception and apathy that characterize the political system. There is marginal

involvement of the Nigerian women in the political process. Cultural issues, domestic

responsibilities, financial constraints and political indifference are some of the factors

preventing women participation in politics. This study also showed that Nigerians do not

have trust and confidence in their political leaders. Most political leaders were found to

be selfish and not responsive to the needs of the citizens. Political leaders made promises

that were never fulfilled after gaining political power. Democratic and responsible

governance have not been entrenched into the Nigerian political system.
 71

Recommendation:

1. The study recommends that women interested in political career should be women

that are advanced in age who has less family work to handle. And again, men

should help their wife with domestic duties in other to balance the shift.

2. The study recommends that in other to defeat the cultural factor that hinder women

in participating in politics there should be mass education of women and gender

enlightenment campaign that will create a balance of gender sensitivity in policy

and political decision making.

3. The issue of corruption should be addressed and tackle in other to bring true

Statesmanship against money politics and political god-fatherism giving

meritocracy opportunity to thrive. Then virtues women and women of honor can

now participate in political leadership in Nigeria

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