Chapter 5

SUFI LITERATURE, INTERACTION WITH OTHER

RELIGIOUS SECTS AND IMPACT

The spiritual literature had been made from Prophet Muhammads

period in Arabia, Turkey, Iran and Central Asia. The spiritual impulse or
motivations behind the Sufi literature developed in that period. The
thirteenth century was no exception and its first decades were dominated
by the famed Sufi metaphysician Ibn Arabi (1165 -1240), known as
Shaikh al-Akbar, the greatest Shaykh. The beginning of this century also
saw the introduction into India of the Chishti Tariqah or Sufi Order by
Shaykh Muinuddin Chishti (1142-1236 AD), as well as the foundation of
two new turuq; the Shadhili Tariqah in North Africa, founded by Shaykh
Abul Hasan ash Shadhili (1196-1258 AD), and the Suharawardi Tariqah,
founded by Shaykh al Suharawardi (1144 1234) of Baghdad.

The

thirteenth century was also the age of the great Persian Sufi poets, Farud
ud din Attar (d. 1229), Fakhr ud din Iraqi (1213 1289), Sadi of Shiraz
(1215 1292), Shabistari (1250-20) and Jalal ud din Rumi.

Rumis

Masanawi, Fihi Mafihi and Divan-I Shams I Tabrizi, are the famous Sufi
masterpiece of early Sufi literature in medieval world history. 1
Shaikh Abu Nasr Siraj (Al Lamaa), Abul Qasim (Risala Qureshia),
Hajrat Datar (Kashf al Mahjub), Gausa e Azam Abdul Qadir Jilani
(Futuhat Gaub), Shaikh Shahabuddin Suharawardi (Awariful Maarifat),
Hajrat Nizam al din Awliya (Fawaid al Fuad Malfuz, written by his
disciple Amir Hasan) etc. Sufi saints Sufi philosophy reflected in their
own books or Malfuzat literature written by their disciples. 2
1. Malfuzat and other Sufi Literature in Persian:
Kashf al Mahjub was the first Persian book in Indian subcontinent
which gave the information about the sufis and Sufism in early period.
Abul Hassan Ali Ibn Usman al-Jullabi al-Hajvery al-Ghaznawi also known
as Daata Ganj Bakhsh, which means the master who bestows treasures
211

a Persian Sufi and scholar during the 11 th century. He significantly

contributed to the spreading of Islam in South Asia or Indian sub
continent. He was born around 990 AD near Ghazni, Afghanistan and died
in Lahore (Punjab, Pakistan) in 1077 AD. His most famous work is
Revelation of the Veiled or Kashf Al Mahjub or
, written in
the Persian language. The work, which is one of the earliest and most
respected treatises of Sufism, debates Sufi doctrines of the past.

Ganj Bakhsh-e faiz-e aalam, mazhar-e nur-i Khuda
Naqisaan ra pir-e kaamil, kaamilaan ra rahnuma
( Ganj Bakhsh is a manifestation of the Light of God for all
people, a perfect guide unto the imperfect ones and a guide unto
the perfect ones )

Kashf ul Mahjub or The Unveiling of the Veiled is the first

comprehensive book in the Persian language on Tasawwuf or Sufism.
Shahidullah Faridi and Nicholson, R.A. had published the Urdu and
English translation of the book. It gives the information about the
philosophy of Sufism, Prophet, Iman, Marifat Allah (Concerning the
Gnosis of God), Tawhid (Concerning Unification), Al Salat (Prayer), Al
Zakat (Alms), Hajj (Pilgrimage), Sama (Audition) and Tariqah etc. He
quoted that, Hazrat Junaid told that a Sufi would set an example if he
possessed the following eight qualities. A Sufi, as a matter of principle, is
expected to hold them:
The courage and magnanimity of Prophet Ibrahim,
The obedience of Prophet Ismail,
The forebearance and patience of Prophet Ayub,
The signs of Prophet Zakaria,
The poverty of Prophet Yahya,
The travelling nature of Prophet Isa,
212

The simplicity of dress of Prophet Musa and

The Fuqr (contentment and renunciation) of Prophet Muhammad.
According

to

Shaikh

Ali

Hujwiri,

there

are

four

outstanding

characteristics which mark a Sufi:

A life that is genuine and straight forward and a life which holds
in respect the Divine Laws. Respect for elders and affection towards all
alike. Total renunciation of any desire for fame and glory. Face the
challenge of Nafs. 3
A number of famous poets produced works of merit under the
patronage of Sultan Al ud din. Amir Khusro, Hassan Sijzi, Sadr ud din
Aali, Fakhr ud din Qawas, Hameed ud din Raja, Maulana Arif, Ubaid
Hakim and Shahab Ansari were the poets of the court.
Barani says: Every one of them has got a particular style
and had got a Diwan of his own. They were well wersed in prose as
well as in poetry and their poetry speaks volumes for itself. 4
Ziya ud din Barani, Amir Hasan Sijzi and Amir Khusro were the
best friends and disciples of Shaikh Nizam al Din Awliya of Delhi. Amir
Hasan was the founder of Indian Sufi Malfuzat literature tradition.

He

wrote the famous Malfuzat Fawaid ul-Fuad, in Persian at Khuldabad,

Deccan.

Many

stories

and

legends

have

accumulated

around

the

development of Sufi Persian literature in Indian subcontinent. Amir

Khusrau was the famous personality in Delhi, who contributed the
significant role within the development of Persian Sufi literature in India.
He was the close murid of Hazrat Nizam al din Awiya of Delhi. So close
was this relationship that Amir Khusrau is said to have been totally
overwhelmed by grief when he heard the news of his murshids death.
Amir Khusrau:

Gori soye sej par much par dare kes,

Chal Khusrau ghar apne, rain bhai chaun des.
(The fair one lies on the couch, with her [back] tresses
scattered on her face, O Khusrau, go home now, for
night has fallen all over.)

That Amir Khusrau, an accomplished poet of Persian, should have

chosen to express his deepest emotions and feelings in an indic vernacular
language, a language he called Hindawi, was in a certain way unusual. 5
213

The late Mughal Persian writer Azad Bilgrami (d. 1201/1786) described
peacocks wandering among the gardens and shrines of Khuldabad in the
Indian Deccan. 6
2. Persian Malfuz Literature in Marathwada:
Malfuz literally means words spoken, in common parlance the
term is used for the conversations or table talks of a mystic teacher or
Shaikh. Malfuz writing is one of the most important literary achievements
of medieval India. The credit of giving this art a definite shape and
thereby popularizing it in the religious circles of the country goes t o a
disciple of Shaikh Nizam al din Awliya, Amir Hasan Sijzi Dehlawi
Khuldabadi. It was on Shaban 3, 707 (January 1307) that Amir Hasan
Sijzi, a famous poet of the Khalji period and a friend of Amir Khusrau,
decided to write a summary of what he heard from his master, Shaikh
Nizam ud din Awliya. The dicision was epoch making as it marked the
beginning of a new type of mystic literature known as Malfuzat.

Amir

Hasans collection of his spiritual mentors utterances, the Fawaid ul

Fuad, was welcomed in mystic circles and it became a guide book
(dastur) for mystics anxious to traverse the mystic journey. Ziya al din
Barani said that, it inspired others to render similar services to their
masters. 7 This literally tradition established by Hasan Sijzi was followed
by saints of all sufi Silsilas in South Asia or in Indian subcontinent and
Deccan. The Sufi

silsilas like,

Chishtis, Suharawardis, Firdausis,

Shattaris, Qadiris, Maghribis and Naqshbandis are and enormous Malfuz

literature appeared in India from Uchch to Maner and from Delhi to
Daulatabad Deccan. In historical study, this Malfuz literature calls for a
systematic and careful study with a view to having a glimpse of the life of
the common man during the medieval period with Sufism. 8
2.1 The Fawaid ul Fuad of Amir Hasan Sijzi Dehlawi
Khuldabadi:
In Amir Hasans Fawaid-ul-Fuad every Majlis has a date and the
conversations are recorded in a very exact, accurate and succinct manner.
Every Majlis has the lively atmosphere of an assembly. 9 Amir Hasan Alai-Sijzi Dehlawi (1253-1336) was the founder in Sufic literature in Deccan
214

also. Sultan Muhammad Tughlaq, in 1329 AD, shifted his capital from
Delhi to Daulatabad in the Deccan. Most of the nobles were required to
migrate from Delhi and settle at Daulatabad. He experiment failed and
after three years the Sultan ordered a return march to Delhi. The Chishti
writings tell of a number of sufis who participated in this migration. Amir
Hasan Sijzi had left Delhi to settle Daulatabad Khuldabad area. First
time he compiled Malfuzat in Delhi and Daulatabad (Deccan). He recorded
the slayings of his master Shaikh Nizam al-Din Auliya Dehlawi, to
preserve his words for future generation. It contained the tells of the
feasts, the daily life and the miracles of Sufi saints and which, properly
sifted constitutes an important source for Indo-Muslim South Asian
history or mystical Islamic Indian Subcontinent history. Burhan al-Din
Gharib Chishti, the major disciple of Nizam al-Din Awliya, led the sufis
who participated in the migration of the Muslim elite of Delhi to the
Deccan capital of Daulatabad in 1329. Also the circle of Burhan al din
Gharib followed the Malfuz tradition of writing model of Fawaid alFuad. A Persian masnavi (poem) in honor of Burhan al-Din Gharib
Khuldabadi Chishti and his disciples written by Amir Hasan Sijzi, which
must have written not long after arriving in Daulatabad. The Fawa'id AlFuad (Morals of the Heart) has been planned and prepared in a very
systematic manner.
Every meeting (majlis) has a date and the conversations are
recorded in a very exact, accurate and systematic manner. The Fawaid alFuad begins with the conversation of Shaikh Nizam al-Din Auliya in his
majlis on Shaban 3, 707 AH/ January 28,1308 AD; the last assembly
proceedings recorded by Amir Hasan in Shaban 19, 722/Sep.2,1322. This
is a record of 188 gatherings. Also it covered a period of roughly fifteen
years with gaps and intervals. Nizam al-Din Awliya lived in Delhi for
more than half a century (b.1236-d.1325 CE).

Compared to that, the

Fawaid ul-Fuad has very limited record in number.

But it has very

depth and light on the moral and spiritual ideals of the Shaikh Nizam al Din Awliya and his method of instruction and guidance.

215

The Fawaid al-Fuad is a mine of information for the religious,

cultural and literary history of the periods and supplies interesting details
about the earlier generation of Sufi mystics, scholars, poets etc.
List of Names in the Fawaid al-Fuad: 10
Abdul-Haqq Dehlawi

Abdul Qadir Jilani

Abdullah Rumi

Abu Bakr Siddiq

Abu Talib Makki

Sultan Alauddin Khalji

Shaikh
Brhauddin Ziya ud-din Barani
Gharib Khuldabad
Ghiyasuddin Balban
Ferishta
Sultan Jalaluddin Khalji
Imam Husain
Muhammad
Shah Prophets of Islam
Ghori
Qutbuddin
Shaikh
Qutbuddin Sultan
Mubarak
Bakhtiyar Kaki

Abdullah
Ansari
Shaikh ul Islam
Imam i Azam Abu
Hanifa
Shaikh
Bahauddin
Zakaria
Fariuddin Attar
GhiyasudinTughalaq
Muhammad
ibn
Tughalaq
Khwaja
Muinuddin
Chishti
Sultan
Shamsuddin
Iltitumish

List of Places in the Fawaid al-Fuad:

Ajmer
Bukhara
Delhi
Lahore
Meerut
Rajputana
Turkistan

Aurangabad
Daulatabad
Gujarat
Medina
Multan
Shiraz
Firuzabad

Awadh
Dimashq (Damascus)
Khuldabad
Mecca
Nishapur (Iran)
Siwistan
Samarqand

Amir Hasan noted the Chishti popularity at the common folk by

many events in the Fawaid uf Fuad. He explained, when Shaikh Farid
visited Delhi after the death of Shaikh Qutb d din Bakhtiyar Ka ki, he was
deluged by visitors. From Early morning till late into the night he had to
attend to his visitors and accept their invitations for feasts On Fridays he
had to start for congregational prayer much before the scheduled time
because of the lare crowds of admirers who waited for him all along the
way. As he stepped out of his house, people eagerly rushed towards him,
kissed his hands and encircled him. No sooner ded he manages to come
216

out of this circle that he found himself surrounded by another group. He

got rid of one circle to be enmeshed into another and this process went on
until he reached the mosque, tired and wearied. One day he felt annoyed
with the people who had thus surrounded him on his way to the mosque.
This is a blessing of Allah, a disciple told him, Why do you get
annoyed? 11
Amir Hasan recorded the three visits of Nizam al din Awliya of
Delhi to Ajodhan for meeting with Shaykh Farid. Shaykh Farid was the
Murshid of Nizam al din Awliya. In Jamdi Awal, 664 / 1265, Shaikh
Nizam ud din visited his master for the last time. The Shaykh showered
many blessings on him and said: I have given you both the worlds. Go
and take the kingdom of Hindustan. It was the Khilafat or vilayatnama
from Farid Shaykh to murid Shaikh Nizam al din Awliya Chishti
Dehlawi. 12
Amir Hasan Sijzi also noted the events of Shaykh Nizam al Din
Awliya and Ramajan month of Roza (fasts). The Chishti saints considered
fasting to be a remarkable expedient for weakening those desires that
lead never to happiness but either to disillusionment or to further desire.
They reduced their diet in order to control the calls of the flesh. A glass of
sherbet, some dried grapes (munaqqa) and a piece of juwar (millet) bread
smeared with ghee was all that Shaikh Farid (Murshid of Nizam al din
Awliya Dehlawi) took in twenty four hours. Similarly Shaikh Nizam al din
took only a piece of bread or half a bread with little vegetable at the time
of iftar (breaking the fast), and very little food at dinner. One day murid
Abdur Rahim had prepared sahri for the Shaikh. Sahri means the meal
which is taken before the down of day to enable one to fast till sunset.
Rahim protested, The Shaikh eats very little at sahri also, it will injure
his health and make him very weak. The Shaikh replied with tears in his
eyes:
So many poverty stricken people are sleeping without dinner
in the corners of the mosques and before the shops. How can
this food go down my throat? 13

217

Amir Hasan Sijzi gave the information about the Chishti Khanqahs
life and daily events in Delhi. 14 Also about the life, in this world, the
many references found in Fawaid al Fuad. The Chishti saints or mystics
were expected to reject the world or Dunya (duniyaa). Tark-i-Dunya has
philosophy discussed in Fawaid ul Fuad by Shaikh Amir Hasan Sijzi
with the references of Nizam al din Awliya. The question arises What
this dunya was and how could it be renounced?
The general impression that tark-i-dunya had meant adopting a
hermits attitude towards life and severing all earthly connections is not
confirmed by contemporary mystic records. In fact, it was not the world as
such which the mystics rejected by the materialistic approach towards life
and its problems which they hated and despised.

The more a man got

involved in materialistic pursuits, farther he drifted from his spiritual

objective. It is significant that in medieval mystic anecdotes dunya is
made to appear in the form of treasure, woman or government service. A
Chishti saint told his disciples that once Christ saw the world in the form
of an ugly old woman and asked How many husbands hath thee?
Innumerable, replied the hag.

Hath any of these husbands divorced

thee? Asked Christ (Prophet Isaa) No, replied the old woman, I have
myself finished them. 15
Amir Hasan Sijzi said the philosophy of pacificism and non
violence also. The man should strenuously strive to develop the faculties
of patience and endurance. There are both good and bad tendencies in
every man. In mystic terminology one may say that there is nafs (animal
soul) and there is qalb (human soul) in every human being. Nafs is the
abode of mischief, strife and animosity; qalb is the centre of peace,
goodwill and resignation. If a man opposes you under the influence of his
nafs, you should meet him with qalb. The qalb will over power the nafs
and the strife would end. But if a man opposes nafs with nafs, there can
be no end to conflicts and strifes. 16
Amir Hasan Sijzi noted the Muslim functions and festivals in
sultanate period. The contemporary records refer either to the festivals
218

celebrated at the courts or to the ceremonies of the Khanqahs. Muslims of

every social status celebrated Eids. The month of Ramzaan was considered
to be the most sacred of all months and was, therefore, characterized by
brisk religious activities. One was expected to devote his fasting hours to
some honest work or religious devotions. Special prayers were offered
during the Shab-i-qadar in Ramzaan. Its precise date is not known.
Generally it is believed that it falls on the 27 th night of the month of
Ramazan. These prayers were, however, confined to religious minded
men. Of the Sultans, Balban is reported to have offered this prayers. 17
About the Hindus and Hinduism, Amir Hasan Sijzi noted in Fawaid
ul fuad detailed description. The Sufi attitude towards the Hindus and
Hinduism was one of sympathetic understanding and adjustment. They
looked upon all religious as different roads leading to the same
destination. They did not approve of any discrimination or distinction in
human society which was one organism for them. They had free social
intercourse with the Hindus and tried to understand their approach towards
the basic problems of religion and morality. 18 A event hear about a Hindu
being introduced to Shaikh Nizam al din Awliya by a Muslim as This
Hindu is my brother. 19
2.2.

Hazrat Burhan al din Gharib of Khuldabad and Chishti

Malfuz Ahsan ul Aqwal:

Ahsan ul Aqwal
Burhan

ud

din

is a collection of the conversations of Shaikh

Gharib

of

Khuldabad

in

Aurangabad

region

of

Marathwada. Shaikh Burhan al din Gharib (654 741 / 1256 1340) was
the famous disciple of Nizam al din Awliya of Delhi and Khalifa in
Deccan. The Ahsan al Aqwal or Ahsan-ul-Aqwal had been written by the
disciple of Burhan al din, Maulana Hammad bin Ammad Kashani in 738 /
1337, some twenty years before the death of Shaikh Nasir ud din Chiragh
in Delhi. Chronologically the Malfuz work comes before Khair ul Majalis
and is the earliest available Malfuz compiled after Fawaid ul Fuad. 20
Shaikh Burhan al din Gharib whose teachings have been
collected in this book was an eminent disciple of Shaikh Nizam al din
219

Awliya. He was a close friend and companion of Shaikh Nasir al din

Chiragh, Amir Khusrau and Amir Hasan Sijzi. He was especially fond of
audition parties (Sama) and his disciples danced in a particular manner
and so they came to be known as Burhanis. The Ahsan ul Aqwal helps to
understanding the principles and practices of Chishti Sufism in Deccan.
The Ahsan ul Aqwal Malfuz is divided into twenty nine chapters which
deal with some specific theme, such as the practices and etiquette of the
assemblies of saints, relationship between disciple and his spiritual
teacher, customs and ceremonies associated with the process of initiation
in the mystic fold, dealings with people, spiritual morality, principles
governing the acceptance of Futuh , gifts evil consequences of greed and
sex, principles to be followed with reference to audition parties, and
prayers and penitence. 21 According to K. A. Nizami, this Malfuz literature
gave the core information about the philosophy of Chishti Sufic ideas. 22
Khwaja Rukn ud din, who was a dabir, once expressed his desire
to abandon government service but the Shaikh advised him to continue and
serve the people. Doing good to people is better than sitting in a lonely
corner, he remarked. 2 3
The Ahsan ul Aqwal has not the depth of Fawaid ul Fuad
Malfuz but wonderfully clear presentation for common reader. The Ahsan
ul Aqwal is so clear and lucid that it can be understood even by an
amateur mystic. The Ahsan ul Aqwal quotes a letter which the saint wrote
to a Wali of Multan. It began: Be it known to Sharf ud Daulah. The
Shaikh did not write: Sharf ud Daulaha wad din, because he did not
know if he was really religious. 24 Ahsan al Aqwal also gave the
information about the journey of Burhan al Din Gharib from Delhi to
Daulatabad, Deccan. 25 About the discussion of pir muridi tradition, Ahsan
al Aqwal gave the events about it in Burhan al dins life. The Chishti
disciples or murids were depicted demonstrating their reverence for their
masters in remarkable ways. Rukn al din Kashani once was summoned to
go to Delhi. Rukn al din rode the whole way with his back to Delhi and
his face turned to Burhan al Din Gharib (Khuldabad) in the direction of
Daulatabad. On the trip, every morning after prayer he placed his face on
220

the ground in the direction of his master before proceeding on his way.
Rukn al din Kashani was the famous murid of Burhan al din Gharib
Khuldabadi Chishti. 26 According to the Carl Ernst, Maulana Hammad bin
Ammad Kashani was the pious murid of Burhan al din in Khuldabad. 27
Maulna Hammad Kashani noted the rituals of Murid oath in Chishti circle
of Burhan al din Gharib in Khudabad. The Murid says, I have sworn an
oath to all of this. Then, it comes the shaving. They take some hair from
the right side of the head and from the left, and cut it with scissors. A hat
is put on his head, and at this time the master involves the name of God,
and announces in Arabic that this is the clothing of peity and the clothing
of well being. Carl Ernst said that, the disciple expresses his intention to
perform two cycles of supererogatory prayer, with these words I intend
to pray to Allah most high two cycles of superogatory prayer; rejecting all
that is other than Allah, I turn my face to the noble Kaba. Allah is most
grat. After performing the prayer, he puts his head at the masters feet,
and then rises and presents some gift to the master. The disciple joins the
ranks of the other companions of the assembly, and the master will then
determine his capacity and give him instruction. 28 Burhan al Din Gharib
of Khuldabad explained the levels of interior purification as a transition
from practicing Islamic law to undergoing moral transformation, followed
by the onset of mystical experience:
First is external purification (tazkiy), which attaches
the soul to the religious law. Then comes internal purification
(tasfiya), which empties the interior of obscurities, and then the
divine lights manifest within. It is actions, morals, and states. At
first men do actions, then they strive beyond that to turn their
blameworthy actions to praiseworthy ones avarice turns to
concentration and greed to bravery and in this way, whatever is
blameworthy becomes praiseworthy; this becomes the category of
morals. When actions have become morals, then comes emptying
(takhliya). When obscurities are emptied out, states appear, and
divine visitations enter the interior. 29
Ahsan ul Aqwal, also explained the Fatiha rituals and the Urs
festival celebration within the Chishti circle of Burhan al din Gharib. The
Chishtis also followed distinctive practices based on the Master Disciple
(Piri-Muridi) relationship, such as pilgrimage (Ziyarat) to Mazaars
221

(tombs, sepultures) of Sufi saints and the observation of their death

anniversaries. Burhan al din Gharib gave explicit directions for the
performance of these rituals.
When dervish wishes to visit the dead, he presents his
wish twice to the spirit of the dead, goes out of the house and into
the road. He goes reciting what he intended, and when lhe arrives at
the head of the tomb he does not stand at the foot. He stands before
trhe tomb and recites the Fatiha [Quran 1], once, the Throne Verse
[Quran, 2:255] once, ilahukum al takathur [Quran 102], three times,
Ikhlas [Quran 112], ten times, and durud [Blessing the Prophet], ten
times, and then he returns.

Festivals were held on the death anniversary (Urs, literally

wedding) of major saints, and food was blessed a nd distributed to the
faithful. Nizam al din used to preserve food from the urs of Farid al din
Ganj-I Shakkar and give it to the sick to heal them. Burhan al Din Gharib
recalled that his own father was in the habit of visiting the tombs of the
saints and praying thus:
Allah, Allah, by the sanctity of those accepted in your
court; make this helpless one accepted in your court.
As this prayer implies, pilgrimage to tombs was not worship of
the people buried there, but a worship of Allah that looked to the saint as
a kind of intermediary. Disciples often found guidance from deceased
saints in dreams after spending time meditating at their tombs. 3 0 Ahsan al
Aqwal explained the Chishti tradition of hair long style on head. The
Malfuz is quoted as saying that Sayyids as descendants of the Prophet
Muhammad are not shaved at initiation, since they wear their hair long by
custom. This was the origin of the nickname Gisu Daraz, meaning long
hairs. 31 Zayn al din Shirazi Chishti was the Khalifa of Burhan al din
Gharib of Khuldabad. Ahsan al Aqwal said about the process of this
tradition. It was only slowly that Zayn al Din became accustomed to the
position of being a spiritual director and the demands that people made on
his time. 32 In the chapter in Ahsan al Aqwal, on The conditi on of the
legitimacy of Donations, Hammad al din Kashani enumerated a number of
specific situations regarding the acceptance of gifts. Burhan al din said:
222

When the Shaykh al Islam Nizam al din gave me authorization (ijazat),

he said, Take worthy people as disciples, and on the subject of donations,
no rejecting, no asking, and no saving (la radd wa laa kadd wa laa madd).
If anyone brings you something, do not reject it, and do not ask for
anything, but if they bring a little of something good, do not rej ect it to
get it increased, and do not accept by specifying everything [one needs].
Burhan al din Gharib related that once a woman had a son who received a
horse and cloak from a prince. People congratulated her, but she asked,
What sort of good news is this, that someone gave him something? 33
Nearby twenty nine Sufi practices explained in Ahsan al Aqwal. These
best of sayings are as follows:
1.

34

Rawish-ha: The practices of the masters of the path and the customs (sunan)
of the lords of reality.

2. Adab: The order of the manners of the shaykhs assemblies.

3. On the firm faith of disciples in the matter of the master and other
ascetics.
4. The manners of the Murid.
5. Baya: The manners of initiation and the explanation of peoples interntions
and the conditions of discipleship.
6. On the virtue of obeying the master.
7. Khilat: The explanation of guarding the cloak and other articles received from

the master.
8. The disciplining the soul.
9. The excellence of good actions.
10. The good morals.

11. The miracles of the saints.

12. The excellence of fasting (Roza).
13. On the excellence of truthfulness.
14. On the influence of the prayers of the saints.
15. On the internal states of love.
16. The manners of accepting gifts.
17. On avoiding consumption of unlawful things.
18. On the manners of trust in Allah, patience, and enduring poverty and hunger.

19. On the companions of excellence and contentment.

20. The excellence of seclusion.
21. The excellence of harmony and beneficence.
22. On the poor and the rich. (Amir wa Garib)
23. On the condemnation of begging.

24. On the excellence of charity.

25. On the excellence of prayers (Salat).
26. On the manners of the assembly of audition (Sama).
27. On the miracles of Burhan al Din Gharib.
28. On the explanation of the dreams of the companions of Burhan al Din
Gharib.
29. On the words of the master regarding his disciples.

223

2.3. Majmaa of Sayyid Raju Yusuf Husaini of Khuldabad

Dehlawi:

Majmua or Majmaa Persian manuscript is available at Salar

Jung Museum Library Hyderabad. Sayyid Raju Yusuf Husaini had

migrated

from

Delhi

during

Muhammad

Tughalq

period

towards

Daulatabad. He was the father of Gesu Daraz Banda Nawaz of Gulbarga.

Raju Qattal (d. 730 / 1331) wrote the Majmaa in Persian language on the
mystical philosophy of Sufism and Prophet Muhammads life. This
Majmaa copy contains: Lamaat (ff. iv-6), which describes the short notes
on the ives of the Holy Prophets and the twelve Shiit Imams in two
Lamas. Akhbarat (ff. 9v 42), is the collection of several questions put
to the Holy Prohet by his companions on different topics and their
answers. Each question begins under the heading and is preceded by. This
Majmaa copy of Salar Jung Museum contained, the Dakhani masnawi, in
ff. 42v 43v. 35
2.4. Nafais al Anfas wa lataif al Alfaz of Rukn al Din Kashani
Dabir:

The first and perhaps most important of the Malfuzat texts

emanating from the circle of Burhan al Din Gharib also followed the
model of Fawaid al Fuad. This was Nafais al Anfas wa Lataif al Alfaz
(Choice sayings and Elegant words), compiled by Rukn al din Dabir
Kashani in forty eight sessions between Muharram 732 / October 1331 and
4 th Safar 738 / 1 September 1337. 36 This Malfuz written by Rukn al din
Kashani Dabir. As his title dabir indicates, he was a secretary in the
service

of

Sultan

Muhammad

ibn

Tughlaqs

administration

at

Daulatabad. 37 Dabir noted in his malfuz text that, he wished to wrote the
book like Amir Hasan Sijsi, Fawaid al Fuad. Dabir proposed the Malfuz
writing plan towards Burhan al Din Gharib. Burhan al din approved this
Malfuz project. Burhan al din said, For a long time, this idea has been
established in my mind, and encouraged Rukn al din Dabir Kashani for
his work. Rukn al din understood from this that he would have the great
fourtune to play the same role for Burhan al Din Gharib as Hasan Amir
Sijzi had been performing for Nizam al Din as recently as ten years
previously. Hasan Amir Sijzi wrote Fawaid al Fuad Malfuz. Then same
Malfuzat writing started by Rukn al din for Burhan al din Gharib, Nafais
al Anfas wa Lataid al Alfaz. 38
224

Befora Burhan al din, number of Murid migrated to Deccan and

Malwa region in south side of Delhi. Shaykh Musa Deogiri migrated to
Malwa. Muntajib al Din (brother of Burhan al din) went for Daulatabad.
Aziz al Din and Kamal al Din sent by Nizam al din Awliy from Delhi to
Daulatabad. All detailed information recorded in Nafais al Anfas. 39 Uncle
of Burhan al din already settled in Daulatabad before Burhan al din come
to Deccan. Rukna al din Kashani Dabir gave the information about earl y
life of Burhan al din Gharib. It is covered Burhan al Dins life in Nizam al
din Awliya Khanqah in Delhi and migration to the Deccan. 40
Number of stories is frequently met with in Sufi hagiographical
literature, as a metaphor for complete devotion to the master. For
example, in Nafais al Anfas Rukn al din recorded, he was going to
perform pilgrimage to Nizam al Din, and as soon as he saw the dome
(Qubba) of Nizam al din Dargah tomb, he got off his horse and put his
face on the ground, performing the rest of the pilgrimage on foot. Rukn al
din Kashani performed all practiced which he had felt with Burhan al din
Gharibs reaction about Nizam al din Awliya of Delhi. 41 When Burhan al
din Gharib appeared to be on his deathbed in 737 / 1337, he asked Majd al
Din and Run al Din Kashani to pray for him with Quranic prayers. 42
Majd al din Kashani wrote the Malfuz, Gharaib al Karamat on Burhan al
dins miracles. Bothe Kashani brother had very attachments with Burhan
al din Gharib.
Rukn al din, like his brother Majd al din Kashani, had a very close
relationship with Burhan al din Gharib. Rukn al Din recorded frequent
events marking his growing intimacy with Burhan al Din Gharib. Burhan
al Din Gharib frequently presented Rukn al Din with the personal effects
that formed such an important part of the initiatic process. 43 Rukn al din
also quoted the practice of Sama in Burhan al din Circle. Burhani was the
type of Raqs and Sama in Khuldabad.
Chishti circle.

Sama is the spiritual practice in

Other effects of Sama include healing and even raising

people from the dead. Rukn al din gave the detailed information about it. 44
Many government servants also come to Khanqah of Burhan al Din for
advice about religious practices. Rukn al din noted, Malik Husam al Din
Pahlavan-I Jahan, a military leader who was present during a discussion
225

on performing extra prayers. 45 Another one such was Nizam al Din Firuz
Majmudar, the auditor, who came with Rukn al din Kashani during a
discussion of preaching. 46
2.5. Shamail al Atqiya wa Dalail al Anqiya: Shamail al Atqiya,
written by Rukna al Din Kashani Khuldabadi. 47 Rukn al Din Kashani
wrote the another Malfuz literature on the sayings of Burhan al Din Gharib
of Khuldabad, as Shamail al Atqiya wa Dalail al Anqiya (Virtues of the
devout and proofs of the pure). 48 Rukn al Din began writing Shamail al
Atqiya during the lifetime of Burhan al Din Gharib. The Shaykh approved
the first few sections and bestowed upon Rukn al Din the title The
spiritual secretary, dabir-I Manawi. The book completed after the death
of Burhan al Din Gharib. 49 All moral teachings are noted in the Malfuz of
Shamail al Atqiya. 50 Burhan al Din Gharib quoted in Shamail al Atqiya as
Khidamat-I Khwaja or the revered master. 5 1
Shamail al Atqiya quoted the remarks of Burhan al Din about the
ideal Sufi Shaykh (Master / Pir):
The perfect master and teacher is that one who is
both lover and beloved, both the seeker and the sought, both
the impassioned and the impassioning, both the perfect and
the perfected both the enraptured wayfarer and the wayfaring
enraptured one, both the astonished and the absorbed. His
way is sometimes intoxicated and sometimes sober, at times
absorbed and at times effaced. The master is the guide and
exemplar. 52
Shamail al Atqiya, gives the information about the Bayat or
initiation in Sufi order. Bayat is the beginning of the Sufi path. Bayat
means agreement or compact with the Sufi Tariqah of the Sufi Pir or
Master or Shaykh. It is regarded as being the formal acknowledgment of
religious authority as instituted by the Prophet Muhammad among his
followers.

226

Verily, those who give Baia (pledge) to you (O Muhammad

SAW) they are giving Baia (pledge) to Allah. The Hand of Allah is
over their hands. Then whosoever breaks his pledge breaks only to
his own harm, and whosoever fulfils what he has covenanted with
Allah, He will bestow on him a great reward.
Quran: 48.10 [Surah Al-Fatah]
This Quranic reference quoted in Shamail al Atqiya. This passage
refers to the agreement as a linkage (silsila) between humanity and Allah,
with the Prophet as the intermediary. This linkage is considered to be an
uninterrupted transmission through the Sufi masters to each generation. 53

O Prophet. When believing women come to you to give you

the Baia (Pledge / Bayat), that they will not associate anything in
worship with Allah, that they will not steal, that they will not
commit illegal sexual intercourse, that they will not kill their
children, that they will not utter slander, intentionally forging
falsehood (i.e. by making illegal children belonging to their
husbands), and that they will not disobey you in any Maruf
(Islamic Monotheism and al that which Islam ordains) then accept
their Baia (pledge / Bayat), and ask Allah to forgive them, Verily,
Allah is Oft-Forgiving, Most Merciful.
-

Quran 60:12, [Surah Mumtahinah]

Shamail al Atqiya gave the Quranic references on women Murid

system in Chishti circle of Burhan al Din Gharib. Shamail explained the
process of Bayat or initiation of Sufi path. Special procedures based on
the usage of the Prophet Muhammad governed the initiation of women
disciples. Following the directive of a passage in the Quran 60.12, Surah
Mumtahinah (Test), women could undertake initiation with a Sufi Shaykh
just as women had taken the oath of allegiance to Muhammad. The
procedure, derived from a Hadith related by Umar, was for the woman to
place her hand into a cup of water, after which the shaykh (again
227

following the example of the Prophet) would also put his hand in the
water, and then the oath of initiation would be administered. 54
Rukn al Din Kashani discussed the importance of Salat (Namaz),
Roza (Fast) and Alms, in his Shamail al Atqiya. 55 Muridi (discipleship)
and iradat (desire), according to Burhan al din Gharib, is an action of the
disciple, not the master. It consists of a discipline (tahkim) imposed on
oneself such that one attends to everything said by the master. The
disciple Murid must become a lover of the masters sainthood, so that he
can depart from the power of his own longing, and the desirer (Murid) can
become the desired (Murad) of the master. 56 Rukn al Din gave the names
of murid of Burhan al din. Nasir al Din Paon Payk was the famous murid
of shaykh. 57 Chishti circle of Khuldabad Deccan permitted to Sama
practices. One time Burhan al Din used a framework derived from Islamic
law to describe the varying psychological attitudes that lovers of Alla h
and lovers of the world bring to the experience of listening to music.
Rukn al Din quoted:
Khwaja shaykh ul Islam, Sultan Burhan al Din also said,
Sama is four types. One is lawful, in which the listener is totally
longing for Allah and not at all longing for the created. The second
is permitted, in which the listener is mostly longing for Allah and
only a little for the created. The third is disapproved, in which
there is much longing for the created and a little for Allah. The
fourth is forbidden, in which there is no longing for Allah and all is
for the created. But the listener should know the difference between
doing the lawful, the forbidden, the permitted, and the disapproved.
And this is a secret between Allah and the listener. 58
In general, Burhan al din and his followers approve of empathetic
ecstasy, and they prescribe it first of all as a mode of behavior during
sama. In the ritual, empathetic ecstasy seeks real ecstasy by conforming to
the behavior of those who have it. If someone in Sama has neither ecstasy
nor rapture, the rules (adab) are that he go stand with the people of
ecstasy and conform to them. 59
Rukn al din Kashani gave the theological ideas in his Shamail al
Atqiya. He discussed about Davat about Sufi path and practices. It means
228

the training with spiritual practices in initiation with Sufism. It was the
term davat occurs in Sufi texts, but with the specific meaning of a master
preaching to an elite group of disciples in training. This term follows in
Shamail al Atqiya:
Davat means to call someone toward something and
towards someone, and it is of several types, by wisdom, by
preaching, and by disputation, as Allah Most High said,
Call to the path of your lord with wisdom and fine
preaching, and dispute with them by means of that which is
best, Quran 16. 125. That is, O Muhammad, by whatever
means his carnal soul dominates his heart, call him with a
fine preaching. This is directed toward the pious ones
(abrar), by recalling heaven and hell. And for anyone whose
heart dominates his carnal soul, call him with wisdom. This
was directed toward the wayfarers and seekers of the Real,
who are hopeful of finding internal purity, gnosis, unity, and
nearness. This is by hint, and it is a gift. Say: This is my
way; I call toward Allah with insight, I and whoso follows
me, Quran 12. 108. It is the secret of this meaning. 60

2.6. Hidayat al Qulub wa Inayat Ullam al Ghuyub: Hasan Mir of

Khuldabad wrote the Persian Malfuz on the sufis of Khuldabad. Hidayat al
Qulub wa Inayat Ullam al Ghuyub text written by Hasan Mir in 1344-67
AD. Zayn al din Shirazi (d. 1371 AD) was the principal successor of
Burhan al Din Gharib of Khuldabad. Hasan Mir was the Chishti disciple
of Khuldabad circle.

He compiled the teaching of Zayh al Din Shirazi

Chishti. It is known as Hidayat al Qulub wa Inayat Ullam al Ghuyub

(Guidance of hearts and aid for knower of the hidden) between 745 / 1344
and 769 / 1367. Hasan Mir started the Malfuz with banda-I Kamina (lowly
servant) called himself. 61
He wrote:Having collected from the pearl bearing and jewel
scattering words of the Shaykh of Islam and of the Muslims, the revered
king Zayn al Din al Haqq wa al Haqiqa wa al Din Daud Husayn Shirazi
(may Allah sustain the Muslims by prolonging his existence), according to
the measure of my weak intelligence and infirm expression, this Guidance
of Hearts and Aid for Knowers of the Hidden (Hidayat al Qulub wa Inayat
Ullam al Ghuyub) comes forth so that all the people of the heart may
collect their scattered thoughts through this comprehensive collection,
229

find salvation from external and internal dissipation, and help the author
by praying for his good reward. 62
Mir Hasan started with his first meeting with the shaykh Zayn al
Din Shirazi, and it indirectly reveals his growing closeness to Zayn al Din
Shirazi over a period of nearly twenty five years. He collected more
information and wrote in his Malfuzat. Zayn al Din Shirazis scholarly
training in the study of the Quran and its commentaries is displayed
frequently, and he also recites a surprisingly large number of verses in an
old dialect of north Indian literature. 63 Mir Hasan gave the information
about the Pir Murid relationship with Nizam al din Auliya and Burhan al
din Gharib also. He wrote the events about Delhi life of Burhan al Din
Gharib of Khuldabad. 64
Mir Hasan also gave the events about the pirimuridi relationships of
Burhan al Din Gharib and Zayn al Din Shirazi in Khuldabad. He Pir-Murid
(Master Disciple) relationship between Zayn al Din Shirazi and Burhan al
Din Gharib was very close. Reminiscing some nine years after his masters
death, Zayn al Din described him as having succeeded to the position of
the representative of the Prophet Muhammad:
The Prophet Muhammad at this time is in the veil. His
representatives (naiban), such as Imam Jafar Sadiq, Hasan
Basri, Uways Qarani, Bayazid, Junayd, Shibli, Shaykh al
Islam Nizam al Din Awliya and Shaykh al Islam Burhan al
Din have taken care of his position after him in this world.
Each of them was in his time the representative of the
Prophet. With their protection they bring people to fulfill
their religious and worldly goals, so one should entrust
oneself to their protection so that by following them all ones
affairs should be in order. 65
One time, Zayn al Din felt that his relationship with his master was
of the greatest importance. Without the protection of Shaykh al Islam
Burhan al Din, Zayn al Din Shirazi remarked, How would spiritual
wayfaring (suluk) be possible? 66 Zayn al Din Shidrazi become Murid of
Shaykh Burhan al Din Gharib. He received the spiritual genealogy from
his master as a sign of spiritual perfection. 67 Zayn al Din gave the
guidance to Mir Hasan about Chishti path. Zayn al Din used classical Sufi
230

texts and recommended Murids for the sutudy of his own disciples. When
he went to Delhi in 747 / 1347, Zayn al Din gave to Mir Hasan a copy of
al Ghazalis Minhaj al Abidin that he himself had written, with
instructions that Hasan Mir should read and correct the manuscript. Zayn
al Din referred to other Sufi classics, such as the works of Qushayri and
Hujwiri. 68 Hasan Mir said that, the path of their Master was the path of the
heart. Mir Hasan gave the daily schedule of Zayn al Din Shirazi and his
prayers (Salat). 69 Mir Hasan wrote the military campaign of Muhammad
bin Tughlaq at Daulatabad to Gujrat within 1347. 70
The rare events about non Muslims are mentioned in the Khuldabad
Malfuzat texts found in Mir Hasans Hidayat al Qulub wa Inayat Ullam al
Ghuyub. The most specific reference to any non-Muslim is the occasional
mention of yogis, who are regarded as alchemists with advanced
knowledge of medicine and the body. 71 Hasan quoted the events about
Yogi cult practicing in Khuldabad forest. He used Hindwi Urdu worlds in
his writing in Malfuzat of Hidayat al Qulub. 72 Zayn al Din Shirazi in his
discourses quoted seven Hindawi poems by Farid al Din Ganj i- Shakar,
one of which is found in the Granth Saheb. 73
Zayn al Din Shirazi had not accepted any gifts from anyone. He
observed that, dervishes do not think of collecting or spending. The
dervish sitting next to the treasury of Allah, whenever they spend, anothe r
grace arrives. In the same way, a person sitting next to the edge of a
stream does not have any inclination to spend the water. Whenever they do
spend, another grace arrives. If dervishes keep treasure, no other expense
will ever arrive. Also Zayn al Din Shirazi said that, the dervishes have no
land assignment on earth. 74 Hidayat al Qulub gave the information about
disciples of Burhan al din and Zayn al din Shirazi. 75
2.7. Gharaib al Karamat wa Ajaib al-Mukashafat of Kashani
Majd al Din:

Majd al Din Kashani, was the murid of Burhan al Din

Gharib of Khuldabad. He recorded Burhan al Din Gharibs miracles and

revelations in a work called Gharaib al Karamat wa Ajaib al-Mukashafat
(The Rare Miracles and wondrous unveilings). 76 Majd al Din reported the
first meeting of Burhan al Din Gharib and Chiragh-I Dihli Chishti of
Delhi. 77

This malfuz was the narrative hagiography of Burhan al Din.

231

The preface continues with an extended narration of the severe discipline

(Riyazat) that enabled urhan al Din Gharib to attain the powers and
knowledge that occupy the bulk of this book. Majd al din recorded the
teaching of Sufism with miracles of Burhan al din. 78 Majd al din started
the writing with the migration of Burhan al Din from Delhi to Deccan. The
seven hundred or fourteen hundred disciples of Nizam al din Awliya of
Delhi migrated to Daulatabad Deccan in early phase of thirteenth century.
Masjid-I Chahardih Sad Awliya, the mosque of fourteen hundred saints
built in between Daulatabad and Khuldabad. These events recorded in this
Malfuz literature in Persian language. 79 When Burhan al Din Gharib
became seriously ill in 735 / 1334, his disciples began to pack his
belongings, intending to take him back to Delhi.

He refused to leave,

however, and pointed to the spot where he did his devotions, declaring
that he would be buried here. Today there is the Dargahs of Burhan al din
Gharib in Khuldabad. 80
Majd al din gave the events about early life of Burhan al din.
Burhan al Din was imam for Id Namaz, when he was seven. At theage of
seven, he would say the confession of faith and retire into a room to
perform zikr. At sixteen he decided to remain celibate against his mothers
wishes, and fasted continually until she finally gave up her insistence that
he marry. 81 Nizam al Din Auliya gave Burhan al din the authority of
Khilafat in Deccan. It was the dominion (vilayat) over the Deccan gave
by Nizam al din Awliya Dehlawi to Burhan al Din. 82 Nizam al din Awliya
gave the title of Bayazid, to Burhan al din Gharib. 83 Later period Burhan
al din famous in Chishti circle of Islamic Deccan. Burhan al Din Gharibs
followers and murid regarded him as the world axis, in Persian Qutb-I
Alam, the supreme figure in the Sufi hierarchy. Majd al din Kashani
recorded all lifetime events and miracles of Burhan al din. 84 Burhan al
dins reputation became widespread in the Deccan during his lifetime.
One of his disciples, Mahmud of Lajwara, had been a businessman in
Mabar, some hundreds of miles to the southeast of Daulatabad, and after
becoming a recluse were told by a mysterious saint to seek the perfect
master Burhan al Din Gharib. He has recently arrived in Daulatabad, said
the man, and compared to others he is like the sun compared to the moon.
232

When Mahmud came to Daulatabad, Burhan al Din Gharib without being

told described the personal appearance of the saint of the south. 85 Majd al
din Kashani also recorded the poetry of Burhan al Din Gharib in his
Ghraib al Karamat. Burhan al Din also practiced the Sama and Qawwali. 86
Malik Mubarak was a noble person in Daulatabad. He was the disciple of
Burhan al Din Gharib. Majd al din Kashani also noted the spiritual
relations with Malik and Burhan al Din. 87
2.8. Malfuzat-I Sarwari or Makkashfatai Sarwari: The Malfuzat
of Hazrat Saidoddin Rafai is available in Kandhar Dargah. These were
collected by Amir Hamza, Hyderabad in 1899 AD, and together with their
Persian Urdu translation published in 1899, from Hyderabad. The
Malfuzat have briefly discussed the subjectsw as Shariat, Hakikat,
Baiat, Sama, Prophet Muhammad and his life, Ahan (Ajaan), Aquidah
(faith) etc. The Adhan, which is an important custom of Muslims praying
to Allah five times a day (from morning to evening). The purpose of the
Adhan is to call the Muslims to the Mosque for prayers. The other concept
in Malfuzat of Hazrat Sarwar Maqdoom Rafai was about Aquidah or the
faith in Islam. Aquidah refers to the Islamic creed, or the six articles of
Faith, which consist of the belief in Allah, Angels, Messengers and
Prophets, scripture, the Day of Judgment and Destiny. Hazrat Haju
Saidoddin Rafai Sarwar Magdum in is Malfuzat, showed the ideas about
Baiat and Pir Murid system.

The meaning of Baiat that a vow of

spiritual allegiance to a pir, usually accompanied by a simple ceremony.

By baiat murid entered in silsila chain

Dhikr (Zikra remembrance),

Muraquba (meditation), levels of muraquba, silsilas of Sufism life of

Shaikh Nizam ud din Awliya has also been discussed by Hazrat Sarwar
Maqdoom Rafai in his Malfuzat. 88 The Malfuzat also translated by
Munshi Muhammad Amir Hasan Saheb in 2001, into Urdu. 89
Priliminary chapters in this Malfuz are related to the early life and
Khilafat of Sarwar Maqdoom Rafai of Kandhar. 90 Muraqaba, the
meditation kind in Sufism, explained by Sarwar Maqdoom in his
Malfuzat. 91 He noted the importance of Heart (dil) and qulub (soul) in Sufi
practices and path. 92
233

The word Salat or prayer (Namaz) is used in the Quran to

denote the following Allah has used the word Salat to denote various
meanings, for instance:
O Prophet | Encourage thy companions with words of
praise. Verily thy praise is a source of pleasure and peace of
mind for them. Quran IX. Sura Tuaba 103.
Accourding to Sarwar Maqdoom, Namaz is the release and
unlocking of some of the most wonderful elements of our nature. It is the
solution of the doubt, the attainment of peace and courage. Prayer is
powers which brings about a new orientation of energy and minimizes the
process of disease till the man is cured.
2.9. Fath al Awliya:
Khuldabad Chishti circle.

94

93

It is written by anonymous writer of

This manuscript gave the information about

the Political and cultural relations with Khuldabad Sufi circle. It focuses
on the Faruqi state relations with Zayn al Din Shirazi Dargah. 95 Fath al
Awliya is the most important source for Sufic history of Khuldabad
Deccan periphery.

It is an anonymous authors collection of biographies

of Deccan Sufis. It was written in Burhanpur in 1030 / 1620. These

manuscripts gave the information about Mughal and other political
relations with Shrines of Khuldabad Deccan. Mughals patronage the Sufi
centers in Khuldabad after conquest of Faruqis of Khandesh. Mughals
conquered Khandesh in 1009 / 1601. Fath al Awliya started from Akbar
and Jahangir period. It gives the information about Sufis of Burhanpur,
Khuldabad and North Maharashtra region. Fath al Awliya discusses the
life and thinking of Burhan al Din Gharib of Khuldabad. 96 It gave the
historical information about following sufis also:
Zayn al Din Shirazi, 9 7
Nizam al Din Idris, 9 9
Baha al Din Shah Bajan, 1 0 1
Sharaf al Din Shah, 1 0 3
Ahmad Haji, 1 0 5
Abd al Hakim Ibn Shah Bajan, 1 0 7
Jala Qadiri, Jalal Mattu, 1 1 0
Sayyid Muhammad Qadiri, 1 1 2
Abu Jivibn Khisr Tamimi, 1 1 4
Sayyid Bahlull, 1 1 6
Isa Jund Allah, 1 1 8

Ala al Din Ziya, 9 8

Shah Numan Asiri, 1 0 0
Nizam al Din Shah Bhakari, 1 0 2
Shah Mansur Majzib, 1 0 4
Nizam al Din Ibn Shah Numan, 1 0 6
Jalauldin Ibn Nizam al Din, 1 0 8
Ibrahim Kalhura Sindhi, 1 0 9
Muhammad Arif, 1 1 1
Sayyid Ibrahim, 1 1 3
Abd al Rahim Kabir, 1 1 5
Shah Panah, 1 1 7
Muhammad Afzal. 1 1 9

234

Fath al Awliya gave the information about five sufis of Khuldabad

and twenty five from Burhanpur. Fath al Awliya described Burhan al Din
Gharib of Khuldabad as the master of the entire dominion (Vilayat) of the
Decan, according to the Chishti silsila and the authority in Delh i (Nizam
al Din Awliya Dehlwi). Burhan al din was the successor in Nizam al Din
Awliya in Deccan. 120 Muntajib al Din Zar Zari Zar Baksh was the brother
of Burhan al Din Gharib, who settled before the migration of Burhan al
Din to Daulatabad. After the death of Muntajib al Din in Rawza
(Khuldabad), Nizam al Din Awliya sent to Burhan al Din to Khuldabad.
There is one story on migration of Burhan al Din Gharib from Delhi to
Daulatabad in Fath al Awliya.
One day Nizam al Din Awliya asked Burhan al Din Gharib, Was your
brother Muntajib al Din older or Younger? From this Burhan a l Din
Gharib guessed that his brother had died.
Fath al Awliya describes how Nizam al Din then conferred the
Vilayat (successor ship / authority / khilafat) of the Deccan upon Burhan
al Din Gharib. Nizam al Din presented him with his own sandals as a
token of their continuing connection, and also ordered seven hundred (or
fourteen hundred) of the assembled disciples to accompany Burhan al Din
Gharib in palanquins to the Deccan. 121 Faruqi Sultans had basic relation
with shrines of Khuldabad as murid (discipleship). They founded
Burhanpur on the Prayer sited of Burhan al din Gharib during migration
travel from Delhi to Daulatabad. Faruqis donated Bhadgaon village to
Khuldabad shrines. Akbar and Jahangir also gave the donations to
Khuldabad shrines after conquered the Faruqi state in Khandesh and North
Maharashtra region. 122
Mughal Farmans for Khuldabad Dargahs & Fath al Awliya 123
1. Reign of Emperor Akbar
Date:

2 n d Rabi Awwal 1041 / 18 July 1605

Endowment: Bhadgaon village in Burhanpur district, and two villages in

the districts of Bhusawal and Adilabad. (Bhadgaon is a town on the Girna
235

River, fifty miles north of Khuldabad.

Burhanpur.)

Adilabad on Purna river near

Recipient: Shaykh Zayn al Din Muhammad, son of Shaykh Khan Muhamad,

heir of Sultan Burhan al Din Gharib of Khuldabad and Shah Muntajib al Din
Chishti Khuldabadi.
Stipulations: Half the income is designated for living expenses of the
custodians, and half for the annual festival (urs), the open kitchen, shawls, and
lamps. Exception from various taxes is guaranteed. The chief custodian of the
shrine (sahib i- Sajjada) has exclusive control over these revenues from which
the trustees (mutawalliyan) are excluded.
Endorsements: Miran Sadr-I Jahan, Sadr; Muhammad Tahir, Reporter
(waqis niwis); Ram Das.
2. Reign of Jahangir:
Date:
24 Shawwal 1035 / 19 July, 1626.
Endowment: Longaon an Karab villages in Bhadgaon District, with an
estimated total revenue (jam-i-Raqmi) of 122,400 dams, from the
beginning of the autumn (kharif) crop.
Recipient: Shrine (Dargah) of Sultan Burhan al Din and Shah Zayn al
Din and the attendants thereof.
Stipulations: Revenue to be used for expenses. Recipients are to pray
for the welfare of the ruling dynasty.

Bibi Aayasha was the daughter of Farid al Din Ganj -I Shakkar

migrated to Daulatabad with Burhan al din Gharib. There was one of the
duties that Nizam al Din Awliya had laid upon Burhan al Din Gharib was
to look after one of the daughters of the great Shaykh Farid al Din Ganj-I
Shakkar. On every weekly Friday, Burhan al Din Gharib visited to Bibi
Aayasha at Rawza. 12 4 Fath al Awliya gave also the information about
Burhanpur saints and Madnu saints. Shaikh Rahmat Allah ibn Shaykh Aziz
Allah Mutawakkil of Mandu (861 909 / 1457 1503) was the famous
Sufi in Faruqi state. He was lived for many years in Burhanpur. He was
extremely popular, and was known for the literary talent in Persian and
Gujari poetry displayed in his Sufi treatise Khizanat-I Rahmat Allah. 125
2.10. Rawzat al Awliya al Maruf bi- Nafahat al Asfiya: Rawzat al
Awliya al Mauf bi-Nafahat al Asfiya, the Persian book written by Ghulam
Ali Azad al-Bilgrami. His original name was Mir Ghulam Ali Husaini
Wasiti (1116-1200/1704-1786) however he is best known as Ghulam 'Ali
Azad Bilgrami. He was born in Bilgram, a small town of scholars
236

in Awadh and gained reputation for possessing command over all topics of
literature and learning. He traveled to the cities of Mecca and Medina,
where he devoted himself to religious studies particularly specializing
in Sihah-i-Sittah i.e.

six

books

of

traditions

of Muhammad

Ismail

Bukhari, Muslim Nishapuri, Ibn Majah, Abu Daud, Abu Isa Tirmizi and
Abu Abdul Rehman Nisai. 126
He returned from Hijaz to India and lived in the city
of Aurangabad, Deccan till his death. Nizam Nasir Jang and other nobles
of the Nizams state were his devotees but he avoided worldly favors and
preferred life of piety and poverty. Rawza-I Ba-safa means the pure
Garden. The name of Khuldabad was given to the town after the burial
there of the emperor Aurangzeb Alamgir Badshah (d. 1707 AD), from his
post mortem epithet Khuld-makan, stationed in eternity. Before it,
Khuldabad was known as Rawza. Azad Bilgrami wrote this book in 1739
AD. He quoted in his preface:
In a time of travel and journeying, the divine attraction drew me to the
kingdom of the Deccan. Traversing certain stations of the journey of life
in this kingdom, and obtaining the happiness of visiting the resting saints
of sacred awza (rawz-I muqaddasa, the sacred garden), I began to
investigate the lives and sayings of thise saints. Since the lives and
sayings of those saints can be seen scattered in the books of the ancients,
an inspiration appeared in my devoted heart from the hidden world, that I
should collect in brief a sample of their sublime states and events and
their sacred words and sayings, and that I should assemble a book called
Garden of the Saints (Rawzat al-Awliya). 127
Azad Bilgrami started the description with Burhan al Din Gharibs
Sufi circle in Khuldabad. At first meeting of Nizam al Din Awliya of
Delhi and Burhan al din Gharib happned in Delhi Khanqah. Nizam al dins
attendant announced that Burhan al Din, a poor man (Gharib) had arrived.
Then Nizam al din Awliya remarked that he is indeed poor now, but the
whole world will come to know him. As Nizam al din said, Burhan al Din
Gharib famous in Deccan and had the Khilafat of Nizam al din Chishti
Dehlawi in Deccan. These events noted in Rawza al Awliya by Azad
Bilgrami. 128
237

Ali Azad Bilgrami noted the events which he had listen in

Khuldabad at eighteenth century AD. 129 Zayn al din Shirazi was also very
learned in the religious sciences in Khuldabad. When he had contact with
Burhan al Din, he became interested in Sufism. 130 The administration of
Khanqah in Khuldabad was the subject of Azad Bilgramis interest also.
He detailed took all information and noted in his text. 131 Azad Bilgrami
gave another information about the disciples of Burhan al Din Gharib.
Farid al Din Adib, a cultured and pious recluse, was brought by his father
to meet Burha al din Gharib at a musical audition (Sama) at the age of
fifteen. A precocious aspirant, he at once formed the resolve to become a
disciple of Burhan al Din Gharib, and with the internal help of his future
master, he began reducing his food intake to prepare for asceticism. He
became initiated when he was eighteen, though Burhan al Din Gharib
compared him in spiritual maturity to a disciple of thirty years service. 132
Zayn al Din analized all information and he advanced rapidly, and on 17
Rabi awwal 737 / 24 October 1336, on the urs festival of Nizam al Din
Awliya, he obtained the cloak of succession (khirqa-I Khilafat). 133
Azad Bilgrami mentioned the notations about the female sufis
in Khuldabad. Burhan al din Gharibs mother Bibi Hajira, were highly
respected. Bibi Hajiras tomb is next to the shrine of her other son,
Muntajib al Din Zar Zari Zar Baksh. The five sisters of Burhan al Din
Gharib, known locally as The five Ladies, panch bibiyan, also had a
prominent position. The upkeep of their tombs was one of the tasks
assumed by the first administrators of the shrine of Burhan al Din Gharib.
Azad gave the description about Khwaja Bibi. He quoted in Rawzat al
Awliya:
From childhood she was benevolently nurtured in the
shade of Mawlana Zayn al din. The Mawlana too had great
affection for her, and for that reason she is known as the adopted
daughter (Mutabanna Sahib Zadi). She was a great devotee and
ascetic. Having mastered the external and internal sciences with
the Mawlana, when attained the rank of unveiling mukashafa). The
story is well known that once the Bibi was in a state of intoxic ation
when it came time to eat. When the table was laid out, she was
summoned. Because of this state, she came but could not begin to
eat. The Bibi lifted up some bread from the table and stretched out
238

her hand, saying, Take it. The master asked, To whom are you
giving the bread? She replied, You cannot see that a (illegible)
in blessed Mecca is asking for it; I have given it to him. By the
truth of the saying, The seeker of the Lord is masculine, she is
known as Mawlana Bibi Sahiba. 134
These five women as Bibi Aisha, Bibi Amina, Bibi Khatija,
Bibi Maryam, and Bibi Sara, and describes them as sister of Zar Zari Zar
Baksh. These names found in Shajara of Burhan al Din Gharib at Nuruddin
Collection Aurangabad. 135 Azad Bilgrami also gave the information about
Sama practices in Khuldabad circle of Burhan al Din Gharib. 136
Muhammad ibn Tughalaq send the gifts to Burhan al Din Gharib from
Daulatabad, bur shaykh returned to Sultan. It was the delicate balance that
Burhan al Din Gharib tried to keep in his relations with the sultan. 137 Azad
Bilgrami stated that, during the journey from Delhi to Deccan, Burhan al
din Gharib stopped at the future site of Burhanpur and prophesied its
greatness. It is also said that Malik Raja (d. 801 / 1399), first ruler of the
Faruqi dynasty, was a disciple of Zayn al Din; he is said to have founded
the city Burhanpur in 772 / 1370. 138 Azad Bilgrami stated the spiritual
relations of Faruqi Khan sultans with Zayn al Din Shirazi of Khuldabad. 139
Before the Chishti silsila in Khuldabad, Jalal al din Ganj al
Rawan came to Khuldabadbefore the Chishtis. He praised the beauty of the
Dargah, which overlooks a splendid view of a spring fed pond, known as
the Pariyaonka Talab (Fairies Tank); the pastoral beauty of this scene is
still impressive today. It is the tourism place in winter and summer days
of Khuldabad. 140 Azad Bilgrami also gave the information about Mosque
of Fourteen hundred Saints, in Khuldabad. 141 Hindu princess Sona Bai was
the famous lady in sufi circle of Khuldabad. Azad Bilgrami noted the
hagiography of Sona Bai. The meaning of her name is Gold woman in
Marathi. She was a disciple of Zar Zari Zar Baksh. She is known
especially for having constructed the well named after her, the Sona
Baioli. When Muntajib al Din arrived in Khuldabad and settled on Hoda
Hill, he sent a servant out to fetch water for ablutions or Wudu. When the
servant requested access to the well from an attendant, he was refused, but
by good fortune Sona BaI happened to be passing by with her
239

companions. Hearing that the already famous Zar Zari Zar Bakhsh was
requesting water, she jestingly replied that he could have water as s oon as
the well turned to gold. When the servant returned to the saint and relayed
the message, he replied, So be it, and instructed the servant to return,
take some water, and then place a handkerchief belonging to Zar Zari Zar
Bakhsh in the well. The servant followed these orders, and Sona BaI
watched in amazement as the water turned to flowing gold. She and her
family converted to Islam, and she eventually became an adept mystic.
Sona Bais tomb lies under a jasmine tree between the tombs of Zar Zari
Bakhsh and his mother Bibi Hajira. 142
2.11. Manaqib e- Fakhriyyah: The life of Maulana Fakhr ud din
Chishti Nizami bint Nizam al Din Awarangabadi (d. 1199 / 1785),was a
celebrated saint and reformer of his time. This biographical book written
by Nizam ul Mulk Ghazi ul din Khan bin Amirul Umara Ghazi ud din
Khan bin Nizam ul Mulk Asif Jah I, in 1201 / 1787. Maulana Fakhr ud din
Chishti was the Murshid of Mughal emperor Akbar II and other dignitaries
of the Mughal court. The work is divided into five babs (chapters).
Chapter one, discusses the life and works of Maulana Fakhr ud din.
Second chapter are on his ideas of Sama and other chapter about the Murid
training and Chishti philosophy. 143 Author wrote the description of Nizam
al Din Awarangabadis aamad (coming) in Deccan and its spiritual
beneficence for the People of Asaf Jah. 144
2.12. Malfuzat i-Naqshbandi: Shah Mahmud wrote the Malfuzat
i- Naqshbandi in eighteenth century Aurangabad. Mughal soldier Ghazi al
din Khan Firoz Jung (father of first Nizam, Nizam al Mulk Asaf Jah I) was
migrated from Central Asia. He was the greatedst General in the Deccan
for Mughal Empire. Malfuzat i- Naqshbandiyya gave the all events and
the migration of Naqshbandi saints from Cetnral Asia to Deccan.
According to Digby Simon, immigration apparently increased during the
seventeenth century as the decline of the Uzbek kingdoms was pitched
into ever starker contrast with the expanding Mughal imperium to the
South. 145

240

The Malfuzat e- Naqshbandiyya is a saintly biography of a high

order and a record of peity and religious practices. It is also an exemplar
of the ar of narrative, with some admirable examples of vigorous and
evocative story telling. Malfuz i- Naqshbandiyya, in genre it is not a
Malfuz, recording the conversations of a Sufi shaykh, but a tadhkira or
collection of biographical anecdotes. 146 Baba Musafir Naqshbandi died in
1126 / 1714, shortly after this, probably in the following five years, Baba
Mahmud encouraged another writer to compile a tachkira regarding Baba
Musafir. It was the beginning was made.
Malfuzat e- Naqshbandiyya divided into nine parts: 147
The life
Plangposh:

of

Baba

Said,

called

Baba Palanposh and Baba Musafir :

Their Travels and Arrival in the Deccan:

Baba Musafir Settled in Aurangabad:

Nawab Ghazi al din Khan in Deccan and

Takya:

The Practice of Baba Palangposh:

Baba Musafir:

Baba Musafir sayings:

Hazrat Shah Musafir Saying:

The Khalifas
Musafir:

and

Friends

of

Shah

Early life, Baba Said serves Shaykh

Darwish Azizan, Baba Palangposh comes to
Tashkent and his Initiated in the
Kubrawiyya Path, Visits Mashhad, Meccan
Medina, Deccan; The last days of Baba
Palangposh.
Baba Shah Musafirs Early life and his
meeting with Baba Palangposh, Visits to
Kabur, Balkh;
Deccan and Vilayat, Travels of the
Palangposh and Shah Musair, Kashmir and
Aurangabad visits. Shah Musafirs
pilgrimage to Mecca.
Travel to Aurangabad,Establishement of
Takya (Khanqah), Masque,C onstruction of
the Step Well, Erection of the Waterwheel,
The supply of Water from the Reservoir,
Panchakki.
Meer Shihab al din Episode, Baba
Palangposh teels in Deccan, Nawwab Ghazi
al din Khan Bahadur, Feroz Khan Jang
devotees,
Aurangabad Bazaar, Cloth traders from
Bengal, The dream, Tasawwuf.
In the service of Baba Palangposh, Baba
Musafir on Holy Poverty, Faqir, Religious
Law, Prayers.
Power of Discover y, One told in a dream to
become Baba Musafirs Disciple, The
Garden by the River, Employment for Men
of Wilayat in the Deccan, Holy duomg.
Benefits of a Visit by Baba Musafir,
Construction of the Great Tank in the
Takya.
Mir Mahmud, Kalifa Abd al Rahim, Abd al
Karim, Khalifa Khwaja Muhammad Said,
Shah Qalandar, Hajji Ashur, Mawlana
Mushfiqi, Sufi Muhammad Wafa, Mir Arab,

241

In sixth part of Malfuzat e- Naqshbandiyya noted the event of

tobacco smokers by author. Shah Musafir was against the Tobacco
smoking:
Some of the Faqirs also used to be smokers of tabaco, but they could not
seven mention the name of tobacco in his presence; but once they knew
that Hazrat was in his chamber or had gone to renew his wazi, they would
secretly draw some puffs and immediately hide away in a corner the
vessels for smoking tobacco. It these happened to be spotted by him, he
would break the chilam [bowl for burning tobacco] and the huqqa [water
filled base] upon their heads and after beating they would drive them from
the takya. They would bring some of the great men [Akabir, of
Aurangabad] to intercede, and would ask pardon for their faults.
- Malfuzat i- Naqshbandiya (VI.6) 1 4 8
Malfuzat gave the detailed information about the saints of
Naqshbandiyya in Aurangabad periphery. The lives of the Naqshbandi
Sufis Shah Palangposh (d. 1110 / 1699) and his disciple Shah Musafir (d.
1126 / 1715) confirm the importance of acces to supernatural power,
revealing a pragmatic and at times bewildering dimension to the practice
of Sufism in Mughal Aurangabad. 149
2.13. Kashkul e- Kalimi: This Persian text written by Shah Kalim
Allah in seventeent century (c. 1101 / 1690). This text gave the dhikr
(Zikr) practice of Sufism. It covered the philosophy of Nizam al din
Awrangabad and Zikr. 150 This is the book of Nizam al dins ma ster Kalim
Allah Jahanabadi. Major parts of text written in Delhi. The book explained
the Chishti practices and Sama, Qawwai etc. The work also discussed the
benefits of the postures of Yoga or Baytak e- Jog. 151
2.14. Tuhfat al Shuara: This Persian book written by Afzal Beg
Qaqshal in mid eighteenth century Deccan. He refers the spiritual circle
of Nizam al Din Awarangabad Chishti of Aurangabad. He noted the poems
of Mirza Turk Ali Beg, with the pen name Wasil, as one of the disciples of
Nizam al Din Awarangabadi of Aurangabad. Afzal Beg noted the clear
valued Wasils poetry highly and preserved a considerable number of lhis
couplets. 152 This Persian poems and anthological work gave the literary

242

information

about

the

Aurangabad

Sufi

circle

in

Nizam

al

din

Awrangabadis period. 153

2.15. Maktubat e- Kalimi: Shah Kalim Allah Jahanabadi wrote the
Maktubat e- Kalimi, in near 1884 in Persian. 154 Nizam al din
Awarangabadi Chishti was born in the region of Awadh around 1076 /
1665. Nizam al Din was originally a migrant to the Deccan from North
India.

As a young man Nizam al Din travelled to Delhi, which like

Aurangabad a few decades later was enjoying a period of royal and

aristocratic patronage under the aegis of Shah Jahan that was as beneficial
to its Sufis as to its other inhabitants. There Nizam al Din came into
contact with the followers of the influential Chishti Shaykh Kalim All ah
Jahanabadi (d. 1142 / 1729). In part through the influence of Kalim
Allahs own master Yahya Madani (d. 1101 /1689), Nizam al Din became
the initiate and eventually the favorite of Kalim Allah. 155 Nizam al din
spend several years at the khanaqah of his master before setting off for the
Deccan under the latters explicit instructions. Nizam al din Awarangabadi
preserved the Maktubat of Kalim Allah. 156
Nizam al din traveled all over Deccan. He visited also Burhanpur,
but settled at Aurangabad Deccan. He remained there till his death in 1142
/ 1729. 157 Maktubat e- Kalimi gave the spiritual ideas and stories from
mid eighteenth century Deccan. Maktubat noted the Pir Murid relationship
and spiritual thinking of Kalim Allah and Nizam al Din Awarangabadi. 158
Kalim Allah, Murshid of Nizam al din gave a letter to Nizam al din about
Vilayat (the spiritual Jurisdiction) over the entire Deccan. 159
2.16. Nizam al Qulub (Order of the Hearts): Nizam al din
Aurangabadi was the famous Chishti saint of Aurangabad in seventeenth
century. The use of Naqshbandi meditational chants or Zikar by the circle
of Nizam al din was mentioned in the latters biography and also described
at some length in the manualon dhikr of both Nizam al Din and his master
Shah Kalim Allah. 160 Nizam al din Awrangabadi wrote a Persian treatise
entitled Nizam al Qulub means Order of the Hearts, on the practice and
various techniques of dhikr. The text is notable for its discussion of Yogic
243

methods of breath control and of meditations borrowed from other Sufi

traditions, probably a result of Nizam al dins initiation into several orders
beside his primary Chishti affiliation. 161
2.17. Maathir al Kiram: This Persian book written Ghulama Ali
Azad Bilgrami (d. 1200 / 1786) of Aurangabad. His tomb situated at
Khuldabad, beside Amir Hasan Sijzi Dargah. He was the famous Arabic
and Persian scholar in Nizam state. In Maathir al Kiram, he gave the
account on the spread of Naqshbandiya Sufism in Auragabad town.
Specially, he noted the Naqshbandiyya migration from Central Asia to
Deccan. 162 Azad Bilgrami gave the detailed description about the
Naqshbandi Sufis of Aurangabad town. He gave the development of
Naqshbandi Khanqah at Panchakkir and the tradition of influences in local
milieu. 163
2.18. Khazana ye Amira:

This Persian treaty written by Ghulam

Ali Azad Bilgrami in Aurangabad. He wrote also the famous Persian book
on Sufis of Khuldabad, Rawzat al Awliya. 1 64 Khazana ye Amira described
how Sufis continued to arrive in the Deccan during the reign of Nizam al
Mulk from Central Asia, Iran and the Arab countries as well as from
elsewhere in India. 165 He noted the all grants and the gifts of Dargah in
Aurangabad. Azad Bilgrami noted the all events about the Aurangabad
Dargahs and Nizam al Mulk. Azad Bilgrami wrote the all significant role
of State in the management of shrines in Aurangabad. 166
2.19. Ahsan al Shamil: Original copy of manuscript is available at
Tawnsa Dargah Library, Tawnsa Sharif, Pakistan. It had also published in
text with translation in Delhi and Aurangabad. 167 Kamgar Khan gave the
Sufic information about the Nizam al din circle in Aurangabad Dargah. He
noted the dhikr and other Sufi practices like Sama, Qawwali etc. 168
Kamghar Khan also referred the Hindu devotees of Aurangabad shrines in
his book. Shah Noor Hamvi was the deep relations with Hindu ascetics.
His cult interacted with the Manapur Parashar Math at Daulatabad. After
hah Noors death, the circle surrounding the Chishti Sufi Nizam al din (d.
1142 / 1729) in Aurangabad also included a number of Hindus. 169 The
244

malfuz also noted the relations of political personalities with Nizam al din
Awrangabadi Dargah. Number of Mughal Nobel and soldiers were
devotees of Nizam al din Awrangabadi. 170
Kamghar Khan made the Khanqah for Nizam al din Awrangabadi in
central area of Aurangabad. Kamghar Khan was Mughal servant in
Aurangabad. This Kamgar Khan later compiled the collection of Nizam al
dins recorded conversations or Malfuzat entitled Ahsan al Shamail.
Shah Ganj was the centre of the city and the site of its famously wealthy
built up a following in Aurangabad that combined a retinue from among
the Mughal elite classes with more humble petitioners from across the
city. 171 The Ahsan al Shamail contained several references to the Yogi
followers of Nizam al din, there was no sense that the saints task was to
convert them. In one long narrative in which a Hindu devotee wished to
become a Muslim, Nizam al din made it quite clear that he did not see it as
his role to convert people. Instead, the Yogi had to resort to the Khatib of
the citys Friday masque in order to fulfil what was clearly his own wi sh
of accepting Islam. Malkapuri ansl noted the female Yogi or Jogin, who
spent her days at Khanqah of Nizam al din Awrangabad with her 500
followers. 172
3. Dakkhani & Urdu Literature in Marathwada (up to 1950 AD):
3.1. Urdu Language:
Dakhini also spelled Dakkhani and Deccani, arose as a Muslim
court language of the Deccan Plateau ca. 1300 AD in ways similar
to Urdu. Urdu developed by the origin of Dakkhani. It is similar to Urdu
in its mixture of Persian with a Hindi base, but differs in its strong
influence from Arabic, Urdu,

and its Telugu surroundings in Andhra

Pradesh. There is an extensive literature. Dakhini is spoken in the Deccan

plateau region of India. 173

When Wali Mohammed Wali Awarangabadi

arrived in Delhi, he established Hindustani with a light smattering of

Persian words, a register called Rekhta, for poetry; previously the
language of poetry had been Persian. When the Delhi Sultanate expanded
south to the Deccan Plateau, they carried their literary language with
245

them, and it was influenced there by more southerly languages, producing

the Dakhini dialect of Urdu. The communal nature of the language lasted
until it replaced Persian as the official language in 1837 and was made co
official along with English in the British Raj. In addition, Rekhta (or
Rekhti), the language of Urdu poetry, is sometimes counted as a separate
dialect, one famously used by several poets of high acclaim in the bulk of
their work. These included Mirza Ghalib, Mir Taqi Mir and Muhammad
Iqbal.
Urdu holds the largest collection of works on Sufi, Islamic
literature and Sharia. These include translations and interpretation of
the Qur'an as well as commentary on Hadith, Fiqh, history, spirituality,
and metaphysics. Popular Islamic books are also written in Urdu. 174
3.2. Khwaja Banda Nawaz Gesu Daraz (1312 1421 AD):

He

born at 31 July 1312 AD in Delhi. His full name was Sayyad Muhammad
Hussaini. His father was Raju Qattal Hussaini Chishti, the disciple of
Nizam al Din Awliya in Delhi. He migrated to Deccan with Tughalaqs
capital Daulatabad. Dargah of Raju Qattal Hussaini situated at Khuldaba d
in Aurangabad District today. Khwaja Banda Nawaz was the murid of
Khwaja Nasir al Din Chiragh e- Dillhi of Delhi. He came to Gulbarga in
his 80 th age in 1400 AD. Banda Nawaz died in 1421 (825 AH) at Gulbarga.
His literature was written in Persian, Hindi and Dakhani languages. His
three book written in Dakhani language; Meraj ul Ashikin, Hidayatnama,
Risale Sah-Barha etc. Shikar-nama and Chakki Nama were the famous
Dakhani folk songs of Banda Nawaz. 175
Paani mai Namak Daal Majaa Dekhtaa Dise
Jab Dhul Gayaa Namak tho Namak Bolnaa Kise.
Yuh Khoy Khudee Apni Khuda Saat Muhammad
Jab Dhul Gaee Khudi toh Khuda Been Koi na Dikhe.
The mystic philosophy of fanaa, influence in these words of Banda
Nawaz. 176
3.3. Shaikh Muhammad Ashraf Biyabani (d. 1529 AD): Shaikh
Muhammad Ashraf Biyabani was the famous sufi saint of Ambad, Dist.
246

Jalna in Marathwada region today. He wrote Nawsar Haar, in Dakhani

language. It was the Marsiya or shaokgeet. He was the disciple of Ziya ud
Din Biyabani.

He worked as in charity at langar of Dargah. In folk

proverbs spread in this region about him, that

Shah Ashraf Bayaabani,
Bhukhe ko bhojan, pyase ko paani.
In Nawsar Haar, he wrote the poems about events in Quran which
are related to the Prophets lives. He wrote, Allah
Wahid
Haq Subhan,
Jeenpar Sarjyaa Bhuin Aasmaan 177
3.4. Saint Eknath (1528 - 1599 AD):

Saint Eknath was the

grandson of famous Marathi poet Bhanudas. Eknath was born in Paithan,

near Aurangabad town. He accepted the discipleship of Saint Janardan of
Daulatabad, when he was 13 th . He wrote Bhagwat, Bhawarth Ramayan,
Shukashtaka, Aanand Lahiri, Bharud etc. He was influenced by Sufi
philosophy. His Hindu Turk Samvad, poem (dialogue) famous f or its
Marathi Dakhani tone. Bharud is the folk songs tradition in Medieval
Maharashtra region. His bharud were Bajegiri, Brahman, Malalang Fakir,
Jogi etc. 178
3.5. Sultan Abdul Hasan Tanashah Qutb Shah (r.1672 1699
AD):

He ruled over Qutb Shahi of Golconda for fifteen year. Mughal

emperor Aurangzeb captured Golconda state and Abdu Hasan Tanashah

Qutb Shah had been placed in prison at Daulatabad. Tanashah lived there
till death in 1699.

He buried at Khuldabad Rawza during Aurangzeb

reign. Thanashah this name he gave by Mughals. He was the writer and
protector of Dakhani language. Gulam Ali, the famous Dakhani writer and
poet was the member of Tanashahs court at Golconda.
translated

the

Malik

Muhammad

Jayasis

Padmavat

Gulam Ali had

i nto

Dakhni

Padamavat at 1680. Tabai was the second famous poet of Dakhani

language at Tanashah Court. According to Rahul Sankrutyayan, Tabai was
the last famous author of Dakhani literature. His Baharamo-Gul- Andam,
was the famous pearl of Dakhani literature. He wrote about Tanashah, -

247

 Shahnshah tu aaj ran sur hai,

Tere birate shaha balaa dur hai,

Shahn Shah tu Rajaa hai Cchatrapati,
Gagan tere Darbar kaa hai hati .
Personally, Sultan Tana Shah was misinterpreted by Mughal court
historians as dictator or Tana Shah in Persian. Sultan Abdul Hasan was
secular and art protector sultan.

He granted the Farmans and Inams to

Hindu temples in Golconda state. Tana Shahs Gazals had famous in the
region of Deccan. 179
3.6. Wali Dakhani Awarangabadi (1668 1741):

Wali ud din

Waliallah alias Wali Dakani was from Aurangabad. He went to Delhi and
then Ahmadabad. He died in Gujarat. He known as

Bab i- Adab Urdu,

means the father of Urdu language. After the Wali Awarangabadi, Dakhani
language converted into the full form of Urdu with influence of Persian
Language. Wali developed the Rekhta form of preliminary Urdu language.
He wrote 450 Ghazals in Urdu and Dakhani. 180
3.7. Shah Turab Ali Dakani:

He was from Tirnamal, Tamil

country. He was the famous scholar of Sufi philosophy and Astrology. He

wrote number of books in Dakhani language: Juhure Kulli, Ganjul Asrar,
Gulzar i- Wahdat, Dnyan Swarup, Aainye, Masnawi Mahrabin oMullah and Mansamzaawan etc. The five manuscripts of Mansamzaawan
secured in Sir Salar Jung Museum Library, Hyderabad. 181
Are man nako re nako ho diwana,
Are man muzhe bol tera thikana,
Kahan sun Huaa hai yaha tera aanaa.
Na tera yahaoo Khaish naa koi yagaanaa,
Yahoon su kahan fir tera hogaa jaanaa.
Agar tu hai pardesh piche diwanaa,
Are man nako re nako ho diwanaa.

Mansamzaawan

4. Folk Literature in Deccan: The bulk of the folk poetry written

by Sufis was sung by village women while engaged in various household
chores. The women in village commonly in present days also sings the
248

songs or folk lyrics written by Sufis in Gulbarga, Bidar, Bijapur and

Khuldabad region. The most common types included the Chakki Nama, so
called because it was sung while grinding food grains at the grindstone or
Chakki, and the Charkha Nama, sung while spinning thread at the spinning
wheel, or Charkha. Other types of such folk poetry included the Luri
Nama or lullaby, the Shadi Nama or wedding song, the Suhagan Nama or
married womans song, and the Suhaila or Eulogistic song. 182 These folk
songs have the influence of Marathi, Kannad and Telugu language words
in the core body of songs. These lyrics may be influences with spirituality
and work culture of village life. The manuscripts at Salar Jung Museum
Library Hyderabad show the most of the folk poetry discussions originated
from

Khuldabad,

Gulbarga

and

Bijapur

Deccan.

The

Chakkinama

manuscript of Sayyad Gesu Daraz Banda Nawaz of Gulbarga placed in

Idara-e- Adbiyat e-Urdu, Hyderabad. 183
Dakhani manuscript of Hashim Hadi recorded the Chakkinama of
Urdu Dakhani language in medieval Deccan:
First was Allahs name, And then His qualities.

In my mind I

keep the name. And with each breath. Say La -illah [There is no God]. Dwell
in il-Allah [But Allah]. God himself from the hidden treasure. Has created the
whole world artistically. He has created it with His own power
Say La-illah,

Dwell in il-Allah. God Himself came out from the hidden

treasure. And showed Himself in the guise of the Prophet. In the presence of
God, the Prophet is the chief. Whose teachings have given us support in both
worlds. The Prophets Khalifa is Ali, who is dear to Him. And whose disciples
are our pirs. Allah, Muhammad, and Ali. Our Pir has taken our hands in his; He
has given us connections whole heartedly. May he keep this connection forever.
Say: La illah, il-Allah.

184

The Zikr practice is the spiritual exercises intended to bring a Sufi

closer to Allah. For practicing mystics the zikrs had a specialized use,
certain ones being associated with certain stages on the travelers path
toward Allah. In the folk literature, however, the zikrs were largely
divested of their mystical content and became more devotional. The
practice was quite comparable with the non Muslim Bhakti poetry of the
249

contemporary Deccan the Kannada Vachanas of the Lingayats or the

Marathi Abhangas of the poet saints of Pandharpur in its use of a
vernacular medium, its special appeal to women, and its devotional
character. Sufi Malfuzat literature like Shamail at Atqiya of Rukn al Din
Kashani of Khuldabad, noted the permission for women to accept Sufi
path. Later, as the Sufis became replaced by their tombs as objects of
popular veneration, women came to comprise the great majority of
devotees at any given Dargah in the Deccan. They come to Dargahs in Urs
festival also. There are number of Dargahs in Marathwada which gives the
permission for women to enter inside the shrine. They offered flowers,
bangals, coins, cloths or prayers to the spirit of the pir buried at the
Dargah. There are special vows or Mannat or Nawas that became
associated with individual Dargahs, they were all generally associated
with fertility.

Indeed, the belief that visits to Dargahs would in some

measure enhance a womans fertility is an obvious reason for their

continuing popularity among rural women of the Deccan today. 185
According to Eaton Richard, that the folk literature was originally penned
by Sufis of the Deccan and the institution of the Dargah have assimilated
into the world of folk Islam various non elite and predominantly female
elements of the Deccan rural society. 186

5. Urdu Literature of Sufism in Marathwada:

5.1. Rawzat al Aqtab al Maruf bi-Mazhar-I Asafiyya: This book
written by Rawnaq Ali in 1931 at Aurangabad during Nizam state of Asaf
Jahin. 187 In the nineteenth and twentieth century, numbers of Urdu
hagiographies

have

emerged

in

Nizams

Deccan.

From

the

historiographical view, Rawzat al Aqtab (Garden of the World Axes),

published in 1931. It had recorded the antiquarian researches of a learned
local schoolteacher named Rawnaq Ali. He used the most primary sources
and other rare manuscript for write the book. He surveyed thoroughly all
Malfuzat in Khuldabad and Aurangabad region and collected the Urs
information with dates. He requested to Nizam court at Hyderabad for
support the renovation and maintenance of saints and kings shrines or
250

Dargahs in this region. 188 He quoted the Zayn al din ShirazIs travel to
North Indian Chishti shrines or Dargahs in 1347 AD. 189 Rawnaq Ali
recorded the Nizams patronization of the Big Dargahs in Khuldabad.
Other continuation of Mughal grants in Khuldabad Dargahs. School
Teacher Rawnaq Ali, was a member of the Nizams administration,
reported that in 1310 / 1892, the greater Dargah were receiving From
some old towns, an unspecified endowment income twice the size of that
given to the lesser Dargah, while the shrine of Ganj-I Ravan had an
income from the towns of Soli Bazhan and Nadirabad.

190

The Nizam

declared these incomes free of all duty in 1333 / 1914. By 1931, there
were over seven hundred attendants (Khuddam) attached to the greater
Dargah, over four hundred attached to the lesser Dargah, and on hundred
fifty attached to the shrine of Ganj-I Ravan; three hundred students were
supported by the Nizams donations, as were charitable kitchens at the
tombs of Aurangzeb and the first two Nizams. 191
First Nizam, Nizam al Mulk died near Burhanpur, and his followers
buried him in Khuldabad opposite the Tomb of Burhan al Din Gharib. 192
Also the third Nizam Muzaffar Jang (d. 1751), is buried just south of
Burhan al Dins tomb, along with figres such as his uncle Mutawassil
Khan, Iwaz Khan (d. 1143 / 1730), Jaml al Din Khan (d. 1159 / 1746), and
others. Most of the archaeological maintenance budget expended by the
Nizams government in Khuldabad seems to have been directed at
repairing the tombs of just these Kings and Nobles. 193
Rawnaq Ali gave the traditional records about Burhan al Din Gharib
and Muntjib al din Chishti from Khuldabad, in his book. Also he noted
one of the most prominent Mughal Garden of Khuldabad, the Bani Begam
gardern, contains the tomb of the wife of the Mughal prince Bidar Bakht,
elder son of Azam Shah. 194 Rawnaq Ali gave the historical information
about the sufis of Aurangabad Deccan also. The author was careful to
bring a certain academic regour to his presentation of these figures, and
his accounts of the saints are notable for their abundant use of the Sufis
early collections of Rcorded conversations, (Malfuzat). Yet alongside
the descriptions of the architecture of the saintly shrines and the rituals
251

associated with them was a corresponding degree of attention to the

burials of such notable figures as Nizam al Mulk and his assassinated son,
Nasir Jang, now designated as a martyr, shahid. 195
5.2. Mahbub al Watan Tazkira-I Awliya-I Dakan:

Mahbub al

Watan Tazkira-I Awliya-I Dakan, written by Muhammad Abd al Jabbar

Malkapuri in Hyderabad circa 1899 AD. The two volumes published first
time in Hyderabad by Matba-I Rahmani Press. He noted and wrote the
Sufi migration and spread of Sufism in Bahamani empire. Also Malkapuri
wrote the history of Sufis of Bidar, Gulbarga, Kandhar and Hyderabad. 196
He noted the Shah Noor Hamvi tradition in Aurangabad. In Mughal
period, several other official figures of the Mughal administration in the
city were among Shah Noors followers, including the chief judge (Qazi al
Quzat) and market regulator (Muhtasib) of the city, Muhammad Ikram and
Qazi Muhammad Masud. 197 Like Shah Noor and the towns Naqshbandis,
Nizam al din was originally a migrant to the Deccan from North India, and
was born in the region of Awadh around 1076 / 1665. His precise home
was not nemtioned in the earliest wource relating to his life, according to
Malkapuri, though the town of Kakori and its nearby village of Nagrawan
often feature in later ones. Nizam al din travelled in all Indian
subcontinents. There Nizam al din came into contact with the followers of
the influential Chishti Shaykh Kalim Allah Jahanabadi (d. 1142 / 1729). 198
Malkapuri wrote the sufis of Aurangabad inearly Asaf Jahin Nizam
state. In Nizam state, the Dargah of Naqshbandi at Panchakki was very
famous. Numbaer of Sufis migrated to Aurangabad inthis period. They
settled here. One such Sufi was Ghulam Ahamad Kambal Posh (d. 1204 /
1789), who first moved to Aurangabad under the jpatronage of Nizam Ali
Khan Asaf Jah after the latter was impressed with the Sufis charismatic
blend of learning and audacity. All early events noted in Malkapuris
volumes. 199 Nizam al Din Awrangabadi Dargah was visited by Nizam
rulers of Hyderabad. Nizam first Asaf Jah was the murid of Nizam al din
Awrangabdi. 200 Malkapuri gave the works of Shams al Din, who was the
administrator of Shah Noor Dargah in Nizam state. 201

252

5.3. Aftab-e-Dakan: Aftab e Dakan Urdu text written by Tara Sahib

Qureshi.

He gave the information about Shah Noor Hamvi Dargah in

Aurangabad during first quarter of Twentieth century. Shams al Din

Chishti came from Hyderabad to Aurangabad. He was resident of
Hyderabad, who had been living for many years at the shrine of Muin al
Din Chishti in Ajmer. He managed the Shah Noor Dargah administration
in Aurangabad. 202 Tara Sahib Qureshi noted all history of Shams al Din in
administration works. Shams al dins appointment at the shrine seems to
have been an official one made by Hyderabads Department of Religious
Affairs. He worked as Sajjada Nashin of Shah Noor Dargah. He set about
restoring the derelict buildings of the shrine, replacing roofing and floors
that had collapsed or disappeared and re-initiating the celebration of Shah
Noors death anniversary. 203 Fazilat Jung became the administration
(mutawali) of the shrine after Shams al dins death. He was the minister
for religious affairs (Umur e- Madhahabi) in Nizam state. 204
Aftab e Dakan also gave the events and practices at Shah Noor
Dargah during Shams al din. Shams al din managed the landholding and
gifts of Dargah in administrative works. He managed all financial matters
and urs festival. After his death, Fazilat Jang continued the tradition of
Shams al din. But when Shams al din died during one of his regular
pilgrimages to the shrine of Muin al Din Chishti at Ajmer in 1347 / 1928,
a dispute arose over the future management of the shrine that would
continue for the remainder of the century. While there were personal
dimensions to the dispute, including petty revalries between a new Muslim
middle class in Aurangabad and the respectable families of old, the
dispute was in essence a structural one. As such, it reflected debates that
had existed in the Sufi tradition for centuries about the right to inherit the
charisma of a deceased master via ties of either blood or initiation. 205 Tara
Qureshi gave the all information about the changes in Shah Noor Hamvi
Dargah administration and tradition. After the death of Shams al din, the
day to day administration of the shrine remained in the hands of a series
of management committees. The first of these committees came under the
auspices of the Aurangabad Tehsil Office during the reign of the last
253

Nizam, while after 1367 / 1948 its successor was appointed by the Muslim
Waqf Board , later renamed

Marathwada Waqf Board. Despite this,

problems continued to arise in the shrines administration, particularly

with regard to the performance of the saints death anniversary that was
the most important but financially demanding event of the year. Now,
local community managed the shrine and performed urs festivals annually.
Shah Noor Dargah situated in Osmanpura part of Aurangabad city. A
library and an elementary school attached with links to this shrine in
present days. 206
Aftab e Dakan also gave the political relations and attachments with
Shah Noor Dargah.

Aftab e Dakan also noted the Barelawi attachment

with Madarasa of Shan Noor Dargah in Aurangabad. 207 Aftab e Dakan

presented the Aurangabad Sufi shrines and Sufi circle as compare to
Ajmer, Gulbarga and Bijapur. 208
5.4. Nur al Anwar: Nur al Anwar is the Urdu translation of Khizan
u Bahar of Baha al Din al Hasan Uruj of Aurangabad. This Persian
manuscript preserved at Shah Noor Hamvi Dargah of Aurangabad. Nur al
Anwar gave the original information about the Shah Noor Hamvi and the
all lifetime sketch in Aurangabad periphery. 209 Shah Noor settled in
Aurangabad before the arrival of the Chishti Nizam al din or the citys
Naqshbandi Shaykhs, Shah Plangposh and Shah Musafir. Shah Noor had
the number of disciples in Aurangabad and Deccanperiphery. Diyanat
Khan, the Diwan of Aurangabad Subha was also the murid of Shah Noor.
He recorded the Pir Muridi relationship of Shah Noor in Aurangabad. 210
From north India, Shah Noor was travlled to Deccan. Nur al Anwar said
that Shah Noor travelled gradually across the Muslim world and
pilgrimage. Shah Noor had arrived in Aurangabad in 1070 / 1660. 211 He
settled at Moti Karanja area of Aurangabad town. He established Khanqah.
The town Aurangabad originally established in 1610 by Malik Ambar, the
vizier of Nizam Shah of Ahmednagar. In that period, Shah Noor had the
very spiritual importance in Sufi circle of Aurangabad in 1660 era. As
Shah Noors following grew, these circumstances changed and some years
later (around 1091 / 1680) a large khanaqah was built for him by a wealthy
254

devotee, Diyanat Khan, in the prestigious surroundings of the imperial

suburb of Qutbpura. 212 Several other official figures of the Mughal
administration in the city were among Shah Noors followers, including
the chief judge (Qazi al Qauzat) and market regulatore (Muhtasib) of the
city, Muhammad Ikram and Qazi Muhammad Masud. One of the wives of
Aurangzeb Alamgir Badhshaha my also have been a disciple. 213 Like the
family of Diyanat Khan, these followers may have been drawn from
Aurangabads Irani community, itself made up partly of recent immigrants
to the city in the service of the Mughals and partly of families in residence
thesre since the period of Nizam Shah rule. 214
Nur al Anwar noted the all spiritual tradition after the death of Shah
Noor in Aurangabad. The Dargah of Shah Noor flourished throughout the
eighteenth century under a line of Sajjada Nashins established by Shah
Noors nephew, Shihab al Din. 215 He noted the events breathe control
practice of Sufi Habs e-e Dam in which guise later oral tradition would
also primarily remember Shah Noor. Reflecting a markedly Indian ascetic
or Yogi Inheritance, he was described by Uruj as being buried
underground for periods of meditational breath control for up to seventy
years at a time. 216
5.5. Khazinat al Asfiya:

This Urdu book wrote in Ninteenth

century Nizam State. It covered the Sufis of Punjab, North India and
Deccan.

Short information is available here about the Sufis of

Aurangabad. 217 Khazinat al Asfiya gave the basic information about cult
of Nizam al din Awarangabadi Dargah in Aurangabad. The author of this
book, Ghulam Sarwar Lahawri wrote the information about the Sufi circle
of the Marathwada region. 218
5.6. Tadhkira ye- Riyaz Husayni : Mardan e- Aftab Alamtab eMan: Inayat Khan gave the historical information about the spiritual
interaction of Shah Noor with other religious cults in Aurangabad
periphery. Shah Noor also seems to have had contact with the Hindu
ascetics who, with their long established association with Hindu holy sites
in the region of Aurangabad, formed part of the religious life of the city
with which Sufis sometimes interacted. Indeed, shortly after Shah Noors
255

death, the circle surrounding the Chsihti Sufi Nizam al Din (d. 1142 /
1729) in Aurangabad also included a number of Hindus. Although it is
difficult to be sure with how many of these Hindu ascetics Shah Noor was
associated, surviving literary and architectural evidence bears witness to
his close connections to at least one such figure, the noted Sadhu Manpuri
Parshad. 219 According to Nile Green, the british American sufi historian,
that Manpuri later became the focus of a posthumous cult in his own rilght
that centred on his lodge or Math a few miles outside Aurangabad at
Daulatabad. An anthology survives of Manpuris devotional poems
(Bhajans), blending the vocabulary of Sufi and Sadhu and pointing to the
close links forged at this time between Muslim and Hindu mystics in the
Deccan. One of the poems said to address Shah Noor is preserved in a n
eighteenth century poetic anthology or tadhkira that was compiled in
Aurangabad by Inayat Allah Khan Awrangabadi. 220
5.7. Halat u Zindagi ye Nizam al din Awliya Awrangabadi:

This

Urdu book wrote by Sayyid Hasan of Aurangabad. He was the devotee of

Shrine of Nizam al din Awrangabadi in Aurangabad. Sayyid Hasan was the
local college teacher and religious scholar. Placing emphasis on not aonly
the Chishti tradition of musical performances but also on its tradition of
peace for all, Suhl e- Kul, Sayyid Hasan sought ot present a tolerant
vision of Sufism as the answer to Indias problems of communal violence
and Islams own problimes of violent express. As a religious teacher,
Sayyid Hasan had his own clear vision of Sufisms role in the twenty first
century and of the timelessness and adaptability of the Sufi message,
which he has presented as open to all regardless of religion, race or class.
His Urdu hagiography of Nizam al din book gave the all information about
Chishti practices and Sama etc. 221 He noted the early life of Nizam al din
Awrangabadi in Aurangabad. About his marrieage, Hasan noted the
detailed information. Nizam al din had first wife coming from the family
of the great Deccan Chishti saint Gesu Daraz Banda Nawaz of Gulbarga.
Through thesewives, Nizam al din had five sons and seven daughters, the
latter marrying into the families of local religious and political elites. 222

256

5.8. Athar al Sanadid:

After the death of Nizam al din

Awrangabad, his son Fakhr al din Awrangabadi Chishti migrated to Delhi.

Fakhr al din was succeeded in Delhi after his death by his son Ghulam
Qutb al din (d. 1232 / 1817) rather than by one of his disciples (murid).
Qutb al dins career was briefly summarized by the great Muslim
Modernist Sayyid Ahmad Khan (d. 1315 / 1898) in his celebration of the
peoples and places of Delhi, Athar al Sanadid, which is discussed in more
detail aoubt the personalites in Delhi periphery. 223 After the death of Fakr
al dins son, Ghulam Qutb al din, in 1232 / 1817 and his burial at the
Dargah of Bakhtiya Kaki on the outskirts of Delhi, Mehrouli near Qutb
Minar. He was succeeded by his own son, Ghulam Nasir al din. He was
better known by the nickname of Kale Miyan (the Black Gentleman) in
reference to the darkness of his complexion, Ghulam Nasir al din was part
of the religious world of Delhi in the year befor the Great Revolt of 1273 /
1857. Ghulam Nasir al din was the master or Murshid of the last of the
Mughal Emperors, Bahadur Shah (r. 1253 / 1837 1274 / 1858). British
American historian quoted the references about Nasir al din in the daily
diaries of Bahadur Shah Jafar of Delhi. 224 Bahadur Shah Jafar send 200
rupees to Ghulam Nasir al din to defray the expenses incurred at the
celebration of Fakhr al dins death anniversary (Urs) in 1268 / 1851. Old
Delhi ruined by British forces after the revolt and Nasir al dins home also
destroyed by British soldiers. 225
5.9. Tadhkira ye- Buzurgan e- Dakan:

Barkat al Awliya:

During the first half of the twentieth century, these seismic shifts in
languages use, literacy and the technology of the book had a considerable
influence on the literature surrounding Auragabads saints. The use of
Urdu increased compare to Persian. Nizam state had also used English and
Urdu in administrative works. Urdu becomes the Islaimic Language in this
period. 226 Reflecting the declining fortunes of Persian throughout India,
the

lnineteenth

century

Tadhkira

tradition

experienced

certain

discontinuity with the rise of Urdu prose. Contemporary with this was the
spread of cheap lithographic printing in India, which affected the

257

Auragabad tradition in different ways. Persian scripts printed in Delhi,

Lucknow, Nizams Hyderabad, Calcutta, Lahor and Kanpur cities.
Naqwi wrote the Urdu Hagiography book on the Sufis from all over
the Deccan and Nizam state of Hyderabad. Naqwis description of Sha
Musafir and other Sufis from Mughal period in Deccan, reveals how even
the most standardized of literary images of the saints were subject to
shifts over time, for in Naqwis writing , it see a reflection of the
changing textual identity of Muslim sainthood during the age of Islamic
reform. He wrote the Urdu hagiography of Sufis of Deccan. Malkapur and
Naqwi were very influencing personalities in Urdu literature in Deccan
with Urdu as an Islamic language. It has the very singificance role in
Deccan Sufi history. Naqwi summarized the Deccan history from Mughal
era to the Nizam Sarkar of Hyderabad. He added the political, spiritual
and religious facets of the history of Deccan. His hagiographical accounts
explain the theme and philosophy including silsila of the Sufis of
Deccan. 227
6. Marathi Bhakti Poets and Sufism in Marathwada:
Marathi is spoken by the Marathi people. It is the official language
of Maharashtra, Goa and is one of the 23 official languages of India.
The Prakrit vernacular languages, including Maharashtri Prakrit, were
originally

derived

from Sanskrit. Further

change

led

to apabhransh languages like Marathi. The more recent influence of

Persian, Arabic or Urdu has also made this language seem close to
mainstream Hindi. 228
6.1.

Bhakti Movment:

The Maratha school of Vaishnavism or the Bhagavata Dharma has a

long history. By the close of the 13th century, steady enrichment and
vigor was imparted to the Bhakti movement in Maharashtra by a number
of poet-saints.The most outstanding of these was Dnyaneshwara a Brahmin
who is considered to be the greatest exponent of the Maratha Vaishnavism.
He wrote a Marathi commentary on the Bhagavadgita called Bhavartha
Dipika or Jnanesvari. The main centre of the movement started by him
258

was and Alandi Newasa, Pandarpur region. The shrine of Vithoba of

Pandarpur later became the mainstay of the Bhakti movement in
Maharashtra. The Krishna Bhakti movement of Pandarpur was intimately
linked to a temple and a deity, but it was not idolatrous in nature. Vithoba
was more than a simple deity; its importance lay in its symbolism. The
main features of the Vaishnava religious devotion-anti-ritualism and anti castes (ism) in Maharashtra-were similar to those of other non-conformist
movements in the North India.
The poet-saints tried to bring religion to the lowest strata of the
society. By interpreting the Bhagavad-Gita in melodious Marathi tunes,
Jnyaneshwar laid the basis of the Bhagavata Dharma in Maharashtra by
giving a fillip to the Varkari sect which had initiated and instituted regular
popular pilgrimage to the shrine of Vithoba (the form of the great God
Vishnu) at Pandarpur. Vithoba was the god of the Varkari sect. Its
followers were householders who performed pilgrimage twice a year to the
temple. Its membership cut across caste boundaries. The movement in
Maharashtra witnessed mass participation by different social groups such
as sudras, Atisudras, Kumbhera (potter) Mali, mahar (outcaste) and Alute
balutedars. Some of the saints belonging to lower strata of society were
Harijan Saint Choka, Gora Kumbhar, Narahari Sonara, Banka Mahara, etc.
In the post-Jnyaneshwar period, Namdeva (a tailor by caste), Tukaram,
and Ramdas, were important Marathi saints. Eknath (a Brahman) furthered
the tradition laid down by Jnyaneshwar. Tukaram and Ramdas also raised
anti-caste and anti-ritual slogans. Eknath's teachings were in vernacular
Marathi. He shifted the emphasis of Marathi literature from spiritual text
to narrative compositions. He wrote the Hindu Turk Samvad in Dakhani.
His philosophy influenced by Sufism in Daulatabad and Paithan region.
Tukaram's teachings are in the form of Gatha, very influencing in society.
It is an important source for the study of the Marathi Vaishnavism. The
Varkari Maratha saints developed a new method of religious instruction,
i.e. Kirtan and the bhajan. The Maratha movement contributed to the
flowering of Marathi literature. These saints used popular dialect which
paved the way for transformation of Marathi into a literary language. The
literature of the Varkari School gives us some idea about the plebeian
259

character of the movement. It addressed itself to the problems of the

Kunbis (farmers), Vanis (traders) and the artisans, etc. M.G. Ranade
points out that this movement led to the development of vernacular
literature and up-liftment of lower castes, etc.
6.2.

Saints in Marathwada:

According to Tara Chand, the Marathi literature and culture

developed in Medieval Maharashtra region with the synthesis of Muslim
mystics and ruling elites. From the end of the thirteenth century and the
middle of the fourteenth century, Muslim rulers had not only completely
conquered the Deccan but the established an independent Muslim kingdom
there. The Bahamani rulers of the Deccan like their contemporaries in
Bengal, fostered the growth of the literature and art of the people whom
they governed. The Marathi language was used in the offices of the
Adilshahi and Qutb Shahi kingdoms, and Marathas were employed as
revenue officers and even as commandants. Qutb Shah was a patron of
culture and himself a poet of considerable power, and wrote extensively in
the Dakhani language which was a mixture of Hindu and Persian. The
Marathi saints and hymn singers affected the same kind of synthesis of the
two faiths as was done by Kabir and Nanak in the north India. 229
Mahadev Govind Ranade described the beginning of the movement
thus: The severity of the monotheistic creed of the Muhammadan was
distinctly impressed upon the minds of these personalities (Kabir, Nanak
and others). The worshippers of Dattatraya or the incarnation of the Hindu
Trinity, was oftern closhed their God in the garb of a Muhammadan
Faqir. 230
Kamal, the son of Kabir wrote about Namdev in his poem (Hindi):
Dakhanmai Nama darzi, Unko Banda Vitthal hai,
Aur seva kuch nahi jaane andar bhitar keshav hai ||
Uchar Myaane Bhayo Kabira ramacharankaa bandaa hai
Unko put hai Kamal donoka bolbalaa hai ||

260

Kamal, the son of Kabir said that, Saint Namdev was bounded by
the Bhakti of Shri Vitthal of Pandharpur. He had the Bhakti of Keshava
inside and outside. And Kamal has the very respects about Kabir and
Namdev.
This same influence was at work with greater effect on the popular
mind in Maharashtra, where preachers, both Brahmans and non -Brahmans,
and ensure their freedom from the bonds of formal ritualism, and caste
distinctions, and unite in common love of man and faith in God. As early
as the twelfth century the Marathi language had pushed Sanskrit out of the
administrative and literary spheres. A significant role in the cultural
development

of

the

region

and

in

heightening

the

peoples

self

consciousness was played by Dnyaneshvar (end of the thirteenth century)

who wrote a Marathi version of the Bhagvadgita. After him Marathi
literature developed rapidly and one of the main themes was praise for the
Marathi language and patriotic pride for Maharashtra. Mukteshvar, a
seventeenth century poet said: Maharashtra is the most important of all
lands and even gods fear it and are put to shame by it. 231
Maharashtra was an important centre of Bhakti. Varkari cultu
worshipped the local deity Vithoba who was supposed to be an incarnation
of Krishna. The main centre of Varkari tradition was the city of
Pandharpur, to which the devotees still make annual pelgrimages. Ths
school of Bhakti gave birth to a galaxy of poets like Namdev, Narhari,
Bahinabai, Chokha Mela and of Course, Eknath and Tukaram. They made
a rich literature, which exists on the Marathi saints and Bhakti poets.
Their life stories, based on the eighteenth century works by Mahipati were
translated and published by Justin E. Abbott. 232
These Marathi Bhakti traditions had the biggest support in the
villages area

from

Maharashtra

in

historical

times.

Dnyaneshwar

completed his Marathi commentary of the Bhagvad Gita in 1290 AD.

Dnyaneshwar had tremendous influence on the language and thought of
Maharashtra, but the first of the saintly array of men who changed the
faith of the country and turned the minds of men from the priest ridden
ceremonial of a narrow creed to freedom and love was Namdev (1270
261

1350 AD). He is remembered by every saint of Maharashtra, North India,

Rajputana and the Punjab as the first historical name in the long list of
Bhaktas. The Bhaktas or Bhakti in Maharashtra centred round the shrine of
Vittoba at Pandharpur on the banks of Bhima (Dist. Solapur).
6.3. Mahanubhav Cult:

Marathwada was the land of Saints

in Medieval times to early modern period. Paithan was the very famous
centre of Mahanubhav cult. Shri Chakradhar Swami comes to Paithan at
1268 AD. He was against the blind faith of Idol worship in Hinduism.

He

was also opposed to the heavy practices and old blind superstitions etc.
Shri Chakradhar Swami was the main preacher of Mahanubhav cult in
Marathwada. Lilacharitra of Mhahinbhatt explained the life and teachings
of Chakrdhar Swami. 2 33
6.4. Varkari Cult and Marathwada:

Bhakti in Maharashtra

centred round the shrine of Vithoba at Pandharpur on the banks of the

Bhima.

But although thus associated with a particular temple and a

particular image, it was really not idolatrous in its character. Vithoba was
a symbol and a convention but not an idol. Thus the characteristics of the
Krishnaite religion of devotion in Maharashtra were hardly distinguishable
from those of the radical reformers of the north India. Its results as
summarized by Ranade were the development of the vernacular literature,
the modification of caste exclusiveness the Sanctification of family life,
the elevation of the status of women, the spread of humaneness and
toleration, partial reconciliation with Islam, the subordination of rites and
ceremonies, pilgrimages and fasts, learning and contemplation to the
worship of love and faith, the limitation of the excesses of polytheism and
the uplift of the nation to a higher level of capacity both of thought and
action. Namdev was a disciple of Khechar who was definitely hostile to
idol worship; he received the following instructions from his Guru, A
stone god never speaks. 234
Another Hindu Muslim synthesis had been happened in the tradition
of Shaikh Muhammad Shrigondekar Maharaj at Shrigonda. The follower of
Shaikh Muhammad who became Bhaktas observes both the Ramzan and
the Ekadasi fast, and makes pilgrimages both to Mecca and to
262

Pandharpur. 235 Tukaram who after Namdev was the greatest of Maratha
Saints, and who wields the widest influence in Maharashtra, was equally
eclectic. He was contempoarary of Shivaji. He was born at Dehu, near
Poona, about 1608 AD. He comes from the family which had been for
several

generations

devoted

to

the

worship

of

Vithoba

(Vitthal).

Tukaramas teachings are embodied in his numerous Abhangas which

number between five and eight thousand. Tukarams conception of God
was almost identical with that of Kabir. Tukarams attempt at reconciling
Hindu and Muslim faiths is evidenced in the hymns translated below:
What Allah wishes that is accomplished. O my friend
(Baba), the Maker is the sovereign of all. Cattle and friends,
gardens and goods all depart. My mind dwells, O Friend, on my
Lord (Sahib) who is the Maker. I ride there on the back of the horse
and the self becomes the horseman. O friend, meditate (Zikr) on
Allah, who is in the guise of all. Says Tuka, the man who
understands this becomes a Darwish.
First among the great names is Allah, never forget to repeat
it. Allah is verily one, the prophet (nabi) is verily one. There Thoy
art one, there art one, there Thou art one. O friend. There is
neither I nor thou. 236
Saint Dnyaneshwar, Saint Namdev and Eknath, the three main
patron saits of Varkari saints were from Marathwada region. Some
scholars said that the Varkari cult also known as Bhagavat or Vaishnav
cult in medieval times. Shri Vitthal also known as the avatar of Vishnu or
Krishna in Northern Karnataka and Maharashtra. Tukaram was also
explained the spiritual ideas in his Marathi poems in seventeenth century
Maharashtra. He wrote:
Allah deve, Allah dilaave, Allah deve, Allah khilave, Allah bin nahi koy,
Allah kare sohi hoya. Jikir karo Allah ki, Baba Savalya Andar Bhes.
Tuka jo nar buze sohi darvesh. Nabi Ek tu. Allah ek tu, Nabi Ek tu.

(Allah, you are only one, and Muhammad (nabi) you are also one). 237
263

6.5. Saint Dnyaneshwar:

Dnyaneshwar or Saint J(D)nyaneshwar

was the famous saint that Marathwada produced in the thirteenth century
AD. He was a great genius in who had a rare combination of philosophy,
poetry and profound religious experience. He was a great devotee or
Bhakta, a great Jnani and a great Yogi. He was the source of inspiration to
Saint Namadeva, Chokhamela and Ekanath, Tukaram. He laid the
philosophical foundation of the Bhakti cult in Maharashtra, upheld the
Varkari tradition and the worship of the deity Shri Vitthal of Pandharpur
who is the symbol of universal love. He is called Jnanoba Mauli, the
mother of devotees. 238
The oldest reliable biography of Dnyaneshwar is written by his
contemporary saint Namadeva. According to him Dnyaneshwars ancestors
lived at Apegaon, on the bank of Godavari, 13 km from Paithan, the then
famous

seat

of

Sanskrit

learning

in

the

Deccan.

Dnyaneshwars

grandfather, Govindpant and grandmother, Nirai, were disciples of

Gorakhnath. This pious couple got a son and named him Vitthal after their
dear deity of Pandharpur. Dnyaneshwar born at Alandi near Poona in 1275
AD. His fathers name was Vitthalpant and mothers Rukminibai.
Dnyaneshwar was barely twenty two when he entered eternal Samadhi at
1296. Within a year his brothers and sister followed him. Sopandev
entered Samadhi at Saswad in the month of Margasirsh, Muktabai at
Adilabad in the month of Vaishakha and Nivrittinath in the month of
Jyeshtha at Tryambakeshwar. 239
The authentic wrks of Dnyaneshwar are Dnyaneshwari or
Bhavarth Dipika Amritanubhava, Changdeva Prasashti, Haripath, Na man
and miscellanceous Abhangs. Dnyaneshwari is a celebrated Marathi
commentary

on

the

Bhagavadgita

and

is

the

magnum

opus

of

Dnyaneshwar. Dnyaneshwari is the first greatest work in Marathi language

both from the point of view of a high literary excellence and of an
elevating philosophy of life. According to Datar V.M., the philosophy of
Dnyaneshwari is equal philosophy like Sufi practices in the text. 2 40

264

Sufi Concept

Dnyaneshwari Sutra

Hosh Badagm

Sutra

number

(Praanayam)

4:146

Naza Bar Kadam

(Charnawalaokan Gurucharani)

15:1

Safar Dar Vatan

(Swadham Prawas)

6:186

Khilwat Dar Anjuman

(Ekant)

18:1361

Yaad Kard

(Smaran)

8:75

Baaz Gasht

(Niwrutti)

5:48

Nigah Daashat

(Jatan)

9:12

Yaad Dasht

(Anusmruti)

9:215

6.6. Saint Namdeva:

Namdev born in 1270 at Narsi, Parbhani

region. He was second famous saint from Marathwada after Eknath. He

explained his ideas on Moksha and Bhakti into Hindi Dakhni and Marathi
language.

His poems had the place in Gurugranth Saheb Granth of

Sikhism in northern India. He was famous also for Kirtan type of Bhakti
rituals songs or lyrics. 241 For Namdeva, the invisible and wonderful God
who alone is Reality speaks to every heart. 242
6.7. Saint Janabai (1260 1353AD):

She born in Gangakhed, in

Parbhani region. She was the house maid at Namdevs home. She was
impressed by Bhakti philosophy of Namdev. Her 350 Abhang are famous
in Varkari cult today. 243
6.8. Visoba Khechar (d. 1309):

He was the disciple of

Dnyaneshwar. He had born at Mungi Paithan in Aurangabad region. He

was the fan of his Guru Dnyaneshwar. Visabas Samadhi situated at
Aundha Nagnath near Parbhani. 244
6.9. Gora Kumbhar: He was the disciple of Saint Namdev. He had
born at Ter Dhoki in Osmanabad region. In Varkari cult, he known as
Kaka. 245
6.10. Bhanudas:

He was the Varkari saint from Paithan, in

Marathwada. He was the great grandfather of Saint Eknath. He wrote the

Dakhni and Marathi Abhangs. He died at 1435. 246
265

6.11. Janardan Swami:

He was the spiritual guide of Saint

Eknath. He born at Chalisgaon in 1504. He was the devotee of Shri Datta.

He joined job at Daulatabad fort in Nizam Shahi period of Ahmadnagar
Shahi. He wrote, Bhakti Bhagya, Adhyatm Viveksar Samadhiprakaran,
Shri Dattastuti Updesh etc. His Samadhi situated at Daulatabad Fort, in
Aurangabad district. 247
6.12. Saint Dasopant (1551 1615 AD): He was the famous saint
of Datta cult in Marathwada region. He wrote the book named
Geetarwan, which is very important place in Datta cult. This granth had
one lack twenty five thousand Awis (lines). It was the very significance
place in Marathi literature history. 248
6.13. Saint Eknath: Saint Eknath was the second famous saint in
Marathwada after Dnyaneshwar. He born at 1533 in Paithan. 2 49 He was
the disciple of Saint Janardan Swami of Daulatabad fort. His books named
Eknathi

Bhagavat

and

Bhavarth

Ramayan,

are

famous

today.

According to Nandapurkar N.G., Eknath was the Ek (the one) Nath

(saint god / guide) of the Maharashtra Varkari cult devotees. Samadhi of
Eknath situated at Paithan near Godavari river bank. 250
6.14. Ramdas (1608 - 1681): He born in Jamb village of Jalna. His
original name was Narayan Thosar. He took snyas from familiar life when
he was twelve year old. He established Ramdasi cult at Chaphal. His
literature are famous today, like Dasbodha and Manache Shlowk. 251
Samartha Ramdas and Mansamzaawan:

Aiykaa Dnyanache Laxshan, Dynan Mhanje Aatmadnyan Pahave

Aapnaasi aapan, Yaa naaw dnyan.

(To know yourself. To find out your hidden self is knowledge)

In Maharashtra, the period between 12th and 17th century was the
era of the famous saints, like Dnyaneshwar, Tukaram, Eknath, Namdeo,
266

Samartha Ramdas, and, Meerabi, Kabir etc. in North India. These saints
showed common people easy path to reach God, which is called
Bhaktiyog. That path was Namasmaran, which ultimately merges into
transcendental meditation! The continuous Namasmaran leads you to the
state of pure consciousness. The Nama melts into your soul gradually
and

your

mind

becomes

thoughtless.

The

regular

practice

of

Namasmaran prepares your mind to overcome the difficult situations, in

your life and gives you courage and peace of mind. Actually, peace of
mind is the true aim of our life. Isnt it! That is according to Ramdas,
Moksha salvation from worldly pains. This practice has also in
practice as Zikr in Sufism.
Manache Shlok
His most popular book Manache Shlok or Manobodh includes 205
schlok with 4 lines each in Marathi language. Since the 17th century,
Manache Schlok is being recited by common people in Maharashtra.
Many have learnt them by heart, since the style of schlokas is unique,
easy, beautiful and simple, though artistic and meaningful. 205 verses of
Manache Shlok are translated into several Indian languages, including
Urdu. A Muslim Saint Shahsiraj Ali has translated it into Urdu, which is
called Manasamazavana. It was the relations within both saints in
Maharashtra

during

medieval

period.

The

handwritten

copy

of

Manasamazavana still exists in the Jama Masjid of Delhi. There is

another copy of Mansamzaawan in Hyderabad. Shah Turab Ali Dakani was
from Tirnamal, Tamil country. He was the famous scholar of Sufi
philosophy and Astrology. He wrote number of books in Dakhani
language: Juhure Kulli, Ganjul Asrar, Gulzar i- Wahdat, Dnyan Swarup,
Aainye, Masnawi Mahrabin o- Mullah and Mansamzaawan etc. The five
manuscripts of Mansamzaawan in Dakhani language secured at Sir Salar
Jung Museum Library, Hyderabad.
6.15. Muslim Marathi Poets and Sufism in Marathwada: Sumit
Guha suggests that Dakhani may have been the only vernacular that the
Sufis knew, and that they saw no need to go beyond the circle of Dakhaniknowing plebeians (which would include the women and retainers of their
Persian-knowing patrons). But many Marathi and other regional language
267

literature with folk touch had been developed between fifteenth to

Nineteenth century. 252 Number of Muslim poets and author has been
contributed Marathi literature in Medieval Maharashtra. These authors
were influenced from Jain, Shaiv, Mahanubhav, Nath, Bhagvat Varkari
sects. Shaikh Muhammad, Shah Mundi, Husain Ambar Khan, Jamal Shah,
Allam Khan, Shaikh Sultan etc. authors had contributed Marathi literature.
These curious literature facets had made synthesis culture with harmony in
Medieval Maharashtra. Allamkhan was the devotee of Nagesh cult in
medieval Marathwada. Bhanji Trimbak Deshpande wrote the book on
Nagesh cult, Nageshlilamrut, in 1824.
Alamkhan Aakhyan, in 39

th

In this book, he wrote the

chapter. The Samadhi (tomb) of Alamkhan

situated at Karali Karle in Osmanabad District of Marathwada. He wrote

the spiritual Abhang on Nagesh Nath. He was very famous today in this
region. 253 Ajam was the Muslim Marathi poet in seventeenth century
Maharashtra.

He was one of the disciples of Shaikh Muhammad

Shrigondekar. Ajams folk Aarti lyrics are famous today to the glory of
Shaikh Muhammad Shrigondekar Saheb, in District Ahamadnagar. 254
Hazrat Ladle Mashaykh Raghavchaitanya (c. 1460 1560) was the
Marathi saint of Datta sect in Marathwada Karnataka frontier region.
Muslim called him as Hazrat Mashaykh Aland Sharif Awliya. Hindu, Jain
and Lingayat Veershaiv devotees called him as Sadguru, the best teacher
/ guide. His tomb or Samadhi situated at Aland, District Gulbarga. 255 Shah
Muni alias Sahsen (1730 1808) was originally from northern India. His
parents migrated to Maharashtra and settled at Shrigonda, Ahmadnagar.
He had born at Shrigonda. He wrote Sindhant Bodh. He died at Shah Gad,
Beed. 256 Husain Ambarkhan (1603 1653) was famous Marathi poet in
seventeenth century Maharashtra. He wrote Ambarhusaini, the edited
book on Gita, after Dnyaneshwar. His gitatikaa was contained 871 lines in
Marathi.

In his words, that was the Gita Bhavarth Dipika. His father

Yakut Khan, was a servant at Daulatabad fort in Nizamshahi of

Ahmadnagar. Vaijyanath of Tanjor (Tamil Nadu) has written in his book
Chidambarjayanti Strot, about Ambar Khan. He said that Husain Ambar
Khan was the Dev of Kali Yug in that period. 257 Chand Bodhale Sayyad
Qadiri was the Muslim poet in seventeenth century Marathwada. His guru
268

was haikh Raje Muhammad Qadiri. His name is quated in Shijara-iQuadiri,

by

Shaikh

Muhammad

Shrigondekar

Sayyad

as

Sayyad

Chandsaheb Qadiri. Chand Bodhale was the Guru of Shaikh Muhammad

Shrigondekar and Swami Janardan of Dualatabad.
Shaikh Raje Muha mma d Qa diri

Shaik h Chand Bodhale Qadiri

Shaikh Muha mmad Shrigondekar

Swa mi Janardan Saint Eknath of Paithan

The tomb of Chand Bodhale Qadiri situated at Daulatabad near Fort.

This Dargah visited by Hindu and Muslim devotees. 258 Shah Datt Alam
Prabu (1478 1538) was the native of Daulatabad. In Datta cult, devotees
knows him as Shah Datta Allam Prabhu. He was the malang Fakir as Datta
avatar. 259
Shaikh Muhammad Shrigondekar was the famous Marathi Muslim
Sufi saint in seventeenth century Marathwada. He was from Dharur
village. He wrote Yogsangram, Nishkalank Bodh, Pawan Vijay and
Dnyansagar. His devotees are both Hindu and Muslim come to his Dargah
/ Samadhi at Shrigonda. 260 Shaikh Muhammad known as Kabir of
Maharashtra. His father was Raje Mahammad and mother Phulai. He was
belonged to Qadiri Sufi silsila.
Spiritual Genealogy of Shaikh Muhammad Shrigondekar
Abdul Qadir Jilani (Baghdada, Iraq)

Sayyad Abdul Razzak Tajoddin Qaudiri

Sayyad Mahammad Gaus Gwalihery Qadiri (Gwaliar)

Shaikh Raje Muhammad Qadiri

Sayyad Chand Saheb Qadiri (Spiritual guide of Swami Janardan of Daulatabad)
Sayyad Shaikh Muhammad Shrigondekar.

269

Shaikh Muhammad wrote in Yogasangram:

Namo Shri Chand Bodhale.
Yani Jyanopanta Angikarile.
Jyanobane Ekaa Upideshile. 15:1

Shaikh Muhammad Shrigondekar said that Chand Bodhale was the

follower of Dnyaneshwar also. And both saints (Bodhale and Eknath) were
influenced by Dnyaneshwar. Maloji Bhosale was the pupil or Shishy of
Shaikh Muhammad. Maloji built a Math in 1595 AD at Shrigonda in
Ahmadnagar for Shaikh Muhammad. Shaikh

Muhammad knew the

languages like Marathi, Persian, Urdu and Sanskrit. He wrote in

Yogsangram that, Kama (Sex), Krodh (anger), and Alas (laziness) are the
enemy of human being. In Nishkalank Bodh, he did critical analysis on
blind faith, rituals and slavery of religious mediators. Shivswroday, was
the Sanskrit book of Shaikh. Also his Rupake, Bharude and Abhang are
famous today in central Deccan Marathi speaking region. 261
Sufi Shah Turab was influenced by Ramdasi cult in Maharashtra.
Shaikh Muhammad Shrigondekar wrote the poems on Shri Vitthal.
Brahmpuri Turuk | Dwait giloni jhaalo ek ||, like this lines, Shaikh
Muhammad Shrigondekar wrote the very lines in his poems on mystical
thinking. It was the synthesis of Muslim and Varkari cult in seventeenth
century Maharashtra. 262
7. Sufi intractions with other sects:
Islam had the interaction with other religions in West Asia already.
The mystics of Islam also wondered and travelled in North Africa, Euro pe
and Central Asia after Iran. In south Asia or Indian subcontinent Sufis had
very interaction with Bhakti movement in North Hindustan and Deccan
region. In west Asia, in beginning, Prophet Muhammad, claimed to be a
continuer of the prophetic lineage of Bible and Quran. So much so, that
Muslims classify themselves together with the Jews and the Christians
under the generic name Ahl el Kitab, the Peoples of the Book.
Muhammad claimed that when the Angel Zibrael (Gabriel) dictated the
270

Quran to him, at the behest of God, one of the Surates he received read:
263

Allah has opened to you the way of religion which He commanded

to Noah that he might follow in it. It is the same faith which we
have revealed to thee, and which we showed to Abraham and to
Jesus to the end that true religion might continue in the Earth.
Divide not yourselves into sects. - Quran XLII.33

7.1.

Sufism, Yoga and Nath cult in Indian subcontinent:

"This is the practice of the Yogis; this is not an activity of the

community of Muhammad. Nevertheless, it is correct". Muhammad Muhyi
al-Din had (c. 1748) done the Sufi Interpretetion of Yogic Practices. The
historical data regarding the relationship between Sufism and yoga, found
in Indian history. The sufis and the Nath Yogis had interactions in that
period. These practices include divination by control of breath through the
left and right nostrils, summoning female spirits that can be identified as
yoginis, and performing meditations on the chakra centers accompanied by
recitation of Sanskrit mantras. All this material was increasingly Islamised
over time, in a series of translations into Arabic, Persian, Ottoman
Turkish, and Urdu in medieval India. These events were engagement with
Sufism and yoga not to be found at the historical beginnings of the Sufi
tradition, and it was most highly developed, unsurprisingly, in India only.
Moreover, the knowledge of yoga among Indian Sufis gradually became
more detailed over time. The most exact accounts of hatha yoga in Sufi
texts, using technical terms in Hindi, occur in writings from as late as the
nineteenth century, although these texts typically juxtapose yoga materials
alongside Sufi practices without any real attempt at integration or
synthesis. 'Yoga' is a term that may be even harder to define. Georg
Feuerstein maintains that "Yoga is like an ancient river with countless
rapids, eddies, loops, tributaries, and backwaters, extending over a vast,
colorful terrain of many different habitats". Some regard it mainly as a
philosophy linked to important Sanskrit texts, particularly Patanjali's Yoga
Sutras. For others, yoga signifies primarily meditative ascetic practices
frequently associated with the god Shiva in Hindu teachings, though yoga
271

is also widespread in Buddhist and Jain contexts. The yogic material that
the Sufis mostly encountered was a highly specialised tradition called
hatha yoga (literally, "the yoga of force"), associated with charismatic
figures of the tenth to twelth centuries, especially Matsyendranath and
Gorakhnath. The lineage that preserves the hatha yoga teachings is known
collectively as the Nath siddhas (adepts) or Kanphata ('split-ear') yogis,
due to the distinctive wooden inserts and large rings they put in their ears
during initiation in Medieval Maharashtra.
So when we use the term yoga now, it carries multiple burdens - the
sublime philosophy of transcendence associated with Patanjali, the
intricate and esoteric psycho-physical system of the Nath yogis, and also
the mass marketing category of yoga as the generic basis of mysticism in
all religions. The Sufis interactions had in India took place not long after
the Nath or Kanphata yogis became organized that is by the beginning of
the thirteenth century. While ascetic orders certainly had existed in India
for many centuries, the Naths appear to have had a remarkable success at
this particular time. The Nath yogis did not observe the purity restrictions
of Brahminical ritual society, and were free to drop in for meals at Sufi
hospices, which in turn were open to any and all visitors. The yogis were
perhaps the only Indian religious group with whom Sufis had much in
common. This was also an encounter between two movements that shared
overlapping interests in psycho-physical techniques of meditation, and
which competed to some extent for popular recognition as wonderworkers, healers, and possessors of sanctity. Moreover, in a country where
cremation was the preferred funeral method, both groups practiced burial;
Sufi tombs, to the untutored eye, must have fit the model of the lingam
shrines or samadhis set up over yogis, who were customarily buried in the
lotus position. The similarity between yogis and Sufis extended to the
point that the heads of Nath yogi establishments became known by the
Persian term pir, the common designation for a Sufi master. While it is
sometimes suggested that this name was adopted defensively to deter that
many Muslim rulers were quite familiar with the characteristic specialities

272

of yogis, and it is striking that the Mughals in particular became patrons

of yogi establishments. 264
Acculturation by the yogis to selected Islamicate norms seems a
more likely reason than the presumption of religious persecution for the
yogis' adoption of such a title. According to Jiirgen Paul that, the
deliberate study, consideration, and adoption of religious practices such as
vegetarianism, celibacy, and breath control in Nath cult already developed
in central Asia. The Naqshbandiya silsila know about it. There seems to
have been a clear awareness among these Naqshbandi that breath control,
a central technique at least since the time of Baha' al-Din Naqshband (d.
1390), was also common among Indian yogis. Paul therefore concludes
that this interaction made in Central Asian Sufis with non-Muslim Indian
mystical techniques. 265
Yet the significance of this breath control technique would seem to
be affected by the fact that, among these Naqshbandis, breath control
invariably was used to accompany dhikr recitation formulas in order to
make this meditation continuous, with a focus on such typically Islamic
chants such as la ilaha ilia allah (there is no god but Allah). In other
words, if breath control was used to enhance the effect of Islamic
meditation formulas, in Sufism then it happened already or before
developed in central Asia while Nath in India separately. Ala al Dawla
Simnani (d. 1336) developed the technic of meditation practices in
Kubrawiya order of Central Asia already before the Indian Nath Yogis
introduced in North West Indian frontier. According to Carl Ernst, that
the sufis and the Yogis had developed these traditions with same era and
some time interacted also. 266
In central Asia had an already highly developed system of
meditation established by his teacher Nur al-Din Isfarayini (d. 1317) and
others, Simnani incorporated earlier practices and articulated a spiritual
method of considerable subtlety, based on interior visualization of seven
subtle centres (latifa, pi. lata'if') within the body, each associated with a
particular prophet and a colour. The system of seven subtle centers
developed by Simnani underwent further evolution in India in the
273

Naqshbandi order, from the fifteenth through to the late nineteenth

century, resulting in Naqshbandi subtle centers puts the heart (qalb) two
fingers below the left breast, the spirit (ruh / soul) two fingers below the
right breast, the soul (nafs) beneath the navel, the conscience (sirr) in the
middle of the breast, the mystery (khafii) above the eyebrows, and the
Arcanum (akhfa) at the top of the brain. One could argue that the
Naqshbandi-Kubrawi system has a certain similarity with the yogic
concept of seven chakras or subtle nerve centers located along the region
of the spine, although some of the Sufi centers are clea rly unconnected
with the spinal region. Both systems include visualization of appropriate
colors and sometimes images in particular bodily locations, so that one
might assume either that the Sufi practices were based on earlier
unspecified Indian yoga techniques, or that figures like Simani would have
been interested in contemporary yogis. From his biography, however, it
appears that Simnani, much against his inclination, was forced to engage
in disputations with Buddhist monks at the court of the Mongol ruler
Arghun; in these debates, Simnani showed considerable theological
hostility to the Buddhists. Although they were probably from Mahayana
schools with highly developed yogic techniques of their own, Simnani
showed no interest in discussing meditation practices with them. 2 67
Carl Ernst said that the Sufi techniques do not seem to have any
intrinsic relation with the psycho-physiology of yoga, and they rarely
make reference to the characteristic yogic descriptions of subtle nerves
(nadis), the breaths, the sun and moon symbolism, or the kundalini. In
addition, Sufi texts contain a multilevelled prophetology and mystical
Qur'anic exegesis tied to each of the seven subtle centers, so that
distinctive Islamic symbolisms are embedded in the system. As will be
indicated below, some Naqshbandi Sufis like Ahmad Sirhindi showed
explicit hostility toward the practices of yogis and Brahmins. Major
manuals of Sufi contemplative practice from remote areas, such as Miftah
al-falah or The Key to Salvation, by the Egyptian Sufi master Ibn Ata'
Allah of Alexandria (d. 1309), make no reference to any identifiable
Indian yoga technique. (Ibn Ata' Allah al-Sikandari, Miftah al-falah wa
misbah al-arwah 268
274

The Chishti master Nizam al-Din Awliya' (d. 1325) found one yogi's
concept of bodily control impressive, and he was also intrigued by yogic
accounts of the effect of different days of the month on the conception of
children (until his master indicated to him that he would live a celibate
life). His disciple Nasir al-Din Chiragh-i Dihli (d. 1356) commented in
passing on the yogic practice of breath control in comparison to that
practiced by Sufis. The essence of this matter is restraint of breath, that is,
the Sufi ought to hold his breath during meditation. As long as he holds
his breath, his interior is concentrated, and when he releases his breath,
the interior is distracted, and it destroys his momentary state. Therefore
the Sufi is he accomplished yogis, who are called siddha in the Urdu
language, breathe counted breaths. 269

Nasir al-Din s disciple Muhammad

al-Husayni Gisu Daraz (d. 1422) felt that breath control was essential for
Sufi disciples. In a manual of discipline composed in 1404, he remarked.
Following the habit of stopping the breath, as is done among the yogis, is
necessary for the disciple, but not everyone can do it to the extent that
those people can. Those who follow this habit must completely abstain
from association with women. Diminution of intake of food and drink
permits the performance of required and supererogatory prayers in the
case of one of fixed abode, and the traveler retains mobility. One should
avoid idle talk. If control becomes habitual, many thoughts can be
banished; thought is natural to the carnal soul. Nonetheless, Gesu Daraz
Banda Nawaz of Gulbarga was extremely careful to limit the extent to
which yogic practice was acceptable. Except for breath control, which is
the specialty and support of the yogis, it is necessary for the disciple to
avoid all their other kinds of practices.
Nizam al-Din Awarangabadi (d. 1729) and Hajji Imad Allah were
presented the formulas, together with explicit accounts of yogic. In this
way Nizam al-Din Awarangabadi gave a brief account of yogic mantras in
his lengthy survey of Sufi meditative practices, Nizam al-quluh or The
Order of Hearts, recollection (dhikr) in the Dakhani language. Although it
is said that Nizam al-Din Awrangabadi had contact with living yogis, he

275

generally prefers to cite yogic practice via Sufi authorities and texts
deriving from different Sufi orders. 270
As Digby points out, the numerous hagiographic accounts of
encounters between Sufis and yogis almost always depict the yogi
acknowledging the superior spiritual power of the Sufi. There is
necessarily a theological element of triumph in this kind of narrative. This
is evident in a story told by Nizam al-Din Awliya' (d. 1325), describing a
yogi who challenged a Sufi to a levitation contest. While the yogi could
rise vertically in the air, with God's help the Sufi was able to fly first in
the direction of Mecca, then to the north and south, before returning to
accept the submission of the yogi; the flight in the direction of Mecca
surely indicates the religious character of the victory. While this basic
pattern emerged in texts of the fourteenth century, the most grandiose
versions derive from the later Mughal period, as in an extravagant
hagiography called Siyar al-aqtab or Lives of the World-Axes, completed
by Ilah-diya Chishti in 1647. In the biographical account of Muin al-Din
Chishti, his arrival in India is described as the result of a divine command
issued to him by Muhammad prophet in dream from the Kaba in Mecca.
The yogi Ajaypal arrived with 1,500 followers, but his numerous magical
assaults on the Sufi were all rendered ineffective by the saint's power. In
what becomes a typical episode in this kind of story, the yogi then took to
the air and flew away on his deerskin, but the Sufi sent his shoes up in the
air to beat the yogi into humble submission, and so the yogi returned and
converted to Islam, becoming a disciple of Muin al-Din and at the same
time gaining to convert to Islam. 271
Yogis and other ascetics on the fringes of society appear to have
been open to friendly exchanges with Muslims from an early date. The
Persian merchant and traveler Buzurg ibn Shahriyar, writing around 953
AD, commented that the Kapalika ascetics of Ceylon "take kindly to
Musulmans and show them much sympathy". The Tibetan Buddhist
historian Taranath, writing in the thirteenth century, was critical of the
Nath yogis for following Shiva rather than the Buddha, and what was
more, "They used to say that they were not even opposed to the Turuskas
276

(Turks)". 272 The yogis went on to mythologies their encounter with Sufism
and with the Indo-Muslim culture represented by Turkish and Mughal
emperors. A mural on a Nath yogi temple in Nepal displays the submissive
visit of the Ghurid sultans in the twelfth century. "Yoga" in Sanskrit
means "to unite" (Persian payvastan), and these people take themselves to
have attained God. They call God alak (Hindi alakh, "pure"), and in their
belief the chosen one of God, rather his Essence, is Gorakhnath. 273

Even

today, sufi followers follow the method of Yoga practices in their routine
life. Maulana Syed Athar Ali, president of All India Ulema Council says,
Yoga an exercise has always been part of Islam. The aim of Islamic way
of life is in to have a clean mind, body and soul.

Namaaz is the best

exercise that every Muslim does. The various posture of Namaz like al
Qiyam, Sujud are designed in a way to benefit the body. 274
7.2.

Sufism and Yogi Cult:

The yogis reasoned that these prominent architectural features were

responsible for the spread of Islam. The various accounts of yogis and
saints who had miraculous experiences at Mecca without becoming
Muslims, including the famous story of Guru Nanak, founder of the Sikhs,
evidently belong in this category of Indian mythologies, which relativised
the sacred sources of Islam and subordinated them to Indian figures and
categories. Ratan Nath is in any case a name firmly ensconced in yogic
tradition, and in Indian stories unrelated to the long-lived hadith scholar,
he figures as a Nath in the third generation after Gorakhnath. The
relationship between Islam and yoga is further complicated by the
participation of Muslims in the Nath Yogi tradition. Out of the thirteen
principal Nath sub-orders described by Briggs, one, the Rawal or Nagnath
order, located in the Punjab, consists of Muslims despite being originally
derived from Shiva. Two of the six minor sub-orders, the Handi Pharang
and the Jafir Pirs, are also Muslim in composition, as their names suggest;
although they are Kanphatas and undergo the customary initiations, the
Hindu yogis do not eat with them. The 1891 Indian census, which listed
all yogis under the category of miscellaneous and disreputable vagrants,
gave figures indicating that over 17 per cent of yogis were Muslims,
277

though by 1921 the proportion of Muslims had fallen to less than 5 per
cent. It is difficult to interpret these figures without more knowledge of
the social context, but they are still an interesting index of continuing
existence of of Muslim yogis in recent times; it is impossible to tell
whether they were originally yogis who became Islamised, or Muslims
who were drawn into the ranks of the yogi orders. Beyond the ranks of the
yogis themselves, Muslims also formed relationships with yogi shrines,
both as pilgrims and as administrators. Ratan Naths disciple, known as
Kaya Nath or Qa'im al-Din, has both Muslim and Hindu followers who
have built for him separately a samadhi and a tomb, and one can find
numerous examples of this kind of dual religious shrine for yogis in the
Punjab and in the Deccan. The important yogi shrines of Hinglaj (now in
the province of Baluchistan in Pakistan) and Amarnath (in the Indian
Himalayas) have for centuries been in the custody of Muslims, who
regulate the pilgrimage rites in those places. In the case of Amarnath, the
famous ice lingam in the cave there was apparently discovered several
centuries ago by local Muslim shepherds, who announced this prodigy to
their Hindu acquaintances. 275
Akulam kulam adhatte kulam cakulam icchati jala-budbudabat nyayat ekakarah Parah Sivah.
Akul embraces Kula (the phenomenal self expression of
Reality) and Kula yearns for Akula (the noumenal essence of
Reality). The relation is analogous to that between water
and water bubbles. In reality Para Siva (Supreme Spirit) is
absolutely one. 276
7.3.

Sufism and Datta Cult in Maharashtra:

The oldest narratives on the god Dattatreya depict the deity, in

appearance and practice, as a devotee of the Hindu god Shiva. Datta cult
has many stories come from various Hindu sectarian streams. Of all the
perceptions of Dattatreya, the predominant one is that of a great guru of
yoga and advaita teachings, with leanings towards a tantric-based
explanation of world order. He is an unmatta a mad sage who cares
about his teachings, and not about appearances and the Worldly
impression he creates. In Maharashtra today, Dattatreya appeals to the
278

religious sentiment of each social strata and creates an opportunity for his
devotees to cross traditional socio-religious lines. He is the deity of yogis
and sannyasis those who are not obliged to follow the rules of Hindu
social caste system as well as of middle class Hindus. Despite his Hindu
origins, some Hindus also accept Dattatreya dressed as a Muslim fakir, a
poor religious mendicant. This understanding of him in Maharashtra is
based on traditions preserved in the Marathi language, where he
sometimes appears as a Hindu, sometimes as a Muslim. This luminal
belief most likely originated in the sixteenth century, and reflects the state
of coexistence of Indias two main religious communities at the time.
Religious and social relations between Muslims and Hindus have been a
topic of academic debate for decades, with opinions ranging from
hostility, misunderstanding and contempt, to an ideal of socio -religious
harmony. The variety of opinions shows the complexity of responses to
data reflecting the coexistence of these dominant socio -religious groups in
India. In his Muslim form, Dattatreya is known in Marathi texts as the
Malanga Fakir, or Shah Datta. That some devotees, including Brahmans,
were able to accept a puranic Hindu deity in Muslim garb likely meant
that they were able to accept Muslims as an integral part of their world.
Indeed, Maharashtra was ruled for some 120 years, from about 1480
to1600, by Nizam Shahs, sultans of Brahman origin who respected local
customs and traditions and never cut themselves off from their land of
origin. Other examples of generally good communal relations are not
difficult to find. The first interaction between Dattatreya and Muslims
appears to date back to the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Gurucaritra,
the main scripture of the Maharashtrian Dattatreya cult, speaks about two
dominant saintly figures, Shripada Shrivallabha (d.1350) and Narsimha
Sarasvati (d.1458). Both are worshipped today as incarnations of
Dattatreya, and both are also mentioned in connection with Muslims:
Shripada Shrivallabha promised a poor washerman he would become a
sultan in his next life, and Narsimha Sarasvati helped this sultan to
overcome an illness. The story is set in Bidar, the second capital of the
Bahmani kingdom and regional sultanate of central India in 1347-1538.
There, according to the Hindu author, Dattatreya showed his unprejudiced
279

attitude towards Muslims for the first time, even towards the sultan
himself.

However,

complaints

against

Muslim

rule

do

appear

in

Gurucaritra as well. How far the narrator can be believed is also

questionable, since accurate historical narration never played an important
role in the writings of medieval Hindu authors. Later, Dattatreya stood
firmly as a guru to people of both religions, and assumed the form of a
Malanga fakir. Malangas are known to scholars of Indian Islam as
belonging to the unorthodox branch of Sufis that do not follow sharia
law. 277
This depiction of Dattatreya acting as a Muslim is shrouded in
misapprehensions and misunderstandings, due to problems orthodox
devotees had accepting a mysterious Datta-incarnate as a paramguru of
the famous Maharashtrian Brahman saint poet Eknath (d.1599). This
Dattatreya Malanga Chand Bodhle could not receive official
recognition and sanctification by Eknaths Brahman devotees precisely
because of his Muslim allegiance. Literary sources say he was, in addition
to being a Malanga, a digambara Datta (in this context, meaning simply a
naked ascetic), an avadhut (an ascetic not bound by social laws, who has
discarded all worldly attachments) and a yogiraj (yoga master) who
resided in Daulatabad, the cultural center of Muslims in Maharashtra. He
influenced

local

Hindu

and

Muslim

intellectual

circles,

then

disappeared, because modern proponents of drawing clear distinctions

between Hindus and Muslims could not find a suitable place for him. His
tomb, an example of the fusion of Hindu-Muslim architecture, lies
neglected. Despite the attitude of the traditions orthodox keepers, local
religious consciousness accepted Datta the fakir. New texts celebrating his
deeds in According to Dusan Deak, Daulatabad were created and new fakir
incarnations appeared whose lives and teachings were recorded in writing.
People may have forgotten the human name of Eknaths paramguru, but
they did not forget the fakir. Thus, from the late sixteenth century, so me
Dattatreya devotees accepted their deity could also appear in Muslim
guise. Yogi-saints, who could not be classified as Hindu or Muslim, were
probably behind this fakirization of the Hindu god, deliberately
confusing their devotees understanding of religious belonging through
280

their appearance and teachings. Acceptance of a Muslim element in the

local imagination must have been gradual, but it clearly reflects the socio
religious

milieu

of

late

medieval

Maharashtra,

where

modern

communalism did not exist. Dattatreya began to appear as a fakir from

then on, according to later tradition. This is not to say that his devotees
neglected the traditional trimurti form, but only that in popular
perception, differences between Hindu and Muslim ascetics did not e nter
communal discourse. On a popular level, the fakirs acceptance as a man
of spiritual knowledge and power simply reflected social reality. The
general Indic belief in powerful sages who save the lives of their devotees
may have been behind this gradual process , what mattered was not
religious persuasion but the deeds following the teachings. Later, devotees
turned the poor religious mendicant into a king of spirituality. Followers
of Anandasampradaya, a devotional cult based in Maharashtra and
northern Karnataka began speaking about Shah Datta Allama Prabhu, or
King Datta, Lord of the World. According to them, he assumed two forms:
a fakir and a Hindu Datta. He was said to reside in Daulatabad (called
Mecca in the devotional text Shah Datta Kalama) and to revive true
knowledge for Muslims as well. He explains the meaning of the Quran
and is the one who saves his true devotees at doomsday: the immortal
Absolute, Allah, Siddha of all siddhas, and the most perfect of the perfect
ones. The transformation from puranic deity to medieval fakir was thus
accomplished, with territorial and celestial accommodation. That the
followers of different Hindu and Muslim devotional groups unite in
worshiping a particular deity or saint is not exclusive to Indic religious
practice. Today, the best example of Dattatreya in a fakirs garb is the
famous Sai Baba from Shirdi, though not all his devotees would agree
with this depiction. Other known Muslim saints also recognized as
Dattatreya include Noori Maharaj of Thane, Tajuddin Baba of Nagpur, or
even a woman, Hazrat Baba Jan of Pune. Datta was worshipped for a long
time by Hindus and Baba by Muslims at the shrine of Baba Budhangiri of
Karnataka. The sacred area of Haji Malanga of Kalyani near Bombay was
also considered to be Dattas favorite. 278

281

7.4. Saint Eknath and Sufism:

Chand Bodhales book is the

earliest claim that Eknaths paramaguru was a Muslim, well before any of
the Marathi scholars drew this connection. Chand apparently does not
explicitly call this man a suf, which is interesting because Chand freely
says that Eknth was influenced by Sufism elsewhere. Chand explains that
Eknth was very much influenced by taawwuf (Sufism). 279 Chands
biography of Eknath most interesting is the fact that Chand is a Muslim.
He brings a unique perspective to many stories. When Chand first
introduces Eknahs guru Janardana, he notes that Mahipati claimed
Janardana would meet Dattatreya, who was dressed like a Muslim. In fact,
says Chand, he was dressed like a Muslim because he was a Muslim.
Every Friday Janardana would meet his elderly Muslim murshad (spiritual
guide or guru) to discuss spiritual matters. After Eknath had demonstrated
his faithful service to Janardana for six years, Janardana feels it was time
to introduce Eknath to his murshad, so he brings Eknath along to his next
Friday meeting. When the elderly Muslim man arrives, he brings with him
a cow named Kamadhenu which he requests Janardana to milk. The
murshad then crumbles some bread into the milk, eats it with Janardana
and asks Eknath to wash the pot. Eknath brings the pot to a nearby stream,
puts water in it, and drinks the contents. When Eknathh returns, the
murshad touches Eknaths head with his hand, thereby sending Eknath
into a world of self-forgetting. Chand Bodhale explains that Eknath was
very much influenced by taawwuf (Sufism). Chand repeats this theme
frequently throughout his writing; Eknath was influenced by Sufism both
spiritually and socially, so that he treated all people as equal regardless of
caste. 280 If Chand Bodhle was originally a syncretic, idiosyncratic
mendicant, he was apparently a very famous and respected one who was
quickly and grandly memorialized after his death. His sizable, impre ssive
dargah is still maintained quite close to the Daulatabad fort. It can be
reached by walking about 40 meters south of the fort entrance and the
following a dirt lane east (off the main road) for about 200 meters, at
which point a small stone gateway on the north side of the path will lead
to the dargah. The date of his death anniversary is urs the 13th of
Ramzn. The first scene portrays Eknaths encounter with Datttreya, who
282

is dressed as a Muslim. It was the synthesis of Sufi and Marathi Bhakti in

medieval Maharashtra. 281 Janardanas satisfaction with Eknths spiritual
progress, his esoteric teaching, Eknaths encounter with Datttreya
dressed as a Muslim, and Eknaths pilgrimage to northern India. Chand
had to draw links between Eknth and Sufism, and he certainly lives up to
this expectation. Chands book is the earliest claim that Eknaths
paramaguru was a Muslim, well before any of the Marathi scholars drew
this connection. V.S. Bendre also explained the detailed accounts with
edited copy of Yogsangram of Shaikh Muhammad Baba Shrigondekar. 282
7.5. Gopaldas, Mahanubhav Poet and Sufism in Marathwada:
Gopaldas was the Mahanubhav saint poet in Aurangabad region.
The manuscript does not show the clear native place of him. But it can
show the ideas of saint about the philosophy of Mahanubhav cult and
Islamic ideas into the manuscripts. He wrote the Riddhipur shrine of
Mahanubhav cult as Unch Dargah, (high Dargah). Also he wrote about
the Shahgad. In his poems, the Islamic ideas of mysticism and events
found majorly. That is the clear explanation of the influence of Sufic ideas
in his Mahanubhav and mystical poems.
Quran

Aalam

Bandagi

Wali

Pir

Panch Pir

Qudarat

These are the words from the poems of Gopaldas. He wrote about
the Panch Pir, means the Prophet Muhammad, Ali, Hasan, Husain and
Fatima. He wrote about the Pir or the spiritual guide in Sufism, and other
concepts of Tasawwuf like Aalam (world), Bandagi , Qudarat (world),
Wali (friend of God), Pir (sufi master). 283

7.6. Sai Baba of Shirdi and Sufism:

Sai Baba appeared in I872 in a town in central Maharashtra known
as Shirdi. He was a boy of about sixteen at the time and dressed as a
Muslim fakir or mendicant. As we shall see, he was far from being a
conventional follower of Islam, however. Very little is known about his
family background. Hindus usually assert that he was of Brahmin origin
and that, orphaned when very young; he was taken as disciple by a Muslim
283

ascetic. Sai Baba's religious practices blended Hindu and Muslim

elements. There he performed a kind of Hindu ritual with lights and
incense. He kept a fire burning perpetually in a Dhuni (and his followers
keep it burning even today) in the manner of a Nathpanthi pir. His ritual
practices included both Muslim Namaz (Salat) and Hindu prayers and
offerings.
Sai Baba established himself as a saint through the performance of
miracles; and it is chiefly because of his renowned Siddhis, preternatural
powers, that his reputation has continued to grow long after his death. One
can read volumes of collected experiences of his followers who have
believed that it was the direct intervention of Sai Baba that brought them
health, wealth, or remedy in some pressing life situation. He used the ash
from the Dhuni as a sacramental substance for the working of his miracles.
This ash can be rubbed into the forehead or throat, swallowed, cast into a
wound, or used in various ways to effect changes. 284
Sai Baba of Shirdi (1838 to 1918 AD) is regarded by many as a Sufi
saint. In his time many of his devotees were Sufi Muslims. The teaching
of Sufism relates it to the teachings of Sai Baba. The common thread in
both is that unconditional surrender to a spiritual Guru (Pir Murshid) is a
must for embarking on the spiritual path. The Sufi Islamic traditions
evolved over history with a degree of interaction with Hinduism. It is a
school that includes philosophers and mystics. Sufis believe that Sufi
teachings are the essence of every religion, and indeed of the evolution of
humanity as a whole. Sufis focus on the internal or more spiritual aspects,
such as perfecting ones faith and fighting ones own ego (nafs). Sufism is
a very open-minded philosophy. The central concept in Sufism is love.
Sufis believe that, love is a projection of the essence of God to the
universe.

The

term

dhikr-recollection

signifies

'mentioning,'

'remembering,' or simply 'thinking of'. The Sufis made a practice of

repeating the name of God or some religious formula, e.g. Glory to
Allah (subhan Allah), accompanying the mechanical intonation with an
intense concentration of every faculty upon the single word or phrase; and
they attach great value to this irregular litany, which enables them to
284

enjoy uninterrupted communion with God. Recollection may be either

spoken or silent, but it is best, that tongue and mind should co-operate.
You yourself must become the very embodiment of that love, that
devotion. The philosophy of Sai Baba was influenced by Sufism. There
should be no awareness of some being, some person having that quality of
devotion. Then it becomes a subtle spiritual ego. The very purpose of the
existence of the guru is to remove the separatist

consciousness, the

consciousness of being a separate being or entity, and if guru-bhakti

becomes a means of boosting and sustaining that ego, egoism, then it loses
its purpose and becomes self-defeating. The spiritual remedy he prescribes
to his devotees in Shri Sai Satcharita (the Holy Book of Sai devotees), be
it performing a full weeks recitation of Gods name, or reading of a holy
book, or feeding an animal etc. is tailored to the spiritual needs of the
individual devotees and is absolutely context-specific. Furthermore, while
Baba himself was a nonvegetarian, a Yogi and celibate, yet t here is no
general rule arising from his own life. For example, for some he
recommended celibacy, while for others the life of a householder. Baba s
path was a simple one free of any rituals that required love and devotion
to him.
Two of Sai Babas key sayings are:
Allah Malik Hai (God is the Master)
Shradha Saburi (Have Faith and Patience )
Although the majority of devotees are Hindu, they also have no
problem accepting Sai Baba of Shirdi, as Sufi Muslim status. Therefore, in
this work Sai Baba will be examined in the light of Sufism, to elucidate a
clearer understanding of him. The recent discovery and translation of a
manuscript of a notebook, written in Urdu by Abdul, Sai Babas Sufi pupil
or murid, has helped to confirm Sai Babas Muslim and Sufi origins and
Predilections An important booklet was published in October 1986, in
commemoration of the 68 th Anniversary of the physical passing away of
Sai Baba. This is entitled Sai Baba: The Perfect Master, and is edited by
D.N. Irani. It is invaluable because it collects together many of the
references made to Sai Baba by Meher Baba, the Parsi God -man who was
himself known as Avatar Meher Baba. Scattered among his writings he
285

often referred to Sai Baba in Sufi terms, as a Perfect master or qutb

which literally means an axis, pole or pillar around which the universe
spins, used here in a spiritual context. He places Sai Baba at the head of a
spiritual hierarchy of five Perfect Masters. It also contains excerpts from
books about Meher Baba, which refer to the Shirdi sage. Meher Baba
presented an altogether different view of Sai Baba from that of the Hindu
authors, seeing him as a Sufi and a member of an elevated Islamic
hierarchy of saints who had come with an urgent spiritual mission for this
age. This opinion dovetails with material revealed in the Saibaba MS,
given later in Part Grammatically the Arabic word should be given in the
singular wali, but in Maharashtra the plural awliya is invariably used to
describe a Sufi saint. It is also spelt aulia or auliya in Marathi and in Sai
literature. 285
8. Impact of Sufism:
Hindu-Muslim syncretism in Deccan has deep cultural roots which
has survived political and social upheavals. There are numerous syncretic
shrines and Dargahs across the country which even today continues to
attract people of both faiths Hindu and Muslims. The proliferation of
Sufism in fact became one of the important mechanisms of ensuring
communal harmony between the Hindus and the Muslims. As the Muslim
Sufi saints had contributed the social and cultural works in medieval
times. Lokhandwalla states, The Sufi and bhakti movements blurred the
differences between the two religions so much that it was very common
till very recently to have a sadguru or a pir (Murshid) having a common
following of Hindus and Muslims. And no pir or sadguru ever forced a
Hindu or Muslim to give up his religion for any other. The medieval age
was the period when Sufi and Bhakti thought and practice blended and
coalesced at many points. 286 The influence of Sufism in India has been
such that a number of Dargahs and mazar of the saints of various orders
are venerated by the Hindus and Muslims alike. The Dargahs of Muin -uddin Chisti and Nizam-ud-din Auliya in Ajmer and Delhi respectively, are
the foremost of them. In Deccan, Bidar, Khuldabad, Daulatabad,

286

Aurangabad, Gulbarga and Hyderabad town had number of Sufi Dargahs

which are very spiritual importance today in both communities. 287
8.1.

Sufi Popularity in Medieval India:

All the sufi orders of the Sultanate period believed in achieving the
basic sufi goal of establishing direct communion with God by traversing
the sufi' path under the supervision of a spiritual guide or Pir Murshid.
However, different Sufi orders observed distinct rituals and customs of
their own and differed in their attitudes to state and society. Of all the
orders of this period, the Chishti, emerged as the most popular, and it was
also widespread.

Chishti rituals, attitudes and practices made it an

essentially Indian silsilah. Many practices of early Chishtis bore close

resemblance to the attributes of some of the already existing non conformist religious orders in India such as asceticism, Wowing before the
master, shaving the head of a new entrant into the order and organizing
spiritual musical recital. The Chishtis opted an attitude of religious
tolerance towards the non-Muslim population of India and adjusted
themselves to the needs of a predominantly non-Muslim environment.
They made use of popular imagery and popular idiom to country their
ideas their Indian followers and adopted many of their customs and
rituals. Many of the Chishti saints made Hindawi the vehicle tor spreading
their teachings.

The Khanqah tradition of Chishti attitude towards

religion was characterized by sympathy towards the deprived sections of

the society. No space for castism in the Sufi khanqahs at that time.
Merchants, artisans, peasants and even sweepers became the followers of
the Sufi orders in Indian subcontinent. Sufis were not to accept state
patronage, their rejection of the orthodoxy and externalist attitudes of the
Ulema. 288
The Chishti practice of Sama provided the basis for a syncretic
musical tradition such as the repertoire of religious songs called qawwali
which is said to have begun with Amir Khusrau. Early Sufi saints came to
India even before the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate. The basic
features of sufis in India continued to be the same as they were in the
Islamic world it developed into an organized movement during 10th-12th
287

centuries. During 12th and 13th centuries there developed a number of

Sufi orders or Silsilahs. Like in the Islamic

orders became popular in

India during the Sultanate period. Of the day by day and Chishti orders
and other Sufi orders also were more prominent. In India, the Chishti
order became most popular among the masses. 289

8.2.

Dargah Tradition in Present Deccan Society:

Marathwada has the many Dargahs from medieval era to early

modern period. In over Deccan Dargah culture had developed from twelfth
century AD. It is historically attested that Sufism and Bhakti were two
parallel movements which grew and flourished in the sub continent almost
simultaneously. They both grew and flourished in the sub continent almost
simultaneously. They grew out of the native soil, awoke in the mysticism
tinted language of the masses and gave a healing touch to a turbulent and
violence riddle society coming to terms with its many political uphea vals
and social contradictions. Sant Kabir, Dau Dayal, Data Ganj Baksh
Hajweri, Mian Miir, Shaikh Nooruddin, Lal Dev, Khwaja Gharib Nawaz,
Bulleh Shah, Shaikh Farid, Gaib Nawaz Ajmeri, they had the same vision.
They spoke in different modes and different idioms, but the essence of
their message remained the same. 290
The performance and experience of pilgrimage are influenced both
by institutional patterns and individual thought and behavior. Since in
Islam there is not a centralized clergy, and since neither in Qurn, nor in
Hadith, detailed ritual prescription about the ziyrat can be found, it can
be useful to have a look to the writings of outstanding Sufi masters, who
embody the highest ideals of the religious tradition, in order to understand
the place this practice occupies within the Sufi and Islamic theologicalliterary universe. 291
Generally people are visiting to dargahs of the Khuldabad,
Daulatabad and Aurangabad every year at Urs festival including Hindu
and Muslims from Deccan. It happens present days on the occasion of
their weekly, monthly and annual ceremonies. The great Sufi Ab Hmid
288

al-Ghazl (d. 1111), expressed himself in favour of the legitimacy of the

ziyarat and explained its correct meaning. According to him, the practice
does not refer only to the visit to saints graves, but encompasses also
pilgrimages to places defined by the presence of holiness. Muslims hold a
universal awareness of the holiness of the dead, which manifests itself in
the devotees physical and spiritual contact with the place of burial. Al Ghazl emphasizes the universality of experience of self -surrender and
total connection with the dead, experienced by the devotee during the
ziyarat. In his account, the main assumption is that the ziyarat should take
place within the limits set by Prophet Muhammad. The aims are
contemplation, remembering death and obtaining blessings. However, the
devotee can gain blessings only through personal contemplation and
supplication, and not through the dead saint.
The celebrated saint Hazrat Nizamuddin Awliya (d. 1325) of Delhi,
touchstone not only for Chishti sufis, but also for all Sufis of the Indian
Subcontinent, talks about the ziyarat in the Fawadid al-Fuad.

He said,

My mother (Gods mercy be upon her) fell ill. She asked me to visit the
graves of such and such wal or pir. As directed, I visited those graves and
told her about the visits on my return. Each time when I did that, I found
her illness a bit alleviated, and a marked relief was visible. 292
In another occasion, he relates that his master, Shaikh Farid al -Din
Ganj Shakar (d. 1265), when he was ill, sent the disciple various times to
visit the graves of some Dargahs around Ajodhan. From these anecdotes it
can be gathered that graves are places in which saints spiritual power and
influence keep working even after their physical death. For many Sufis,
graves represent a means to gain access to the barakat of particular saints,
and to go forward in their spiritual path. This type of pilgrimage
represents the extension, beyond time limits, of the relationship between a
Sufi master and his disciples and devotees. It is the extension of the
master-disciple relationship and of the practice of Piri Muridi, namely the
visit to a master, to pay respect to him, to get his spiritual teachings, to
obtain his blessings, to ask for his therapeutic assistance or for help in any
matter of daily life. 293 Undoubtedly these words and anecdotes are
sketchy, but they can contribute to outline the notion of the ziyarat in the
289

tradition of Indian Sufism. To summarize, the aims of the ziyarat are

contemplation, recollection of death, quest for blessings, that can lead to
spiritual and material benefits (especially cure of illnesses), and
supplicate God on behalf of the dead. Ritual behavior is not described in
detail, what matters are that it should remain within the limits of Sunna.
One should remove his or her shoes before approaching the tomb, as a
mark of respect, and recite the prayers for the dead, whose merit goes to
the dead. As regards pilgrims, the experience of self -surrender and total
connection with the dead is mentioned, and it is related that the ziyarat
promotes feelings of sweetness and tenderness, even in the hardest hearts.
The city of Khuldabad is scattered with dargah and the ziyarat, urs
are a common custom, not only among Muslims, but even among Hindus.
One of the most visited Dargah is that of Burhan al Din Gharib, Zayn al
Din Shirazi, Raju Qattal Husaini, Zar Zari Zar Baksh Chishti Dargah etc.
Regarded amongst the most influential and cherished saints of the town,
known also as Mashaikh e Deccan, Burhan al Din Gharib Chishti.
According to hagiography, he lived peacefully among Hindus and had
numerous Hindu disciples. 294
The ziyarat is principally an individual ritual, which devotees
perform alone or together with some relative or friend. Tradition does not
prescribe particular days or hours to visit the Dargah. Devotees require
ritual purity for visiting the Dargahs. They do the ritual ablutions (wudu)
in the Masjid near Dargahs. Another element is the offering to the saint.
According to tradition, devotees offer, agreeably to their means, a gift to
the saint, as a token of love for him. After having kissed the threshold and
greeted the saint with respect, pilgrims place flowers on the grave, flower
garlands (haar), or sheets (ilaf) embroidered with kalmia (la ilaha
illl-lh, Muhammad rasl Allh theres no God but Allah, Muhammad is
His Prophet), the name of the Prophet or of his family members. More
rarely do pilgrims light incense sticks (agarbathi) and Chirag (small
earthen lamps in which oil or clarified butter is burnt). In addition,
perfume (ithr) is sometimes sprinkled over the grave, and rice, sweets and
coconuts are offered. Customarily, when food is offered (especially when
290

the

devotees

petitions

are

fulfilled),

the

mutawalli

(the

dargah

administrator), or one of the caretakers, recites the ftiha over it; half of
the food goes to the author of the offering, who then starts the
distribution, and half to the caretakers, who can store it or dis tribute it
among the poor. Occasionally pilgrims offer gifts in the form of tribute
(nazrana) to the mutawalli or to the family of the huddam (the caretakers)
and the dargsh depends, to a large extent, on these offerings of goods and
money, for its preservation. 295 Contact is of pivotal significance. After
having placed his offering on the pile of flowers and sheets that covers the
grave, the pilgrim touches the grave. This action is performe d in other
ways too, but its essence remains the same, that is, physical contact. By
physically touching the grave that embodies the dargahs spiritual power,
devotees perceive to gain access to his power and to have Divine blessing
flowing in their body.
Once the offering is completed, the pilgrim goes on to recite the
ftiha, the first sura of Qurn, universally recited, in the Muslim world, at
the Sufi saints tombs and at the graves of relatives and friends. It is
recited also in each sequence of the canonical prayer (namaz). By Shaikh
or Pirand sajjda nain, Sufi masters and living representatives of saints,
it is uttered over food in order to bless it, before distributing it freely, as
tabarruk (blessing), to the poor and to the devotees of the dargh. Some
devotees perform clockwise circumambulation around the grave. This
ritual is called tawf, an Arab term which means to walk in circles around
something and, in particular, within religious jargon, to run or walk
around a sacred object. awf is a key ritual of the Pilgrimage to the holy
city of Mecca, and is performed by making seven rounds around the Kaba,
the building that houses the Black Stone. In the dargah of the
Subcontinent, tawf came to be a widespread practice among pilgrims,
promoting the view according to which the saint identified metaphorically
with the Kaba, as symbolic centre of the universe. 296 Pilgrimage places
generally claim to possess a privileged relationship with Divinity: on the
spot where they stand, Divine power manifested itself and still keeps
doing so. In Sufi tradition the Dargah are regarded as sacred places, since
291

they house the remains of individuals who, because of their holiness, were
reputed to be close to God. Through a metonymic symbolic process, a
simile between the place of burial and the saint is enacted, and graves
acquire the saints spiritual powers and their role as mediators between
men and God.
According to Morinis pilgrimage centers develop and project an
image that represents a purer or more ideal version of some accepted
cultural ideals. The author defines this type of cultural intensification as
[it is] the central force in the creation, maintenance and success of
pilgrimage shrines. This can be held as valid in regard to the Dargah,
where cultural ideals such as devotion to Allah, spiritual guidance,
tolerance, generosity, spiritual search are intensified. The statement that
pilgrimage places imply a social field and an informational field is also
acceptable. The Dargah indeed is a place for gathering which draws people
with specific social characteristics, and projects an image encoded in
stories and legends. The conventional way to refer to pilgrimage places as
centers is compelling. However, centrality is only a spatial conce pt that
can be used to locate the sacred place in relation to its fields.
Geographically, the sacred place is actually seldom central. 297
8.3. Samaa:

Music in Islam, these worlds carries different

meanings to different people. In medieval period, Chishti Sufi saints of

Indian sub continent were lovers of Music or Samaa and Qawwali. That
spirit is still alive in Khuldabad, Aurangabad, Kandhar, Gulbarga and
North India, Ajmer, Delhi etc. places. Specially, in Deccan in fifteenth
century, Sayyad Muhammad al Husaini-i- Gesudiraz (721 / 1321 825 /
1422) has his own ideology and thinking about Chishti Samaa and
Qawwali. Khwajah Abu Ishaq i- Shami (d. 329 / 940) was the founder of
Chishti silsila in Chisht city in medieval Heart Khurasan area.

Shaikh

Muin ud din Hasan Gharib Nawaz Chishti in the year 1193 AD, arrived at
Ajmer and spread Chishti Sufism in north India. Chishti Sufi Khanqah
established all Sufi places in India, such as Delhi, Ajmer, Fatehpur,
Ahmadabad, Khuldabad, Daulatabad Kandhar, Gulbarga Bidar Bijapur etc.
The main purpose of the establishment of monasteries was to include
292

spiritual teaching and mystical ideas, and to build up the moral and Sufic
culture of the people. Besides the Muslims, Hindus were also allo wed to
enter the Chishti monasteries without any inhibition or fear. The Khanqah
were open to all, irrespective of high or low, caste, creed, or religion.
Everyone, from a King to Beggar, was welcomed and was treated as an
equal.
Samaa the word is derived from the Arabic verb samia, means a
hearing, or audition. The word does not occur in the holy Quran, but
in classical Arabic it seems to have meant, a singing or musical
performance. The lawfulness of music has been the subject of long
controversy in Islam. Samaa was adapted in sufi circles in the late second
or the early third century Hijrah or 9 th century AD, as a spiritual exercise
and as a means of revelation/ making known (that) was secret or hidden,
attained through ecstasy (happiness). It was in Sufism that samaa acquired
its technical meaning of, listening to music (make an effort to hear /
attention to a sound / voice / divine music), singing, chanting (repeating
rhythmic dhikr) and recitation in order to produce religious emotions and
ecstasy (wajd), and also such performance as

by voice or instrument.

Samaa became very popular (among Hindu & Muslim in Indian subcontinent) among the Sufis as a ritual, with the result that there were
diverse opinions as to its lawfulness. Consequently, various topics
regarding samaa & qawwali were discussed rending of garments in
ecstasy (wajd), itself, musical instruments, dancing (raqs), and the like.
An eminent Sufi like Hujwiri (d. 465/1072) who felt that it was samaa
which made the religion obligatory, also refers to it as an amusement,
which is the root of all immorality. 298
In Sufism, samaa is permitted, for one who seeks spiritual
enlightenment. According to Abu al-Daqqaq (d.406AH/1015AD) samaa is
prohibited for the common people (al-awam) because of the existence of
their carnal souls (li-baqa nufusihim); allowable to the ascetics on account
of the actualization of their spiritual struggle (li-husul mujahadatihim),
and lawful for Sufis because of their live hearts (li-hayat qulubihim). The
293

playing of musical instruments has always been a controversial topic.

Tambourine (daff) was widely used in samaa gatherings in Khanqah.
Ahmad al-Ghazali allows the Persian flute also to be played. Hujwiri
writes that the theologians agree on the permissibility of musical
instruments if they are not used for amusement. In India, sheikh Nizam alDin Awliya did not allow any instrument. He believed that instruments
were no means of delight for a man of taste, and pain, (Sahib-I-dhawq
wa dard). Samaa was not an entertainment for Sufis, but it has a serious
purpose behind it. It played a great role (ecstasy = happiness), that
without experiences no knowledge, Wajd, would be the hearing and sight
of the heart. Ecstasy is a flame, which springs up in the heart and appears
out of lunging. Although dancing (raqs) was one of the earlier forms of
expressing ecstasy (wajd). But it was not always approved of by the Sufis.
Hujwiri does not approve of dancing at all. He prefers to be called
ecstatic movements, rather than dancing. In conclusion, raqs (dancing),
is allowable, (mubaah) and also under worship (ibadat) if the intentions
(niyat) of the performer were good.
Shaikh Muin-al-Din Chishti Garib Nawaz Ajmeri (d.633/1236), who
immigrated to India in the year 590/1193 AD, is reported to have
organized samaa gatherings.

In all over Indian sub-continent in next

centuries to come, samaa was popularized through the efforts of sheikh /

saints of Chishtiya silsila.

According to Sayyad al-Husaini Muhammad

Gesudaraz, Samaa was not just an ordinary mode of worship, but was a
specific path, leading to Allah. Gisudiraz writes, that samaa is one of the
ways of approaching the Beloved.
Namaz, Fasting, recitation of Quran lead man towards Allah
likewise samaa, draws one closer to Allah (Him). It is quoted that samaa
is the closest (aqrab) path leading to God (Allah). Gesudaraz feels that
this is so because unity (jam; of thought), and contemplation (tawajjuh)
which are the best

of all the fortunes (sarmayah) (Jami I-Saadathaa)

are possible mainly through samaa.

Though it must be noted though, that Gesudaraz was very particular
about Namaz (prayer) and shariat in genera, and the man who would take
294

any criticism against samaa. He writes that samaa should not be

considered

something

trivia,

because

all

that

is

found

through,

remembrance, (dhikra), meditation, (muraqabah) and prayers (salat,

namaz), is already the cash of the moment, (naqd-I-waqt) in samaa.
Gesudaraz prefers night to day, in which case it should be well illuminated
(not dark lighted). As for place, Gesudaraz writes that it should be
enclosed (mahfuz) with walls and should have a roof. It should not be an
open space where the wind blows. This is so because the voice gets carried
away by the wind instead of reaching (nuzul) its destination (mahall)
which is the heart (dil). He further explains that the place should be
perfumed (murawwah) and free (khali) from disturbance.
Sama or audition of music was one of the main spiritual
disciplines of the Chishti monasteries

Gesudaraz Bnda Nawaz Chishti a

lot to say about its practice. It was not an ordinary worship for him but it
played a signal role in the achievement of his own spiritual status. He
thinks that it is the closest preference to it over every other discipline. 299
Gesudaraz was very liberal where instruments were concerned,
relative to orthodox Islam and the traditional views of the Sufis. He was
not absolutely opposed to the playing of musical instruments in samaa,
though he himself did not have any instrument, except a tambourine,
played during the ritual. Therefore, silence should be preferred regarding
the controversy. Especially for a Sufi shaikh, to keep away from those
instruments which are forbidden by law (shariat). Gesudartaz concept of
raqs (Sufi dancing) is very similar to that of other Chishti Sufis. He
interprets various types of ecstatic dancing.
Muin al Din Hasan Chishti (d.634AH/1236AD)
Qutb al Din Bakhtiyar I Kaki (d. 634/1236)
Hamid al Din Sufi I Nagauri Chishti (d.641/1244)
Farid al Din Ganj I Shakar Chishti (d.664/1265)
Nizam al Din Awliya Chishti (d.726/1325)
Nasir al Din Mahmud Chiragt I Dilli (d.757/1356)
Burhan al-Din Gharib Khuldabadi (d.741/1340)
Sayyed Muhammad al-Husayni Gesudiraz Chishti Gulbarga
(d.825/1422) etc. Sufi saints supporter of Samaa and Qawwali in
Indian Subcontinent. 3 00
295

8.4.

Qawwali Tradition:

"Let me sing till I am nothing but a voice." Rumi

Qawwali means the Sufi "music in context par excellence". Despite

the prohibition on music in orthodox Islam, Qawwali, spiritual song which
transports the mystic toward union with God, thrives as the central ritual
of Sufism. For centuries, the Sufi communities of the Indian Subcontinent
have sustained the tradition of singing and music as spiritual nourishment
in religious centers throughout Indian subcontinent. As an important
ingredient in the spread of Islam, Qawwali is suggestive of the mystical,
esoteric side of religion which continues to thrive. The Sufi saints who
brought their teaching from the Persian culture area to medieval India
found themselves in a cultural milieu based on hereditary social and
economic formations such as caste. Sufism played a role in mediating
between the orthodoxy tradition and indigenous, local practices. 301 It has
shown how the context in which Qawwali is heard determines its meaning.
In Sufi tradition, it is the listener who embodies the spiritual act. The
performer, the Qawwal himself, is not considered a religious figure, but a
servant under the patronage of the shrine in which he performs. Sufi music
has always run counter to hegemonies, yet it has adapted and survived. It
is ironic that some "fundamentalist" Islams oppose the Sufi tradition
which is so closely linked to the fundamental sources of Islamic religious
life: the Qu'ran and the Prophet. Qawwals in India today support
themselves with a combination of Sufi patronage and capital from
commercial

endeavors

such

as

recording,

teaching

and

private

performance. Ajmer today is the site of a unique combination of an older

system of patronage in the Dargah with a simultaneous system of modern
capitalism based on the sale of locally recorded commercial cassettes and
CDs. Qawwali, the Islamic practice transcends local space through aural
communication. Recitations of the Quran and Sufi in vocational hymns
both

affect

transcendence

of

physical

space

by

invoking

the

omnipresence of the divine and the universality of the Muslim Umma.

296

Second, her ethno musicological data asserts that Qawwali is "music in

context par excellence." 302
The name of the poet Amir Khusrau (1253-1325) is associated with
several innovations in Indian classical music dating to the medieval
period. Though Khusraus fame outside India is largely based on his
Persian poetry, in India he is also remembered for his many putative
contributions to Indian music. The writer of an anthology of Persian
poetry describes his musical talent as follows: A superb musician in his
own right and credited with the invention of several musical instruments
and with having laid the theoretical basis for much of Indo-Muslim music,
Khusraw imparted to his ghazals a lilt and melody that have assured their
inclusion in musical programs in India to the present day. Khusraus
fame as a Persian poet is indeed richly deserved. Known throughout the
Persian-speaking world as Amir Khusrau-e-Dihlaw (Amir Khusrau of
Delhi), Khusrau was court-poet to several kings in Delhi, most notable of
whom was Sultan Al-ud-dn Khilj. Contemporary (or even some later)
historians however do not remember him as a musician, but only as a poet.
For instance Firishta, who writes in detail of the court of Al -ud-dn
Khilj, lists Khusraus name among the poets, not among the qawwls or
musicians. 303 Khusrau is said to be the inventor of the Sitar and the Tabla.
But in addition to these musical instruments, he is said to have been the
originator of genres such as the tarn and the qaul. He is also said to
have composed numerous new raagas. Muhammad Wahid Mirza, who is
the author of an authoritative biography of Amir Khusrau, sums up
Khusraus musical contributions like, Amir Khusrau

invented the

following new melodies: mujr, szgr, aiman, ushshq, muwfiq,

ghazan, zilaf, farghna, sarparda, bkharz, firodast, munam, qaul,
tarna, khayl, nigr, bas, shhna, and suhila. 304

297

9. Influence of Sufi ideas on society:

There is no compulsion in religion. Verily, the Right Path has become

distinct from the wrong path. Whoever disbelieves in Taghut and believes
in Allah, then he has grasped the most trustworthy handhold that will
never break. An Allah is All Hearer, All Knower.
(Quran 2:256 Al-baqarah)
India has been the meeting place of various races, religion and
cultures. Politics have struggled for supremacy and in the end been fused
in new syntheses of both cultures that have marked new levels of
achievement for the human spirit. They all appeared on the scene as
victors, but were soon absorbed in the ranks of the vanquished. Each fresh
incursion of race or idea found the Indian temperament more malleable
than before, and accelerated the process of assimilation and synthesis. The
first and foremost characteristic of Islam is its emphasis on the unity of
God. From this follows its universality. All Muslims believe that, as a
universal religion valid for all times, it must reveal the eternal nature of
truth. According to Muslims, each country and age had its own prophet,
and Mohammed was only the last of a long line who had all preached
Islam to their own people in their own language. Mohammed claimed no
miracle, and his appeal was to the human reason. The equality and
brotherhood of all Muslims was equally a consequence of the emphasis on
the unity of God. The universality of reason demanded from all rational
beings the same behavior in the same circumstances. So far as men are
rational, they are equal in the sight of God. The impact of Islam on India
was deep and profound. The contact between new and old modes of
thought compelled acute and sensitive minds to think afresh about the
eternal problems of the universe. Men's minds were freed from the tyranny
of old traditional ways. New religions and philosophies appeared to mark
the rapprochement between Hindu and Islamic modes of thought. Yet the
assimilation and synthesis between the two systems was not complete, for
298

the facts of physical distance and inaccessibility remained. Interchange of

thought and culture between the capital and the country remained
imperfect. Rural culture, in spite of large-scale changes in religion,
remained dominantly Hindu, for men changed their creed but not their way
of life. In the extant textbooks of Indian history the record of difference
and conflict is kept alive, but the story of fusion and synthesis is either
forgotten or ignored. History books are told the story of the rise and fall
of dynasties, of invasions by new hordes from outside and gruesome
accounts of oppression, pillage, and rapine. There is hardly any mention
of the growth of social or cultural institutions or the emergence of new
social forms. The history of India in the middle medieval age is in fact a
story of assimilation and synthesis. At first under the Pathans and later on
a wider scale under the Mughals, this is unmistakable in the evolution of
customs and conduct, fashions and festivals, in the very preparation of
food and in social and household affairs. There were main role of Sufis
must be observed significance. Sufis also come to help for development
of Hindi, Dakhani, Urdu and other regional language folk literature in
India. In music and art, in sculpture and architecture, in social habits, life,
and manners, the effects of the synthesis are visible to this day. Sufism
has its foundation in the Quran, but it is clear that its development was
influenced by Christianity and Hinduism. Such intellectual influences are
how- ever, always mutual. Long before the conquest of Sind by
Muhammad bin Qasim, Arab traders had come into contact with the people
of Travancore. This peaceful penetration went so far that the last of the
Cheramon Perumal Kings of Malabar was converted to Islam and left his
kingdom on a pilgrimage to Mecca. Kaladi, where Sankaracharya was
born, belonged to a small principality whose king also accepted Islam.
There is no indication that these conversions were the result of military
conquest. Nor is there any indication that the change of faith by the king
resulted in any large-scale conversions among the people. Social attitudes,
religious faith, and even the Hindu philosophy of life were profoundly
affected. The new philosophies which were born in that period have left a
permanent impression on the Indian mind.

The contact of Hindu and

Muslim cultures in the south was responsible for the birth of a new
299

philosophy, Bhakti movement. It is not surprising that the impact should

first be felt in the sphere of the intellect. First acquaintance attracts the
intellect more than the heart. Some of the aspects of Islamic culture and
its influence on Indian life and thought have been indicated above. The
account must from the very nature of the case remain incomplete. When
two powerful currents meet, there is no question of the absorption of the
one in the other. The two streams join to create a new form , and their
separate contributions can hardly be distinguished. Old values were
transmitted and even ancient themes were informed with a new spirit. We
have referred to the changes in intellectual outlook and the achievements
in the fields of architecture and poetry. The music of ancient India
reminds one at every step of the temples of the south. The same solidity of
structure and profusion of details stamp it with an unmistakable identity.
The music of the north offers a sharp contrast. The solidity is re - placed
by an airy grace. Wealth of de- tails gives place to spacing and harmony.
Sufism, developed forms of piety and culture that represented Indian as
opposed to Arab versions of Islam (for example, worship at the graves of
great Sufi saints). 305
According to Asghar Ali Engineer, on the level of the masses, in
India, Sufis and folk Islam have become popular and evoked no animosity.
It is no wonder that the Sufis adopted an attitude towards the Hindus
entirely different; the Sufis were not aspirants to power. On the contrary,
they kept away from it and concentrated on spiritual matters. They found
many parallels to the spiritual endeavor in Islam in the spiritual practice
of Hindu yogis. Once Nizamuddin Awliya (AD 1238-1325) was walking
with his disciple Amir Khusraw (AD 1253-1325), along the bank of the
Yamuna River; he saw some Hindu women bathing and worshipping the
sun. He promptly said, har qewm-ra dini wa qibla-gahi (for every people
there is a religion and a way of prayer). The Sufi concept of 'fana fi Ilah'
also seems to have been derived from the Buddhist concept of 'nirvana'
which predates it. It is also important to note that the Sufis did not
hesitate to use the local Hindu idiom in putting across their ideas and
teachings.

Sufi

saint

from

Maharashtra,

Shaikh

Muhammad

Shrigondekar, named his book on Sufism Yogasangram He used Marathi

300

and Sanskrit rather than Arabic terms, for he calls

'dil' (heart)

'antahakaran', 'jalaliyant', 'tamogun' and 'themkamaliyat' 'sadgun'. In

fact, he uses all those terms which were used by Patanjali, Shankaracharya
(c 700 AD) and the commentators on the Vedantas. 306
Notes and References:
1. John Baldock, 2006. The Essence of Rumi, Arcturus Pub. London,

UK, p.27.
2. Yazdani Kawsar. 1978. Sufi Sampraday aur Sadhana (Hindi).

Allahabad, p. 78.
3. Nicholson, R.A., Edi., The Masterpiece of Sufis, The Kashf al

Mahjub, Adam Publishers & Distributors, New Delhi, 2006, pp. i xii, 35-48.
4. Barani, pp. 354, 360, 361.
5. Nizami, K.H. 1973. Tadhkirah-i-Khusrawi, (Urdu) Khwajah Aulad

Kitab Ghar, Delhi, p. 20; Mawlawi Abd al Haqq. 1968. Urdu ki

IbtidaI Nashwo Numa men Sufiya-i-Kiram ka kam, Anjuman-iTaraqqi-i-Urdu, Hind, Aligarh, p. 76; Shaikh Musak Rajjak, The
Fawid al-Fuad:

A Historical Study of the Chishti Malfuz

Literature of Khilji-Tughalaq India, Published in International

Registered and Recognized Research Journal

Social Grwoth,

June,2011 Latur, Maharashtra State. Pp.76-81; Abdol - Hosein

Zarrinkoob, Persian Sufism in Its Historical Perspective, Iranian
Studies, Vol. 3, No. 3/4, Persian

Sufism in Its Historical

Perspective (Summer -Autumn, 1970), Taylor & Franci Pub.,

International Society for Iranian Studies, pp. 139-220.
6. See Ghulam Ali Azad Bilgrami, Rawzat al-Awliya, (Persian),

Delhi, Liberty Art Press, 1996, p. 64; Nile Green, 2006. Ostrich
Eggs and Peacock Feathers: Sacred Objects as Cultural Exchange
between Christianity and Islam, Al-Masaq: Islam and the Medieval
Mediterranean, 18:1, 21 Oct 2010 Routledge, Taylor & Francis,
London, pp. 27-78.
7. Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, Historical Significance of the Malfuz

Literature of Medieval India, in On History and Historians of

301

Medieval India, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishars Pvt. Ltd. 1982,

New Delhi, pp. 163-97.
8. Shaikh Musak Rajjak, Historical Significance of the Malfuz

Literature: An Introduction to Malfuzat-i-Sarwari of Kandhar

Deccan, in History Research Journal, Issue:XIII, December 2008,
Marathwada Itihaas Parishad, Aurangabad, pp. 68-72.
9. See, Ziya ul Hasan Faruqi.(Edi.)1996.Fawaid al Fuad : Spiritual

and

Literary

Discourses

of

Shaikh

Nizam

ud

din

Awliya,

D.K.Printworld (P) Ltd., New Delhi.

10. See, Fawaid ul Fuad, Conversations of Shaikh Nizam ud din

Auliya, compiled by Amir Hsan Sijzi, Newal Kishore Press,

Lucknow, 1302 AH (Persian text)
11. The Fawaid ul Fuad, Newal Kishore Press (Persian text), p. 145.
12. The Fawaid ul Fuad, Newal Kishore Press (Persian text), p.163.
13. The Fawaid ul Fuad, Newal Kishore Press (Persian text), pp. 51-

3; Nizami, K.A. 1961. Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in

India During the Thirteenth Century, Department of History,
Aligarh Muslim University Pub., Aligarh, p.201.
14. The Fawaid ul Fuad, Newal Kishore Press (Persian text), pp. 57,

127, 232.
15. The Fawaid ul Fuad, Ibid, pp. 9,85,130,21,131.
16. The Fawaid ul Fuad, pp. 86-7, 124, 190.
17. The Fawaid ul Fuad, pp. 231-32.
18. The Fawaid ul Fuad, pp. 84-85,238.
19. The Fawaid ul Fuad, p. 182.
20. See, Kashani Hammad al Din. Ahsan al Aqwal. (Persian Malfuz)

Farid

ud

din

Saleem

Collection,

Dargah

Khuldabad, copy of 1338; copied 1718 AD;

i-

Hadd-I

Kalan,

Ahsan al Aqwal

of

Kashani Hammad al din, translated into Urdu by Muhammad Abd

al Majid, 1923.Gnj Bakhsh Publications, Hyderabad, reprinted at
1987 at Miraj.
21. Shaikh Musak Rajjak, unpublished paper, Shaykh Burhan al Din

Gharib & His Sufi Chishti Tariqah at Khuldabad Deccan, on 11-12

March, 2012, in 3 rd International Seminar of Peaceful Co-Existence
302

with Focus on Mysticism and Spiritual in Islam and Indian

Religions,

Organized

By

Al-Mustafa

International

University

Branch India (New Delhi) & Al-Mustafa Islamic Research Society

(Regd.) & Foswal SAARC Body, New Delhi, Abstract in Souvenir
p.94.
22. Nizami Khaliq Ahmad, Historical Significance of the Malfuz

Literature of Medieval India, in his own book, On History and

Historians of Medieval India, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers
Pvt. Ltd. New Delhi, 1982, pp. 163-97.
23. See, Kashani Hammad al Din. Ahsan al Aqwal. (Persian Malfuz)

Farid

ud

din

Saleem

Collection,

Dargah

i-

Hadd-I

Kalan,

Khuldabad, copy of 1338; copied 1718 AD.

24. See, Ahsan ul Aqwal, Manuscript, folio no. 80.
25. Ahsan al Aqwal, Urdu translation of Persian text, Chapter 7, p. 55.
26. Ahsan al Aqwal, Urdu translation of Persian text, p. 41.
27. Maulana Hammad bin Ammad Kashani, Ahsan al Aqwal, Urdu

translation of Persian text, p. 45; Carl W. Ernst, 2004. Eternal

Garden: Mysticism, History and Politics at a South Asian Sufi
Center, Oxford University Press, Delhi, p. 125.
28. Ahsan al Aqwal, Urdu translation of Persian text, p.46-7. Chapter 5.
29. Ahsan al Aqwal, pp. 74-48.
30. Ahsan al Aqwal, pp. 16, 67, 76-7, 144-45; Carl Ernst, Eternal

Garden, 2004, opt. cit., p. 132.

31. Ahsan al Aqwal, p.48, 139.
32. Ahsan al Aqwal, p.146.
33. Ahsan al Aqwal, pp. 82-3, 86, 98, 97.
34. See, The manuscript of Ahsan al Aqwal, Manuscript Collection

Persian Section, Osmania University Library, Hyderabad; Hammad

al Din Kashani, Ahsan al Aqwal, Manuscript in Collection of Mr.
Farid ud Din Saleem, Khuldabad, pp. 1-149; copied by Fayz
Muhammad son of Hafiz Amin in 1130 / 1718. Another Manuscript
of Ahsan al Aqwal in the collection of K. A. Nizami, Aligarh:
Kahliq Ahmad Nizami, A note on Ahsan al Aqwal, Journal of the

303

Pakistan Historical Society, Vol. III, 1955, pp. 40-44; cited in Carl
Ernst, Eternal Garden, opt. cit., 2004, p. 302.
35. See, Persian Manuscripts at Salar Jung Museum Library Hyderabad,

Siyar 5, 152,3,4. Majmaa of Sayyid Raju Yusuf Husaini, History

Section.
36. See, Kashani, Rukn al Din Dabir. Compiled in 1331-1337. Nafais

al Anfas. Persian Manuscript, containing 135 pages. Farid ud din

Saleem Collection, the Library of Dargah i- Hadd-I Kalan or
Khuldabad Greater Dargah Society, Khuldabad, Dist. Aurangabad;
Another copy exists at the library of Nadwat al Ulama Academy in
Lucknow; Ernst Carl, Eternal Garden, opt. cit., pp. 302-3.
37. Nafais al Anfas wa lataif al Alfaz, opt.cit. p.3.
38. Nafais al Anfas wa lataif al Alfaz, pp.3-10.
39. Nafais al Anfas wa lataif al Alfaz, p.125.
40. Nafais al Anfas wa lataif al Alfaz, pp.1, 23, 26.)
41. Nafais al Anfas wa lataif al Alfaz, p.128.
42. Nafais al Anfas wa lataif al Alfaz, opt.cit. p.118.
43. Nafais al Anfas wa lataif al Alfaz, pp. 15,17,47.
44. Nafais al Anfas wa lataif al Alfaz, p.83.
45. Nafais al Anfas wa lataif al Alfaz, p.135.
46. Nafais al Anfas wa lataif al Alfaz, p.15.
47. See, Rukna al Din ibn Imad al Din Dabir Kashani Khuldabadi.

Shamail al Atqiya. Persian to Urdu translation Edi.

By Sayyid

Husayn. Silat al Ulum, No. 85, Matba Ashraf Press, 1347 / 1928.
Hyderabad.
48. See, Rukna al Din ibn Imad al Din Dabir Kashani Khuldabadi.

Shamail al Atqiya. Persian to Urdu translation Edi.

By Sayyid

Husayn. Silat al Ulum, No. 85, Matba Ashraf Press, 1347 / 1928.
Hyderabad; this copy based on Manuscript of Shamail al Atqiya
text in Persian at Asafiyya Collection Asafiyya Library, Hyderabad
Deccan, Nizams Dominion, and another copy of text has in MS No.
1836, Eth, India Office Library, London.

Other Manuscript of

Shamail al Atqiya at MS 29767 / 14, Persian section, Subhan Allah

Collection, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, India.
304

49. Shamil al Atqiya, opt. cit. pp. 3-4.

50. Shamil al Atqiya, pp. 21-151.
51. Shamail al Atqiya, pp. 281,418.
52. Shamail al Atqiya, p.29.
53. Shamail al Atqiya, pp. 45-46.
54. Shamail al Atqiya, pp. 48-49.
55. Shamail al Atqiya, chapter 15-22.
56. Shamail al Atqiya, pp. 53.
57. Shamail al Atqiya, pp. 34-35.
58. Shamail al Atqiya, pp. 347-8.
59. Shamail al Atqiya, p. 360.
60. Shamail al Atqiya, p. 27.
61. See, the Hidayat al Qulub wa Inayat Ullam al Ghuyub, Manuscripts,

Mir Hasan, Greater Dargah Society Khuldabad archival Library,

Khuldabad, Dist. Aurangabad, containing 392 pages.
62. Hidayat al Qulub wa Inayat Ullam al Ghuyub, Manuscripts, Mir

Hasan,

Greater

Dargah

Society

Khuldabad

archival

Library,

Khuldabad, Dist. Aurangabad, pp. 1-2 ms., compiled in 1344 1367

AD.
63. Hidayat al Qulub wa Inayat Ullam al Ghuyub, Manuscripts, Mir

Hasan,

Greater

Dargah

Society

Khuldabad

archival

Library,

Khuldabad, Dist. Aurangabad, pp. 44,102,124,213.

64. Hidayat al Qulub wa Inayat Ullam al Ghuyub, opt. cit., 146.
65. Hidayat al Qulub wa Inayat Ullam al Ghuyub, pp. 52-53.
66. Hidayat al Qulub wa Inayat Ullam al Ghuyub, p. 153.
67. Hidayat al Qulub wa Inayat Ullam al Ghuyub,p. 146.
68. Hidayat al Qulub wa Inayat Ullam al Ghuyub, pp. 30, 159.
69. Hidayat al Qulub wa Inayat Ullam al Ghuyub, p. 293.
70. Hidayat al Qulub wa Inayat Ullam al GhuyubI,p. 158.
71. Hidayat al Qulub wa Inayat Ullam al Ghuyub , pp. 95, 149, 346.
72. Hidayat al Qulub wa Inayat Ullam al Ghuyub, p. 187.
73. Hidayat al Qulub wa Inayat Ullam al Ghuyub, p. 226; Ernst Carl,

Eternal Garden, opt. cit.,p. 168.

74. Hidayat al Qulub wa Inayat Ullam al Ghuyub, pp. 3-4, 126.
305

75. Hidayat al Qulub wa Inayat Ullam al Ghuyub, pp. 16, 75, 140;

Haroon Khan Sherwani, The Bamani Kingdom, Encyclopedia of

Islam, Vol. I, p. 995.
76. Majd al Din Kashan. Compiled in ca. 1340-65 AD. Gharaib al

Karamat wa Ajaib al-Mukashafat,copied text at 1897,Persian

Manuscript Collection, Greater Dargah Society Khuldabad archival
Library, Khuldabad, Dist. Aurangabad.

The author Majd al Din

Kashani, states that the work was written after Rukn al Dins
Nafais al Anfas and Hammad al Dins Ahsan al Aqwal.
77. Gharaib al Karamat wa Ajaib al-Mukashafat, p. 14.
78. Gharaib al Karamat wa Ajaib al-Mukashafat, pp. 3,6-12.
79. Gharaib al Karamat wa Ajaib al-Mukashafat, p. 9.
80. Gharaib al Karamat wa Ajaib al-Mukashafat, p.

51; Rawzat al

Awliya opt. cit., p. 28.

81. Gharaib al Karamat wa Ajaib al-Mukashafat, pp. 6-7.
82. Gharaib al Karamat wa Ajaib al-Mukashafat, p.11.
83. Gharaib al Karamat wa Ajaib al-Mukashafat, p.52.
84. Gharaib al Karamat wa Ajaib al-Mukashafat, pp. 37-8.
85. Gharaib al Karamat wa Ajaib al-Mukashafat, p.16.
86. Gharaib al Karamat wa Ajaib al-Mukashafat, p.57.
87. Gharaib al Karamat wa Ajaib al-Mukashafat, pp.65-67.
88. Shaikh Musak Rajjak, Historical Significance of the Malfuz

Literature: An Introduction to Malfuzat-i-Sarwari of Kandhar

Deccan, in History Research Journal, Issue:XIII, December 2008,
Marathwada Itihaas Parishad, Aurangabad, pp. 68-72.
89. See,

Munshi

Muhammad

Makkashfatai Sarwari

Amir

Hasan

Saheb

(edi.)2001.

(Urdu) based on Original Persian Malfuz

Malfuzat-I Sarwari, of Hazrat Sayyad Said ud din RafaI Sarwari

alias Haji Sayyah Sarwar Maqdoom, Pub. By M. M. Pentar, Shivaji
Nagar, Nanded.
90. Munshi Muhammad Amir Hasan Saheb (edi.)2001. Makkashfatai

Sarwari

(Urdu) based on Original Persian Malfuz Malfuzat-I

Sarwari, ibid., pp. 28-48.

91. Ibid, pp. 30-51.
306

92. Ibid, p.58.

93. Ibid, p. 5.
94. See, Fath al Awliya, compiled in 1620.

Persian Manuscript

Collection, Greater Dargah Society Khuldabad archival Library,

Khuldabad, Dist. Aurangabad.
95. Fath al Awliya, pp. 24-26.
96. Fath al Awliya, pp. 18-9.
97. Fath al Awliya, pp. 26-7.
98. Fath al Awliya, p.37.
99. Fath al Awliya, p.46.

100.

Fath al Awliya, p.50.

101.

Fath al Awliya, p.65.

102.

Fath al Awliya, p.69.

103.

Fath al Awliya, p.83.

104.

Fath al Awliya, p.94.

105.

Fath al Awliya, p.115.

106.

Fath al Awliya, p.119.

407.

Fath al Awliya, p.132.

708.

Fath al Awliya, p.121.

109.

Fath al Awliya, p.135.

110.

Fath al Awliya, p.138.

111.

Fath al Awliya, 138.

112.

Fath al Awliya, p.138.

113.

Fath al Awliya, p. 138.

114.

Fath al Awliya, p.141.

115.

Fath al Awliya, p.142

116.

Fath al Awliya, p.142.

117.

Fath al Awliya, p.142.

118.

Fath al Awliya, p.142.

119.

Fath al Awliya, p.142.

120.

Fath al Awliya, pp.19-20.

121.

Fath al Awliya, pp. 21 23.

122.

Fath al Awliya, pp. 57-58. Fath al Awliya said the urs of Burhan al
307

Din Gharib was attended by people of all countries; Firishta, Tarikh

I Farishta, Vol. II, pp. 278, 280.
123.

See, Fath al Awliya, 57-58;

See, Mughal Farman Collection at

Farid ud din Manuscript Collection, Khuldabad; Mirza, M.W.,

Islam, in The Mughal Empire, Edi. By Majumdar, R.C., Bharatiya
Vidya Bhavan, 1974, pp. 665-675.
124.

Fath al Awliya, pp. 37-50; Muhammad Abd al Jabbar Mulkapuri,

1899. Mahbub al Watan, Tazkira-I Awliya-I Dakan, Matba-I
Rahmani, Hyderabad, Vol. I, pp. 530-538; See, Reprint , Maheboob
i- Zilamanan Taskarate Auliya i- Dakan, Mehboobat Tarikh, by
Maulavi

Abu

Turab

Abdul

Jabbar

Khansahab,

Mathabooaa

Rahamani, Hyderabad, 2001 (Urdu).

125.

Fath al Awliya, pp. 65 67;

Muhammad Abdul Yahya.2001.

Gulistan e- Khuldabad: Tazakira Buzur e- Din, Shan e- Madafan

Rawza, Sawera Offcet Press , Aurangabad, 1422 / 2001, p. 214.
126.

Rawzat al Awliya, Persian to Urdu Translation, Edi. Farukhi Nisar

Ahmad,Pub. By Rahmat Ali Kahna Rampuri, Library Art Press,
Delhi, 1414 / 1996, pp.16-62. See, Hazrat Maulana Burhan al Din
Gharib pp.16-22; Hazrat Amir Husain Sijzi Dehlawi 30-33;
Hazrat Zayn al Din Shirazi pp. 40-41; Khuldabad Dargahs pp.
58-64.

127

Ghulam Ali Azad Al Bilgrami, Rawzat al Awliya al Maruf biNafat al Asfiya, Urdu translation (1926 AD) by Muhammad Abd al
Majid, Matba-I Karimi, n.d. Hyderabad, pp. 1-2.

128.

Ghulam Ali Azad Bilgrami. 1739.Rawzat al Awliya al Maruf biNafat al Asfiya, Urdu translation (1926 AD) by Muhammad Abd al
Majid, p. 12.

129.

Ghulam Ali Azad Bilgrami. 1739. Rawzat al Awliya al Maruf biNafat al Asfiya, Urdu translation (1926 AD) by Muhammad Abd al
Majid, p.13.

130.

Ghulam Ali Azad Bilgrami. 1739.Rawzat al Awliya al Maruf biNafat al Asfiya, Urdu translation (1926 AD) by Muhammad Abd al
Majid, p. 96.

308

131.

Ghulam Ali Azad Bilgrami. 1739.Rawzat al Awliya al Maruf biNafat al Asfiya, Urdu translation (1926 AD) by Muhammad Abd al
Majid, p.39.

132.

Ghulam Ali Azad Bilgrami. 1739.Rawzat al Awliya al Maruf biNafat al Asfiya, Urdu translation (1926 AD) by Muhammad Abd al
Majid, pp. 60-65.

133.

Ghulam Ali Azad Bilgrami. 1739.Rawzat al Awliya al Maruf biNafat al Asfiya, Urdu translation (1926 AD) by Muhammad Abd al
Majid, pp. 95-99.

134.

Ghulam Ali Azad Bilgrami. 1739.Rawzat al Awliya al Maruf biNafat al Asfiya, Urdu translation (1926 AD) by Muhammad Abd al
Majid, pp. 86,89,127; Ernst Carl, Eternal Garden, opt. cit., p. 324.

135.

Ernst Carl, Eternal Garden, opt. cit., p. 324.

136.

Ghulam Ali Azad Bilgrami. 1739.Rawzat al Awliya al Maruf biNafat al Asfiya, p. 96.

137.

Ghulam Ali Azad Bilgrami. 1739.Rawzat al Awliya al Maruf biNafat al Asfiya, pp. 26-27.

138.

Ghulam Ali Azad Bilgrami. 1739.Rawzat al Awliya al Maruf biNafat al Asfiya, pp. 107-8.

139.

Ghulam Ali Azad Bilgrami. 1739.Rawzat al Awliya al Maruf biNafat al Asfiya, pp. 127-28.

140.

Ghulam Ali Azad Bilgrami. 1739.Rawzat al Awliya al Maruf biNafat al Asfiya, p. 134.

141.

Ghulam Ali Azad Bilgrami. 1739.Rawzat al Awliya al Maruf biNafat al Asfiya, p. 86.

142.

Ghulam Ali Azad Bilgrami. 1739.Rawzat al Awliya al Maruf biNafat al Asfiya, pp. 51-55.

143.

See, A Concise Descriptive Catalogue of the Persian Manuscripts in

The Salar Jung Museum and Library, Compoied by Muhammad
Ashraf, Speial Officer for Cataloguing , Volume II, concerning 199
mss, Biographies, Geography & Travels, Pub. By, Director, Salar
Jung Museum & Library Hyderabad, 1966, p. 66; See, the mss.:
Tasawwuf 31. Persian 509. Manaqib e- Fakhriyyah, Persian

309

Archivel Section, Salar Jung Museum Library, ff. 79.11. II S.

7.8x5.8 / I 9.8 x14.7 cms.
144.

See, Imad al Mulk Ghazi al din Khan, Fakhriyyat al Nizam, Persian

Manuscript, Dargah

Library of Nizam

al Din Awrangabadi,

Aurangabad, pp. 92-3.

145.

See, Shah Mahmud Awrangabadi, Malfuzat e- Naqshbandiyya:

Halat e- Hazrat Baba hah Musafir Sahib, Prsian text pub. Nizamat
e- Umur e- Ali, 1358 / 1939, Hyderabad (Persian), pp.
22.24.35.41;

Persian Manuscript at Panchakki Dargah Library

Aurangabad, Translated by, Muhammad Maheboob Faruqui, S.K.

Prints, Mominpura, Nagpur, 1999.
146.

Gazetteer of Aurangabad, Hyderabad State Government, Bombay,

1884, pp. 598-9.

147.

Malfuzat i- Naqshbandiyya, opt. cit.; See, the Persian manuscript

collection at Panchakkir Library, Aurangabad.

148.

Ibid, p. 103.

149.

See, Digby, S., 1990, The Naqshbandis in the Deccan in the Late
Seventeenth and Early Eighteenth Century AD: Baba Palangposh,
Baba Musafir and Their Adherents, in M. Gaboriau, A. Popovic
and T. Zarcone (eds.), Naqshbandis: Cheminemens et situation
actuelle dun ordre mystique emusulman, Istanbaul, Isis Press,
Turkey.

150.

See, Shah Kalim Allah Jahanabadi, Kashku. Persian Manuscript

Collection, Salar Jung Library, Hyderabad, Tasswwuf no. 130
(Persian), folio no. 9v, 27r, 37v.

151.

Ibid, ms, 35f -35v.

152.

See, Afzal Beg Qaqshal Awrangabadi, compiled in circa 1750,

Tuhfat al Shuara, Manuscript, Persian Collection, Salar Jung
Library, Hyderabad, Tadkhirat 8 (Persian) folio 99r 102v.

153.

Tuhfat al Shuara, folio 110r-1110v.

154.

Shah Kalim Allah Jahanabadi, Maktubat e- Kalimi, Matbaa ye

Yusufi, Delhi, 1301 / 1884, (Persian);

See, Mazlis Kalimi wa

Ahsan Al Shamail, (Urdu Translation of Persian), Hazrat Khwaja

310

Kamgar Khan Hansawi and Hazrat Khwaja Noor ud din Hasan,

Transl. Edi., Qazi Gaus Muhammad Ahmad Sadki, Pub. Sawera
Offset Printers, Bhadkal Gate, Aurangabad, 2003.
155.

Rizvi. S.A.A., A History of Sufism in India, Manoharlal Pub. , New

Delhi, p. 229;

See, Hazrat Nizam ud Din Awliya Awarangabadi:

Halat wa Talimat wa Persian to Urdu Translation of Maktubat eKalimi, Edi. Sayyad Main ud din Muhammad Miyan Fakhri Nizami
Chishti Sajjada Nishin Dargah Hazrat Nizam ud Din Awliya
Awarangabadi, Pub. By Sayyad Farukh Ahamd United Computers,
Aurangabad, 2008.
156.

Shah Kalim Allah Jahanabadi, Maktubat e- Kalimi, Matbaa eYusufi Press, 1301 / 1884, p. 26.

157.

Maktubat e- Kalimi, pp. 53, 58.

158.

Maktubat e- Kalimi, pp. 10-12.

159.

Maktubat e- Kalimi, p. 26.

160.

See, Nizam al Din Awliya Awrangabadi, Nizam al Qulub, Matbaa

ye MujtabaI, 1309 / 1891. (Persian)

161.

Ibid;

Ernst, C.W., Chishti Meditation Practices of the Later

Mughal Period, in L. Lewisohn and D. Morgan (eds.), The Heritage

of Sufism, vol. III, Late Classical Persianate Sufism, (1501-1750),
Oneworld Press, Oxford, 1999;

Nile Green. 2006. Indian Sufism

Since The Seventeenth Century: Saints, Books and Empires in the

Muslim Deccan, Routledge Taylor And Francis Group, London, pp.
22-23.
162.

Ghulam Ali Azad Bilgrami, Maathir al Kiram, Mabaa ye- Mufid

e- Am, Agra, 1328 / 1910, (Persian), p. 174.

163.

Ibid, pp. 171-74.

164.

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Meaning: Dargah-I Hadd-I Kalan, Greater Dargah Society formed

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Rawzat

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326