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Notes from the Back Room: Gender, Power, and

(In)Visibility in Women's Experiences of Masturbation
a a
Breanne Fahs & Elena Frank
a
Women and Gender Studies Program , Arizona State University
Published online: 30 Apr 2013.

To cite this article: Breanne Fahs & Elena Frank (2014) Notes from the Back Room: Gender, Power, and (In)Visibility in
Women's Experiences of Masturbation, The Journal of Sex Research, 51:3, 241-252, DOI: 10.1080/00224499.2012.745474

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 JOURNAL OF SEX RESEARCH, 51(3), 241252, 2014
Copyright # The Society for the Scientic Study of Sexuality
ISSN: 0022-4499 print=1559-8519 online
DOI: 10.1080/00224499.2012.745474

ARTICLES

Notes from the Back Room: Gender, Power, and (In)Visibility in

Womens Experiences of Masturbation
Breanne Fahs and Elena Frank
Women and Gender Studies Program, Arizona State University

While popular culture has more frequently depicted womens masturbation in recent
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years, scholarly attention to womens own meaning making about masturbation remains
largely absent. Existing research that emphasizes womens masturbation frequency, health
correlates, masturbation as a factor in couples therapy, and masturbation as a substitute
for partnered sexual behaviors have dominated the research, largely neglecting social identity
correlates and womens subjectivities about masturbation. This study drew upon qualitative
interviews with 20 women (mean age 34, SD 13.35) from diverse backgrounds to
illuminate ve themes in womens experiences with masturbation: a) assumptions that most
women self-penetrate during masturbation even when primarily using clitoral stimulation; b)
masturbation as sexual labor; c) masturbation as a threat to male dominance; d) mastur-
bation as routine tension release; and e) masturbation as a source of joy, fun, and pleasure.
Because women revealed such a diverse set of experiences, we explored the advantages and
disadvantages of the invisibility of womens masturbation. As a result of the internalization
of stereotypically masculine scripts about sexualityincluding an imagined penetrative focus,
goal-oriented drive toward orgasm, sex as labor, and masturbation as nonemotional
womens masturbation experiences, regardless of sexual orientation, revealed the power
imbalances often present in partnered (hetero)sexual dynamics.

Despite the ever-present media xation on womens Suchindran, & Campbell, 2000; Laqueur, 2003; Stein &
sexualityparticularly the exploitation of imagery Reiser, 1994). For example, while men have a fairly
surrounding womens bodies and attractivenessminimal extensive lexicon to draw from when talking about and
scholarly attention has addressed womens experiences discussing their genitals and masturbation (e.g.,
of masturbation as a relevant and visible aspect of their spanking the monkey, jacking off, and choking
sexual expression. While representations or discussions the chicken), the cultural lexicon seems to have rela-
of womens masturbation on popular television pro- tively few terms applicable to womens genitals and
grams such as Sex and the City and Oprah, or feminist- masturbation (e.g., jilling off and double-clicking
minded online news outlets or blogs such as Jezebel the mouse). In fact, girls are often not even taught
or dodsonandross.com clearly provide a challenge to a the terms or provided with representations of the details
cultural silence regarding women and masturbation, they of their genitalia, such as vulva, clitoris, or labia (De
stand in stark contrast to the plethora of long-standing Marneffe, 1997; Fields, 2008; Lerner, 1976), resulting
depictions, representations, and discussions of mens in a missing discourse of desire for young women
masturbation as a valid, humorous, deviant, or impor- (Fine, 1988). Consequently, the relative invisibility of
tant part of mens lives, particularly for adolescent boys womens masturbation infects womens consciousness
as they come of age (Hall, 1992; Halpern, Udry, about how they talk about, think about, and engage in
masturbation. Further, this invisibility often arrives in
tandem with other power-laden assumptions about gen-
Special thanks to Eric Swank, Emily Dolan, and Jaqueline der, power, and bodies. We argue that deeper examina-
Gonzalez for their contributions to this manuscript.
Correspondence should be addressed to Breanne Fahs, Women and
tions of womens own meaning making surrounding
Gender Studies Program, Arizona State University, 4701 W. Thunderbird masturbation can reveal both cultural biases about
Road, Glendale, AZ 85306. E-mail: breanne.fahs@asu.edu gender and power that manifest in womens private
 FAHS AND FRANK

lives, while also highlighting different interpretations Masters and Johnsons (1966) subsequent research on
women have about entitlement to pleasure, techniques orgasmic women also dispelled myths regarding the
for managing their own and others sexual needs, and, necessity of a phallus for womens sexual pleasure,
ultimately, their deeply entrenched feelings about the nding that womens inability to orgasm generally
sexually normal body. corresponded with engaging in penile-vaginal intercourse.
Masturbation served as a more effective and efcient
means to orgasm, just as it functioned as pain relief for
Literature on Womens Masturbation
menstruating women and as a method for curing sexual
frustrations when men were absent (Masters & Johnson,
Historical Aspects of Research on Women and
1966). The following decade, activist and artist Betty
Masturbation
Dodson (1974) established masturbation as an important
Academic cultural histories on the topic of mastur- womens liberation issue. Correspondingly, Hite (1976)
bation tend to focus primarily on men, as there is little injected feminism into the science of sex, nding that the
historical information available on women and mastur- conditions of sexuality mirrored the unequal conditions
bation (Bennett & Vernon, 1995; Brenot, 2005; Laqueur, of the culture at large. Divorcing masturbation from
2003). While womens masturbation has appeared in partnered sex, Hite (1976) critiqued the way masturbation
both art and literature, including analyses of paintings seemed to function as replacement sex. Hites open-
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of witches and prostitutes as autonomous agents of ended survey encouraged women to express their individual
sexual pleasure (Weigerl, 1995), Jane Austens mastur- experiences and perceptions of masturbation, illuminating
bating girl (Sedgwick, 1995), historical accounts of various ways that masturbation may teach women about
masturbating women as polluting (Rosario, 1995), their bodies, pleasures, and sexual self-reliance.
and late-19th-century poetry that referenced mastur-
bating women (Bennett, 1995), far more historical
Psychological Correlates of Masturbation
attention has focused on mens masturbation.
Most of the information we do have on women In the wake of these groundbreaking studies, a pool
comes largely from the records of medical practitioners. of small-scale psychological research emerged that
In the Victorian period, doctors treated compulsive examined womens masturbation practices. The ndings
masturbating women as mad and sent them to mental of these studies tended to associate womens mastur-
hospitals for treatment and cure (Maines, 2001). bation with perceived negative characteristics such as
Furthermore, though some debate has ensued about guilt (Greenberg & Archambault, 1973; Kelley, 1985),
the histories of these practices (King, 2011), doctors depression (Arafat & Cotton, 1974), pathological
may have used vibrators in medical settings to cure deviance (Clower, 1975), unattractiveness (Durham &
women of hysteria and other bodily and psychological Grossnickle, 1982), partnered sexual experience or
ailments, though these treatments did not constitute promiscuity (Davidson & Moore, 1994; Herold &
sexual exchanges but rather medical ones (Maines, Way, 1983), and use of pornography or erotic literature
2001). Though Freud suggested (quite controversially (Clark & Wiederman, 2000). Focusing on the relation-
and several decades later) that both men and women ship between masturbation (or masturbation guilt)
had sexual urges and that mature women could and public health outcomes, other studies specically
orgasm vaginally, little scientic attention was paid to examined correlations between masturbation attitudes
womens masturbatory behavior or experiences. and behaviors, and attitudes about contraceptive meth-
Research conducted by Kinsey, Pomeroy, Martin, ods (Davidson & Moore, 1994; Mosher & Vonderheide,
and Gebhard (1953), Masters and Johnson (1966), 1985), and abortion attitudes (Kelley, 1979). Notably,
and Hite (1976) sought to extend the realm of knowledge few studies have assessed womens techniques for mas-
regarding womens sexuality. These three game-changing turbation (e.g., breast self-stimulation), while far more
studies provided the basis for research on womens studies have addressed techniques during partnered
sexuality and masturbation worldwide. Kinsey and sexual activities (Basson, 2000; Levin & Meston, 2006).
colleagues (1953) published their landmark study of In the rst nationally representative study to address
female sexual behavior in which almost half of the the topic for decades, Laumann, Gagnon, Michael,
women interviewed (N 2,800) described masturbating and Michaels (1994) gathered data on masturbation
at some time during their lives. Kinsey examined in adulthood, including frequency, whether orgasm
such variables as womens rst source of orgasm, as occurred, and whether participants reported mastur-
well as frequency, techniques, attitudes, and sources of bation guilt, concluding that such social factors as edu-
information about womens masturbation. In doing so, cation, ethnicity, sexual identity, religion, and marital
he helped debunk the notion that penises (or phallic status all inuenced attitudes and behaviors about
objects) were necessary for womens sexual pleasure, as womens masturbation (Laumann et al., 1994).
only 20% of Kinseys subjects used vaginal insertion in That said, some more recent studies have linked
connection with masturbation (Kinsey et al., 1953). womens masturbation and orgasms during masturbation

242
 WOMENS EXPERIENCES OF MASTURBATION

with other positive aspects of womens lives, particularly as a public health priority (Coleman, 2002). While a few
sexual satisfaction (Phillippsohn & Hartmann, 2009), studies have explored how women use vibrators and
improvement of mood (Escajadillo-Vargas et al., what health behaviors correspond with vibrator use
2011), reduction in menopausal symptoms (Avis et al., (Herbenick et al., 2009; Herbenick et al., 2010), other
2009), emotional intelligence (Burri, Cherkas, & Spector, research has demonstrated links between masturbation
2009), and better genital self-image (Herbenick, Schick, (sometimes with vibrators) and improvements in womens
et al., 2011), suggesting that research from the past self-awareness, body image, self-esteem, and overall
several years yields a more positive appraisal of womens sexual pleasure (Coleman, 2002; Herbenick et al., 2009;
masturbation. Hurlbert & Whittaker, 1991; Shulman & Horne, 2003).
In a study of American women, participants reported pri-
marily using vibrators for clitoral stimulation and to
Gender, Sexuality, and Racial Differences in
enhance sexual pleasure (Davis, Blank, Lin, & Bonillas,
Masturbation
1996). Nearly two-thirds of women used vibrators during
Much of the existing research on masturbation has partnered sexual activities and during masturbation;
focused on gender differences between men and women, women described vibrators as contributing to intense
with consistent ndings that men masturbated more orgasms and high levels of satisfaction whether alone or
often than women (Arafat & Cotton, 1974; Oliver & with partners (Davis et al., 1996). In the most comprehen-
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Hyde, 1993; Petersen & Hyde, 2011), women felt more sive study of American womens vibrator use to date,
stigma about masturbating than did men (Kaestle & researchers found that 52.5% of women used vibrators
Allen, 2011), women relied more on (male) partners and 46.% used them during masturbation (many also used
approval and comfort with masturbation than did men them in partnered sex). Vibrator users described greater
(Kaestle & Allen, 2011), and women possessed a more likelihood of engaging in other healthy behaviors like get-
negative attitude toward masturbation compared to ting regular gynecological exams and performing genital
men (Clark & Wiederman, 2000). In addition, in a study self-examinations during the previous month (Herbenick
where male masturbators showed higher levels of et al., 2009), and vibrator use also correlated with
neuroticism than did female masturbators, the author increased sexual desire, arousal, lubrication, orgasm,
suggested that men get sex from women while absence of sexual pain, and overall sexual functioning
women do not rely on getting sex from men (and (Herbenick et al., 2009; Herbenick, Reece, et al., 2011).
therefore men without sex are more neurotic and need
to masturbate) (Abramson, 1973).
Global Studies on Womens Masturbation
When examining differences between lesbian and
heterosexual women, another early study found that While most masturbation research has studied women
lesbians reported more frequent orgasms during from the United States, some studies have examined
masturbation and partnered sex, and were more sexually populations from Europe and Asia. One British study
satised than heterosexual women (Coleman, Hoon, & found that women with same-sex partners and higher
Hoon, 1983), suggesting that lesbian womens more levels of education masturbated more frequently and
frequent reliance on clitoral stimulation may lead to higher that White women masturbated more often than women
satisfaction and orgasm compared to heterosexual women of color (Gerressu, Mercer, Graham, Wellings, &
(Bressler & Lavender, 1986; Iasenza, 2002; Schreurs & Johnson, 2008). Women who masturbated typically had
Buunk, 1996) and more frequent masturbation compared more frequent vaginal sex, a greater repertoire of sexual
to heterosexual women (Laumann et al., 1994). With activity, and more sexual partners in the past year com-
regard to racial differences in masturbation, researchers pared to women who did not masturbate (Gerressu
have typically studied differences between White womens et al., 2008). Further, for men only, the likelihood of mas-
and Black womens masturbation experiences, with the turbation decreased with higher frequency of partnered
results generally indicating higher rates of masturbation sex and increased among those who reported less enjoy-
among White women (Bancroft, Long, & McCabe, 2011; ment of sex with a current partner (Gerressu et al., 2008).
Fisher, 1980; Robinson, Bockting, & Harrell, 2002; Consistent with most U.S. studies and large-scale
Shulman & Horne, 2003; Wyatt, Peters, & Guthrie, studies on masturbation, Nordic researchers studying
1988). Another study found that both Asian=Pacic womens masturbation found that, compared to men,
Islander women and Black women masturbated less women reported less frequent masturbation (Bergstrom-
often than White women (Das, 2007). Walan & Nielsen, 1990). That said, in a public health
study based in Norway, lesbian women reported higher
frequencies of masturbation compared to heterosexual
Vibrators and Masturbation
and bisexual women, while bisexual women mastur-
Researchers have found positive benets of both bated more often compared to heterosexual women
vibrator use and masturbation in general, though (Tren, Stigum, & Srensen, 2002). Looking at interge-
controversy surrounds the promotion of masturbation nerational differences, Finnish researchers found that

243
 FAHS AND FRANK

each new generation engaged in more masturbatory of womens masturbation experiences. We explored
behavior than previous generations (Kontula & Haavio- womens techniques when masturbating, as few previous
Mannila, 2003). studies have actually asked women how they masturbate
In India, researchers studying rst-year college (notable exceptions: Kinsey et al., 1953; Hite, 1976; Leff
women who self-identied as virgins found that 30% & Israel, 1983), and we examine, from a feminist and gen-
of those who masturbated described feelings of guilt, der theory framework, womens feelings and ideas about
anxiety, and shame associated with masturbation masturbation. Together, these narratives reveal how
(Sharma & Sharma, 1998). Further, those who mastur- womens masturbationin part because of the relative
bated typically had more educated mothers, possessed cultural secrecy that surrounds itremains beholden to
more knowledge about human sexuality, and did not patriarchal scripts that women internalize in their private
live at home compared to nonmasturbators (Sharma & sexual lives. Further, because women so rarely discuss
Sharma, 1998). In China, women who masturbated did masturbation with others (e.g., mothers, friends, and
so both to compensate for a lack of partner and, for partners), and because all women in our sample reported
some women, as an expression of high sexual interest masturbating at least once, we explored the implications
in general. Liberal sexual values and more sexual knowl- (both positive and negative) of women imagining their
edge correlated with more frequent masturbation (Das, own cultural stories about how other women masturbate
Parish, & Laumann, 2009). and what so-called normal masturbation might look
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like. In doing so, we contribute to a much-needed gap

in the literature about womens sexual subjectivities and
Adolescent Girls and Masturbation
womens tangible experiences with masturbation.
While some studies have targeted younger children In particular, this study asked: What kinds of themes
and the normativity surrounding genital self-touching appeared in womens descriptions of their feelings, atti-
(DeLamater & Friedrich, 2002; Friedrich, Fisher, tudes, and behaviors associated with masturbation,
Broughton, Houston, & Shafran, 1998), a larger pro- particularly across race, sexual identity, age, and socio-
portion of recent research on womens masturbation has economic class lines? How do gender and power inform
targeted adolescent girls. One study found that adolescent womens masturbation stories, and how might womens
girls masturbated less frequently than adolescent boys and techniques for masturbating suggest adherence to, or
that masturbation represented the most reliable source of resistance to, patriarchal norms and social scripts?
orgasm for both sexes (Smith, Rosenthal, & Reichler, Finally, what insights do women provide when giving
1996). In addition, based on a nationally representative voice to something as culturally taboo, hidden, and
sample of 14- to 17-year-olds, Robbins and colleagues invisible as womens masturbation?
(2011) found a relationship between female masturbation
and a number of partnered sexual activities, such as
mutual masturbation, giving and receiving oral sex, and Method
penile-vaginal and anal intercourse. When examining
the phenomenology of girls sexual desires and experi- This study utilized qualitative data from a sample of
ences, Lamb (2001) and Tolman (2002) also touched upon 20 adult women (mean age 34, SD 13.35) recruited
the complexity of girls feelings and behaviors regarding in 2011 in a large metropolitan Southwestern U.S. city.
masturbation. Hogarth and Ingham (2009) studied mas- Participants were recruited through local entertainment
turbation attitudes among a small sample of adolescent and arts listings as well as the volunteers section of the
girls in the United Kingdom, nding that those with posi- local online section of Craigslist. Both outlets reached
tive attitudes toward masturbation typically felt more wide audiences and were freely available to community
comfortable talking about sex, communicated more with residents. The advertisements asked for women ages 18
parents about sex, and discussed desire and pleasure to 59 (similar to Laumann et al., 1994) to participate
in their narratives about sex. By contrast, girls who in an interview study about their sexual behaviors, prac-
expressed indifference toward masturbation more often tices, and attitudes that would last for approximately
mentioned their boyfriends sexual needs and pleasures two hours. Participants were screened only for their
and did not express enjoyment or excitement when gender, racial=ethnic background, sexual identity, and
talking about sex. Girls with negative attitudes toward age; no other prescreening questions were asked.
masturbation spoke of their bodies as property of A purposive sample was selected to provide greater
boys and did not mention desire or pleasure in their demographic diversity in the sample: sexual-minority
narratives. This study suggested that attitudes toward women and racial=ethnic minority women were inten-
masturbation link up with girls attitudes about their tionally oversampled, and a diverse range of ages was
bodies, relationships, and the purpose of sex. represented (11 women ages 18 to 31; ve women ages
Taking this literature into account, this study 32 to 45; and four women ages 46 to 59). The sample
draws upon qualitative interviews with 20 women to included 11 White women and nine women of color,
illuminate several previously understudied aspects including three African American women, four Mexican

244
 WOMENS EXPERIENCES OF MASTURBATION

American women, and two Asian American women. analysis was considered the most effective and useful
For self-reported sexual identity, the sample included because it allowed for groupings of responses based on
12 heterosexual women, six bisexual women, and two womens attitudes and feelings (e.g., signicance of
lesbian women (though womens reported sexual beha- nonpenetrative pleasure, beliefs that masturbation is
vior often indicated far more same-sex eroticism than efcient and part of a daily routine). This method of
these self-categorized labels suggest). All participants analysis also supported an examination of the inter-
consented to have their interviews audiotaped and section between masturbation and other components
fully transcribed, and all received USD$20 compen- of womens sexual lives (e.g., body shame). To conduct
sation. Identifying data were removed, and each partici- the analysis, we familiarized ourselves with the data by
pant received a pseudonym to ensure anonymity. reading all of the transcripts thoroughly, and we then
Participants directly reported a range of socioeconomic identied patterns for common interpretations posed
and educational backgrounds, employment histories, by participants. In doing so, we reviewed lines, sen-
and parental and relationship statuses. In addition, part- tences, and paragraphs of the transcripts looking for
icipants reported that they volunteered for a range of patterns in their ways of discussing their masturbation
reasons: they wanted to break silences about sexuality; (Braun & Clarke, 2006). We selected and generated
they needed the money; they felt curious about the themes through the process of identifying logical
study; they felt they had boring or exciting sexual links and overlaps among participants. After creating
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lives; and they wanted to assist the university. these themes, we compared them to previous themes
These 20 participants were interviewed using a expressed by other participants to identify similarities,
semistructured interview protocol that lasted for 1.5 to differences, and general patterns. This type of thematic
2 hours, during which they responded to 36 questions analysis relied on a data-driven inductive approach
about their sexual histories, sexual practices, and in which themes were generated prior to the interpret-
feelings and attitudes about sexuality. Questions ation of those themes (Boyatzis, 1998). As such, initial
included aspects of their best and worst sexual experi- themes were identied, codes were applied and then con-
ences, feelings about contemporary sexual culture and nected back to the themes, and these themes were then
media, personal experiences with orgasm and other corroborated and legitimized using inductive thematic
sexual events, negotiations of power with partner(s), analysis (Fereday & Muir-Cochrane, 2006). While some
and reections on their bodies. The questions about interpretation of subtextual meaning is inevitable when
masturbation were asked as part of this series of 36 using a thematic analysis approach, we nevertheless
questions about womens sexuality; many questions worked to value and emphasize womens explicit
targeted short and precise narratives (e.g., friends with narratives rather than prioritizing covert and implicit
benets relationships, feelings about female Viagra), narratives.
while others (e.g., masturbation, body image) targeted
womens broader narratives about aspects of their
sexual lives. Several of the prompts addressed issues Results
relevant to this study on womens masturbation. For
example, women were asked, Many women describe All 20 women in the sample reported that they had
masturbation as a pleasurable experience. Can you masturbated at least once in their lifetimes, with a range
describe your experiences with masturbation, including between two to three times ever to at least once a day.
your process for masturbating, emotional feelings about Most women (13 out of 20) reported masturbating at
masturbating, and a particularly pleasurable experience least once per week. Overall, 18 out of 20 described
youve had with masturbation? with the follow-up using sex toys either during masturbation or during
question: What kind of relationship do you have with partnered sex, while two said that they had never used
sex toys or props during masturbation or during part- sex toys. This high rate of sex toy use may stem from
nered sex? These 36 questions were scripted but served participants living in an urban center, where sex toys
to open up other conversations and dialogue about are readily available, or from the fact that these women
related topics, as follow-up questions were free-owing chose to do a study on sexuality. From these responses
and conversational. As the questions were broad and about masturbation, ve themes were generated. As
open ended, participants could set the terms of how they noted in the descriptions that follow, some participants
would discuss masturbation and what information they responses overlapped among themes in that one parti-
wanted to share. The original questions served as cipants responses t into multiple themes. The ve
sensitizing concepts that allowed previous research to themes included (a) assumptions that most women
lay the groundwork for topics and themes to look for self-penetrate during masturbation even when primarily
(Charmaz, 2006). using clitoral stimulation; (b) masturbation as sexual
Responses were analyzed qualitatively using thematic labor; (c) masturbation as a threat to male dominance;
analysis, which relies heavily on feminist theory and (d) masturbation as routine tension release; and (e)
gender theory (Braun & Clarke, 2006). This type of masturbation as a source of joy, fun, and pleasure.

245
 FAHS AND FRANK

Theme 1: Assumptions That Most Women Theme 2: Masturbation as Sexual Labor

Self-Penetrate during Masturbation
Though women overwhelmingly described positive
When discussing their processes and techniques and afrming experiences with masturbation, they also
for masturbating, many women reported that they did said that masturbation sometimes felt frustrating as
not self-penetrate with sex toys or ngers during they quested after an orgasm (or two). Leticia, a
masturbation but instead relied on ngers and clitoral 41-year-old Latina bisexual, described putting notable
stimulation. Interestingly, many women believed that labor and effort into masturbation and mentioned that
most women self-penetrate during masturbation and it felt highly goal oriented: Masturbation is generally
that they were unique or abnormal for relying pri- really pleasurable but I know there have been times
marily on clitoral stimulation during masturbation. when it wouldnt happen. It happened the other day,
For example, Tania, a 25-year-old White heterosexual and I was getting really frustrated. I dont know
woman, gave a detailed description of how she mastur- whymaybe because I was in a hurrybut it just didnt
bated, stopping halfway through to ask whether her happen. I hate it when I cant have an orgasm.
method was normal: Other women described masturbating as sexual labor
they invested in themselves after their partners did not
I am usually in bed. I have a certain position that I satisfy them or help them orgasm. Leticia admitted that
always have to maintain. My legs have to be a certain she used masturbation primarily to make up for a male
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way, and I have to be relaxed and comfortable. Then I partners inadequacies: There are times when I do have
just turn myself on. I actuallyits not inside, just cli- a sex partner and he hasnt made me have an orgasm, so
toral stimulation for me. It takes about fteen minutes, Ill go make myself have one. Similarly, Shantele, a
and I try to focus with my sex toy on the right spot. I
30-year-old African American heterosexual woman,
dont touch myself with my ngers, just the sex toy. I
actually have never been able to get myself to orgasm
recalled that she masturbated to compensate for her
with just ngers. I might spread the lips of the vagina partners lack of attention after his orgasm: The sex
out a little so I can get in there. I dont insert though. was amazing, but I didnt get off. It was just him having
Is that normal? sex and, when were done, he left. I was still really
aroused, but I had to nish myself off . . . . Normally I
This lengthy description suggests that, even though her dont really enjoy masturbating. The juxtaposition of
process felt intuitive to her, when narrating it aloud, Shantele saying that she had great sex when a partner
she stopped to assess whether she masturbated in a left and she masturbated, combined with her general
normal way. belief that masturbating does not please her, suggests
As another example of women feeling abnormal a variety of possible interpretations: perhaps her
for relying on clitoral stimulation rather than self- standards for good sex may prioritize her partners
penetration, Keisha, a 34-year-old African American pleasure over her own (Nicolson & Burr, 2003) or she
bisexual woman, said that she routinely masturbated may have framed masturbation as an instrumental
without penetration while also hiding her masturbation means to get off.
behaviors from her husband: Some women also envisioned masturbation as labor
devoted to fullling sexual needs in an easier and less
What I use is a vibrator and its notto tell you the performative way than partnered sex allowed. For
truth on that, I dont penetrate while masturbating. I example, Mei, a 22-year-old Asian American hetero-
just use it onI go around it, I go around the clitoris sexual woman, described her orgasms from masturbation
and thats it. I dont even penetrate when I use the as easier to obtain than orgasms from partnered sex:
vibrator . . . . Im embarrassed to tell my husband about
masturbating. If hes on the computer I would even Maybe Im in the mood and hes not around, or maybe
sneak to the back room and take the time just for myself I just feel like doing it. I think it started one time when
to masturbate while hes in the front room, without even I was washing down there with a showerhead and it
asking for help, or hey babe, come watch. For some seemed to feel really nice. It became an easy way for
reason, I am embarrassed to masturbate in front of him. me to orgasm. Compared to other girls I dont orgasm
easily, so thats why I cant say I orgasm from oral sex
Keishas notion that she has violated two norms of mas- or using ngers. Its just easier when I masturbate.
turbationthat women penetrate and that women allow
their male partners to watchsuggests uncertainty This suggests that Mei and other women may mastur-
about how other women masturbate along with shame bate to avoid the labor they invest with partners to
about her imagined differences from other women. If visibly, audibly, and tangibly have pleasure; in other
women rarely discuss masturbation with partners, fam- words, masturbation provides a space where women
ily, and friends, they have a less clear and established can orgasm without any associated forms of labor
norm for how women typically masturbate and thus (e.g., moaning, groaning, mutual getting off), shame,
have to generate their own understanding of this norm. or guilt about their pace and speed of orgasm.

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 WOMENS EXPERIENCES OF MASTURBATION

Theme 3: Masturbation as a Threat to Male likened her masturbation (and her partners disclosure
Dominance of masturbation) to brushing her teeth:
In line with women believing that most women
Its just kind of quick, whatever, kind of efcient, yeah.
self-penetrate and that working toward orgasm repre- Its just kind of quick, like brushing your teeth, like
sents sexual labor, other women reported, frankly, that something fast, like, that you dont really even think
masturbating threatened their male partners assumed about . . . . Like if Im gone, if Im out at work and stuff,
dominance and power. For example, Patricia, a 28- and [my partner and I] havent done anything for
year-old African American heterosexual woman, said a couple of days, shell be like Oh, I whacked it this
that she rarely masturbated because she feared that it afternoon, and Im like, Okay, thats cool.
would teach her to derive pleasure from sensations other
than penile-vaginal intercourse: Cris expressed no threat in her partners disclosure
of masturbating while also suggesting that her own
Ive tried masturbating, and it doesnt do anything for masturbation signied a casual and guilt-free part of
me. I dont know if its because Im afraid that Im not her routines. The predictable tension release aspects of
going to get the same satisfaction that I would from masturbation allowed Cris to strip masturbation from
having a penis in me. What I did, I just got some stories and narratives of cultural shame and secrecy.
K-Y and just rubbed it on my hand and put my hand Other women also detached shame, guilt, and anxiety
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down there and started to rub. You know, I was

from masturbation, instead seeing it as a predictable
visualizing porno icks and people I would like to have
and satisfying part of their daily routines. Dessa, a
sex with, and it just didnt happen for me, so I was like,
Oh well. 19-year-old Mexican American heterosexual woman,
reported masturbating every morning:
Women also sometimes transformed their private
experiences with masturbation into an action that ser- Masturbation is pretty freakin cool. Usually I shower in
the morning, and then I have a vibrator so I use that. I
viced mens sexual pleasure. Jean, a 57-year-old White
put music on and then Ill do whatever feels good that
heterosexual woman, explained that she masturbated day so Ill lay down or stand up or lean over. Usually
to please her male partners rather than to please herself: its my vibrator in the morning and my hands at night.
Usually when [masturbation] comes up, its because, I masturbate about ve times out of a week to maybe
you know, guys like it. When it happens that I do it, it seven times a week, almost every day. Sometimes I skip
may be because the person Im having sex with wasnt days, and Im ne with that. I guess Ive, like, incorpor-
achieving satisfaction soso in order to push him ated it into my schedule, so Im just like, Okay, time to
along, I would engage in that act, for him. This transfer do that, you know? Its just like a daily routine to me
of pleasure from something devoted to the self to some- now so its just like, Okay, cool, boom, my day has
thing directed toward stimulating men visually suggests started.
that, in some contexts, masturbation can easily be
appropriated from a (rebellious) act of autonomous Notably, Dessas implied ease with masturbation and
pleasure to yet another act in service of mens desires. her shame-free discussions about masturbation as a
A few women also upheld the notion that only men daily event contrasted sharply with her later stories
masturbated regularly and that only unladylike or about not feeling comfortable disclosing masturbation
deviant women masturbated. Rhoda, a 57-year-old to girlfriends, male friends, or partners. This implies that
White heterosexual woman, recounted the differences even when she explicitly debunked notions that women
between her and her boyfriend disclosing masturbation do not masturbate (as Dessa clearly masturbated
to others: I never really talked about it, but I know without shame every day), she often still could not
with my last boyfriend, he would always say it was comfortably disclose her masturbatory habits to others.
a big thing for him to do. I didnt get it, I guess. I just As a more celebratory example of women incorporat-
think guys are made up differently and they can do it ing masturbation into their daily routines, Zhang, a
at the drop of a hat, so to speak, but for me it didnt 36-year-old Asian American bisexual woman, talked
work like that. Its not like I had to do it or not. Im just about masturbating as a routine form of self-afrmation
blase about it. I need that human contact. This descrip- and pleasure:
tion highlighted Rhodas depiction of sexual desire as
masculine and masturbation as nonemotional. Its only pleasurable when absolutely private, no one
bothering you, and theres a nice sound atmosphere, like
nice music on the radio. I like masturbating in the fall or
Theme 4: Masturbation as Routine Tension Release winter every day because it warms up your body. You
can stay in the comforter for a little bit longer than usual
Several women talked about masturbation as a before you go to work or after work. I honestly have lost
no-emotional, routine, and efcient part of their daily count of how many times I masturbate. I do it all the
routine. For example, Cris, a 22-year-old White lesbian, time because it makes me feel better about myself.

247
 FAHS AND FRANK

Theme 5: Masturbation as a Source of Joy, It relieves stress, helps me to feel comfortable with where
Fun, and Pleasure I am right now in my life.

For many women, masturbation allowed them to For Florence, masturbation served not only as a physical
express positive feelings toward their bodies, and it served way of relaxing but also as a symbolic tool of self-
as a nurturing and afrming mode of self-acceptance. afrmation, agency, and autonomy following the loss
Whether feeling joy or pleasure, having fun, or relieving of a partner. In this way, masturbation transcended
stress, masturbation enhanced many womens lives in the physical and became a way to emotionally connect
positive ways. Angelica, a 32-year-old Mexican American to herself and her sexual needs.
heterosexual woman, described masturbation as a mode
to relieve stress and relax during her pregnancy: Ive
been under a lot of stress with my school and my other
Discussion
children, so when I feel like that I masturbate a lot and
I feel better. I cant drink, I cant smoke, I cant do any-
Womens narratives about masturbation collectively
thing, so its my stress reliever. Masturbating is some-
point to the advantages and disadvantages of the
thing I do for me. Because Angelica faced numerous
cultural silences surrounding womens masturbation.
other pressures and stresses related to traditional
As one advantage of the invisibility of womens mastur-
gender-role expectations, masturbation helped her escape
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bation, no single precise norm dictates to women how

not only her life stressors but also the expectations placed
often they should masturbate and what method they
on her as a mother and wife.
should use to masturbate. Women routinely said they
Other women masturbated to rebel against conser-
did not converse with partners, friends, and family mem-
vative, repressive, or sex-negative attitudes they encoun-
bers about masturbation, even for women (like Dessa)
tered within their families, partnerships, or the culture at
who felt relatively shameless about masturbation in their
large. For example, Inga, a 24-year-old White bisexual
private lives. This lack of communication may indeed
woman, recalled growing up with religious parents
allow women to explore their own pleasures without
who forbid her to masturbate:
precise norms about the scripts they should use during
masturbation.
We lived in a one-bedroom apartment and we had a
That said, a clear disadvantage of not having scripted
bunk bed. [My mother] would tell me not to masturbate
because it was gross and disgusting and I shouldnt be
norms about womens masturbation is that women eas-
doing it. She was religious at the time and God frowned ily and readily internalize easily accessible, traditional
upon it. I was traumatized for a little bit about it, and patriarchal scripts, particularly the imperative for pen-
then after I was raped, my whole relationship with etrative intercourse (manifested here as womens belief
religion kind of got shot so I didnt care and I started that most women self-penetrate), concern about men
masturbating again. I loved it! feeling inadequate or undermined (leading women to
masturbate either for a partners pleasure or in secrecy),
This narrative suggests that Inga herself internalized anti- and goal-oriented and outcome-oriented labor directed
masturbation religious attitudes as well, though a forced toward orgasm as a product. This does not preclude
confrontation with religious beliefs following sexual viol- women nding these aspects pleasurableindeed, many
ence dislodged her association between shame and mas- women enjoy penetration and a drive toward orgasm
turbation. While certainly a disheartening way to return but it does suggest that womens masturbation experi-
to masturbating, her self-pleasure nevertheless has its ences link up with traditional understandings of gender,
roots in the shame and taboo of her childhood years. power, and pleasure. When no clear scripts exist for how
As a nal example of masturbation as joyful, some women should masturbate, other baggage from the
women felt notable pleasure and self-afrmation from culture at large seeps into womens consciousness,
masturbation, even while expressing some reluctance leading to clear gender imbalances about the purpose
to narrate those experiences. For example, when I rst and meaning they assign to sexual self-pleasure.
asked Florence, a 38-year-old White bisexual woman, Because the cultural lexicon largely ignores womens
about masturbation, she immediately responded, masturbation, and because the legacy of thinking about,
Wow, well, this is kind of a strange question. I dont studying, and theorizing masturbation often derives
know if I would even want to go into this. She then from the context of deviance (e.g., masturbation as
followed up with a lengthy description of how mastur- immature, associated with sex guilt, and driven only
bation lets her give back to herself: by the lack of a readily available penis), women have
had to script their own stories about masturbation and
Its so pleasurable. I just got out of a relationship, so I its meaning. This has resulted in wide diversity of inter-
needed to learn how to please myself right now. Im pretations. While the majority of women incorporated
experimenting with a lot of different things, and it feels traditional gendered scripts about sexuality in their
good. It feels relaxing, like Im giving something to me. descriptions of masturbation, particularly the idea that

248
 WOMENS EXPERIENCES OF MASTURBATION

goal-oriented, penetrative sex guides womens sexual others, masturbation triggered feelings of ambivalence
pleasure, many women also had different interpretations and nervousness, while other women embraced mastur-
for how they wanted to engage in masturbation. Some bation as an effortless inclusion in their morning
built masturbation into their lives as a routine and routine. For some, the silences surrounding masturbation
nonemotional experience; they brushed their teeth, have allowed (patriarchal) norms to inltrate their
masturbated, and went to work. This, too, could mimic masturbatory experiences, while for others these silences
the detached sex model of hegemonic masculinity have generated room for resistance and creativity.
(i.e., that men only need to get off rather than feel Additional qualitative research on mens mastur-
emotions during sex, or that men masturbate for simple bation may serve as an interesting counterpoint to this
physical release), or it could signal (as mentioned diversity; perhaps men would discuss masturbation
frequently in these narratives) that women, too, have more similarly to one another (e.g., a physical release
fairly straightforward goals when masturbating: they and nothing more) or may show similar variability
want stress relief, physical relaxation, and a sleep aid. to women. Future research comparing mens and
In terms of social identities, while no clear patterns womens subjective narratives could provide useful
emerged for race, age, or class, some patterns did emerge insights about the different interpretations people have,
for sexual identity, as heterosexual women far more depending on the cultural visibility or silence around
often described masturbation as a threat to male domi- masturbation. The rupturing of norms of silence can
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nance in comparison with lesbian or bisexual women. make visible all sorts of inner workings of how social
This nding that there may be a link between hetero- and cultural scripts trickle down into womens lives,
sexuality and the belief that men feel threatened by just as the direct confrontation of visible norms for
womens self-pleasure clearly warrants further research. men could prove useful.
As masturbation (and its focus on clitoral stimulation) The study of womens masturbation also has direct
has historically threatened mens dominance over links to other areas of sexuality and body research.
womenas women no longer needed the penis for The study of sex toys, for example, has also received
sexual satisfactionit makes sense that heterosexual far too little attention, particularly outside of theorizing
women (particularly partnered heterosexual women) the phallic role of dildos in lesbian sex play (Bols, 2007;
might feel more concerned about their masturbating Findlay, 1992) and linking vibrators to health behaviors
signaling a threat to a male partners sexual prowess (Herbenick et al., 2009; Herbenick et al., 2010); only
and sexual skills. Heterosexual women also seemed recently have researchers addressed womens subjective
particularly invested in narratives of self-penetration narratives about using sex toys in masturbation and
(even when they prioritized clitoral stimulation), again partnered sex (Fahs & Swank, 2013). Womens
reinforcing the heterosexist notion that normal narratives about masturbation may also link up with
sexeven during masturbationrequired penetration. their stories about other taboo bodily experiences,
Further, given the way women discussed orgasm, such as growing body hair (Fahs, 2011a; Toerien &
perhaps the goal-oriented focus of many (hetero) scripts Wilkinson, 2004), menstruation and menstrual sex (Allen
has infected womens masturbation activities as well, as & Goldberg, 2009; Fahs, 2011c), genital self-image
orgasms become the product women seek (often with (Berman, Berman, Miles, Pollets, & Powell, 2003), and
great frustration) while masturbating. Several scholars feelings about childbirth (Martin, 2001). Of these, the
have expressed concern that traditional sexual scripts question of how women feel about their genitals seems
often require men to invest labor into womens bodies, particularly relevant. If women learn that their genitals
while women produce orgasm (real or fake) as a kind compare unfavorably to mens, that their genitals smell
of product (Hyde & DeLamater, 1997; Roberts, Kippax, or seem dirty, and that touching their genitals and
Waldby, & Crawford, 1995), a process that may now (autonomously) providing themselves with pleasure is
appear in womens sexual exchanges with other women an inherently negative experience, how can women then
(Fahs, 2011b) and in their own masturbation scripts. associate positive feelings with masturbation? In an
Nevertheless, looking broadly at womens stories age when plastic surgeons target womens genitals for
about masturbation, we argue that the work of making rejuvenation, trimming, and enhancement via
womens masturbation more visible could become G-shots, labiaplasties, tightenings, and fresh hymens
a double-edged sword. While women have, to some (Braun & Tiefer, 2010), women may feel ever more
degree, scripted masturbation norms for themselves, concerned about the normality of their genitals even
remarkable diversity appeared in womens stories about during private experiences with masturbation (Herbenick
how they masturbated and what it meant for them. For & Reece, 2010).
some, masturbation allowed them to rebel against con-
servative childhoods (with the taboo and prohibition
Limitations and Future Directions
against masturbation possibly fueling the eroticism);
for others, masturbation stimulated their (male) part- As with all sexuality research involving self-selected
ners even if it did not yield personal orgasms. For still community samples, our study had some limitations

249
 FAHS AND FRANK

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