Berk PDF
Berk PDF
Berk PDF
SYNTAX
FROM WORD
TO DISCOURSE
LYNN M. BERK
ENGLISH SYNTAX
ENGLISH SYNTAX
From Word to D i s c o u r s e
Lynn M. Berk
20 19 18 17 16 15 14 13 12 11 10
Preface xv
Acknowledgments xvi i
Introduction I
What Does Grammar Mean? I
Grammaticality (Acceptability) Judgments 4
Historical Periods 5
Edited English 6
It's All in Your Head 7
The Subject 11
Syntax of the Subject I!
Semantic Roles of the Subject 14
Agent Subjects 15
Causer Subjects 16
Instrument Subjects I7
Experiencer Subjects I7
Patient Subjects (and Patient Direct Objects) 19
Described and Located Subjects 20
Empty It 21
Cataphoric It 21
Some Other Semantic Roles 22
Discourse Functions of the Subject 23
The Predicate 25
Transitive Verbs and Direct Objects 25
Semantic Roles of the Direct Object 27
Patient Direct Objects 21
Experiencer Direct Objects 21
Created Direct Objects 28
Locative Direct Objects 29
Some Other Semantic Roles 29
Covert Direct Objects 30
"Light" Transitive Verbs 31
vii
viii Contents
Degrees of Transitivity 32
Intransitive Verbs 32
Ditransitive Verbs and Indirect Objects 34
Degrees of Ditransitivity 39
Not All Recipients Alternate 39
Discourse Functions of the Indirect Object 41
Benefactives 43
Copulas and Subject Complements 44
Sensory Copulas 45
Stative Copulas 46
Change of State Copulas 46
Copula Be 47
Restricted CopulasStativeand Change of State 47
Complex Transitive Verbs and Object Complements 49
Degrees of Complex Transitivity 50
Marked and Unmarked Word Order 51
Summing Up 52
The Determiner 57
Articles 58
Demonstratives (and Deixis) 61
Indefinite This 62
Quantifying Determiners 63
Genitive Determiners 63
Interrogative Determiners 64
Predeterminers and Postdeterminers 65
Genitives 67
Genitive Semantic Types 68
Double Genitives 73
Group Genitive 74
Generic Reference 75
Proper Nouns 75
Non-Count Nouns 78
Categorizing Non-Count Nouns 79
Collective Nouns 82
Pronouns 83
Personal Pronouns 83
Reflexive Pronouns 87
Possessive Reflexives 89
Reciprocal Pronouns 90
Demonstrative Pronouns 90
Quantifying Pronouns 91
Indefinite Pronouns 91
Indefinite Pronouns and Gender 92
Contents ix
Interrogative Pronouns 93
Noun Phrases in Discourse 93
Summing Up 95
Tense 98
Tense and Meaning 101
Past Tense 101
Present Tense 102
What About Future Time? 105
Finite and Non-Finite Verbs 105
Aspect 106
Progressive Aspect 107
Meaning of the Progressive 107
Dynamic and Stative Verbs 108
Punctual Verbs 110
Perfect Aspect I 10
Meaning of the Perfect 111
Tense and Aspect in Discourse 114
Passive Voice 116
Transitive Verbs that Don't (Readily) Passivize I 16
Get Passive I 18
Passives with No Corresponding Active I 19
The Passive in Discourse I 19
Agentless Passives 120
Constructions That are Active in Form and Passive in Meaning 122
Word Order and the Passive 122
Primary Auxiliaries and the Lexical Verb 123
Multi-Word Lexical Verbs 125
Movable Particles 126
Unmovable Particles 127
Identifying Multi-Word Verbs 128
Modality 130
Epistemic Modality in General 130
Deontic Modality in General 13 I
Modal Auxiliaries 132
Modal Auxiliaries and Epistemic Modality 133
Modal Auxiliaries and Deontic Modality 134
Modal Auxiliaries Used in Directives 134
Modal Auxiliaries Used to Express Volition
and Commitment 135
Dare and Need I 36
Modal Auxiliaries Used to Express Ability 137
Modal Auxiliaries Used to Express Habitual Actions 137
Modals and Word Order 137
jr
Contents
Semi-Auxiliaries 138
Epistemic Semi-Auxiliaries 139
Deontic Semi-Auxiliaries 140
Semi-Auxiliaries Used to Express Obligation 140
Semi-Auxiliaries Used to Express Volition, Commitment,
and Threats 141
Semi-Auxiliary Used to Express Ability 141
The Habitual Semi-Auxiliary 141
Semi-Auxiliaries and Discourse 142
Semi-Auxiliaries and Word Order 142
Semi-Auxiliaries and Aspect 142
Auxiliaries, Time, and Tense 143
Using the Perfect to Express Past Modality 144
Mood and Modality 146
Imperative Mood 146
First Person Imperative 147
Imperatives with Overt Subjects 147
The Imperative in Discourse 148
Subjunctive Mood 149
Mandative Subjunctive 149
Volitional Subjunctive 150
Formulaic Subjunctive 150
The Verb Phrase and Scope of Negation 151
Scope of Negation and Auxiliaries 152
The Verb Phrase and Questions 153
Yes / No Questions 154
Information Seeking Questions (Wh Questions) 154
Tag Questions 155
Multi-Word Auxiliaries as Operators in Questions and Tags 156
Historical Development of the Operator 157
Exclamations 158
Existential There Constructions 158
Narrative Discourse and the Verb Phrase 161
Summing Up 163
Clauses 217
Conjoining 218
Conjunction And 218
Conjunction Or 222
Conjunction But 223
Coordination and Questions 224
Ellipsis and Gapping 225
Embedding 226
Nominal Clauses 227
That Clauses 228
That Clauses as Direct Objects 228
That Clauses and Ditransitive Verbs 230
That Clauses as Predicate Nominatives 231
That Clauses as Verb Complements 232
That Clauses as Subjects 233
Extraposition of That Clauses 234
Factive and Non-Factive Constructions 236
Infinitive Clauses 237
Infinitive Clauses as Direct Objects 237
Infinitive Clauses as Predicate Nominatives 239
Infinitive Clauses as Verb Complements 240
Dual Structure Infinitive Clauses 245
Infinitive Clauses as Subjects 247
Extraposition of Infinitive Clauses 248
Infinitive Clauses Are Problematic 249
ING Clauses 249
ING Clauses as Direct Objects 251
Infinitive and ING Clauses Compared 253
ING Clauses as Predicate Nominatives 254
ING Clauses as Verb Complements 254
ING Clauses as Subjects 255
Relative Tense in Non-Finite Clauses 256
Wh Nominal Clauses 256
Wh Clauses as Direct Objects 257
Wh Clauses as Predicate Nominatives 260
Wh Clauses as Indirect Objects and Object Complements 260
Wh Clauses as Subjects 261
Extraposition of Wh Clauses 261
Clauses as Adjective Complements 262
Postnominal Modification 265
Contents xiii
Notes 289
Glossary 291
References 303
Index 307
Preface
Although English Syntax: From Word to Discourse has been influenced by a num-
ber of syntactic theories, my overall goal is to provide a descriptive grammar
of English and my overall approach is loosely discourse/functional. This book
presumes no theoretical background on the part of the student and the mate-
rial should be completely accessible to anyone with a rudimentary knowledge
of English grammar. Grammatical constructions are discussed in terms of their
form, meaning, and function in discourse. 1 have tried to ensure that students
learn the basics of English grammar but that at the same time they come to un-
derstand the richness and complexity of the system.
English Syntax: From Word to Discourse is filled with examples; some are my
own creation, many come from literary and other print sources, and others
from actual conversations. Most sections also conclude with a summary chart
containing at least one example of each structure discussed. Whenever a new
term is introduced, it appears in boldface. Most boldface terms also appear in
the extensive glossary at the end of the book.
Sometimes the nature of a particular construction can be illuminated by a
look at its linguistic history. This text includes some very brief forays into the
history of the English language, especially in cases where constructions have
been influenced by language contact between the English and the Norman
French.
I field-tested earlier drafts of this book in a number of sections of English
Syntax at Florida International University. This introductory M.A.-level course
serves Linguistics majors, TESOL students, and a few English majors. The ex-
amples, ideas, and critical comments provided by these students were invalu-
able in shaping this textbook.
XV
Acknowledgments
I am grateful to all the English Syntax students who used various versions of
this book. Their ideas were invaluable and they proved to be astute reviewers,
excellent editors, and a wonderful source of examples and counter-examples.
I would like to thank Florida International University and the United Fac-
ulty of Florida for the sabbatical that allowed me to finish the final draft of the
book. I also benefitted from the hospitality of the Linguistics Department at the
University of Colorado, where I spent two sabbatical years (1989-90 and
1996-97). Special thanks to University of Colorado faculty members Barbara
Fox and Susanna Cumming (now of University of California, Santa Barbara),
who taught me the value of discourse-functional syntax, and to my FIU col-
league Kemp Williams, who read pieces of the manuscript and listened pa-
tiently as I bounced ideas around.
Many thanks to the all the Tunas in my life (especially those in Boulder
and Miami) for not letting me take myself too seriously.
Above all, I am deeply grateful to my husband Toby, who offered constant
encouragement and unqualified support, as well as significant technical and
editorial assistance. I know that there were many months when his work load
doubled because I was too busy with this project to do my share.
xvii
ENGLISH SYNTAX
Introduction
W h a t D o e s Grammar Mean?
To most nonlinguists, the term grammar refers to set of prescriptive rules, i.e.,
rules that dictate which forms and structures are "correct" and which are not.
The following are classic examples:
School children often learn such rules about the same time that they learn
the basic rules of table etiquette:
It's no accident that these two sets of rules have a similar ring. Both were
established to outline the parameters for socially acceptable behavior. Neither
traditional rules of grammar nor table manners are essential to life; they are
simply aesthetic flourishes. The teenager who eats with her elbows on the table
will not jeopardize her digestion by doing so, just as the child who says 1 don't
want no cookies doesn't really impede communication by using the double neg-
ative.
But this prescriptive approach to English grammar is ubiquitous and its
origins are centuries old. Speakers of Germanic languages came to literacy late.
The various Germanic speaking groups that came to Roman Britain in 449 had
only the most rudimentary writing system and it was used primarily for cast-
I
2 Introduction
ing magic spells. By the time English had established itself as a separate Ger-
manic language in Britain, Latin had long been the language of religion and
diplomacy in Western Europe. During much of the medieval period, when Eng-
lish speakers read at all, they read Latin. But of course classical Latin was not
a living language and it had to be taught in formal and artificial ways to those
who wished to learn it. The first dictionaries and grammars used in Britain
were designed to teach Latin to native speakers of Irish Gaelic and English and
for centuries the word "grammar'7 meant "Latin grammar/'
Very early on then grammars were associated with the study of Latin; me-
dieval students never studied the structures of their native languages. During
the Renaissance, an intense interest in all things classical gave new impetus to
the status of Latin. Latin was seen as the language of a golden age; it was beau-
tiful and pure. Jonathon Swift (1667-1745), the author of Gulliver's Travels, ex-
pressed a view widely held among the English intelligentsia when he wrote to
the Lord High-Treasurer of Great Britain:
I believe your Lordship will agree with me in the Reason why our Language
is less refined that those of Italy, Spain, or France. It is plain, that the Latin
Tongue in its Purity was never in this Island. (1957, p. 6) 1
But of course Latin was an artifact, a fossil. Spoken languages evolve and
change much like organisms. Classical Latin no longer had native speakers; it
existed only in ancient texts. Its very immutability made it seem far purer than
contemporary languages. This fact, combined with the long tradition of schol-
arship in Latin, conspired to enshrine Latin grammar as the standard for all
European grammars.
The whole notion of a grammar designed to instruct speakers in how to
use their native language would have seemed preposterous to a twelfth-
century citizen of England. One was born in a dialect region and into a social
class and these constraints shaped both social and linguistic behavior. But by
the fifteenth century, social structures began to crumble due to internal politi-
cal and economic forces, including the bubonic plague, which greatly increased
social mobility. (A serious labor shortage in the cities meant that serfs were no
longer tied to the land.) By the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, a new
and socially insecure middle class had emerged. Suddenly individuals were
not sure how to speak, how to act, how to dress. The result was a spate of how-
to manuals. It is no accident that the first serious dictionary of English, the first
comprehensive grammar of English, and the first etiquette books were all pub-
lished in the middle of the eighteenth century.
Bishop Robert Lowth's A Short Introduction to English Grammar with Criti-
cal Notes, first published in 1761, was the most important English grammar of
its time and was to become a model for most future English grammars. Its in-
fluence can be felt even today. Given the history of language study in Britain,
it is not surprising that Bishop Lowth's grammar was based heavily on Latin
models. In the Preface to his grammar Lowth responds to Jonathon Swift's
complaints.
What Does Grammar Mean? 3
Does [Swift's charge] mean, that the English Language, as it is spoken by the
politest part of the nation, and as it stands in the writings of our most approved
authors, often offends against every part of Grammar? Thus far, I am afraid,
the charge is true. Or does it farther imply, that our language is in its nature
irregular and capricious; not hitherto subject, nor easily reducible, to a System
of rules? In this respect, I am persuaded, the charge is wholly without foun-
dation. (1767, iv)
Lowth then proceeded to set out a system of grammatical rules. His goal
was to root out "inaccuracy" and teach us "to express ourselves with propri-
ety in that Language, and to enable us to judge of every phrase and form of
construction, whether it be right or not" (viii). Lowth believed that teaching
"correctness" should be the primary goal of English grammar and, like most
of his contemporaries, his view of correctness was shaped in large part by the
forms and structures of classical Latin. Unfortunately, English and Latin are
only remotely related and the two languages are very different structurally.
Many of the "rules" put forth by Lowth and his followers simply did not re-
flect the English usage of his time or any other.
In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, Western scholars began to study
languages that were hitherto unfamiliar to Europeans and most North Amer-
icans. Indigenous American languages, sub-Saharan African languages, and the
languages of the Pacific contained forms and structures that were new to lan-
guage scholars. Description, not prescription, became the goal of those who
were seeking to write grammars for these previously unrecorded languages.
The data from which these grammars were constructed were actual language
as it was spoken in a particular place at a particular time. In the process of de-
scribing these languages, linguists revolutionized the study of English as well.
They began to analyze the English language as it was actually spoken with all
its ain'ts, double negatives, and split infinitives. By the 1930s, a strong tradi-
tion of descriptive linguistics stood in opposition to the traditional prescriptive
approach to English grammar.
In 1957, linguist Noam Chomsky published Syntactic Structures, a book that
launched another revolution in the study of grammar. Chomsky called his ap-
proach generative grammar and his goal was to provide the structural de-
scriptions necessary to generate all the grammatical sentences and only the
grammatical sentences in a given language. Chomsky's approach went well be-
yond description; he hoped to formalize the system of unconscious rules that
we all exploit in speaking our native languages. Chomsky's work has had
a profound impact on the study of syntax and today there are a number of
formal theoretical models which owe some debt to Chomsky's generative
grammars.
In the push to create formal syntactic models, however, one important di-
mension of language was lost. Generative models tend to examine individual
sentences in isolation and often these sentences are created by the syntactician.
But language is primarily a social tool; its function is communication among
human beings and rarely do human beings utter single, isolated sentences in
4 Introduction
the absence of a hearer. In the late 1970s :and 1980s, functional grammars were
developed in order to explore the rules that govern language use in a com-
municative context. Functional grammarians often focus on discourse, i.e.,
chunks of language larger than the indiyidual sentence (conversations, narra-
tives, letters, etc.).
To contemporary linguists, whatever their theoretical orientation, a gram-
mar is, at the very least, a systematic description of the structure of a language.
Their goal is to explain the relationships among parts of the sentence, to un-
derstand how form and meaning are related, and in some cases to describe
how sentences flow into larger pieces of discourse. A sentence like I ain't got
no cookies is as worthy of study as I don't have any cookies; the dialect of an Ap-
palachian coal miner is as worthy of analysis as that of a member of Britain's
royal family.
Linguists study what speakers actually do, not what some rule-maker says they
should do. Linguists carry out such studies by (1) examining actual spoken
conversations and written texts and (2) using their own judgments and those
of others as to what is acceptable or grammatical (I use the two terms inter-
changeably) This textbook employs both techniques. It is filled with examples
of actual language use, most of which are from written texts but some of which
are fragments of recorded conversations; it also exploits grammaticality judg-
ments, for the most part my own and those of my friends, family, and col-
leagues. A sentence will be considered acceptable or grammatical if it might
reasonably be uttered by a native or fluent speaker of English under ordinary
circumstances. Thus, even a sentence like I don't want no trouble is an accept-
able utterance to any English speaker who routinely uses double negative con-
structions, and 1 might could help you is perfectly grammatical for many Amer-
ican Southerners. However, no native English speaker would say We shot herself
or Addie couldn't have being mad. Sentences that are grammatical in one histor-
ical period may not be grammatical in another. A character in a seventeenth
century play might say "Go you to London?" but no modern English speaker
would say this even though we all understand what it means.
The standard convention for indicating that a sentence is ungrammatical
is a preceding asterisk.
There is no hard and fast rule for making such grammaticality judgments.
Grammaticality is a continuum. Addie couldn't have being mad is completely un-
interpretable; Down barn the burned night last can be interpreted only by rear-
ranging all the words; Go you to London? is immediately understandable but
we also know that no modern speaker of English would say this. Into the cave
the hiker's didn't venture sounds very strange but it might be possible in a highly
literary context. "She was waving me goodbye" sounds a bit odd but is in fact
a line from an old Chuck Berry song (Berry, 1959).
Clearly, making grammaticality judgments is a tricky business. Every lin-
guist depends heavily on his/her own dialect and intuitions in making such
judgments. There may be a few sentences in this textbook that I have marked
?? or even * that you may find completely acceptable. Conversely, you may
find some of the sentences I consider grammatical to be very strange. Don't
worry about these small differences of opinion. Overall, you will find that gram-
maticality judgments are a valuable, even an essential, tool in the study of
syntax.2
Historical Periods
Syle us todaeg urene daeghwamlican hlaf. And forgyf us ure gyltas swaswa
Both the grammatical structure and the spelling conventions of Old Eng-
lish raise impediments to the modern reader. The symbol h is pronounced like
the th in thigh. The symbol ae is pronounced like the a in cat (at least as cat is
pronounced in my midwestern American dialect). The lines over some vowels
6 Introduction
indicate that these vowels were long. (These lines are a modern convention and
don't actually appear in the original Old English texts.)
Middle English was spoken from 1100-1500. This period begins shortly
after the Norman invasion of England in 1066. Language contact with Norman
French speakers accelerated some significant linguistic changes that were al-
ready underway in English and precipitated others. Middle English is some-
what more accessible to the modern speaker. Here is the same passage in Mid-
dle English and those of you familiar with Christian liturgy will probably
recognize it now.
Oure fadir {)at art in heuenys, halewid be Jdi name. Di kyngdom come to. Be
J)i wille don as in heuene and in er{)e. 3ive to us J^is day oure breed ouer of>er
substaunse. And for3iue to us oure dettes, as we for3iuen to oure dettouris.
(Hussey, pp. 1-2)
(In Middle English u is used to stand for the v sound as well as the u sound
and 3 represents the sound of the g in give.)
The Early Modern English period spans 1500-1800. While the English of
this period still contains a few constructions and forms that are unfamiliar to
modern speakers, the language is almost completely accessible. The version of
the Lord's Prayer which was routinely used by most Christian congregations
until the middle of the twentieth century was actually written in 1611.
Our Father which art in heaven, hallowed be thy name. Thy kingdom come.
Thy will be done in earth, as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread.
And forgive us our debts, as we forgive our debtors. (Hussey, p. 2)
It is the linguistic conservatism of religious liturgy that has made forms like
art, thy, goest, and maketh familiar to many modern English speakers.
Something that prescriptive grammarians fail to recognize is that language
changes. It is an utterly natural phenomenon and no amount of intervention
on the part of English teachers and newspaper columnists can change that.
Many of the "oddities" of modern English syntax are remnants of old forms
and systems that have changed more slowly than other parts of the grammar.
Some of the constructions we will explore in this book are still in an active state
of flux and this creates an interesting challenge for the grammarian.
Edited English
In the popular imagination the term grammar is often associated with writing.
But writing is merely an attempt to capture speech; it is a secondary, not a pri-
mary phenomenon. All human beings are biologically equipped for language.
Except for the most profoundly retarded individuals, any child who hears hu-
man language will acquire it. (Deaf children who are exposed to sign language
acquire it just as hearing children acquire spoken language, and while some
It's All in Your Head 1
autistic children do not speak, they typically understand.) Writing, on the other
hand, is a learned activity, a cultural artifact. While all societies have spoken
language, some still lack writing systems. Linguists do recognize that in liter-
ate societies there are aesthetic standards and accepted techniques for writing
just as there are standards and techniques for painting and sculpture. In the
case of English, the rules for formal writing are often called edited English.
This book will address issues of edited English only on those occasions when
there are interesting syntactic issues involved.
Remember that when you study English syntax, you are not studying some ex-
otic phenomenon in nature; you are in effect studying yourself. You have used
most if not all of the syntactic structures discussed in this book. If you are a
native speaker of English, you learned these forms and constructions without
even being aware that you were doing it. If you are a native or fluent non-
native speaker, you undoubtedly construct English sentences automatically,
with little premeditation. The study of syntax allows us to make conscious a
complex range of activities that fluent speakers engage in unconsciously Just
as we don't need to know how neurons fire in order to feel pain, we don't need
to know what a modal auxiliary is in order to use one in a sentence.
Syntax is intrinsically interesting stuff. The world is full of linguistic data
classroom lectures, a conversation between teenagers on the phone, the labels
on shampoo bottles, e-mail messages, comic strips, talk shows, etc. Test the gen-
eralizations contained in this textbook against your own real world experience.
Your data may lead you to conclusions that are different from mine. At that
point you cease to be a student of syntax and become a syntactician in your
own right.
1
Basic Sentence Structure
Linguists often divide their enterprise into more or less separate fields of study:
a) phonologysounds
b) morphologytheshape of words and affixes
c) syntaxtheways words are combined into larger structures including
sentences
d) semanticsmeaning
e) pragmaticslanguagein a social context
f) discoursechunksof language larger than a sentence
This textbook will focus primarily on syntax, semantics, and discourse, with
brief forays into morphology and pragmatics. As you will see, it's not always
easy to separate these different levels of analysis. Structure and meaning are
always inextricably bound; The Chihuahua ate the cockroach means something
very different from The cockroach ate the Chihuahua, even though the two sen-
tences contain exactly the same words. Father is cooking probably means that
father is cooking food, but in the unlikely event that father has fallen into the
hands of cannibals, Father is cooking means something quite different and re-
quires a different grammatical analysis. The social context in which a sentence
is uttered will affect its form and its interpretation. A student who is seeking
a favor from a professor is far more likely to say "Can you give me an exten-
sion?" than "Give me an extension." And only the most socially inept hearer
will interpret "Can you pass the ketchup?" as a question requiring nothing
more than a "yes" or "no" answer.
Before we explore the structure of English sentences in detail, it is impor-
tant to understand the overall structure of the simple sentence. In this chapter
we will examine the internal structure of some short, simple sentences. What
these sentences will dramatically illustrate is that English speakers exploit a
very small number of basic sentence-making structures. As you will see
throughout this textbook, these basic structures are used over and over again
to create increasingly long and complex utterances.
It takes a fairly small inventory of words and phrases to generate a signif-
icant number of sentences. The 27 sentences listed below can all be produced
9
10 Basic Sentence Structure
to address issues one at a time so that you are not forced to grapple with struc-
tures to which you have not been properly introduced. But sometimes, espe-
cially in these early stages, it will be necessary to allude to structures that we
have not yet discussed in any detail. But each of these structures will be re-
visited later and any lingering questions you might have should be cleared up
at that point.
The Subject
The difference between the subject and predicate is probably the first fact of
English grammar that any school child learns, and it is a significant fact. The
very terms "subject" and "predicate" provide some clue as to the distinction
being made. The grammatical subject of the sentence is often the conversational
subject, i.e., the person or thing that the sentence is about. The predicate often
makes a comment about that subject, i.e., it "predicates."
In most languages a sentence does not require a word or phrase that func-
tions as subject; a Spanish speaker, for example, can say "No hablo Ingles" ("I
don't speak English"). This English translation is misleading, however, because
where English requires the pronoun 7, Spanish does not; the meaning of I is
simply encoded in the verb hablo. This option is not available in English, be-
cause, with the exception of the imperative (Sit down), subjects must be ex-
pressed. For this reason English is often called a subject dominant language.
According to one researcher, there are only seven languages in the world in
which the main verb is required to have a subject and English is one of them
(Gilligan [1987], cited in Lambrecht, 1994, p. 191).
Children|love animals.
NP VP
I / \
I V NP
I I I
Children love animals
The construction grammars of the 1990s use the term predicate and exploit
boxes to illustrate the division between the subject and the predicate.
Predication
Pronouns differ from other noun phrases in that they are used only after
the noun to which they refer, i.e., the referent, has already been introduced into
the narrative or conversation.
Subject Predicate
Putting the predicate first in any one of these sentences produces an ungram-
matical utterance*danced all night Josephine; *Ate all the candy your kids, *lsn't
important it.
A subject is a far simpler structure than a predicate. In a simple sentence,
a subject is a single structure, while a predicate can have internal structure, i.e.,
structures within structures.
subject predicate
subject predicate
subject predicate
subject predicate
the sentence. In some instances the subject controls the form of the verb. If a sub-
ject is singular (and third person) and the verb is in the present tense, that verb
must carry a special singular marker {-sj as in Sue smokes and My brother lies.
The subject also has a special role in the creation of questions that are typ-
ically answered "yes" or "no." Notice what happens when the following state-
ments are turned into yes/no questions. (In these examples the verbs are in
boldface and the subject is double underlined.)
Lars can attend the party. Can Lars attend the party?
Kate is repairing your Is Kate repairing your
computer. computer?
Your teacher was fired. Was your teacher fired?
Erin has finished her Has Erin finished her
homework. homework?
In each case, when the question is produced, the first verb (i.e., the auxiliary
verb) is moved to a position in front of the subject, leaving the second verb be-
hind. As a result, the subject of the question is surrounded by verbs. Of course
native or fluent speakers of English never have to think about all this in con-
structing a question; they unconsciously identify the subject and place the aux-
iliary verb in front of it.
The subject also controls the structure of so-called tag questions, those lit-
tle questions speakers put at the end of a statement in order to seek confirma-
tionBen likes Carla, doesn't he? Sue left, didn't she? Note that he reflects the
male status of the subject Ben, and she reflects the female status of Sue. Speak-
ers of English couldn't perform any of these operations unless they could in-
tuitively identify the subject of the sentence.
Number agreement and the creation of a question or tag question are true
diagnostics for subjecthood. Only subjects stand in these relationships to the
verb. While word order is not a definitive diagnostic, it is extremely useful. All
of the graphic devices displayed above indicate a subject followed by a pred-
icate. These graphics reflect prototypical word order. While there are certainly
exceptions, e.g., A Corvette he wants now, the first NP in an English sentence is
typically the subject. When speakers choose to put an NP other than the sub-
ject first in the sentence it is almost always because they want to signal some-
thing special like surprise or annoyance.
All of the constructions discussed in this section on the syntax of the subject
will be taken up in detail later on, but th<ese simplified examples should give you
some sense of how important the grammatical category subject is in English.
Agent Subjects
The agent subject is the classic doer of the action. An agent subject is an
animate being that acts deliberately, with intent. Most speakers consider the
agent the most typical subject. If you ask someone to construct a sentence out
of thin air, it is likely that s/he will utter one with an agent subject. All of the
agentive subjects below are engaging in willful, deliberate action:
(a) (b)
The agents in column (a) are acting on someone or something, i.e., the direct
object, while the agents in column (b) are not acting on anyone or anything
else. In other words, an agent subject can occur with or without a direct object.
(Direct objects will be discussed shortly.)
Whether or not amoebas, slugs, and other lower creatures actually have
agency is probably a biological question and not a linguistic one. They certainly
don't do things deliberately but they do engage in some of the same activities
that higher creatures docrawling,eating, swimming, etc. It is probably rea-
sonable to treat them as agents even though they are acting instinctively rather
than deliberately.
Of course we often anthropomorphize machines and treat them as agents,
even though they are technically inanimateTheATM machine refuses to return
my card; My computer ate my term paper; The engine threw a rod.
16 Basic Sentence Structure
Causer Subjects
A causer is either an animate being who acts without volition or an inan-
imate entity. We distinguish causers from agents because the semantics of the
two roles are quite different. A sentence like Rob tripped Roy is potentially am-
biguous; if Rob tripped Roy just to see Roy fall, Rob is an agent, but if Rob tripped
Roy accidentally, then Rob is a causer.
All the sentences below contain animate causer subjects.
Michael Jordan certainly doesn't know that he amazes me, but he has that ef-
fect, nevertheless. Nan may depress her mother because her mother is worried
about her lifestyle, in which case Nan might be totally unaware of the effect
she is having.
It's not always easy to tell whether an animate subject is an agent or a
causer. Out of context, we don't know whether the following subjects are act-
ing deliberately or not.
Instrument Subjects
An instrument subject, as the label implies, is an inanimate entity which
acts on someone or something else because it is being used as an instru-
ment. In a sentence like The key opened the safe, we can assume that some
unnamed agent is wielding the key because keys don't operate by them-
selves; in The tweezers removed the splinter; an unspecified agent is using the
tweezers.
Sometimes an instrument subject allows a speaker to avoid taking re-
sponsibility. A child might say "My ball broke your window" rather than "I
broke your window with my ball." Here the ball is the instrument used by the
child in the breaking of the window. On the other hand, in The hail broke your
window, the hail is clearly a causer, not an instrument.
Instrument subjects are fairly unusual in English. We most often find in-
struments in (adverbial) prepositional phrasesMeredithopened the safe with a
key; The nurse removed the splinter with the tweezers; I broke the window with
my ball. I will discuss these constructions at some length in Chapter 4.
Experiencer Subjects
Experiencer subjects are always animate, usually human. An experiencer
experiences a sensory perception or a psychological state. In other words, the
experiencer is not doing anything but is instead experiencing something
through the senses or the mental faculties. The verbs that co-occur with ex-
periencer subjects relate to consciousness; they are verbs that reflect "private"
internal states.
Each of our five senses allows for an agent subject and an experiencer sub-
ject. When an agent engages in a sensory activity, the agent actively employs
the sense in question. An experiencer, however, has a sensory experience that
was unsought. An agent looks at or listens to something on purpose. An ex-
periencer sees because an event passes before the eyes and hears because a
sound occurs within earshot. When Mary tastes the sauce, she does so by putting
her spoon in the bowl and then to her lips. But when Mary tastes mold on the
bread, her taste buds simply register a sensation; she has taken no direct action
to engage that sense.
18 Basic Sentence Structure
Sensory verb with agent subject Sensory verb with experiencer subject
The fact that Ted adores Sally and that Sheila trusts her son might theoretically
affect both Sally and the son in many ways, but the sentences above are silent
on that issue. In fact, Sally may not even know that Ted exists and Sheila's son
may be totally unaware of her feelings.
Later we will examine experiencers that are functioning as direct objects
and prepositional phrases.
The Subject 19
subject predicate
In Jack dropped the vase, Keisha opened the door, and The insects killed the
plants, the vase, the plants, and the door are the affected parties; they are also
direct objects. In each of these sentences, an agent or causer subject has caused
something to happen to the direct object. An event can also be expressed by
eliminating the agent/causer and making the affected party the subject of the
sentence. In The vase fell, the vase is not doing anything but rather is being
acted upon by another unnamed forcesomebody dropped it, the wind
knocked it over, somebody kicked the table it was sitting on, etc. In The plants
died, something killed the plantsinsects, frost, the lawn mower, old age. In
The door opened, someone or something caused this to happenKeisha, the
wind, a ghost. The traditional semantic label for an affected subject or an af-
fected direct object is patient. (This label derives from the adjective patient
which historically described one who "bears or endures.") A patient is never
volitional; a patient never exercises control; a patient is an entity to which things
happen. You will find that most patient subjects co-occur with verbs that de-
scribe a change of stateThe water boiled; The chair broke; The water heater ex-
ploded; Rosa fell; The mirror shattered.
In the examples below, you will find that none of the sentences with pa-
tient subjects contain direct objects.
He laid the book on the table. The book lay on the table.
The intruder opened the door. The door opened.
Maria broke the vase. The vase broke.
Dad thickened the sauce. The sauce thickened.
We emptied the pool. The pool emptied.
The soldier detonated the bomb. The bomb exploded.
20 Basic Sentence Structure
Semantically, a sentence like Lance jumped or The woman rolled down the hill
is ambiguous out of context. Lance may be a agent subject who deliberately
jumps or a patient subject who jumps involuntarily because something startles
him. Similarly The woman rolled down the hill can be interpreted as having an
agent subject (she rolled on purpose) or a patient subject (something tripped
her and she rolled). Usually when a sentence contains an animate subject which
acts involuntarily, the agent/instrument can be found elsewhere in the dis-
course, e.g., Lance jumped because someone set off a firecracker.
There can be only one patient in a simple sentence and if there is a direct
object, it, not the subject, will carry that semantic role. In Susan tripped the pro-
fessor, Susan must be an agent or a causer. Patient subjects occur only in in-
transitive or passive constructions. (Intransitivity will be explained shortly and
the passive will be explained in Chapter 3.) In the sentence Susan tripped there
is no direct object; Susan is clearly the affected party and thus a patient.
In his mystery novel The Little Sister, Raymond Chandler (1971) uses a series
of patient subjects to underscore the fact that the hero has been knocked to the
floor and cannot see his assailant, although he can hear the results of her activ-
ities. "The door opened. A key rattled. The door closed. The key turned" (p. 54).
Other subjects are simply located in space. In the following sentences the
location is double underlined.
The Subject 21
Empty It
The normal function of the pronoun it is to refer to something that has al-
ready been mentioned in the discourseNatalie bought a new car. It is a red
convertible. Whenever a pronoun refers back to an item that has already been
introduced into the discourse, the pronoun is making anaphoric reference. (The
Greek prefix ana- means "back or backwards.") There are, however, contexts in
which it does not have anaphoric reference.
Many languages have odd ways of commenting on the weather or the am-
bient environment and English is no exception. In the sentences It is raining
and It's sunny out today, the subject it doesn't refer to any previously introduced
noun; in fact, it doesn't really refer to anything at all. But except for the im-
perative construction, all English sentences demand subjects and it is accept-
ably neutral in those cases where there isn't a semantically meaningful subject.
It is hot!
It's foggy in Seattle.
It is cold in Alaska.
It was smoky in that restaurant.
Cataphoric It
When a complex clause functions as the semantic subject of a sentence, a
speaker will often put that clause at the end of the sentence and replace it with
the pronoun it. In this case it is not semantically empty; its semantic content is
the subsequent clause.
Seattle is foggy.
Alaska is cold.
This bar is smoky.
These are usually called locative subjects because they simply name a loca-
tion. (Don't confuse locative subjects with located subjects.)
Subjects that express time are sometimes categorized semantically as tem-
poral subjects.
Subjects like these have an adverbial quality and can in fact be paraphrased
with adverb constructionsItis rainy in Seattle; The baby's birthday is on Wednes-
day. (We will discuss adverbs in Chapter 4.) Some grammarians (e.g., Quirk,
Greenbaum, Leech, and Svartvik, 1972, p. 42) also establish an event category
for subjectsTheparty is at 9 p.m; The concert is over.
It isn't clear just how far we should go in creating semantic categories for
subjects or any other grammatical construction. Meaning is a continuum and
we could go on forever creating ever finer semantic distinctions, but such an
exercise has limited utility. You will find that different grammarians sometimes
employ different labels and grammarians don't always agree on just what
should be included in a given category, but the roles agent, instrument, expe-
riencer, and patient are quite standard. The semantic categories discussed above
can encompass a large number of English sentences and, as you will see later,
most of these categories have important grammatical implications.
A topic is not the topic until it is introduced into the discourse, and the
first mention of a potential topic often occurs in the predicate. Once something
has been introduced, it becomes "topicalized" and typically occupies subject
position. In the following examples, first mentions are double underlined and
topics are in boldface.
I met the ambassador from Viet Nam yesterday. He was very charming.
[first mention] [topic]
Consider this fictional passage from a Ross Macdonald novel (1996). It con-
cerns promotional photographs of an aspiring young actress. (Underlining and
boldface added.)
Four of them were pictures of Kitty. . . .She stood and gazed romantically out
to sea. She reclined erotically on a chaise lounge. She posed dry on the div-
ing board. Kitty had been a beautiful girl, but all four pictures were spoiled
by her awkward staginess. (p. 85)
prise you that human subjects are more common than nonhuman subjects. We
are egocentric creatures and we like to talk about ourselves. In conversation,
1 and you are the most frequent topic/subjects. But different kinds of topics
(and thus subjects) emerge in different kinds of discourse. Locative subjects
are not very common as a rule but they occur frequently in travel brochures
and guide booksMiamiis humid most of the year; The Riviera is crowded in Au-
gust. Temporal subjects crop up frequently in a conversation in which a group
of people are trying to schedule a meetingTuesday is bad; Thursday looks good
though.
The Predicate
The predicate is typically the structure that follows the subject. If the subject is
an agent, causer, or instrument, the predicate will express the action carried
out by that subject; if the subject is something which is being described, the
predicate will provide the description; if the subject is a patient, the predicate
will indicate what happened to the subject. For most speakers the notion of a
predicate that is separate from the subject is fairly intuitive.
The English predicate must contain a verb; it can contain other structures
a direct object, an indirect object, various complement structures, and adverbs
but it must contain a verb. While most imperative utterances omit the subject
(Sit down; Drink your milk), there are no English sentences in which the verb is
omitted. In many ways the verb controls what happens grammatically in a sen-
tence. Certain verbs require or at least allow a direct object; other verbs require
two objects, a direct objects plus an indirect object; some verbs can be followed
by adjectives; others must be followed by adverbs. For example, the verb like
must be followed by a direct objectDianalikes the woods. The verb put must
be followed by both a direct object and an adverb of locationSheput the book
on the shelf; *She put the book and *She put on the shelf are both ungrammatical
sentences. On the other hand, the verb laugh can stand alone in the predicate
Elaine laughed.
Verbs also constrain the semantic roles of subjects; some verbs require agen-
tive or causer subjectsShepunched a hole in the door; The flood damaged the golf
course; others require experiencer subjectsSheheard the siren; Tom smelled smoke.
A discussion of verbs cannot be separated from a discussion of what can be
found in the rest of the sentence.
The direct object is a structure contained within the predicate. It is typically the
noun phrase that follows the verb, although indirect objects and subject com-
plements can also occupy this position, as you will see shortly.
26 Basic Sentence Structure
subject predicate
subject predicate
Most speakers would probably regard a subject + verb + direct object sen-
tence as the prototypical English sentence. Verbs that can be followed by di-
rect objects are considered transitive because, in most cases, an action taken by
the subject is transmitted to the object. (The Latin prefix trans- means "across.")
As a rule, only transitive verbs can be followed by direct objects. As you saw
above, a direct object is a noun phrase that follows a verb and is often (but not
always) affected by the action of verb.
The direct object has a special role in the construction of passive sentences.
Without even knowing what a passive sentence is, any relatively fluent Eng-
lish speaker can readily return an active sentence into a passive sentence after
hearing just a few illustrative examples.
(a) (b)
Bruce ate the pizza. The pizza was eaten by Bruce.
The snails destroyed my My garden was destroyed by the
garden. snails.
Flossie slugged Bert. Bert was slugged by Flossie.
Gloria sang the anthem. The anthem was sung by Gloria.
The semantic roles of direct objects are less varied than those of subjects
and lines between semantic types are often muddier. Nevertheless, the semantic
distinctions among direct objects are important in understanding the overall
semantics of the sentence.
As you saw earlier, subjects can also take the semantic role of patient. Re-
member that in a given simple sentence there can be only one patient role. If
the sentence contains a direct object, it, not the subject, will be the patient.
Patient will also be our default (garbage can) category. We will consider
any direct object that cannot be comfortably placed in another semantic cate-
gory a patient. This means that even relatively unaffected direct objects as in
Kim read the novel will be considered patients. The one exception to this will be
the direct objects of psych-verbs, as you will see in the next section.
Annie annoyed her siblings. [It doesn't matter whether she did it
deliberately or not.]
Dad calmed the baby.
Lester frightened me.
That novel bothered my students.
The vandalism saddened everyone.
A direct object can be an experiencer only when the subject is not. There
can be only one experiencer in a simple sentence. When the subject of a verb
is an experiencer, the direct object is relatively unaffected by the action of the
verb.
I love movies.
Libby believed their lies.
Captain Ahab fears that whale.
We abhor violence.
Carmen craves chocolate.
1 smell smoke.
The movies are indifferent to the fact that I like them and lies are unaffected
by the fact that Libby believes them. The whale may be affected in some way
by the fact that Ahab fears him, but there is nothing in the sentence that indi-
cates this. In a sentence like Captain Ahab harpooned the whale, the affectedness
is communicated directly.
One can of course quibble about the status of some direct objects. If Martha
sang a Jimmy Buffet song, did she create something or affect something already
in existence? If Ali baked a cake, did he create something or merely cook a pre-
existing entity? These are clearly gray areas. But the fact that not all direct ob-
jects can be neatly categorized doesn't diminish the value of these semantic
distinctions.
Other semantic categories for direct objects have been suggested, but this set
should give you an adequate sense of the semantic variation.
In British and Australian English the have construction is even more produc-
tive than in American English, e.g., He is having a lie-down or She is having a
read. (For a detailed discussion of have in such constructions, see Wierzbicka,
1988c.)
Each of the verb plus direct object constructions cited above can be para-
phrased to some extent by a single verbThebaby napped; Asher is walking; They
are fighting; They chatted. The single-verb paraphrases, however, lack a seman-
tic dimension shared by the transitive sentences; in each case the transitive ver-
sion suggests that the event is time-bounded, that it has a clear-cut beginning
and end. Michael had a smoke suggests one cigarette, while Michael smoked does
not. Having a chat is a single event, while chatting is an ongoing activity. This
is underscored by the fact that we can easily say Pete and Lynn chatted for hours,
but ??Pete and Lynn had a chat for hours is odd. The presence of the article a in
32 Basic Sentence Structure
DEGREES OF TRANSITIVITY
Transitive verbs co-occur with agent, instrument, causer, and experiencer
subjects, but not with patient subjects and empty it. The traditional definition
of transitivity requires that any verb that takes a direct object be considered tran-
sitive. However, linguists Paul Hopper and Sandra Thompson (1980) have ar-
gued that transitivity is a continuum and that the degree of transitivity includes
a number of factors, including the //agentiveness,/ of the subject and the "af~
fectedness" of the direct object. All of the sentences below are technically tran-
sitive but the degree of transitivity diminishes with each successive sentence.
In the first example Cameron is an agent and the truck is a highly affected
patient. In the second sentence Nikki is an agent but a comic book is a relatively
unaffected patient. In the third sentence the baby is an experiencer and cookies
is a totally unaffected patient. The fact there are degrees of transitivity will have
implications in Chapter 3 when we discuss the passive construction. As you
will see then, completely unaffected direct objects are the least likely to become
subjects of passives, e.g., ??Cookies are liked by the baby, and highly affected pa-
tients are the most likely to become the subjects of passives, e.g., The truck was
smashed by Cameron.
Intransitive Verbs
The intransitive verb is not followed by a direct object (or an indirect object),
although it is often followed by adverbs: that express time or place.
Some verbs that are normally intransitive will take a direct object if that direct
object restates the verbShedreamed a wonderful dream; He slept the sleep of the
dead; They talk the talk. Such direct objects are called cognate direct objects, since
the verb and the object derive from the same root word. Such constructions are
somewhat unusual and it's still legitimate to consider sleep, dream, and talk in-
transitive verbs. Even a sentence like She talked a blue streak does not change
the fact that talk is typically intransitive. The direct objects in Les sang a song
and They did the deed are also cognates, since they are simply a variation of the
verb, i.e., song derives from sing and deed derives from do.
There are a few intransitive verbs that can take a direct object, if that ob-
ject is very narrowly construed. Run (meaning to move the legs rapidly) is nor-
mally intransitive, but it can take the noun race as an objectFlorenceran a race.
Not surprisingly then, run can also take as its direct object any noun phrase
that refers to a particular race or type of raceFlorenceran a marathon/the 500
meter/the Bay to Breakers. Similarly, sing takes as its object any noun phrase that
refers to a particular type of songMatt sang a ballad/a blues number!a spiri-
tual/an aria.
Categories like transitive and intransitive are important because whether
or not a verb is transitive will have implications, not only for the rest of pred-
icate, but for the subject as well. Except for the case of passives, patient sub-
jects always have intransitive verbs, because patient subjects are not acting on
someone or something else but are themselves being acted upon. Agent sub-
jects on the other hand can co-occur with either transitive or intransitive verbs
Mary threw the ball; Mary yelled. Instrument subjects and causers will always
take transitive verbs because, in order to carry out these roles, they must be
acting on something else.
Often a transitive verb with an agentive subject will have an identical in-
transitive counterpart that of necessity takes a patient subject.
A few very old transitive verbs have a separate intransitive form which is
related to the transitive form but is not identical to ittofell/to fall; to set/to sit;
to lay/to lie. These verb forms pose problems even for native English speakers.
In comparing the forms in the following chart, ignore the |-s} ending on the
present tense verb forms.
34 Basic Sentence Structure
Transitive Intransitive
Note that the past tense of intransitive fall is identical to the present tense of
transitive fell. The present and past tense forms of transitive set are identical,
while intransitive sit has a distinct past tense form. The past tense of intransi-
tive lie is lay, making it identical to the present tense of transitive lay. It's no
wonder that many people don't know whether to say "I'm going to lay down"
or "I'm going to lie down" and for many speakers the distinction between lay
and lie has simply disappeared.
There is a relatively small set of verbs in English that can be followed by two
objects; these two objects traditionally have been called the indirect object and
the direct object, although some grammarians simply call them objecti and ob-
ject2- I will use the traditional terminology. The direct object and the indirect
object are both structures within the predicate.
subject predicate
subject predicate
Ditransitive Verbs and Indirect Objects 35
subject predicate
Ditransitive verbs (di- is the Greek root for two) always involve a trans-
ference of possession of the direct object to a recipient, the indirect object. The
transference is often literalIhanded Mike the report, although sometimes the
transference is figurative or metaphoricalSheread me a fairy tale. Occasionally
the transference is pendingIoffered her chicken soup. Semantically, the indirect
object carries only the recipient semantic role. In a few cases that role is a neg-
ative one, i.e., the fact that the indirect object does not receive is underscored
The boss denied her a raise; They spared my aunt unnecessary pain; She refused the
beggar a meal.
I gave Joanie the I read the kids a Max offered the kids
book. story. candy.
She handed me the She told her My sister owes me
shovel. employees a lie. $500.
I loaned my friend Opera gives me a I guaranteed Lara
money. headache. a raise.
He passed Max the Mary taught the I promised Sue a
potatoes. newcomers English. bicycle.
We fed the dogs I showed her my I wrote her a
salami. computer. letter.
Mark sold her his The rain brought He baked his dad
bike. us relief. a cake.
I brought Tania a She asked the teacher I bought the kids
sandwich. a question. a gift.
Vi served the She sent Jake her The boss assigned
patrons lunch. best wishes. me an office.
The child slipped The politicians fed I granted her an
her friend a note. us lies. interview.
Bill took his wife They extended me
some lunch. credit.
36 Basic Sentence Structure
Negative transference
subject predicate
subject predicate
subject predicate
subject predicate
The preposition for is used in cases where the subject has created some-
thing to give the indirect object.
All of these sentences can be paraphrased by placing the indirect object directly
after the verbRonbaked Mary a cake, I knitted Bill a sweater, etc. When indi-
rect objects co-occur with created direct objects, transference is always pend-
ing. In Ron baked a cake for Mary, we do not know whether the intended recip-
ient actually came into possession of the cake.
Write is one ditransitive verb that creates a direct object, yet exploits to as the
preposition in the indirect object constructionSuzywrote a letter to Santa Claus.
While created direct objects almost always require for rather than to in a
PP indirect object, not all for indirect objects co-occur with created direct ob-
38 Basic Sentence Structure
jects. In each of the sentences below, the indirect object can be expressed as a
for prepositional phrase, but the direct object is a patient.
Way, most of us know that the covert direct object is money. However, an indi-
vidual who did not recognize United Way as a charitable organization might
have trouble processing this sentence. In cases in which the direct object is omit-
ted, the indirect object is usually expressed as a prepositional phrase rather
than an NP; *George read the kids and *I give the United Way are ungrammatical,
although many speakers can say Carrie wrote her boyfriend.
DEGREES OF DITRANSITIVITY
It is somewhat misleading to label all the verbs discussed in this section as
ditransitive. As you saw above, some verbs are truly ditransitive, i.e., they re-
quire either an overt or covert indirect object. But fundamentally monotransi-
tive verbs sometimes take on a ditransitive role. While kick can be ditransitive
Rachel kicked Carole the ball, there is no evidence that kick requires a recipient;
Rachel kicked the ball is perfectly grammatical. Verbs of "ballistic motion" like
throw, toss, and kick are in general monotransitive, but they can take indirect -
objects. (Monotransitive means that the verb requires only a direct object; the
Greek root mono- means "single.") Verbs that can express their indirect objects
as for prepositional phrases are also fundamentally monotransitive. A speaker
can say I baked a cake or I built a birdhouse without suggesting that there is some
unexpressed recipient.
Monotransitive Ditransitive
Klaus tossed the bag into the trash Klaus tossed Frances the bag.
can.
Hillary threw the ball over the wall. Hillary threw George the ball.
Igor slid the box down the hall. Igor slid Irene the box.
I made an afghan. I made my uncle an afghan.
My grandad knits sweaters. My grandad knits me sweaters.
The variability of these alternation patterns creates problems for both first and
second language learners. Non-native speakers of English and native-speaking
children often produce sentences like *He explained me the answer.
The problem here is that the grammatical category indirect object is not an
altogether coherent one in Modern English grammar. The confusion goes back
to the medieval period. In Old English, the recipient of the direct object was
usually in the dative case. This means that the indirect object noun carried a
set of suffixes that clearly distinguished it from the direct object. In addition,
the position of the indirect object in the sentence was fairly predictable; pro-
noun indirect objects almost always preceded the direct object and noun indi-
rect objects usually did. In 1066, the Norman French invaded England and, at
least among the members of the ruling class, there was a great deal of language
contact between French and English speakers. This contact affected English in
a variety of ways. For one thing, French nouns had no dative case; French ex-
ploited the preposition a ("to") in indirect object constructions and English
speakers gradually adopted this strategy without abandoning the old dative
forms. Eventually the special dative endings disappeared2 but Old English
Ditransitive Verbs and Indirect Objects 41
word order persisted; in other words, the indirect object continued to precede
the direct object. But when the recipient was marked with a preposition, it re-
flected French word order, i.e., it followed the direct object.
Not surprisingly, most of the verbs that take only prepositional indirect ob-
jects came into the language after the Norman invasion, e.g., donate, report, ex-
plain, and most of the verbs that take NP indirect objects date back to Old Eng-
lish, e.g., give, feed, sell, bring, tell, buy. Often verbs that are semantically related
will have different indirect object constructions. Give, donate, and contribute
share many semantic features, yet, only give takes an NP indirect object and
has Anglo Saxon roots. Contribute and donate came into the language in the six-
teenth and nineteenth centuries, respectively. This does not mean, however,
that all verbs that entered the language after the Norman invasion take only
prepositional indirect objects. Consider She guaranteed Nick a spot, He bequeathed
us a fortune, and Carmela faxed Alex a memo. Both guarantee and bequeath are
French loan words and fax is obviously a very recent creation derived from the
noun facsimile. Conversely, there are a few very old verbs that require that the
"recipient" appear in a prepositional phrase. Say, which dates back to Old Eng-
lish, has always required that the recipient follow the preposition to I said
something to Jerome.
Because of these complications, grammarians don't always agree on how
to characterize the semantic category recipient grammatically. Some consider
only those recipients that occur directly after the verb to be indirect objects,
e.g., I gave Clarice some candy. Others categorize as an indirect object any re-
cipient that can even potentially occur as NP after the verb, e.g., I handed the
book to Sean, which can be paraphrased as I handed Sean the book. Still others
accept as indirect objects even those prepositional recipients that never appear
as NPs, e.g., I surrendered the gun to the police.
discourse. We have already discussed the fact that topics are usually first in-
troduced in the predicate. A corollary to this generalization is that the newest
information in the sentence goes after all the given information. Where we find
the indirect object often depends on whether the recipient is new or given in-
formation. If the indirect object represents new information in a discourse and
the direct object represents given information, the indirect object will appear
after the direct object in a prepositional phrase. For example, assume that you're
engaged in a conversation with friends. You have already established that
Marcy owns a motorcycle and isn't riding it today. Someone says "She loaned
it to Jack." Jack is the new information here; she (Marcy) and it (the motorcy-
cle) have already been mentioned. As newly introduced information, Jack fol-
lows the pronoun it; 111 loaned Jack it sounds very strange. On the other hand,
if the direct object is the new information, it will appear after the indirect ob-
ject. Assume that your friends are wondering how Candace obtained her new
stereo. You clear up the mystery with "I gave her the money" I and her (Can-
dace) are given information and the money is new information. As new infor-
mation, the money follows the given information.
We see the same phenomenon in question and answer sequences. In re-
sponse to "What did you do with the report?" a secretary might say, "I handed
it to the boss." Here the report is given information (it was mentioned in the
preceding question) so it precedes the boss who hasn't been mentioned yet. If
the question had been "What did you hand the boss?" the answer might be "I
handed her the report." Here the boss is the given information, so her precedes
the report, which is new information. And of course when an indirect object pre-
cedes a direct object, it always appears in NP, not prepositional, form. We've
already discussed the fact that personal pronouns always encode given infor-
mation. Not surprisingly then, when an Indirect object is pronoun and the di-
rect object is a full noun phrase, the indirect object (given information) pre-
cedes the direct object (new information.)
In the following chart, given information is single underlined and new in-
formation is double underlined.
Note that it is the final structure in each sentence that encodes new infor-
mation; note, too, that the new information is expressed by a full noun phrase,
not a pronoun. In column (a), the last structures are all indirect objects; in col-
umn (b), the last structures are all direct objects. Pronouns can occur in sen-
tence final position as prepositional indirect objectsI loaned the car to him; I
gave the report to her. But while such sentences are perfectly grammatical, they
are less common in discourse than sentences in which a pronoun indirect ob-
ject precedes the direct object. The following passages from Raymond Chan-
dler's novel The Little Sister reflect the typical position of a pronoun indirect
object. (Boldface added.)
Sentence final indirect object pronouns occur most often when a speaker
wishes to articulate some sort of contrast and the pronoun is stressedIbought
a car for them, not for him. However, direct object pronouns seldom appear last
in the sentence; while I handed Karen the book and I handed her the book are fine,
?I handed Karen it and II handed her it are somewhat less acceptable. (In British
English a sentence like I gave it him is perfectly grammatical, but in this case
the preposition to has been omitted in the indirect object construction.)
BENEFACTIVES
There is another construction containing the preposition for which is sim-
ilar but not identical to an indirect object. Consider the following sentences.
Leah raked the yard for the Jorge changed the sheets for
neighbors. the guests.
I mailed a package for Helen. Fritz hung the picture for
his father.
Kirby cleaned the car for Bert. 1 trimmed the trees for Yvette.
In none of these sentences can the object of the preposition for be moved
to occupy the position before the direct object. *Kirby cleaned Bert the car and
*Fritz hung his father the picture are absolutely ungrammatical. I mailed Helen a
package is grammatical but it means something quite different from the origi-
nal sentence. In a similar vein, Martha wrote a letter to her boss means something
very different from Martha wrote a letter for her boss.
In each of these cases the for prepositional phrase represents, not a recipi-
ent indirect object, but a benefactive; (ben- is the Latin root for "good"). In other
44 Basic Sentence Structure
words, Leah raked the yard on the neighbors' behalf. In a benefactive construction,
the beneficiary doesn't receive the direct object, but rather benefits from some
action involving the direct object. Only ditransitive verbs can take indirect ob-
jects and only verbs that take a created direct object and few other verb types
can take an indirect object of the for variety. Benefactives, however, can follow
any number of transitive verbs. In fact, almost any transitive sentence with an
agentive subject can be turned into a benefactive. Benefactive is a semantic la-
bel; there is no separate grammatical label for such constructions.
Occasionally speakers make threats using a benefactive constructionI'll
break your arm for you [if you don't let go of me]. (These are sometimes called male-
factives, mal- being the Latin root for "bad/')
Recipients Benefactives
Lourdes fixed lunch for the kids. Lourdes fixed the computer
for Jay.
Stuart made a sandwich for Joyce. He made the bed for my
mother.
I built a birdhouse for Samantha. I painted the birdhouse for
Samantha.
I crocheted a scarf for Shirley. I mended a scarf for Shirley.
Teresa drew a tree for Trevor. Teresa trimmed the tree for
Trevor.
She wrote a script for the actor. She edited a script for the actor.
I got the book for Deb. I destroyed the book for Deb.
nominatives are NPs that follow verbs in the predicate, they look at great deal
like direct objects.
subject predicate subject predicate
The difference here is that a copula does not transfer an action to a direct ob-
ject the way a transitive verb does. Unlike a direct object, a predicate nomina-
tive NP refers to the same entity as the subject NP. In the sentence I am a teacher,
I and a teacher are noun phrases that refer to the same individual. If a speaker
uses a transitive verb, e.g., I love a teacher, the hearer will assume that I and a
teacher refer to different people.
Subject complements can also be adjectives. When an adjective follows a
copula, it refers back to the subject of the sentence. Irt Some politicians are cor-
rupt, the adjective corrupt, which occurs in the predicate, describes the subject
some politicians. Such adjectives are called predicate adjectives, but despite this
label they never modify nouns in the predicate.
subject predicate
Be is the only copula that can take an adverb of location as its comple-
mentStuis in the basement; Tilly is on the golf course. *Stu seems in the basement
is ungrammatical. Other copulas can co-occur with an adverb of location only
when the adverb is preceded by a predicate adjective or predicate nominative
Tommy seems unhappy in that school. As you will see shortly, copulas involving
sensory perception can take as a subject complement a prepositional phrase
headed by the preposition likeThis liquid smells like turpentine; That cloth looks
like silk.
There are a very limited number of copulas in English and they fall into
just a few general semantic categories.
SENSORY COPULAS
oeachEach sensory perception has a copula associated with it. (Remember that
sense also has a verb form that takes an agent subject and one that takes
an experiencer subject.) Interestingly, in the case of copulas, the sensory per-
ception is not that of the subject of the sentence, but rather that of the speaker.
These copulas must be followed by an adjective, a prepositional phrase with
the preposition like, or, on rare occasions, a noun phrase.
46 Basic Sentence Structure
You can say This room smells without an overt adjective following the cop-
ula, but your hearer will presume the adjective bad. If you want to suggest any
other quality, you must include an adjective.
We have already seen that certain transitive sensory verbs have experiencer
subjects, e.g., Roger smelled smoke. In the examples listed above, the experiencer
of the sensory perception is unexpressed but is assumed to be that of the
speakerThat record sounds scratched [to me]. However, it's possible to over-
ride the presumption that the sensory perception is that of the speaker by spec-
ifying someone elseThe room smelled musty to Richard; The meat tasted rancid
to the cook; Becky sounded sick to her mother. In these cases the experiencer is
contained in a prepositional phrase. Miriam has the same semantic role in each
of the following sentencesMiriam coidd taste the spices in the soup; The soup
tasted spicy to Miriam. While transitive verbs can have experiencer subjects,
copulas cannot; when the verb is a copula, the experiencer must be expressed
by an overt or covert prepositional phrase.
STATIVE COPULAS
There are two copulas, seem and appear, each of which suggests that a sub-
ject has a particular quality or is in a particular statejoyceseems happy; Tom
appears satisfied. These copulas underscore the fact that the state is apparent,
but not necessarily real. Here, too, the perception is assumed to be that of the
speakerJoyce seems happy [to me], unless that assumption is explicitly can-
celedJoyceseems happy to Bill. Don't confuse copula appear with intransitive
appear, which has a very different meaningAghost appeared suddenly before us.
Seem and appear are usually followed by adjectives, although seem can also be
followed by the preposition likeShe seems like a nice person; This seems like the
only alternative. (The construction seems to be, as in She seems to be nice will be
discussed in Chapter 3.)
Copula remain is closely related to intransitive verb remain. In a sentence
like ]orgen remained angry, the copula indicates that a state persists. In a sen-
tence like Jeff remained in the room, the intransitive verb indicates that subject
persists in a particular location.
Turn constrains its predicate adjective more than other resultative copulas do.
Since it usually suggests a relatively rapid change of state, sentences like *He
turned tall or *The baby turned fat are unacceptable.
While copula turn cannot be followed by a noun phrase, turn into c a n
The frog turned into a princeJ~She turned into a lovely woman. Since the second NP
in each of these sentences has the same referent as the subject, it makes sense
to treat turn into as a two-word copula. (Multiword verbs will be taken up in
some detail in Chapter 3.)
(jg) COPULA BE
The most ubiquitous copula is be. Be in its various forms is the only cop-
ula that need not be followed by an adjective or a noun phrase. However, if
there is no adjective or noun phrase in the predicate, be must be followed by
an adverb of location.
These verbs are homophonous with other intransitive or transitive verbs, i.e.,
they are pronounced in the same way. But the meanings of the copulas are
rather different from those of their transitive or intransitive counterparts.
Clearly, copula fall does not mean to tppple but to become, and like become it
communicates a change of state. But fall often has negative or ominous over-
tones. He fell sick is fine but *Hefell well is impossible. Downward motion is fre-
quently used in English to suggest negative states or eventsShefell into de-
spair; His spirits sank; 1 feel downand copula fall often exploits this same
metaphor.
Intransitive loom can refer to physical objects or abstractionsAfreighter
loomed in the fog; Disaster loomedbut copula loom is usually associated with ab-
stractions and is almost always followed by large. Copula run does not neces-
sarily mean "run" in a literal sense, but rather suggests lack of supervision. The
children ran wild is closer to The children were wild than The children ran wildly.
Copula prove is closely related to its transitive counterpart. In the transitive sen-
tence The prosecution proved Jeffrey guilty, prove indicates that the prosecutors
somehow demonstrated Jeffrey's guilt, while in The job proved impossible, some-
thing demonstrates that the job is impossible.
There is a small set of verbs in English that can be followed by both a direct
object and an object complement. Object complements are adjectives or noun
phrases that describe or refer back to the direct object. The relationship of an
object complement to the direct object is very much like the relationship of a
subject complement to the subject.
subject predicate
subject predicate
Dale called her boss a fool. Annie colored the sky orange.
The kids considered Lena They spoil their kids rotten.
crabby.
I like my coffee black. She made Lionel a supervisor.
He wanted his steak rare. He tied the rope tighter.
I prefer my eggs sunny side up. They elected her president.
She found the concert tedious. My sister named her baby
Hrothgar.
The boss rated her performance They christened the ship
excellent. the Titanic.
They deemed the school suitable. The citizens proclaimed him king.
The detective proved Dick I now pronounce you husband
innocent. and wife.
She hammered the metal flat.
at the other, these verbs fall in the middle, behaving like monotransitive verbs
in some contexts and complex transitive verbs in others.
True complex transitive verbs (those that require an object complement)
tend to fall into a few general semantic categories:
(These categories are based on Levin [1993, p. 47], although she does not use
the term complex transitive.)
Since both complex transitive verbs and ditransitive verbs allow the verb
to be followed by two noun phrases, there is potential for ambiguity. A num-
ber of classic bad jokes exploit this potential:
This chapter has been devoted to basic sentence types. Most of the sentences
discussed above can be reduced to a few basic patterns:
Note the consistency of word order in these sentences. The subject always
precedes the verb; the direct object follows the verb unless there is an inter-
vening indirect object. The vast majority of sentences in English reflect this
word order. Linguists call this word order "unmarked." There is nothing weird
about it, nothing about it that might attract a hearer's attention.
But sometimes speakers deliberately alter this standard word order to do
something special in the discourse. In other words, they "mark" their utterance
by employing nonstandard word order. Markedness plays an important role
in language in general. An unmarked structure is one that is usual or typical.
A marked structure, on the other hand, is noteworthy. Edwin L. Battistella
(1990) provides this real world example of markedness.
52 Basic Sentence Structure
The unmarked style of dress for everyday affairs . . . is casual dress. To adopt
a formal style of dress for everyday affairsto go to the supermarket in a
tuxedo or to teach a class in an evening gown, for examplewouldbe unusual
behavior (the marked case) that would cause one to be singled out against the
background of unmarked casualness. (p. 5)
Summing Up
As you can see from the above discussion, it is sometimes difficult to separate
structure from meaning. While we can define subject in grammatical terms, it
is clear that there are a number of semantic roles that are closely associated
with this grammatical category. We can also talk about the transitive verb in
strictly grammatical terms, e.g., takes a direct object, but certain semantic fall-
out is inevitable, e.g., transitive verbs never have patient subjects. Form and
meaning are inextricably bound.
We can identify a very limited number of basic sentence structures for Eng-
lish and these structures provide the basis for most English sentences, no mat-
ter how complex. The five basic sentence types listed above provide the scaf-
folding. In Chapter 2, you will explore the internal workings of the noun phrase.
In Chapter 3, you will see how the basic verb types can be expanded through
the use of aspect, passive voice, auxiliaries, and mood markers. In Chapter 4,
Summing Up 53
you will see how these basic sentence patterns can be expanded by a variety
of adjective and adverb constructions. In Chapter 5, you will learn how each
of the basic grammatical categories described abovesubject,direct object, in-
direct object, subject complement, and object complementcanbe expressed
by a number of different, sometimes highly complex clause constructions. But
the basic structure is always there, holding up the edifice.
2
The Noun Phrase
In the last section we examined the overall structure of the basic English sen-
tence. Apart from the verb, most of the structures discussed in that chapter
were noun phrases (NPs). As you saw, noun phrases typically function as sub-
jects, direct objects, indirect objects, subject complements, and object comple-
ments. (NPs also function as the objects of prepositions, but this will be taken
up later.) In Chapter 1, I defined a noun phrase very simply as a pronoun or a
noun plus its modifiers. But this definition glosses over some important ques-
tions, the biggest of which is "What exactly is a noun?"
This is not an altogether easy question to answer and there are a number
of ways we might go about it. The first is to identify a noun in terms of its
characteristic endings. In many languages nouns can be identified exclusively
in terms of their inflections. An inflection is any prefix or suffix that carries
grammatical information. Modern languages like Lithuanian and Russian and
ancient languages like Classical Latin and Sanskrit use inflections to indicate
the grammatical function of a noun (i.e., subjects take one set of endings, di-
rect objects another, and indirect objects yet another). These endings also re-
flect singular or plural status. Old English nouns also carried this kind of in-
formation, although most of these endings were lost by Chaucer's time in the
late fourteenth century.
Take a look at the endings for the Old English word for stone.
As you can see, nouns performing different grammatical functions had different
55
56 The Noun Phrase
endings; only subjects and direct objects share the same forms. Note, too, that the
plural forms were different from one another, e.g., a plural subject looks different
from a plural indirect object, which looks different from a plural possessive.
In a language like Old English, form and function are inseparable. The form
of a noun dictates its grammatical function; the grammatical function of a noun
is reflected in its form. But this isn't true in modern English. With the excep-
tion of the possessive, you can't tell the function of a noun by its grammatical
form, since only the singular possessive {-s} ending and the plural subject/ob-
ject {-s} ending have survived into Modern English. But our modern posses-
sive and plural endings do help us identify nouns as a general category.
When new nouns enter the language, we routinely inflect them with the
plural {-s} endinggeeks,snafus, modems, etc. When an old noun takes on a new
function, confusion can arise. English speakers are still unsure about the plural
of computer mouse-, computer types usually opt for mice, but lay people some-
times exploit mouses.
While not all nouns can be pluralized (e.g., music, rice, furniture), most can.
Some very old English nouns are pluralized by internal vowel change
goose/geese, man/men, tooth/teeth or by an {-en} suffixchildren,oxen; but these
plural forms are no longer productive. This means that contemporary speak-
ers don't create new plurals by changing the vowel or adding {-en}. In a small
number of cases, the plural of a noun is identical to the singulardeer,sheep,
and these forms, too, are very old.
We can also attempt to identify nouns in terms of their meaning. For many
decades linguists rejected the old "a noun is a person, place, or thing" defini-
tion, arguing that it was too subjective and too limited. And there are certainly
problems with this characterization; it excludes abstractions like theology and
responsibility and references to internal mental states like thought and belief. But
in fact this old saw, repeated by generations of schoolchildren, contains more
than a grain of truth; nouns most often do refer to entities that have physical
reality. Consider this paragraph from Pigs in Heaven by Barbara Kingsolver
(1994). All of the nouns (excluding pronouns) are in boldface. (Boldface added.)
At a table nearby, a wife and husband are having a fight. They have on match-
ing outfits, jeans and fringed shirts that cowboys might wear, or people in a
cowboy-related industry. The woman has colorless flippy hair molded together
with hairspray so that it all comes along when she turns her head. The man
looks very old. (p. 132)
Out of the 15 nouns highlighted, 13 refer to concrete entities. Only fight and in-
dustry can't be characterized as people or things.
This pattern is widespread. One of the primary uses of nouns in everyday
discourse is to code "thing-like" entities. Our world is filled with people, crea-
tures, and objects and we use nouns to talk about them. It is no accident that
the first words toddlers learn are those that refer to physical things in their en-
vironmentmommy,cup, juice, doggie. This is not to say that words like hatred,
joy, and respect are not nouns; they certainly are. But more often than not the
The Determiner 57
nouns we use in everyday discourse refer to entities that have physical reality.
Significantly the more thing-like a noun's referent is, the more likely it is that
the noun can accept the characteristic noun inflections, especially the plural
marker. A table, a pencil, and a wagon have clear-cut physical reality and each
of these nouns can be pluralized. Music, respect, and insanity, however, are not
thing-like and they cannot be pluralized. This reflects only a tendency in Eng-
lish, not a hard and fast rule. There are nouns that refer to non-things that read-
ily pluralize thoughts, beliefs, ideas and there are concrete nouns that don't
oil rice, gold. The point here is that nouns tend to share a common semantics;
they often do refer to things (animate and inanimate) that have a physical re-
ality. The more thing-like a referent is, the more likely it is that its noun will
take nominal inflectional endings. (See Langacker [1987], Givon [1979], and
Hopper and Thompson [1984, 1985].)
Unfortunately, inflectional endings aren't a foolproof way of identifying
nouns. Some English nouns can't be pluralized and some rarely if ever carry
a possessive ending. Furthermore, there are many languages like Chinese and
Vietnamese in which nouns carry no affixes whatsoever. Semantic criteria are
problematic, too. But there is another way of determining noun status and we
spent most of Chapter 1 discussing it, albeit indirectly Nouns participate in
structures that have specific grammatical functions in a sentence.
In a simple sentence, the head (i.e., central element) of any structure, which
can function as a subject, direct object, or indirect object, will be a noun. (Sub-
ject and object complements aren't really diagnostic, since adjectives can also
take on these functions.)
The Determiner
Nouns rarely stand alone; they are usually accompanied by modifiers. But since
the noun stands at the head of the noun phrase, it dictates which modifiers
may be used and it carries a heavy semantic load. If a noun phrase is stripped
of all its modifiers, it still has meaning:
But if a noun phrase is stripped of its noun head, it will probably be impossi-
ble to interpret.
58 The Noun Phrase
All the beautiful trees were destroyed *All the beautiful were destroyed.
The most common noun modifiers in English are the determiners. While
an adjective is never required for grammaticality in an NP, determiners often
are. *Child put book on shelf is an understandable English sentence, but no na-
tive speaker would ever say it in normal conversation.
The determiner is a grammatical category that includes a number of rather
different kinds of words, all of which date back to Old English. The determin-
ers constitute a closed class; i.e., a class of words that will not admit new mem-
bers. Articles, possessive (genitive), and demonstrative forms are all consid-
ered determiners. These words constitute a single grammatical category
because they always occupy the same position in the NP; they always precede
both the noun and any adjectives. Furthermore, the noun can be modified by
only one item from this class. While this book, our house, and the motorcycle are
all acceptable NPs, an English speaker cannot say *the this book or *our a house.
The words in the determiner category are mutually exclusive. Whereas pos-
sessive determiners and the can precede either singular or plural nouns, a, this,
that, and stressed some modify only singular nouns, and unstressed some, these,
and those modify only plural nouns.
ARTICLES
You are probably familiar with the category article, and you may have been
taught that a is an indefinite article and the a definite article. But what do
The Determiner 59
these terms mean? It turns out that they are very misleading. Most students
assume that the term "indefinite" means that the article and subsequent noun
don't refer to anyone or anything in particular. But that is seldom the case. In
There is a snake in my bathroom, the speaker is referring to a very specific rep-
tile; in I know a felloiv who always wears six ties, the speaker is referring to a
particular man with particular taste in clothes. There are, however, times when
the article a does not have specific reference, as in A robbery is committed every-
day in this neighborhood or I hate a crabby clerk. The grammatical context will
usually reveal if the reference is specific or nonspecific.
(a) Becky is dating a nice doctor. (b) Becky is looking for a nice doctor.
(c) She is slicing a juicy mango. (d) I enjoy a juicy mango.
(e) I see a red Porsche. (f) I want a red Porsche.
(g) I witnessed a bad crash. (h) I fear a bad crash.
In sentence (a) we assume that Becky is dating a particular nice doctor but
in (b) it seems that Becky is looking for any nice doctor. In (c) and (e) the speaker
is referring to specific entities and in (g) to a specific event. In (d) any juicy
mango will do, as will any red Porsche in (f). In (h) the speaker fears some-
thing that can't have specific reference because it has not occurred yet. An ut-
terance like "I was searching for a sweater" is potentially ambiguous. If the
speaker continues with "and I found it," the NP a sweater has specific refer-
ence; the speaker found the one s/he was looking for. But if the speaker con-
tinues with "and I found one," the NP has nonspecific reference; the speaker
found some sweater or other (Lambrecht, 1994, p. 80).
What then is the function of the article al Its primary function is simply to
introduce a noun phrase into the discourse. Not surprisingly then, a is one of
the ways speakers introduce new information into a discourse. Once a noun
phrase is introduced with a, a speaker (or writer) can use the or an appropri-
ate pronoun to refer to this entity.
Melinda bought a new house last week. The house is white with green trim.
A little brown puppy wandered into our yard last night. It was obviously
lost.
There is a new student in my class. She seems rather shy.
more got hurt during football practice; My older sister is dating some boy. In both
these cases, the noun modified by some has specific reference, but the identity
of the referent is irrelevant to the speaker. Stressed some also serves to express
annoyance or contemptSomeidiot left gum on this seat.
In most cases, the cannot be used unless the person or object has already
been introduced into the discourse. In other words, the article the typically
refers back to something. This is another case of anaphoric reference. You
would find it baffling if, out of the blue, a friend said "The woman stole your
calculator." You would undoubtedly respond, "What woman?"
The article the can be used without first introducing the item into discourse
if there is only one such item in the immediate world of the speakers and they
share knowledge of its existence. We refer to the sun and the moon because we
all recognize their existence and there is only one of each in our sky. Future
space settlers living on Jupiter won't be able to refer to the moon. In a given
household, family members will put on the kettle, open the refrigerator, and read
the paper while lying in the hammock, because, as a rule, there is only one such
item in the house. If the family includes one infant, "The baby is crying" is an
appropriate observation, but if there are quintuplets, it is not. If you routinely
go to the same grocery store and financial institution, you probably refer to
them as the store and the bank. On the other hand, if you are shopping for a
mortgage, you may go a bank that you don't usually patronize. The use of the
signals that the referent should be identifiable to the hearer as well as the
speaker.
Sometimes the discourse itself will contain the information that allows the
hearer to identify the referent of the noun, even though the noun itself hasn't
been used. In the case of We could see Mt. Everest in the distance; the peak was
covered with snow, the hearer is expected to deduce that mountains have peaks.
By introducing Mt. Everest into the discourse, the speaker has indirectly in-
troduced its peak as well. If an acquaintance says "My wife was hit by a car
last night," he could go on to say, "The driver was arrested." The driver is in-
troduced into the discourse by inference; we assume that moving cars have dri-
vers.
In general, singular nouns cannot occur without a determiner. *Dog is in
the garden and *House is brick are ungrammatical. There are, however, some ex-
ceptions to this rule. Singular nouns that refer to abstract institutions rather
than physical structures can occur without determinersI am going to school
now; She was sent to prison for three years; He has left for church; Olympia is at-
tending college. Which school, prison, church, or college is immaterial. British
and Canadian speakers exploit this construction even more often than Ameri-
cans do; for example they go to hospital and attend university. On the other hand,
when any English speaker wishes to refer to a particular building, determin-
ers are requiredWe drove by the school; That prison needs repair; My temple
is on this street.
When a singular noun refers to the means by which an act is carried out,
it, too, occurs without a determiner. In Sally went by car or My parents travel by
train, the speaker is referring, not to a specific vehicle, but to an abstraction,
The Determiner 61
i.e., a means of transportation. We also send things by mail and make things by
machine. Even the noun bed exhibits this behavior. We go to bed but we buy a
bed and make the bed. In the first example, bed is an abstraction, not an entity;
in fact, we can go to bed on the floor or on the couch. Note, too, that when
such nouns are used in this abstract way, they cannot be pluralized. *1 am go-
ing to beds and *My parents travel by trains are both ungrammatical. You will
find that there are a number of abstract nouns that do not co-occur with the or
the plural marker*He is in the trouble; *The sincerity shows; *lsn't loves wonder-
ful?
Earlier, I noted the fact that nouns that refer to concrete entities are more
likely to carry nominal inflectional endings (possessive and plural) than nouns
that are abstract. We see the same pattern with articles. When words like school
train, and machine refer to concrete entities, they occur with the appropriate ar-
ticle. But when those same words are used to refer to an abstract institution as
opposed to a particular place, a means of transportation rather than a particu-
lar vehicle, or a means rather than a particular piece of equipment, the article
is often omitted. Like inflectional endings, articles tend to attach themselves to
nouns that refer to physical entities. But remember that this is only a tendency,
not a hard and fast rule.
form for "near the speaker," one for "near the hearer," and one for "distant
from both" (Crystal, 1997b, p. 99).
Because deictic determiners locate entities in space, they are often used in
conjunction with physical gestures, e.g., a pointing motion or a turn of the
headThis desk is mine; That car over there is Sid's; The robber ran that way. If I
pick up a kitten and say "This cat is my favorite," I give the kitten proximity
by singling it out from the others. We often use deictics when we are demon-
strating how to do somethingYouadjust the fuel mixture this way or when we
critique another's actionsDon'ttry to remove the cork that way. In these cases
the deictic refers to a series of actions and in general speakers will use this to
refer to their own actions and that to refer to the actions of another.
Demonstratives also express temporal deixis. We often use this/these to re-
fer to recent events or ideas and that/those to refer to those more remote in time.
Your current vacation is this vacation, while last year's is that vacation; your most
recent proposal is this proposal, while the one you made an hour ago is that pro-
posal. The item that is most proximate in time or space will co-occur with this
and these.
It is often the case, however, that demonstrative determiners are more
anaphoric than deicticI'vesigned up for an advanced linguistics course next term.
This class is going to keep me very busy. An anaphoric demonstrative will some-
times refer back, not to an individual NP, but to a series of actions or events.
We see this pattern in the following passage from Kinky Friedman's novel God
Bless John Wayne (1996).
I made some coffee, putting a small bit of eggshell in with the grinds as was
the habit of my old pal Tom Baker. This little ritual . . . enriched the flavor of
the coffee, (p. 114)
INDEFINITE THIS
English speakers sometimes use this and these in non-deictic, non-anaphoric
ways. When someone says, "This guy walked up to me and slugged me," s/he
is simply using this to introduce the noun into discourse. When this is used in
this fairly specialized way, it is called indefinite this. (This is another case in
which "indefinite" is used inappropriately) Indefinite this has roughly the same
function as the indefinite article, except that it always has specific reference; a sen-
tence like *Marcy wants to marry this Australian, any Australian is ungrammatical.
Indefinite this seems to be a relatively new phenomenon. There is no known
record of it occurring before the 1930s (Ward, 1983, p. 94) and it is still very
rare in written discourse. It crops up a lot in casual conversation, however. The
following is from an actual interview with a 12-year-old boy.
. . . these two girls, they were like playing hide-n-go-seek, [and] this little boy
[and] this girl, they . . . came (Ward, p. 96).
This speaker uses both this and these to introduce new NPs into the dis-
course. A speaker is especially likely to use indefinite this or these (as opposed
\
The Determiner 63
to a or some) in cases where the speaker intends to continue speaking about the
referent of the NP at some length (Prince, 1981).
QUANTIFYING DETERMINERS
Most determiners express quantity, whatever their other functions in the
discourse. While a and some are used to introduce entities into discourse, they
also express the quantities "one" and "more than one," respectively. This and
these express deictic relationships but at the same time encode number. But
there are some determiners whose sole function is to express quantity.
Each, every, and no indicate how many individuals in a particular set are rel-
evant to the discourseHortensegave each child a pencil; They expelled every stu-
dent; No contraband was found on the ship. Each and every have specific reference.
Loosely speaking, you should be able to identify the children who received pen-
cils and the students who were expelled. No, of course, does not have specific
reference; it's impossible to refer to something that does not exist. Any is used
when a speaker wants to underscore nonspecific referenceGeoff will go to any
movie; Those kids will eat any kind of fruit. Because any has nonspecific reference,
it is often used in questions and negativesDoyou know any mechanics? I haven't
seen any dolphins; I don't want any coffee; Did the miners find any gold?
Either and neither are interesting determiners because the quantity they ex-
press has historically reflected the number two. Either, in cooperation with the
conjunction or, often refers to one out of two; neither in cooperation with nor
refers to none out of twoYou can have either tea or coffee; Neither Charles nor
Maggie was there. Many speakers do, however, use these forms to express num-
bers larger than twoEitherBill, Cathy, or Bertha will finish the project.
GENITIVE DETERMINERS
The forms my, our, his, her, ii , ^
miners called genitives. (Up until now I have used the more familiar label "pos-
sessive" for these determiners, but this term is misleading, as you will see
shortly.) Like the other determiners, these constitute a closed class of small func-
tion words. These forms are considered determiners only when they precede
a noun head1dislike his brother; Our pizza is here. The forms that follow cop-
ulas as subject complements (mine, ours, his, hers, theirs) are not considered de-
terminers, since they do not precede nounsThe book is mine; This hammer is
hers; That car is his. His is the only form that can be found in both positions;
in the other cases the genitive determiner is turned into a genitive subject com-
plement by marking it with a genitive (-s), e.g., their becomes theirs and her be-
comes hers. Genitives will be discussed in some detail later.
My, your, and our are deictic determiners. My always refers to the speaker,
our refers to the speaker and someone else, and your always refers to the
hearer(s). The third person genitives, on the other hand, have anaphoric refer-
ence. They cannot be used unless the entity to which they refer has already
been introduced into the discourse. (In the following examples the genitive de-
terminer appears in boldface and its referent is double underlined.)
64 The Noun Phrase
Dorothy is upset because her children are moving back into the house.
I really dislike Ned. His insincerity bothers me.
This typewriter is missing one of its keys.
INTERROGATIVE DETERMINERS
Like other question words in English, interrogative determiners typically
begin with the letters wh in written textsWhich child ate all the candy? Whose
car was stolen? What subjects do you teach? In each case the wh word stands for
one of the determiners discussed above.
Which and what have slightly different uses. If the possible noun referents
are constrained in some way, which is the appropriate determiner. For exam-
ple, if you and your sister are looking at five cars on a showroom floor, you
might ask "Which car should we buy?" In other words, which is used when the
options are clear. When the options are not constrained, what is the appropri-
ate determiner.
Summary of determiners
P r e d e t e r m i n e r s and Postdeterminers
wayBoth my nephews are attending MIT; My nephews are both attending MIT.
This phenomenon is sometimes called quantifier float, since the predeterminer,
which normally occurs before the subject noun head, can "float" to the right
of the subject or to the right of an auxiliary verb (if there is one).
t
There is also a group of words that can follow the determiner but must
precede all adjectives. Not surprisingly, these are called postdeterminers. Like
predeterminers, all postdeterminers are quantifying terms. Cardinal and ordi-
nal numerals fall into this category.
All the furniture was damaged. The one room in the basement
was flooded.
I dislike both those patterns. My second choice is vanilla.
Half her clothes were stolen. I know the five people in that car.
This is one third the cost. A few people showed up.
She put in five times the effort. I'm having a little trouble with
my printer.
Genitives
niture does not occur with the indefinite article a. The entire phrase a child's
modifies furniture.
a child's furniture
A genitive phrase can contain another genitive phrase and that phrase can
contain another genitive phrase, and so on. In My aunt's boyfriend's mother's car,
the genitive phrase modifying car is My aunt's boyfriend's mother's; the genitive
phrase modifying mother is My aunt's boyfriend; and the genitive phrase modi-
fying boyfriend is my aunt. The genitive modifying aunt is the determiner my.
Here we have structure embedded within structure embedded within struc-
ture:
Possessive Genitives
The child's bicycle was smashed to bits. [The child had a bicycle.]
Weifang's pencil fell on the floor. [Weifang had a pencil.]
Their yacht won't fit in this harbor. [They own a yacht.]
A bully stole my kids' cookies at recess. [My kids had cookies.]
Hamish's hair is black. [Hamish has hair.]
My mother is a surgeon. [I have a mother.]
these languages body parts and kinship terms are among the nouns that are
marked for inalienable possession. ("Inalienable" simply means that posses-
sion cannot be surrendered or transferred to someone else.) English makes no
formal distinction between alienable and inalienable possession, although the
semantic difference does have an effect on reflexive and passive constructions,
as you will see later.
In the following sentences the relationship between the genitive and the
noun is not one of ownership or possession.
Subject genitives
A sentence like Marge's new novel is on the table is potentially ambiguous. Is this
a novel Marge owns or one she wrote? The answer of course depends on the
real world context.
In some genitive constructions, the relationship of the genitive word to
the noun it modifies is like the relationship of a direct object to its verb. In
Max's promotion made him happy, Max is not doing anything or possessing any-
thing. Here the implication is that someone has promoted Max. The relation-
ship of Max to promotion is that of direct object to its verb. Max's is an object
genitive.
70 The Noun Phrase
-V-
Object genitives
(In paraphrasing a genitive, be sure to avoid the passive construction. Since the
affected party, not the agent, is the subject of a passive, a passive paraphrase
will give you the wrong result. If, for example, I paraphrase the city's destruction
as the city was destroyed by something, the city becomes the subject of the para-
phrase, not its object. But the city's is an object genitive, not a subject genitive.)
Sometimes a genitive can be ambiguous. A phrase like Sylvia's photograph
is ambiguous in three ways; Sylvia's might be possessive genitive (she owns
the photo), a subject genitive (she took the photo), or an object genitive (some-
one photographed her). The sentence Liz had heard about Jane's betrayal has two
potential meanings. If Jane betrayed someone, the genitive is a subject geni-
tive; if someone betrayed Jane, the genitive is an object genitive. The sentence
can be "disambiguated" if the genitive construction also includes a preposi-
tional phrase that acts as a patient, as in Liz had heard about Jane's betrayal of her
friends. This is a clear example of how the grammar of a structure and its se-
mantics can diverge. Grammatically Jane's betrayal of her friends is an NP con-
taining the noun head betrayal which is modified by the genitive Jane's and the
prepositional phrase of her friends. Semantically, however, Jane('s) is acting like
an agent subject, betrayal is acting like a verb, and of her friends is acting like a
patient direct object. Similarly, if Jane is the one being betrayed, the sentence
can be disambiguated by including an agentLizhad heard about Jane's betrayal
by her boss. (Although you are accustomed to thinking of agents as subjects
and of patients as subjects or objects, agents and patients do occur in preposi-
tional phrases. You will see more of this in Chapter 4.)
Nouns that are modified by subject and object genitives are often, but not
always, deverbal nouns, i.e., nouns derived from verbs. Betrayal, refusal, evic-
tion, and destruction are all created from verbs by the addition of a suffix; the
nouns murder and pardon derive from identical verb forms. Each of these nouns
still carries some verbal force and it's not surprising that their genitive modi-
fiers behave rather like subjects and objects.
Genitive nouns are not always marked by {-s}. In Old English, most geni-
tives were marked with inflectional suffixes but after the Norman invasion that
pattern changed somewhat. French genitives have always been prepositional
constructions, e.g., la maison de Marie ("the house of Marie"), and as a result
of the language contact between French and English after the eleventh century,
Genitives 71
Modern English uses both the inflection and the preposition to mark genitive
relationships.
Entities fairly high on the animacy scale, people and higher order creatures,
require an inflected possessive genitiveTeresa's book, the dog's dish, the bird's
perch. Inanimate nouns typically take an of genitivetheshape of the rock, the
color of that hat, the top of the table. There are, however, many contexts in
which the use of an inflected genitive with an inanimate noun is perfectly ac-
ceptableThebuilding's design was very functional. The of genitive is almost never
used to modify a human possessor. *The coat of Jesse and *the office of Marilyn
are ungrammatical, but Spanish and French speakers who are learning English
as a second language often make this very mistake because such prepositional
constructions are required in the Romance languages.
The of genitive is called a periphrastic genitive. The term periphrastic is
used to describe a construction that uses extra words rather than an inflectional
suffix to communicate grammatical information. Periphrastic is a grammatical
term; it has nothing to do with the semantics of the genitive construction. A
genitive of any semantic type can theoretically be a periphrastic genitive. As
you will see later, English has a number of non-genitive, periphrastic con-
structions as well. (In a nontechnical context, the term periphrastic refers to any
kind of circumlocution.)
While the periphrastic form of the genitive can be used with any seman-
tic type, it is most often used when the noun being modified is inanimate. For
this reason some genitives are more likely to be periphrastic than others. Gen-
itives that reflect part/whole relationships and measurements are frequently
periphrastic.
When a periphrastic genitive expresses a part / whole relationship, the noun
phrase being modified is the part and the NP within the prepositional phrase refers
to the wholethelegs of the table, the side of the cabinet. Of course, inflected geni-
tives can express part/whole relationships, too, and here the inflected noun (or
genitive pronoun) refers to the wholethebook's cover, a car's interior, the dog's tail.
Body parts like the dog's tail are sometimes considered part/whole genitives and
sometimes (inalienable) possessive genitives. Either analysis can be supported.
Part/whole genitives
The roof of the house blew off during the big storm.
That woman scratched the hood of my car with her keys.
The tree's branches swayed in the wind.
My car's battery is dead. / Its battery is dead.
72 The Noun Phrase
Genitives of measure
There are genitive types that have not been discussed here, many of which
are hard to characterize semantically. Consider the semantics of a winter's day,
a girl's school, for pity's sake, an hour's run. None of these fits comfortably in the
categories described above. For example, a winter's day and an hour's run can
be best paraphrased with adverbsaday in winter, run for an hour. As you can
see, the semantics of genitives is very complex. Nevertheless, this brief dis-
cussion should give you a good sense of the richness of the category
DOUBLE GENITIVES
English speakers sometimes exploit double genitive constructions, con-
structions in which the genitive is marked both inflectionally and periphrasti-
cally. In I am reading a novel of Austen's, Austen is marked by {-s} and at the
same time occurs in an o/prepositional phrase. In other words, Austen is marked
genitive twice.
Such constructions are highly constrained in terms of form. The noun head
is usually indefinite, i.e., preceded by the article a. The genitive NP (i.e., the
NP carrying the {-s} suffix) must have highly specific reference; it often con-
tains a pronoun or a proper noun.
In these sentences the NP is highly definite; the speaker knows that the hearer
is familiar at some level with the cats, the music, and the idea. Constructions
like these are often used emphatically. I can't stand those cats of Susan's sounds
much stronger than I can't stand Susan's cats. In fact, even a noun like child can
be used in an emphatic double genitiveThatchild of mine will drive me insane!
(The noun head in a double genitive construction can sometimes be preceded
by the definite article the when the genitive is followed by a restrictive relative
clause The friend of mine who gave me this dress wants it back. Relative clauses
will be explained in Chapter 5.)
GROUP GENITIVE
In Old and Middle English the genitive marker was always attached to the
noun head being made genitive. The Queen of England's robe would have been
the Queen's robe of England. In the modern version England carries the genitive
marker, even though it is not England's robe. The Chaucer story which mod-
ern readers know as The Wife of Bath's Tale was in Chaucer's manuscript The
Wyfes Tale of Bath. In the seventeenth century, a group genitive developed
whereby the entire noun phrase receives the genitive marker[the Queen of
England]'s robe. Today, complex constructions are often marked with the geni-
tive, especially in casual speech.
Q: Recently, did your research assistant Judi Smith make a grammatically in-
teresting statement regarding where her friend, Vickie, parks at The Miami Her-
ald?
A: Yes. She said, quote: "She comes and parks in whoever's not here's space
that day."
Proper Nouns 75
While group genitives may not be acceptable in most forms of edited Eng-
lish, they are quite common in informal discourse.
Generic Reference
Normally the article a refers to one entity but in a sentence like A manta ray is
a dangerous creature, the speaker is using the indefinite article to refer to the en-
tire class of manta rays. The definite article the typically refers to specific enti-
ties in discourse, but in The bear is an omnivore, the speaker is referring to the
species as a whole, not a specific animal. In these sentences the articles the and
a have generic reference.
Plural nouns without determiners can also have generic referenceBoys
will be boys; Cobras are beautiful; Italians are very hospitable. When a determiner
is added, such NPs typically cease to have generic reference and the resulting
sentence often sounds odd The cobras are beautiful; ?The boys will be boys; ?The
Italians are very hospitable.
Not surprisingly, the predeterminer all can also be used to refer to all the
members of a class but only when it occurs without a determinerAllcamels
spit; All two-year-olds are defiant. When a determiner is added, the generic ref-
erence is canceledAll the camels spit; All the two-year-olds are defiant.
As you can see, there are four distinct strategies for communicating generic
referenceplurality, the indefinite article, the definite article, and the prede-
terminer all. Not all of these strategies work in all situations. We can say The
Bachman's warbler may be extinct and Bachmans warblers may be extinct but not
*A Bachman's warbler may be extinct.
Proper Nouns
Nouns allow us to talk about the people, things, and events in our world. Some
things are especially familiar to us, notably the people and places we see every
day, and it is not surprising that humans have always assigned special labels
to these, i.e., names.
Linguists typically use the term proper noun for "names." This term is
somewhat problematic, however, because we use it rather differently than do
English teachers or other nonlinguists. Traditional grammar books routinely
defined a proper noun as a word or words that refer to a specific person, place,
or thing. But it is possible to refer to something very specific without ever us-
ing a proper noun, e.g., the woman with blue hair who is standing on a chair in the
back row. Many students define proper nouns in terms of capitalization, but of
course we don't speak in capital letters and capitalization rules change from
76 The Noun Phrase
all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain
unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Hap-
piness. (Grob and Beck, 1963, p. 187)
All of Gault's victims were sitting, heads bowed, hands in their laps. . . . The
one exception was a woman prison guard named Helen, (pp. 23-24)
. . . we were greeted by a woman in her fifties with dark hair, a wise face, and
tired eyes. . . . She introduced herself as Commander Frances Penn of the New
York Transit Police, (p. 25)
Later, I drove Lucy and Janet to work with me and left them at the office with
Fielding, my deputy chief, (p. 252)
Before using a proper noun, a speaker must assess the knowledge of the
hearer. An American can freely use the proper noun Bill Clinton without elab-
Proper Nouns 11
oration but the name Janos Kadar would probably require some explaining.
(Kadar was the premier of Hungary from 1956-58 and 1961-65.) Upon hear-
ing Paris, most of us think of the capital of France, but someone living in Honey
Grove, Texas, would be more likely to think of the town just up the road. Celia
Cruz is a household word among salsa fans in Miami but it would probably
draw blank looks on the south side of Chicago, where blues men like B.B. King
and Buddy Guy are cultural icons.
The context in which a proper noun will have unique reference depends
on many factors. Occasionally, an individual is so famous within a culture that
just the first name is adequateMichelangelo, Evita, Judas. Jesus generally has
unique reference in Protestant northern Europe but not in Catholic Hispanic
culture. Usually a first name works in an extremely limited contextafamily,
a club, a small group of friends. When there was only one John in an Anglo-
Saxon village, no other designation was necessary. When a second John moved
to the village, the first might have become John the brewer and the second John
the baker, ultimately John Brewer and John Baker. Scores of English surnames
derive from tradesShoemaker, Smith, Weaver, Webster (a female weaver),
Brewster (a female brewer), Wright, Miller, Cook, Cooper, Fowler. Middle
names and designations like John Brewer, Jr. or John Brewer III enhanced the
social utility of proper names. In the United States, probably the only desig-
nation that carries true unique reference these days is one's social security
number.
In essence, a proper noun is a special shorthand. Instead of referring to
someone as the thirty-seventh president of the United States, I can simply say
"Richard Nixon." The phrase "the thirty-seventh president of the United States"
also has unique reference, but it is a cumbersome and arcane way to refer to
an individual. Similarly, I could refer to New Orleans, Louisiana, by providing
its longitude and latitude, but while this would identity it uniquely, it would
seriously impede communication.
Linguists also categorize proper nouns in terms of their grammatical char-
acteristics. Common nouns may or may not occur with a determiner, depend-
ing on the grammatical context. Proper nouns, however, are invariable in this
regard. If a proper noun occurs with a determiner (almost always the article
the), it will always occur with that determiner. If it occurs without a determiner,
it will never take a determiner. Thus, we always refer to the Hague, the Nether-
lands, the Midlands, or the Midwest, but never to *the Chicago or *the Nigeria. Sim-
ilarly, if a proper noun ends in a plural {-s}, it will always do so; there is no
contrasting singular form. We say the Netherlands but never *the Netherland.
Most proper nouns, especially names of people, are invariably singular in form.
One of the reasons that determiner the doesn't co-occur with proper nouns
in English is that the definite article is used to express the fact that both speaker
and hearer are familiar with the referent in question. The very use of a proper
noun assumes that the referent is uniquely identifiable to both the speaker and
the hearer. (The fact that some proper nouns invariably include the as part of
the "name" is a different matter.) Be aware, though, that some languages like
Greek do use the definite article with proper nouns, even the names of people.
78 The Noun Phrase
There is one class of proper nouns in English in which the article the is in-
variably included as part of the name. These are proper noun phrases, the heads
of which are common nouns in other contextstheBrooklyn Bridge, the Empire
State Building, the Snake River, the Love Boat, the Red Sea, the Rolling Stones. Be-
cause the common nouns bridge, building, river, boat, sea, and stone do co-occur
with the, it seems natural to include the article, even when these words appear
in proper noun phrases. This creates an interesting contradiction in written
texts. In these phrases the is invariably part of the proper noun, yet editing con-
vention dictates that the not be capitalized. (There are common noun heads that
occur with the in some proper nouns and not in otherstheBay of Fundy ver-
sus Biscayne Bay.)
In some cases the is part of the proper noun simply by virtue of a naming
convention. Ship names for example often include the articlethe Titanic, the
Queen Mary. In the United States, the acronyms of broadcasting companies do
not contain the articleNBC, CBS, PBS, while in Great Britain they dothe
BBC.
Obviously, there are occasions when we do say things like the Miami of my
childhood, all the Susans in the class, or the two Georges in the family. But here Mi-
ami, Susan, and George have lost their proper noun status. They do not have
unique reference in these contexts and that is why we find determiners and
plural markers occurring with these forms. (While Miami, Susan, and George
are not technically proper nouns here, they are of course still capitalized in
written texts.)
N o n - C o u n t Nouns
may eat four radishes which are small and discrete, but you consume some horse-
radish, because the root from which it is made loses its boundaries when it is
ground up.
Wierzbicka has noted a second major non-count category that includes
words like furniture, crockery, linens, silverware, jewelry. Each of these nouns rep-
resents a category of disparate items. Furniture includes chairs, beds, dressers,
tables, lamps; silverware includes knives, forks, and spoons; and jewelry in-
cludes bracelets, necklaces, rings, etc. While knives, spoons, and forks have dif-
ferent configurations, they are all implements used for eating. Rings, necklaces,
and bracelets look very different, but they are all used to decorate the body
Plates and bowls have very different shapes, but both are designed to hold
food. In each of the above examples, the non-count noun represents a category
of physically different items, all of which have roughly the same function. It is
interesting to note that while the inclusive category is non-count, the subcate-
gories are count nouns
With the exception of linens, all of the non-count nouns we have looked at
so far have been invariably singular in form and have occurred with singular
verbs. There are, however, a number of non-count nouns that appear to be in-
variably plural in that they always end in j-s}. In some cases the nature of the
object explains its plural form, but in others the marking of a non-count as
plural instead of singular seems very arbitrary
Linguists have long noted the existence of dual object plurals, an espe-
cially interesting category of non-count nouns. Dual object plurals always re-
fer to items that contain two identical halves, which are mirror images of each
other; the two halves must be connected. Virtually all pant-type items fall in
this categorypants, shorts, jeans, Levis, trousers, slacks, knickers, jams, baggies,
panties, pedal pushers, etc. Sweat pants are often called sweats. Most eyewear falls
in this categoryglasses,spectacles, shades, goggles, binoculars, etc. Certain cate-
gories of tools also constitute dual object pluralspliers,scissors, tweezers, pin-
cers, forceps, bellows, tongs, etc. Scales used to be a dual object plural because his-
torically scales were two pans hanging from a central post. Of course scales
have changed a great deal in the last century and now scale is for most speak-
ers a count noun with both a singular and plural form. Dual object plurals are
always counted using the partitive pair of and always co-occur with a plural
verbTwopairs of pants are lying on the bed. (There is a misconception, spread
by some reference books, that non-count nouns are always singular in form.)
The names of games are typically non-count nounsgolf, tennis, chess, base-
ball, hockey, poker. Very old games are often non-count nouns that appear to be
Non-Count Nouns 81
Collective Nouns
Collective nouns are often confused with non-count nouns, but they have very
different characteristics. Collective nouns are countable. They are unique
among count nouns, however, because they refer to a collective entity with in-
dividual membersarmy, team, faculty, jury, band, clergy, class, gang. Because
collective nouns refer to a collection of individual entities, they sometimes oc-
cur with a singular verb and sometimes with a plural verb, depending on the
intention of the speaker. When a speaker wishes to focus on the group itself,
the collective noun is usually used with a singular verbMy team is playing
well this week; The band is playing off-key. However, if a speaker wants to focus
on the individual members of the collectivity, s/he might choose a plural verb
The faculty are angry about their raises; The jury are talking among themselves.
The following examples are cited by Roger Schwarzchild in his book Plu-
ralities (1996). You can see that in each case the collective noun has been inter-
preted as plural and this fact affects the grammar elsewhere in the sentence.
(Italics added in the last example only.)
British speakers are especially likely to use plural verbs with collective
nouns and they do so in contexts that sometimes sound strange to Americans
The World Bank are considering the problem; The BBC are covering that event.
Pronouns 83
Pronouns
Pronouns represent the simplest NPs. Unlike nouns, pronouns are almost never
preceded by determiners or adjectives, although after listening to you describe
an upcoming trip to Alaska, a friend may say enviously, "Lucky you." Pro-
nouns take many different shapes and have a variety of functions in English.
They are most often used as a kind of shorthand to refer to items that have al-
ready been introduced into the discourse or conversation. Pronouns can also
be used to refer to unknown entities or to underscore the fact that no relevant
entity exists. The uses of pronouns in discourse are actually quite complex.
PERSONAL PRONOUNS
Personal pronouns are the most common pronouns in English. Informal
discourse is always full of them. The pronouns that we use to refer to ourselves
are called first personJ, we. We use second person pronouns to refer to those
with whom we are speakingyou.Third person pronouns refer to others and,
unlike other pronouns in English, they reflect gender (or lack thereof) in the
singularhe/she/it,they. In Old English the grammatical function of a noun or
a pronoun dictated its form; a noun or pronoun functioning as an object would
carry a different ending or have a different form than one functioning as a sub-
ject. Nouns gradually lost these distinctions and the modern personal and in-
terrogative pronouns are the only words left in English in which a distinction
between a subject form and an object form has survived.
The forms my, our, your, her, and their are determiners as well as personal pro-
nouns.
Third person personal pronouns have anaphoric reference. Once a person
(or entity) has been introduced into a discourse with a full NP, a speaker can
use a third person pronoun to refer to that person, often for a long period of
time. This passage is from the thriller Hard Aground by James Hall (1993). In it
the character Alvarez imagines what his employer, a Florida State Senator, is
84 The Noun Phrase
doing at the moment. The full NPs are double underlined and the anaphoric
pronouns are in boldface. (Underlining and boldface added.)
The senator finishes her chicken cordon bleu, she goes up to the podium, looks
out at this bunch of lawyers and bankers . . . and then starts in giving them
her full load of free-enterprise horseshit for fifteen minutes. . . . That was her
job as near as Alvarez could tell. Twice a month another of these fat cat clubs
would invite her to lecture after the cordon bleu lunch, just so she could tell
'em it was all right what they were doing. . . . Near the end of her speech she'd
tell a joke or two, something downhome she'd heard. . . . And then right at
the end she'd tell them just like she always did that it was up to them. . . .
She'd wave her hand at whatever applause she got. . . . And then she'd shake
a few hands, pat a few good old boys on the back, and she'd work her way
to the back of the room . . . and she'd wind up outside on the sidewalk. . . .
That was when the guy Alvarez had paid twenty bucks to . . . would come up
to her wearing Alvarez's white captain's hat.. . . And he'd tell the senator what
Alvarez had paid him twenty to say. (pp. 311-12)
Hall begins with a full NP the senator and then uses 18 personal pronouns in a
row before the full NP is finally restated again. Often when a full NP is used
after a series of personal pronouns, it is because the speaker wishes to signal
that this part of the story or conversation is over. Using the full NP again is
one way of indicating closure (Fox, 1987, p. 40). This is the case in this passage;
Alvarez has finished his story about the senator.
We see the same phenomenon in conversation involving two or more par-
ticipants. Either party can use a personal pronoun once an entity has been in-
troduced into the discourse. The following exchange took place between a
woman and her young son, who is somewhat obsessed by airplanes. The
mother has just explained that a steward is not the same as Stewart, a family
friend (Cloran, 1995). (Underlining and boldface added.)
Once Stewart has been introduced into the discourse, he becomes the subject
and topic of every subsequent sentence. Every instance of he has anaphoric ref-
erence.
If a conversation or narrative contains two female or two male characters,
the situation becomes more complicated. Here is a passage from Goosefoot by
Patrick McGinley (1982). (Underlining and boldface added.)
Monica was thrilled at the prospect of helping to cook for a man of private
means who was himself a capable cook.. . . She questioned Patricia about how
long she had know him and told her that she was so secretive about him that
their relationship must be very serious, (p. 71)
The referent of the first instance of she can only be Monica. But once Patricia
is introduced, we are faced with two potential female referents. In this case the
narrator expects us to choose the most recent noun as the referent; the last three
pronouns refer to Patricia.
However, a referent can be someone / thing other than the most recent noun
if the context makes the connection clear. In the following passage from Michael
Dibdin's Dead Lagoon (1996), both Saoner and Zen are men, but it is quite clear
from the context that the pronouns refer to Saoner, not to Zen.
Tommaso Saoner scurried out of the other entrance and ran straight into Zen.
At first he made to turn back, then changed his mind and strode past without
a word or a flicker of expression, (p. 276)
The regime you serve is morally and financially bankrupt. It's exactly the same
as working for the KGB after the collapse of the Soviet Union, (p. 260)
Here it refers to everything that is entailed in working for a morally and fi-
nancially bankrupt regime.
Personal pronouns don't have specific reference if their antecedents don't
have specific reference. In Sony a wants to marry a tall man; he must be handsome,
neither a tall man nor he has specific reference. However, in Sony a wants to marry
a banker; he lives in Boston, both the pronoun and its antecedent refer to a spe-
cific individual.
While the definite article and the demonstrative determiner both have
anaphoric reference, the most frequently used "anaphors" in subject position
are pronouns. Using data from oral English, Talmy Givon (1995, p. 51) has cal-
culated that the text frequency of anaphoric subject pronouns is 74.5%, while
86 The Noun Phrase
that of definite NPs is only 25.6%. Even though we have a number of strate-
gies for making anaphoric reference, we most often choose personal pronouns.
The third person personal pronoun must agree with the noun it refers to
in gender and number, e.g., Robert/he, the architects/they, Esther/she, etc. This cre-
ates problems when the noun does not have specific reference or the individ-
ual's gender is unknown to the speakerSusanwants a new dentist and she?/he?
must be willing to use laughing gas; A student has taken my grade book and she?/he?
must be apprehended. A few die-hard traditionalists insist that he should be used
as a "gender neutral" pronoun in such contexts, but this is patently absurd.
Speakers often cope with this dilemma by employing they as a singular pro-
nounAstudent has taken my grade book; they must be apprehended. Edited Eng-
lish usually demands a more elaborate solution. Some publications (and teach-
ers) accept the hyphenated pronoun used in this books/he, him/her; others
insist that the writer recast the sentence to avoid the dilemma altogether; and
a few still demand he in such circumstances.
The first and second person pronouns are deictic rather than anaphoric.
Whoever is speaking uses I; the person to whom the speaker is speaking is al-
ways addressed as you. The referents of J and you change when the speaker
and hearer change. We is deictic as well, although any member of a group can
use the word we to refer to the same collection of individuals. While fiction and
other kinds of written narratives frequently exploit third person pronouns, peo-
ple engaged in actual conversations tend to use a lot of first and second per-
son pronouns. After examining a corpus of spoken conversation, one researcher
calculated that 1 is the most frequently used word in personal discourse and
you is the sixth most frequently used (Dahl, 1979, quoted in Miller, 1996, p. 126).
Another scholar, who examined eight conversations taken from a large corpus
of spoken English, found that in 51% of her data the topic was one of the speak-
ers (I, you) or a group including one of the speakers or both (we, you) (Fries,
1995, p. 331). We obviously spend a lot of time talking with others about our-
selves.
During Shakespeare's time, English lost the distinction between singular
and plural forms in the second person. In Old and Middle English various
forms of thou/thee/thine were used for singular reference, while various forms
of ye/you/your were used in the plural. As happened in other European courts,
the monarch's use of the royal we led speakers to address him or her in the sec-
ond person plural, ye rather than thou. Gradually the use of the second person
plural instead of the singular became a sign of respect. The object form you
supplanted the subject form ye, and eventually the singular form disappeared
completely in all dialects except that used by Quakers, some of whom still use
thee. (The refusal of the early Quakers to use the second person plural form
was a political act for which they were persecuted.)
As a result of all of these social pressures, there is an unfortunate gap in
our second person pronoun system, i.e., there is no distinction in form between
singular and plural. But speakers have come up with many creative ways to
fashion a distinct second person plural form. In the Southern United States you
all, usually pronounced "y'all," is ubiquitous; in New York and Chicago one
Pronouns 87
hears yous and in western Pennsylvania you uns is widespread. You guys is a
very common strategy for speakers in all regions of the United States (although
it, too, raises gender issues). My husband and I were once addressed by a server
in Kentucky as "Y'all guys." Among some speakers of British English, you lot
is a common second person plural. An English mother might say to her rowdy
children, "You lot, get over here!"
The importance of personal pronouns in discourse cannot be overstated.
The vast majority of subjects in English are pronouns, not nouns. This is be-
cause topics usually appear in subject position, and pronouns are always top-
ical, i.e., they always express given information.
REFLEXIVE PRONOUNS
In English if two NPs refer to the same entity (i.e., are co-referential) and
are used in the same simple sentence, in the second instance the NP must be
a reflexive pronoun and it must reflect that same gender and number as the
first NP. The first co-referential NP is usually the subject.
The reflexive allows us to distinguish among possible referents with the same
number and gender. Clearly the direct object in Henry hates him refers to a dif-
ferent male than the direct object in Henry hates himself In most dialects of Eng-
lish, the reflexive never occurs in subject position.
There are syntactic constraints on reflexive pronouns. Only personal pro-
nouns take the reflexive {-self} form and, as a rule, reflexive objects (which may
be direct objects, indirect objects, or objects of prepositions) are animate when
the first NP is the subject. This is not surprising because it is usually animate
beings that act or reflect upon themselves. The subject is usually an agent or
an experiencer in a sentence containing a reflexive pronoun.
Behave can occur with a covert, unexpressed object, but this, too, always
refers back to the subject. While we can say, "The children behaved" (meaning
the children behaved well), we can never say "The children behaved their
cousins." An individual can never perjure, pride, or better someone else, although
it is possible to best another individual or groupThe Chicago Bulls bested the
Nezo York Knicks.
Reflexives don't normally occur with copulas and, when they do, the
copula does not express mere existence. When a speaker utters a sentence
like Hamlet is not himself today, s/he is really indicating that Hamlet is be-
having strangely, not that he actually exists as something other than him-
self.
Reflexives can also be used to mean "alone" or "on one's own." In these
constructions the reflexive is often preceded by the preposition by.
The difference between a straight reflexive pronoun and one which means
"alone" is underscored by this wonderfully ambiguous classified ad.
Possessive Reflexives
If you hear a sentence like Mary destroyed her toys out of context, it is im-
possible to determine whether genitive her refers to Mary or to another female.
But the modifier own can be used be used in conjunction with a genitive de-
terminer to produce a genitive reflexive.
*David craned Anastasia's neck and *Fido wagged Fluffy's tail are impossible sen-
tences.
90 The Noun Phrase
RECIPROCAL PRONOUNS
Like most reflexive pronouns, reciprocal pronoun phrases typically have
the same referent as the subject; the difference is that the subject to which a
reciprocal pronoun refers must include more than one entity Thus, the subject
NP must be plural or there must be two or more coordinated NPs. The action
in such constructions is reciprocal; each individual subject has the same rela-
tionship to the other subjects in the construction.
DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS
When the demonstratives (this, that, these, those) are used alone without a
noun head, they are considered demonstrative pronouns. They behave very
much like demonstrative determiners (i.e., they express spatial and sometimes
temporal deixis), except that the noun to which they refer is not part of the
NPThis is moldy; I don't want that. Demonstrative pronouns are often ac-
companied by gestures, e.g., a child might point while saying "This is my
room." The context will usually make the referent of the demonstrative clear.
A demonstrative pronoun can also be anaphoric, in which case it often
refers back to an entire propositionIlisten to opera all the time. This drives my
family nuts. Anaphoric demonstratives can also be used to refer back to an event
or even a series of events, as you can see in this passage from Tony Hillerman's
novel Sacred Clowns (1993). (Boldface added.)
"[He parked] in front, walked in, went to the open mike, said he wanted to
broadcast an announcement. Was told to wait until the end of the record.
Waited. Was given signal. Then he made his statement, walked out. Drove
away. Right?"
"Right," Yazzie said. "That's what happened." (p. 186)
You will find that in general anaphoric this is used for a current situation,
whereas anaphoric that refers to a past event. So even when demonstrative pro-
nouns are used anaphorically, they retain some of their deictic properties.
The events referred to by demonstrative pronouns need not be expressed
linguistically. If a student belches loudly in class, the teacher might respond
with "That was really rude." A professor who catches a student cheating on
an exam might threaten, "IT1 expel you for this." In these examples anaphora
is much stronger than deixis.
Pronouns 91
QUANTIFYING PRONOUNS
The forms that were included in the predeterminer and postdeterminer cat-
egories can also stand alone as pronounsAllwere crying; Both were stubborn;
Four remained. The plural indefinite article some can also stand alone as a pro-
nounIwill give you some. In each of these cases the discourse context should
make the referent clear.
Everyone, everything, nothing, and nobody are also quantifying pronouns
Everyone likes her; He ate everything; Nobody attended the meeting. Someone and
something can also be included in this category although their primary semantic
characteristic is indefiniteness, as you will see below. There are adverb quanti-
fiers as well, e.g., everywhere, anytime, etc.; these will be discussed in Chapter 4.
INDEFINITE PRONOUNS
We often need to speak about persons, things, or events whose identity or
character is unknown to us. The indefinite pronouns allow us to do just that.
But once again, the term indefinite is misleading. It means that the referent is
not specified, but it does not mean that the referent is nonspecific. Indefinite
someone and something can have either specific or nonspecific reference, de-
pending on the context. Upon being asked out, a young woman might respond
with "I'm dating someone/' Here the speaker obviously knows the identity of
the person she is dating but doesn't wish to divulge it. After breaking down
on a country road, you might say to your companions, "Surely, someone will
come along and help us." In this case someone has nonspecific reference. In the
following examples the nature of the reference is indicated.
Anyone and anything never have specific reference The baby will eat any-
thing; Hell talk to anyone.
'/tC Because they Udon't
HOC tucy .VJ1L L have
JLLC*^0referents,
f f c these
OCO indefinites
are most often used in negatives and questions.
negatives and questions.
If you enter your apartment and you hear footsteps in the upstairs hall, you
might yell, "Is someone here?" Your expectation is that the answer will be pos-
92 The Noun Phrase
itive. If your friend's house appears dark and empty you might yell "Is any-
body here?" with the expectation that no one will answer.
Nobody and nothing are negative indefinites; no referents exist for these pro-
nouns.
Nobody came.
Nothing bothers her.
I know nothing about the stolen files.
I saw no one in the library.
Since nobody and nothing already contain a negative form as part of the pro-
noun, neither form occurs with the negative particle in formal edited English,
although sentences like I didn't see nothing are quite common in conversational
discourse.
It should be obvious that all the indefinite pronouns were once nouns or
numerals preceded by a quantifiersome + body, no + thing, every + one. No-
body was written as two separate words until the eighteenth century and it is
only a constraint on our pronunciation of double vowels that prevents us from
writing *noone for no one today. Since it behaves exactly like nobody, weTl treat
no one as a pronoun also.
Someone, something, no one, and nothing can also be classified as quantify-
ing pronouns; this is not incompatible with being indefinite. As you will see in
Chapter 5, there are adverb indefinites as well as pronoun indefinitessome-
time, somewhere, somehow, anywhere.
Traditional grammars argue that anyone, someone, and everyone are singular
pronouns because they end in "one." It is true that these pronouns take singu-
lar verbs. But in most of the examples above, the number implied by the indef-
Noun Phrases in Discourse 93
mite is actually iride term mate. In If anyone calls . . . , the number could be any-
where from zero to any reasonable finite number; in Everyone must pack their own
lunch, there is a presumption that there is more than one potential limchpacker;
only in I saw someone in the shadows does the indefinite pronoun clearly refer to
a single individual. For this reason, speakers seem especially willing to use they
when the antecedent is anyone or everyone. Certain quantifying determiners pose
exactly the same problem and speakers often employ exactly the same solution
Every student must pack their own lunch. Each child will bring their birth certificate.
(Although the noun head is singular in both these cases, every presupposes more
than one student and each more than one child.) Edited English usually requires
the solutions discussed in the personal pronoun section.
INTERROGATIVE PRONOUNS
When a speaker wishes to learn the identity of someone or something, s/he
typically uses an interrogative pronoun to solicit that information. Interroga-
tive pronouns always begin with the letters wh in written texts, thus they are
often called wh words. The interrogative pronoun, regardless of its grammat-
ical function, is almost always the first word in the sentence. The one excep-
tion is in those cases where the interrogative is the object of a preposition, in
which case some speakers place the preposition before the interrogative pro-
noun.
N o u n Phrases in Discourse
We've already discussed the fact that noun phrases allow us to "deploy" peo-
ple and things in conversation. But of course conversation is a two-way street
and the kind of NP we choose in discourse will depend on how much we think
94 The Noun Phrase
our hearer knows. If we assume that the referent is not accessible to our hearer,
we may use an NP containing the article a to introduce the referent into dis-
course or we might use a proper name with an accompanying explanation.
If the referent is identifiable to the hearer because it has already been in-
troduced into the conversation or if it is one of those things that is uniquely
identifiable even though it may be new to the conversation, the article the or a
proper noun can be used.
If the referent is not only identifiable to the hearer but has been talked about
enough to become familiar, we might choose a demonstrative determiner.
Summing Up
NPs are the actors and the influenced in human discourse. Without NPs there
would be no agents, no patients, no experiencers, no recipients. It is no acci-
dent that the first words that babies acquire are nouns. Our world is full of
things with physical reality and nouns allow us to refer to those things. But
while NPs often refer to entities, they can also refer to abstractions and even
propositions. The grammatical roles they playsubject,direct object, indirect
object, subject complement, and object complementplaceNPs into a complex
relationship with the verb phrase. This relationship will be explored in the next
chapter.
t W f f ^ - 1 1 3
\23 -i3o
\51 ~\bH
The verb phrase is the heart of the sentence. As I have already noted, every
English sentence must contain at least one verb. In some languages (e.g., Hun-
garian and Swahili), subject and object pronouns are routinely incorporated
into the verb form itself, so sentences can occur without any overt NPs what-
soever, but the verb is never optional. Verbs carry a great deal of information;
they describe actions, events, and states and place these in a time frame; they
tell us whether actions or events have been completed or are ongoing; they tell
us whether a state is current or resultative; they allow us to command, to re-
quest, to speculate, to wish, and to predict. And, as you will see, this is only a
fraction of things that verbs can do.
The English verb phrase (abbreviated VP) is a complicated affair. So far in
this text we have dealt primarily with sentences containing simple one-word
verb phrases. Sentences like these, however, are not very common in discourse.
Multiword VPs like the following are more typical.
Be aware that the term verb phrase can have two distinct meanings in lin-
guistics. In generative grammars, it refers to the entire predicate, excluding aux-
iliaries. Here, however, I am using the term to refer to the "main" verb and its
auxiliaries, excluding the rest of the predicate.
I talked about verbs at some length in Chapter 1, but didn't attempt to de-
fine the term. When I discussed nouns, I was able to describe them in terms of
inflectional endings, grammatical functions, and (very loosely) meaning. In
many ways the verb is harder to characterize. Like the noun, it can be identi-
fied to some extent in terms of inflectional suffixes. These inflections will be
examined at some length in the sections on tense, aspect, voice, and modality.
And like nouns, verbs can be characterized to some degree in terms of mean-
ing.
Just as nouns refer to the actors and things in our world, verbs allow us to
97
98 The Phrase
express states, events, and actions involving these actors and things. This en-
compasses a very broad range of meanings, but all verbs share one character-
istictheyencode information about time. Nouns are relatively time stable. We
don't think of time as an important factor in understanding what is meant by
chair, rock, or dog. But verbs carry a great deal of implicit information about
time. Some verbs describe actions that are by their very nature constrained in
terms of timeErinjumped over the wall; Marvin broke the window; The guests ar-
rived at 9:00 P.M. It's difficult, if not impossible, to prolong the acts of jumping
over a wall, breaking a window, and arriving. It takes a split second to blink,
to slap, or to sneeze. On the other hand, many verbs are relatively unconstrained
in terms of time. One can swim, talk, or sleep indefinitely. It always takes much
longer to build a house than to raze one.
Some verbs indicate that an action has begun or has endedHe began to
scream; The baby stopped crying; It started to rain. Others underscore the fact
that a situation persists over timeBill Gates is very rich; A statue of Amelia
Earhart stands in the town square; Ammonia smells bad. Still others express the
fact that a state has changed over timeThe tree grew tall; The weather turned
cold.
Regardless of the intrinsic meaning of a verb, a speaker can always ma-
nipulate the time frame it expresses by the use of tense and aspect.
Tense
Tense is an often misused technical term. When linguists speak of tense, they
are referring to a particular set of inflectional affixes that communicate infor-
mation about the time frame in which something exists or occurs. Tense is de-
ictic. Present time stands at the center of all tense systems; events that took
place before present time are marked in one way; events that are ongoing at
the present or somehow include the present are marked in another, and events
that have not yet taken place may be marked with yet a different form. Some
languages, like English, mark only two tensespresentand past; others have
a future tense marker as well. There are even languages like Inuit (Eskimo) that
have more than one past tense, each marking a different degree of remoteness
(Bybee, 1994, pp. 98-99).
In English, tense is usually but not always communicated by the use of suf-
fixes. The {-s} suffix in walks is a present tense inflection, while the {-ed} suffix
in walked and the vowel change in rang are both considered past tense mark-
ers. But Old English had a far more elaborate present and past tense system
than Modern English. Old English tense markers also reflected the number of
the subject, i.e., singular or plural. Below are the present tense forms for the
Old English word "to judge," the source of Modern English deem. Deman is the
infinitive form. The Old English letter \> (often called thorn because it looks like
one) stands for the th sound in thin.
Tense 99
like rend/rent meaning "to tear apart"). There are other verbs, however, that end
in [nd] and take the typical {-ed} past tense markerfended, mended, tended.
Some verbs exploit a vowel change to communicate past tensesing/sang,
ride/rode, swim/swam, throw/threiu, fall/fell, swear/swore, etc. There are a few verbs
in which the past tense contains both a vowel change and a suffix. This suffix,
which is usually pronounced and spelled -t and occasionally -d, is simply a
variation of the {-ed} endingthink/thought,buy/bought, seek/sought, teach/taught,
sell/sold, and for some speakers dreamt. The past tense forms of go and be are
suppletive. This means that the past tense forms are historically unrelated to
the present tense forms and they look completely different. In just a few cases,
the past tense is identical to all present tense forms except the third person sin-
gular, e.g.cut,put, quit, shut, cost, split. Small children who have mastered the
dominant {-ed} pattern often over-generalize, producing sentences like *I cut-
ted my finger and *I putted my toys away.
When new verbs enter the language, they are almost always given an {-ed}
past tense endingboogied,faxed, dissed.
If you are not clear about the past tense form of a given verb, simply fill in the
blank of this frame: I yesterday. Any verb form that naturally fills that
spot will be a past tense form.
The first verb in the verb phrase will always carry tense: no other verb can
do so. This may seem very counter-intuitive at times, but, as you will see later,
this is simply a matter of form, not meaning. In each of the sentences below,
the verb in boldface carries tense.
Non-native speakers sometimes overlook this fact about English grammar and
produce sentences like *He didn't wanted any juice in which both did and wanted
carry the past tense marker.
TENSE A N D M E A N I N G
Past Tense
As you would expect, simple past tense (sometimes called the preterit)
does indeed communicate past time and this is its primary function. It is used
in conjunction with events that are over and done withIplayed volleyball yes-
terday; Stephen ate his breakfast early; Marsha walked the dog at noon.
But past time goes on indefinitely. You might find it odd if I were to an-
nounce without preamble, "I broke a guy's arm" Your natural reaction would
be to ask "When did you do that?" And in fact when we use a past tense verb,
we usually limit the time frame in some way. If I say "General Colin Powell
visited our university last year," the phrase last year tells you when in past time
the event occurred. In other words, it constrains the time frame. (We will dis-
cuss adverbs of time in some detail in Chapter 4.) In the absence of an adverb
that expresses time, the broader discourse context usually constrains the time
frame. If a group of students in history are discussing the American Civil War
and one says, "Atlanta burned for days," everyone understands (at least
roughly) the time frame in which this event occurred.
In the following passage from E. Annie Proulx's novel Shipping News (1993),
there is more than one past time frame. The first is explicitly established by the
date 1909 and some of the sentences reflect that time frame, but it is clear from
the narrative that three of the sentences refer to past times later than 1909; these
later time frames are marked by italics. (Italics added.)
"This is in 1909. They gave him a little tin trunk with some clothes. . . . He told
us about that trip many times. There were three hundred and fourteen children,
boys and girls on that ship, all of them signed on to help farmers. He said many
of them were only three or four years old. They had no idea what was happening
to them. . . . IH]e kept in touch with some of the survivors he'd made friends with
on the Aramania." (p. 167)
102 The Phrase
This passage moves back and forth between 1909 and later past time frames,
but the context indicates the switches quite clearly with "He told us," "He said,"
and "He kept in touch with some of the survivors. . . ."
Occasionally, a speaker will use the past tense form of a verb, not to com-
municate past time, but to appear more polite or obsequious. A student who
is seeking an extension on a term paper might say, "I wanted to ask you for a
favor." This sentence is virtually synonymous with "I want to ask you for a fa-
vor," but the past tense verb signals greater politeness. Later we will see the
same phenomenon operating with modal auxiliaries.
Present Tense
Present tense is far harder to characterize semantically than past tense. In
fact "present" is a misleading term in English and some linguists prefer the
term "non-past" for this form. The simple present tense (i.e., a present tense
verb without any auxiliaries) is rarely used in conjunction with an event that
is ongoing in present time. A fluent English speaker would never announce, "I
go to bed now." However, non-native speakers in whose languages the present
tense can be used to communicate an ongoing activity, often use the English
present tense in just this way
If the English present tense is not normally used to communicate ongoing
activities in the present, what are its functions? One of its primary uses is to
express habitual activities, activities that began at some point in the past, con-
tinue into the present, and will presumably continue into the future.
The present tense is also used to express universal truths and permanent
states.
We leave on Tuesday.
The Halloween party is Wednesday.
The simple present cannot, however, be used for an unscheduled event. *It
rains tomorrow is ungrammatical.
To heighten the drama of a tale, storytellers often use the simple present
tense to relate past events. This is called the historical or narrative present.
Jack climbs up the beanstalk and creeps into the giant's castle. He hides be-
hind a huge chair. The giant stomps into the room.
When Chava Colon from the Prison Coalition asks me one January day in 1982
to become a pen pal to a death-row inmate, I say, Sure. The invitation seems
to fit with my work in St. Thomas, a New Orleans housing project. . . . Death
is rampant herefrom guns, disease, addiction. Medical care scarcely exists,
(p. 3)
Prejean's use of the present tense to narrate past events heightens the imme-
diacy of her encounters with the inmate and the prison system.
Performatives are highly constrained constructions in which speech is ac-
tion. In uttering a particular sentence, the speaker actually carries out some
sort of act. This term was first coined and described by English philosopher J.
L. Austin (1962). If a marriage license has been signed and a judge utters the
words "I now pronounce you husband and wife," the couple is legally mar-
ried. On the other hand, if I say, "I will now pronounce this word in French,"
I have not performed any kind of act just by uttering this sentence. Performa-
tives are one context in which the simple present tense is actually used to com-
municate present time. There are a limited number of performatives in English
and they all have the same shapea first person subject, followed by a pre-
sent tense verb. Many have legal, procedural, or religious ramifications, and
they all have social implications.
There is another very specialized context in which the simple present can
be used to describe an event which is ongoing in the present. Sportscasters and
individuals who are demonstrating some sort of process often use the com-
mentary present to lend immediacy to itheir words. A track announcer calling
a horse race always begins with "They're at the gate. (Pause) They're off." A
radio sportscaster might say "Marino carries the ball to the twenty-yard line."
Television chefs use the simple present tense constantly, as in "I put the mush-
rooms in the stock and stir slowly" The following magazine ad exploits the
commentary present to generate excitement (.Motorcyclist, April, 1997). (Bold-
face added.)
The green flag drops. Fifty finely tuned Formula USA racing machines accel-
erate to life. . . . The crowd erupts into whoops of approval and within sec-
onds all 50 FUSA bikes are thundering around the circuit. One rider emerges
at the front the pack. (p. 96)
While only two of the semantic categories discussed above use the simple
present to communicate ongoing present activity, all but one of them involve pre-
sent time in some way. In the case of the habitual and permanent states, the ac-
tivity or state is one that began in the past, includes the present, and presum-
ably will be continued in the future. While Joan arrives tomorrow refers to a future
event, this event was planned in the past (before the sentence was uttered); thus,
the plan encompasses past and present time. Both the commentary present and
the performative refer to events that literally occur in present time. So, except for
the historical present, all of the present tense constructions discussed above ac-
tually incorporate present time in some way (Comrie, 1985, p. 38).
Auxiliary verbs often express future time implicitly and I will take up this
issue again when I discuss modality.
Verb phrases that do not carry tense are called non-finite. Infinitives, pre-
sent participles, and past participles are all non-finite constructions and they
106 The Verb Phrase
can occur without tensed verbs in subordinate clauses. (In fact, the word in-
finitive literally means "not finite.") We will discuss this in detail in Chapter 5,
but here are a few examples of non-finite verb phrases (in boldface).
Aspect
Aspect is difficult to define simply. The term derives from a Latin word which
means "gaze" or "view." While aspect refers to time in various ways, it goes
beyond communicating information about the linear time frame (past, present,
future). Modern grammarians disagree about what kinds of constructions
should be called aspect, and over the centuries many different forms have been
considered aspectual, including those that express continuous actions, repeated
(iterativejactions, habitual actions, beginning (ingressive) actions, and finish-
ing (egressive) actions. Aspect has been defined in many different ways.
Bernard Comrie, who has written a seminal book on the subject, defines it as
"different ways of viewing the internal temporal constituency of a situation"
(1976, p. 3). Like most definitions of aspect, this is somewhat opaque. To com-
plicate matters further, aspect systems are far more varied in form than tense
systems. Most linguists use the term tense to label inflectional forms only. Thus,
the suffix {-ed} in walked is a tense marker but the auxiliary will in will walk is
not. But these same linguists are willing to label as aspect markers both in-
flectional and periphrastic forms; thus, across languages there is a tremendous
variation in those forms that are considered aspectual.
There are also some serious terminological problems in the study of aspect.
Different languages have different labeling systems, sometimes using the same
term for very different constructions. If you are familiar with other European
languages, you have probably encountered the terms perfect or perfective and
imperfect. The term imperfect is not used in English syntax at all, but in many
European languages it refers to a verbal affix that communicates ongoing, con-
tinuous action and habitual action. Romance languages have an imperfect form,
but it is used only with past time events. In English we communicate ongoing
action by the so-called progressiveMary is swimming, but since this con-
struction does not also communicate habitual action, the label imperfect is not
used.
While the term perfect is used in English grammar, be aware that it means
something different here than it does in the grammars of most other European
languages. In general, the terms perfect and perfective refer to an action that is
seen as an unanalyzed whole, an action that is over and done with, complete.
Aspect 107
Not surprisingly, it is usually used for events that occurred in the past. Eng-
lish does not have a separate construction to express this meaning, but many
simple past tense utterances fulfill this criteriaJudithfixed the clock; The kids
built a fort. Don't be intimidated by this foray into the terminological swamp.
The point is that the term perfect, which will be explained at some length be-
low, means something different in English grammar than it does in other con-
texts.
English has two aspects. Grammarians have traditionally called these the
progressive and the perfect. Like the terms present tense and past tense, the terms
progressive and perfect refer to specific forms of the verb. If a verb does not have
the required form, it does not have aspect. As you will see, aspect in English
is marked by a combination of inflectional suffixes and auxiliary verbs (i.e., pe-
riphrastic constructions).
PROGRESSIVE ASPECT
The progressive in English is always constructed in the same way. It re-
quires the appropriate form of the verb be, followed by a present participle.1
The present participle in English is always the {-ing} form of the verb. (Present
participle is simply the traditional name for this verb form; it is quite distinct
from present tense.) All verbs except modal auxiliaries and some semiauxiliaries
have a present participle form. The progressive is a hybrid construction, part
periphrastic (the auxiliary be) and part inflected (the |-ing}).
In the following sentences, the component parts of the progressive are in bold-
face.
This, not the simple present tense, is what speakers typically use when they
want to refer to an event that is occurring in present time.
sumes that the activity is in progress. Speakers would normally contract the
auxiliaries that appear in the following examples, e.g., I'm cleaning out my
dresser, but for the time being I will use the full auxiliary to ensure that the
component parts of each structure are perfectly clear.
The sentences above reflect present tense and progressive aspect. Technically
there is no tense called "present progressive." When grammarians use phrases
like present progressive, they are exploiting a terminological shorthand; it is un-
derstood that two different grammatical systems are reflected in the label.
In English there is a marked contrast between the semantics of the simple
present tense and the present progressive. As you saw above, the simple pre-
sent very rarely communicates an action or event that is ongoing in present
time. This is not true in all languages, however. While Spanish has a progres-
sive construction that is similar to the one in English, the simple present tense
in Spanish can also be used to describe an action or event that is ongoing in
the present. Many languages use the simple present to express an ongoing event
and, as a result, non-native speakers of English often produce sentences like I
study and I eat dinner now.
When the auxiliary be of the progressive is in the past tense form, the hearer
assumes that a past event was ongoing and incomplete at the time in question
or when the event was interrupted or terminated.
ing about dessert. The verb understand takes the progressive only when a recent
change of state is suggestedIam understanding statistics better these days. Verbs
expressing wants and desires vary in their ability to co-occur with the pro-
gressive. *I am desiring spaghetti is ungrammatical but I am craving spaghetti is
acceptable.
Verbs communicating ownership or possession are also stative and don't
take the progressive. *I am having a pickup truck and *Angie is owning a sailboat
are ungrammatical for all English speakers. Sometimes the semantic difference
between a stative and dynamic verb is great. Clearly I have a baby and J am hav-
ing a baby reflect two entirely different circumstances.
The verb have can also be used to communicate the state of one's health.
When a medical condition is long-term, it is treated linguistically as a state and
have does not co-occur with the progressive; *I am having Parkinson's disease and
*He is having cancer are ungrammatical. However, a temporary condition is
sometimes communicated by using the progressive. I am having an asthma at-
tack is fine, while *I have an asthma attack is not. On the other hand, 1 have the
hiccoughs and I have a headache are perfectly acceptable. There is no simple "rule"
for determining which short-term medical conditions co-occur with progres-
sive have and which don't.
As you saw in Chapter 1, the verb have is sometimes semantically empty,
while the direct object specifies the nature of the activity. Dynamic have oc-
curs in sentences like We are having dinner, They are having an argument, and
Theresa is having a bath. These sentences can be paraphrased by turning the
direct object NP into a verbWe are dining, They are arguing, Theresa is
bathing.
Sensory verbs with experiencer subjects seldom take the progressive. *1 am
hearing them argue is a very odd sentence. I am smelling smoke is marginally ac-
ceptable but 1 smell smoke is fine. When experiencer subjects of sensory verbs
do co-occur with the progressive, there is sometimes the presumption that some
sort of pathological sensory perception existsI am seeing stars; I am hearing
things. Feel is the one exception to this generalization. I am feeling some pain sug-
gests no sensory pathology.
Copulas that express relatively permanent states don't co-occur with the
progressive. You are unlikely to hear *Azra is seeming sad and *You are appear-
ing angry. Sensory copulas can co-occur with the progressive if the speaker is
talking about a temporary or recently achieved stateGene is looking healthy
these days; My stereo is sounding bad. Copula be, however, can be used in two
different ways. When it describes a relatively permanent state, it does not co-
occur with the progressive. It would be in ungrammatical to say *Michael Jor-
dan is being tall or *Louisa's eyes are being brown. However, be can also be used
to describe temporary states and in doing so can readily co-occur with the pro-
gressiveThechildren are being noisy; Millie is being obnoxious. When be is used
in this way, it suggests current behavior. If a speaker wanted to indicate that
Millie was a chronically obnoxious person, s/he would eliminate the progres-
siveMillieis obnoxious.
Copulas that suggest changes of state can readily co-occur with the pro-
I 10 The Verb Phrase
gressive. Samantha is getting tall, Tom is becoming crabby, and The weather is turn-
ing cold are all perfectly acceptable sentences.
The difference between the simple present tense and the present progres-
sive often signals the difference between a temporary condition and a perma-
nent one. If I tell you that Linda lives in Tucson, I am suggesting that she is set-
tled there, but if I say that Linda is living in Tucson, I am indicating that her
residence may not be permanent. He attends AA meetings indicates a truly ha-
bitual activity, while He is attending AA meetings suggests that the activity may
be short term.
Punctual Verbs
English contains a set of verbs called punctual. These verbs all refer to a
single event that is by its very nature over quickly. Blink, cough, knock, flash, hit,
pinch, slap, and stab are events that end in a split second. But when these verbs
occur in the progressive, they communicate repeated activity. The light flashed
could mean that the light went on and off once, but The light was flashing can
only mean that it went on and off repeatedly. Lyle is pinching his little sister in-
dicates that he has pinched her more than once.
Since the progressive is typically used to talk about ongoing activities, its
use with punctual verbs makes sense. Given the very nature of punctual verbs,
the only way they can be made to express an activity of any duration is with
the progressive.
PERFECT ASPECT
Like the progressive, the perfect is a combination of a separate auxiliary
verb and an inflectional morpheme, usually a suffix. The perfect always takes
the same shapethe appropriate form of the auxiliary have followed by the
past participle form of the following verb. (Past participle is the conventional
term for this form; it is only indirectly related to past tense.)
The most common past participle suffix in English is f-ed), but {-en} and
vowel changes also mark this form. Occasionally a verb will have no past par-
ticiple form; such verbs have no separate past tense form either, e.g., cut, put,
In most cases the past participle looks just like the past tense. This is true for
all those verbs that form the past participle with {-ed}, those that express past
tense with a vowel change plus a {t}endingsought,kept, and those few cases
in which the same vowel appears in both the past tense and the past partici-
ple (but not in the present tense)read,fed, led.
In the following sentences the component parts of the perfect are in boldface.
If you are unclear about the past participle form of a particular verb, sim-
ply use it in the following frame. The verb form that naturally follows have will
be the past participle.
I have .
task; in contrast, Josh washed four loads of clothes indicates that the job is over.
Alicia has read three chapters of Moby Dick suggests that Alicia will keep reading,
but Alicia read three chapters of Moby Dick hints that she is done reading and
doesn't intend to finish the novel. Roland has lived here five years indicates that
Roland still lives here, while Roland lived here five years means that he is no
longer at this address. A sentence like William Shakespeare has written 37 plays
is inappropriate, since Shakespeare won't be writing any more plays.
Sometimes the present perfect is used to discuss an event that is techni-
cally over but which has generated a result that is still relevant. This is called
the perfect of current relevanceIhave cut my finger [and I'm bleeding all over
the floor]; Josh has washed four loads of clothes [and he's tiredj; I have studied hard
[and expect to get an A on the exam]. The various uses of the perfect discussed
here are not necessarily mutually exclusive arid you will find that the notion
of current relevance infuses many of them.
The present perfect can also be used to indicate that the subject of the sen-
tence has had an experience at least once in the past leading up to the present
moment. I have been to Russia does not specify when the speaker was there; the
sentence simply indicates the event took place any time in the past right up to
the present moment. We often used this experiential perfect in questions and
negative utterancesHave you ever been to Egypt? Has your daughter had the
measles? I've never eaten sweetbreads.
The present perfect is sometimes used to discuss events that have occurred
in the recent pastSummervacation has ended; Mike has arrived; Eva has left the
room. While these events have already taken place, the perfect underscores the
fact these events occurred recently, e.g., summer vacation ended only days ago.
Because this use of the perfect encompasses only the recent past, sentences like
World War II has ended and The Watergate scandal has shocked the nation are un-
acceptable in most contemporary contexts.
The past perfect (constructions in which the verb have is in the past tense)
behaves very much like the present perfect, except that the entire event and
any result take place in past time. In the sentence I have read three pages of the
report, the reading begins in the past and continues up to the present moment;
in I had read three pages of the report [when Jerry walked in], the reading starts in
the past and continues up until another moment in the past. In other words,
the present perfect reflects a past event that somehow bumps up against the
present, while the past perfect communicates a past event which bumps up
against another, more recent past event.
Novels and short stories are often written in the past tense. In this context,
events that precede those being described in the story line are usually related
in past perfect. The following passage occurs in Tony Hillerman's Sacred Clowns
(1993). (Boldface added.)
Four figures had emerged on a roof across the plaza The sacred clowns of
Pueblo people. Chee had first seen similar clowns perform at a Hopi ceremo-
nial at Moenkopi when he was a child Two of them now stood at the para-
pet of the building, (p. 15)
Aspect 113
Simone has
Note that the component parts of the perfect are not contiguous nor are the
component parts of the progressive. In the following examples the component
parts of the perfect construction are in capital letters and the component parts
of the progressive construction are double underlined.
Note, too, that in each of these sentences the word been participates in both the
perfect and progressive constructions; it carries the {-en} of the perfect and the
be of the progressive. In each sentence the first auxiliary carries the tense for
the entire verb phrase. Been, throwing, sleeping, and studying are not marked for
tense. In all of the sentences above the {-ing} of the progressive attaches to the
main verb; that will no longer be the case when a passive construction is added,
as you will see shortly.
When the perfect and progressive are combined, the meaning is basically
a combination of their respective meanings as discussed above. In Dave has been
sleeping all day, the speaker indicates that Dave began sleeping in the past and
that this is an incomplete, ongoing activity that includes the present. Tense and
aspect work together semantically, but they are completely separate grammat-
ical systems.
In natural language, sentences don't occur in isolated bursts but rather follow
one another in (more or less) coherent discourse. Tense and aspect work to-
gether in some interesting ways to forge connections between predicates and
between separate sentences. Often a series of past tense "action" verbs are
processed as representing activities that occur in the order in which they are
m mtioned, i.e., the actions are temporally sequenced. This is especially obvi-
01 s when two predicates are joined (coordinated) with and.
I The above examples seem a little fraudulent, however, because the second
predicate follows logically from the first; in each case the reverse order would
be odd given the nature of the physical world, e.g., ?He put his cup on the table
and sipped some coffee. But even in cases where there is no predictable order of
actions, we find the same phenomenon.
Although the two events captured in each of these sentences could easily occur
in the opposite order, we assume that the order of the telling is the order in which
the events occurred. Jane stopped the car and got out conjures up a very different
image from ]ane got out and stopped the car. There can be significant time gaps be-
tween events that are ordered in this wayHegot married and had six children.
Not all coordinated past tense action verb phrases express this kind of tem-
poral sequencing, however. Actions like taking a boy's hand, walking over to
the bar, and getting out of the car take place over very short periods of time.
But when the actions in both predicates continue over a longer period, they
may be interpreted as intermingledWeate pizza and drank soda all evening; The
kids tapped their feet and whispered during the service; I coughed and sneezed all night.
In these cases the predicates aren't temporally ordered.
Action verbs in separate but contiguous sentences can also be interpreted
as representing a temporal sequence of events. This passage is from Sara Paret-
sky's short story collection Windy City Blues (1995). Only the main verb(s) in
each sentence will be considered. (Boldface added.)
They frog-marched me down the hall to the closet before untying my hands.
1 knelt to work on the lock. As it clicked free Vico grabbed the door and yanked
Tense and Aspect in Discourse
it open. I fell forward into the wires. Grabbing a large armful, I pulled with
all my strength, (p. 73)
There is a clear-cut temporal sequence here; the order of the main verbs rep-
resents the order in which the actions occur.
However, when verbs express states or habitual actions, there is no real
temporal ordering. Consider the following passage, also from Windy City
Blues.
Here a stative verb were is followed by two habitual verbs. The circumstances
that are described in this passage persist over time and their ordering is un-
specified.
The progressive has an interesting effect on the way we interpret events
temporally. As you saw above, progressive events are ongoing, incomplete.
When a progressive verb follows a past tense verb, we usually interpret the ac-
tion of the first verb as being included within the time frame of the second
(Dowty, 1986, pp. 53-54). In I sat down next to Sammie; he was crying, the hearer
is likely to assume that Sammie was crying before I sat down next to him. We
see the same pattern when the second verb is stativeIlooked over at Beth. She
was bored. In each of the following sets of sentences, the second predicate over-
laps the first in terms of time frame.
I heard a loud thump. Someone was climbing the trellis outside my window.
Esther looked outside. It was raining.
Moira called me up last night. She was mad.
The boys entered the locker room. It was very humid in there.
You might imagine the time frame for the last example as looking something
like this:
(Time Frame)
[It w a s v e r y h u m i d in t h e r e ]
[The boys entered the locker room.]
By combining the simple past tense with progressive and stative predicates,
English speakers can talk about situations or events inside other situations or
events.
116 The Verb Phrase
Passive Voice
Voice is a very different phenomenon from aspect. Where tense and aspect
work together to place an event or state within a time frame, voice provides a
strategy for focusing on different participants in an event.
English contains two so-called voicestheactive and the passive. Active
sentences are unmarked; in other words, if a sentence is not specifically marked
passive, it is technically active. All of the examples in this chapter thus far have
been active sentences.
Like the perfect and the progressive, passive sentences have a distinctive
structure. Most passive sentences contain the auxiliary be followed by a verb
in past participle form. (As you will see later, some passives contain the aux-
iliary get.)
affected by the action of the verb. The degree of transitivity a sentence exhibits
affects its ability to passivize.
Transitive verbs with agent and causer subjects passivize easily, largely be-
cause they have affected direct objects.
Sensory verbs with experiencer subjects can passivize, but such passives some-
times sound a bit strained.
The employees heard the explosion. / The explosion was heard by the em-
ployees.
The guests smelled smoke. / ?Smoke was smelled by the guests.
Three students saw the accident. / The accident was seen by three students.
You will find that both sensory and psych-verbs are somewhat more accept-
able in the passive if the NP in the by prepositional phrase is indefinite, e.g.,
The movie was hated by everybody; Tiny Tim was loved by all; The accident was
seen by everyone. But in general, sentences with experiencer subjects don't make
good passives. This is in large part because their direct objects are relatively
unaffected by the action of the verb.
There is a small category of stative verbs called reciprocal verbs. Sentences
containing these verbs are unusual semantically because the subject and direct
object have the same relationship to one another. If Sophia resembles Alexander
then Alexander resembles Sophia; if House means maison then Maison means house.
Neither of these sentences contains an agent nor an affected patient. It is not
surprising then that reciprocal verbs do not take the passive*Sophia is resem-
bled by Alexander. English contains two verbs to marry; one is reciprocal and one
is not. In A Roman Catholic priest married the young couple, the verb is clearly not
reciprocal and this sentence can be turned into a passiveTheyoung couple was
married by a Roman Catholic priest. In Othello married Desdemona, however, the
verb is reciprocal and the passive is impossible for most speakers. Reciprocal
The Verb Phrase
verbs do not co-occur with the passive because in the passive there is typically
an agent (or instrument) and an affected party. That dichotomy simply does-
n't exist with reciprocal verbs.
Possession verbs are always stative but some passivize and some do not.
Have (meaning possess) always rejects the passive and, as a result, construc-
tions expressing inalienable possession never passivize*Abeard is had by Toby;
*Tivo cousins are had by Zia. Possess is marginally acceptable in the passive
?That land is possessed by the Jones family. Own, however, passivijzes readily
This corporation is owned by a billionaire; That cabin is owned by a recluse.
GET PASSIVE
The following passages are from The Bone People, a novel by New Zealan-
der Keri Hulme (1986). (Boldface added.)
"YouTl probably get sued by the shop owners, or their insurance people. He's
smashed in nearly all the glass fronts along Whitau street/' (p. 306)
"He's too young to prosecute, loe, but it's about time something got done."
(p. 306)
But she hadn't been hit there. She hadn't got hurt at all. (p. 187)
Even the passive got done suggests an adverse result; the speaker is recom-
mending that disciplinary action be taken against a young vandal.
Even when a subject does not suffer adversely, the get passive usually sug-
gests that the subject has been truly affected by the action. Bill got promoted last
week and The hikers got rescued are acceptable sentences but ??Tina got seen is
very odd unless Tina was doing something surreptitiously. (Tina was seen is fine
in any context, however.)
Passive Voice
In a few cases the get passive is preferable to the be passive. For most speak-
ers, Crystal got married last week is more natural than Crystal was married last
lueek.
It is not always easy to tell a passive construction from a copula plus a sub-
ject complement. This is because past participle forms often function as adjec-
tivesthebroken window, a stolen necklace, unfinished business, a tattered coat,
bleached hair, etc. When a construction like They were married is considered out
of context, it is impossible to determine whether married is functioning as a
predicate adjective noting a married state or as part of a passive construction
that is describing an activity. Usually the discourse context will make things
clear, e.g., They were married, but they acted like boyfriend and girlfriend versus They
were married in a beautiful garden.
Because the subject of the passive is usually the direct object of the corre-
sponding active, the passive subject is typically a patient. But there are excep-
tions to this pattern. When the verb is ditransitive, two objects are available,
either of which could theoretically become the subject of a corresponding pas-
sive. Thus, Scott loaned Michelle a bike yields two passivesAbike was loaned to
Michelle by Scott and Michelle was loaned a bike by Scott. (Note that when the di-
rect object becomes the subject of the passive, the indirect object must occur in
a prepositional phrase.) But indirect objects that can be paraphrased as for
prepositional phrases do not become the subjects of passives. Jerry baked Elly a
cake and Jerry baked a cake for Elly yield a passive that most speakers find un-
acceptable*EUywas baked a cake by Jerry. Similarly, Mary built the kids a sand-
box yields the infelicitous *The kids were built a sandbox by Mary.
When the active sentence contains no object, i.e., the verb is intransitive,
the object of a preposition can sometimes become the subject of a correspond-
ing passive, e.g., Someone slept in this bed last night. / This bed was slept in by some-
one last night.
A sentence like My uncle is wanted by the police is also interesting in this regard.
While we can say The police want my uncle, this active does not carry quite the
same meaning as its passive counterpart. In fact wanted has taken on a life of
its own, even appearing as a descriptive adjective on "wanted" posters.
tain the agent the cat, the affected party the rat, and the action chased. Given the
no synonymy rule, why does English have two related constructions that ap-
pear to communicate the same meaning?
There are a number of different discourse reasons for the existence of the
passive. One important function of the passive is maintaining the topic of a
discourse. As you have already seen, once an entity has been introduced as a
topic, a speaker will try to keep that topic in subject position. Consider the fol-
lowing narrative.
My daughter Alice works in a bank. Last week she was called to the supervisor's of-
fice because a customer had complained about her behavior. Alice was not allozoed to
defend herself She was suspended for a week without pay. Of course she was shocked
by this callous treatment.
Alice is obviously the topic of this little story Once Alice is introduced in the
first sentence, the passive is used to maintain Alice as the subject (and thus
topic) of the next four sentences.
Related to the issue of topic is the egocentrism of human beings. Humans
like to talk about themselves and other humans. We are likely to make a hu-
man the subject of a sentence even when there is no topic to be maintained. A
man was hit by a bus is a more natural utterance than A bus hit a man. The pas-
sive allows us to make this human the subject of the sentence even though he
is not an agent.
Agentless Passives
While agents are usually subjects, they can appear in prepositional phrases
as well. If a passive contains an agent, causer, or instrument, that role will ex-
pressed by the NP in a by prepositional phraseTimmy was saved by his dog.
But, in fact, most English passives contain no such prepositional phrase. These
constructions are called agentless passives, since the agent/ causer/instrument
is unspecifiedMycar was vandalized. (From now on I will simply refer to an
agent, causer, or instrument in the passive as the agent.) A number of linguists
have studied passives in written texts and media broadcasts and have found
that between 80% and 85% of English passives are agentless. Since most pas-
sives are agentless, we can conclude that speakers typically use the passive to
omit the agent.
Often the agent is omitted simply because it is unknown.
was called to the hospital at midnight/7 who called is irrelevant, even if caller's
identity is known. When Miamians say "Yuca can be bought at any Cuban gro-
cery," the omitted agent is the nonspecific indefinite "by anyone." Often the
agent is obvious from the rest of the sentence or discourseAnelephant fell on
her and she was killed instantly; He stepped in front of the train and was
crushed.
The agentless passive has other related functions as well. Sometimes the
agent is known but deliberately omitted in order to avoid assigning or taking
responsibilityAn important file was misplaced; The clothes were left in the dryer
The Watergate scandal produced the weak admission that "Mistakes were
made."
For scientific and technical writers, who are required by editorial conven-
tion to suppress the first and second person pronouns, the agentless passive is
an important linguistic tool. The following passages are from a highly techni-
cal computer science article (Lui and Layland, 1973). (Boldface added.)
The deadline of a request is defined to be the time of the next request, (p. 49)
None of the computation requested . . . was carried out before T. (p. 57)
What happened to your avocado tree? Oh, it was damaged by the wind.
In the following sentences, the component parts of the perfect are capital-
ized, the component parts of the progressive are double underlined, and the
component parts of the passive are in bold.
Remember that the first verb always carries the tense. If there is a perfect
construction, it precedes the progressive and/or passive constructions; if there
is a progressive, it precedes the passive. In other words, the order is always
perfect + progressive + passive.
The have of the perfect, the be of the progressive, and the be of the passive are
called primary auxiliaries. These auxiliaries have no meaning apart from their
participation in these constructions.
In a sentence, auxiliary verbs are always followed by a lexical verb. There
are a very small number of auxiliary verbs in English, but lexical verbs num-
ber in the thousands. The Collins English Dictionary lists 14,190 different verbs
(Miller and Fellbaum, 1992, p. 214) and all but a few of these are lexical.
Primary auxiliaries have no independent semantic content, and, as you will
see later, modal auxiliaries express a somewhat limited range of meanings. Lex-
ical verbs, however, communicate an extraordinary number of meanings as a
class, and individual verbs tend to be semantically complex as well. A single
verb form may have five or six different but related meanings. Consider a verb
like run.
A group of verbs that is unrelated in terms of form may be very closely re-
lated semantically. All of the following verbs refer to walking; they differ only
in the style of gait they describestroll, amble, saunter, shuffle, stagger, stride,
strut, tiptoe, march, limp, stomp. Verbs can refer to a tremendous variety of speak-
ing stylestalk,whisper, chatter, whine, mumble, yell, babble, as well as many ways
of interacting verbally with another personconverse, argue, gossip, gab, quib-
ble, rap, chat, yak, debate.
The lexical verb is always the last verb in the verb phrase. If there is only
one verb in the verb phrase, it is a lexical verb. You are probably accustomed
to calling the lexical verb the "main" verb. This is risky, however, because, as
you will see later, every clause in a sentence has a lexical verb, but the sentence
itself has only one main verb. In the following sentences, the verbs in boldface
are lexical.
Remember that auxiliary be and auxiliary have are completely different from
lexical be and have; thus, two haves or two bes can occur in the same utterance
Mick is being obnoxious; Mary Jane has had trouble with her car.
Many of the sentences cited as examples above are actually somewhat ar-
tificial. In informal speech, most primary auxiliaries are contracted. This means
that in terms of pronunciation the auxiliary is reduced to its final consonant
and is attached to the subject.
He's very deliberately . . . plucking the . . the um . . . the pears off the tree,
. . . and . . . you know you hear this . . . a sh:arp little crunch as . . he pulls
each one off, and he's doing it. . very slowly, and putting them in . . . [breath]
. . . his apron. . . . [H]e'd never make it as a fruitpicker. (Tannen, 1984b, p. 35)
Lexical verb be can be contracted in exactly the same ways that primary
auxiliary be canShe'sa lawyer; We're angry. Americans rarely contract lexical
Multi-Word Lexical Verbs 125
verb have, but British speakers often do soI'veno money today; They've no hope
whatsoever.
Before I launch into a discussion of multi-word lexical verbs, let me briefly ex-
plain prepositions. Prepositions constitute a class of short function words that
combine with NPs to make prepositional phrases like I put the book on the table
and The baby threw my hat in the toilet. Many prepositions express location or
directionin,on, at, to, through, over, under, above, around, etc. Typically a prepo-
sition is followed by an NP that functions as its objectSamput the coius in the
barn. Prepositions typically occur in modifying phrases, i.e., adverb phrases
and adjective phrases.
Over time, some prepositions have become semantically attached to pre-
ceding verbs, creating new multi-word verbs with new meanings. When the
preposition becomes figuratively attached in this way, it is called a verb parti-
cle and the entire construction is called a multi-word verb (or sometimes a
phrasal verb). Some multi-word verbs have one particle and some have two.
In a sentence like Donna turned out the light, the lexical verb is turned out and
the direct object is the light. In Charlotte called on Emily, called on is the lexical
verb and Emily is the direct object.
Some multi-word verbs are very old. Give up as in She gave up her title ap-
pears in print as early as the twelfth century; put on (He put on his clothes) and
blow out (She blew out the candle) date back to the fourteenth century. Throw out
developed in the sixteenth century and give in meaning "to yield" in the sev-
enteenth. As contemporary as it sounds, fork over as in May forked over the money
dates back to the nineteenth century. The creation of multi-word verbs contin-
ues unabatedJimmygrossed out his friends; Anne ripped off her employer; Han-
nah blew off her homexuork.
Verb particles derive from prepositions and in some multi-word verbs, the
126 The Verb Phrase
particle retains a great deal of its original prepositional meaning. Out is used
quite literally in The dentist took out three teeth and Susan has put out the cat,
and a bit less literally in Mark has thrown out your comic books. The particle out
is often added to verbs to denote removalyank versus yank out, pull versus
pull out, pry versus pry out, tear versus tear out. But out has lost its prepositional
meaning in I can't figure out this problem and I found out her secret. Even when
a particle loses its literal prepositional meaning, however, it is often possible
to see a metaphorical connection between the original preposition and the cur-
rent particle. While the preposition down literally indicates a direction, down is
often used in expressions to suggest the result of a social or psychological de-
clinedownand out, down in the dumps. In these contexts down always has a
negative connotation. In George is always putting down his partner, put down
means to denigrate or insult. In They turned down my request, turn down means
to reject. Clearly, these constructions are metaphorically linked to others in
which down has taken on a strongly negative meaning. Many verb particles ex-
ploit this kind of metaphor.
Some verb particles have specialized meanings. While the particle up in He
picked up the baby retains the directional meaning of preposition up, up means
something very different in She cleaned up the room. Here particle up means
"completely or thoroughly/7 A number of verbs exploit up in this waysweep
up, wash up, burn up, tie up, close up, rip up, fix up, cover up, use up, etc. Some-
thing that is used up has been used to the point of exhaustion; something that
has burned may or not be totally consumed, but something that has burned up
most assuredly is. As you saw above, many languages exploit the perfect to in-
dicate that an event or action is complete; in English the particle up performs
much the same function.
MOVABLE PARTICLES
There are two distinct types of multi-word verbs. In the first type the verb
particle can move to a position after the direct object. Any preposition-like word
that can move in this fashion is a verb particle.
The particles that are most likely to be movable are out, up, down, over, and off,
although others do move on occasion.
UNMOVABLE PARTICLES
In the second type of multi-word verb, the particle does not move. In these
cases, it is not always easy to distinguish a verb plus particle construction from
a verb plus prepositional phrase construction. Usually in a verb phrase con-
taining an unmovable particle, the particle has little in common semantically
with the preposition from which it derives. In Angela called on her grandparents,
on has lost its spatial meaning. (Clearly, Angela did not stand on top of her
grandparents and call.) Unmovable particles are usually more stressed in
speech than movable particles but the difference is very subtle. See if you can
perceive a stress difference in She threiv on her clothes versus She called on her
grandmother. The most common unmovable particles are on, of to, for, and at.
Sometimes the same verb plus particle construction will have different
meanings in different contexts. Rip off can mean to remove completelyShe
ripped off the sleeves, and it can also mean steal or steal from She ripped off that
stereo; She ripped off her brother. Transitive give up means to relinquish some-
thingHegave up his inheritance, while intransitive give up means to surrender
or ceaseThefugitive gave up; I couldn't open the child-proof container so 1 gave up.
Transitive take off means to removeThe child took off his shirt, while intransi-
tive take off means to leave or become airborneThekids took off; The plane took
off
(It is interesting to note that most multi-word verbs contain Old English verb
heads, e.g., give, blow, throw, rip, but their single word counterparts are often
words borrowed from French or Latin, e.g., extinguish, visit, vomit, relinquish.
This is some measure of just how "native" verb particle constructions are.)
If a given verb routinely occurs with a given preposition-like form, it is
reasonable to treat that form as a particle. Apply frequently co-occurs with for,
approve frequently co-occurs with of and object almost always co-occurs with
to. If a verb that is normally transitive is followed directly by a preposition-like
word (instead of an NP), that word is probably a particle, as in give up and give
in, throw up and throw out, put away and put up with. In addition, there are some
verb heads that participate in a great many different multi-word constructions.
blow blow up, blow out, blow down, blow over, blow off
throw throw out, throw up, throiu down, throw in
(e.g., The boxer threw in the towel)
look look up, look up to, look over, look down on, look in on
give give up, give in, give away, give off, give out
put put out, put up with, put down, put in
(e.g., The canoeists put in at the bridge.)
burn burn up, burn out, burn down, burn through
call call up, call on, call for, call in (e.g., He called in his
pledge or She called in the chips.)
phrase and the to is not movable. On the other hand, to has lost much of its
spatial meaning in this construction. When to occurs as a full-fledged preposi-
tion it usually expresses a physical goalIdais going to Prague; Sandra is going
to the store. In The CEO talked to her staff, that sense of goal is significantly di-
minished. The evolution of preposition to particle represents a continuum and
talk to seems to fall somewhere near the middle.
The classic verb particle conundrum is this:
Why does a match burn out, a building burn down, and paper
burn up?
Modality
makes someone else the source of the information; by using I assume, I guess,
or I suppose, s/he indicates that this proposition is a deduction and not a known
fact. I think and I believe reveal that the proposition is personal opinion. In each
of these sentences, epistemic modality is being expressed by the lexical verb.
In expressions like I am sure/positive/certain that Joan will take the job and It is
likely/possible/conceivable/doubtful that Joan will take the job, the predicate adjec-
tive expresses epistemic modality.
Sentence modifiers can also express epistemic modality. These construc-
tions will be discussed more fully Chapter 4.
In his book Mood and Modality, F. R. Palmer (1986, p. 67) describes modal-
ity in the Tuyuca language of Brazil and Columbia. Tuyuca speakers mark their
verbs to indicate what kind of evidence exists for the assertion they are mak-
ing. A verb can be marked to indicate visual evidence (the speaker saw the
event being described), aural evidence (the speaker heard the event but didn't
see it), indirect physical evidence (the speaker saw physical signs that the event
took place), second-hand account (someone told the speaker the event took
place), or a reasonable assumption (the speaker assumes the event took place).
We can do all of this in English, of course, but our strategies are far wordier.
Don't be late.
Please have some more pie.
You might call me when the shipment arrives.
STOP
No smoking.
MODAL AUXILIARIES
Modal auxiliaries represent a very special class of verbs in English. These
odd verbs predate even Old English; their peculiarities are the result of lin-
guistic events in the ancient Germanic languages (ca. 500 B.C.). All the other
major modern Germanic languages (Dutch, Swedish, Danish, Norwegian, and
German) have these same auxiliaries. In contrast to the primary auxiliaries be
and have, modal auxiliaries are semantically rich and inflectionally impover-
ished. Modal auxiliaries carry no third person present {-s} ending (*Bruce cans
go now is absolutely ungrammatical) and they have no past participle forms,
no present participle forms, and no infinitive forms.
Most modals do have distinct past tense forms, however. While you may
find this counter-intuitive, the past tense of can is could, the past tense of will
is would, the past tense of shall is should, and the past tense of may is might. Re-
member that tense is simply a matter of form, not meaning. The {-d} or |-t) end-
ing on these words is simply a manifestation of the typical {-ed} past tense in-
flection, and all of these forms date back to Old English. Must was an Old
English past tense form; the corresponding present tense mot- was lost during
Modality 133
Middle English times. Ought was the past tense form of the Old English verb
meaning to own from which Modern English owe is derived. Ought to is the only
two-word modal auxiliary.
will would
can could
shall should
may might
[no form exists] must
[no form exists] ought to
Will and would are the only modals that are routinely contracted in speech
I'll come over later; I'd have been here sooner [if my car hadn't broken down].
occasionally occurs in epistemic occurrences. If someone asks you who the best
plumber in town is you might reply "Oh, that would be my Uncle Walter."
Shall is never used epistemically.
(While prescriptive grammarians argue that only may can be used for permis-
sion, can has supplanted may, even in the speech of highly educated speakers.)
American speakers rarely use shall in routine conversation or writing. It
is a bit more common in British English. Like should, shall originally meant "to
be obligated," and this meaning persisted well into Modern English times.
This use is ubiquitous in the King James version of the Bible and as a result
many contemporary English speakers are familiar with this older meaning of
shall.
Modality 135
While this deontic use of shall has faded in most conversational contexts, it is
still widely used in legal and contract language and it indicates that the sub-
ject of the sentence has an absolute obligation to act (or not act), e.g., The de-
fendant shall pay the plaintiff the sum of $37,000.
While the modals should, must, and ought to can express both epistemic and
deontic modality, they are most often used to express deontic modality. A study
of the use of modals in British and Australian speech and writing and Ameri-
can writing revealed that the deontic uses of these auxiliaries far outnumber
the epistemic uses (Collins, 1991). A particularly dramatic statistic shows Amer-
ican writers using should deontically 73% of the time and epistemically 5% of
the time (p. 161). The remaining instances of should reflected other uses.
There is an interesting semantic parallel between modals in their epistemic
and deontic modes. Those modals that express the strongest sense of obliga-
tion in deontic mode are also the modals that express the strongest likelihood
in epistemic mode (Bybee, 1994, p. 195).
Strong volition He will play with matches [even though I punish him].
You will clean your room [or you'll be grounded].
Willingness & I'll carry those groceries for you.
unwillingness She won't help me mow the lawn.
I'll bring you some ice cream after work.
Promises I'll take you to the zoo tomorrow.
We'll fix your computer when we get the parts.
Threats I'll break your arm [if you touch me].
I'll scream [if you come any closer].
Dare and Need. Dare and need are modal auxiliaries for some speakers and
not for others. Even those who can use them as modals, use them only in neg-
ative and interrogative constructions.
Note the lack of a third person {-s} inflection in those sentences in which dare
or need has a third person subject. This is strong evidence that these forms are
modal auxiliaries. The modals dare and need are loosely deontic. A construction
like Felice needs to rent her apartment does not contain a modal auxiliary (note
Modality 137
the third person {-s} ending on need), although need still has deontic force in
this context.
There are some constraints on could in terms of expressing ability, but we will
discuss these later.
Can and could are sometimes used in questions to make a polite request. If
I ask, "Can you pass the potatoes?" I'm not really asking you to assess your
potato-passing skills. I am simply using can here to express politeness. The use
of can or could in a question strikes hearers as much softer than a bald imper-
ative like "Pass the potatoes."
English, individuals living in the southeastern United States routinely use two
or more modals in a VP. The following sentence, which contains three modal
auxiliaries in a row plus a semi-auxiliary, was uttered by a speaker from south-
eastern North Carolina: "If she might should ought to have to go to the hos-
pital, she's worried about what she'll do with her children."2 The expression
might could is extremely common in the South, even among highly educated
individuals. I might could help you with that expresses both epistemic and de-
ontic modality; it is possible that I will have the ability. As you will see later,
some speakers use a second modal to negate ought toYou shouldn't ought to
do that. This usage is fairly common, although highly informal.
SEMI-AUXILIARIES
Modal auxiliaries are very ancient forms and constitute a closed class. More
recently, English has admitted into the language a class of "semi-auxiliaries"
constructions that behave very much like modals semantically but that do not
share the same grammatical form. Semi-auxiliaries are always lexically com-
plex; they are composed of two or three words and usually end in to. With one
exception, semi-auxiliaries take the third person j-s} in the present tense and
have participle and infinitive forms. As a class, semi-auxiliaries express both
epistemic and deontic modality. In the following sentences, the semi-auxiliaries
are in boldface.
Modality 139
Epistemic Semi-Auxiliaries
Be going to is a widely used semi-auxiliary that has both epistemic and
deontic meanings. Epistemic be going to is used to predict events, very much
like epistemic willIt is going to snow tomorrow; That chair is going to crack. If
an event is imminent, a speaker will choose be going to rather than willTm
going to be sick; That car is going to crash. Look out! The baby is going to fall is
perfectly natural, while ??Look out! The baby will fall is very odd. Be going to
is usually uttered with the contracted form of be followed by a form that is
often pronounced gonnaHe's gonna be late. Although traditional grammar
books cite will as the auxiliary that expresses future, be going to actually pro-
jects a stronger sense of futurity than will does. A construction that expresses
a weak sense of future will be accompanied by an adverb that specifies the
time frame. The progressive, for example, can express future time only when
140 The Verb Phrase
Seem to and appear to are also semi-auxiliaries that express degrees of cer-
tainty or, more accurately, uncertainty. These semi-auxiliaries share the same
meanings as their homophones copula seem and copula appear. But seem to and
appear to are semi-auxiliaries and they can co-occur with any kind of lexical
verb, including some copulas.
Deontic Semi-Auxiliaries
Semi-auxiliaries express roughly the same range of deontic meanings that
we found among modals. Although semi-auxiliaries and modal auxiliaries look
very different and have very different histories, combined they represent a rel-
atively unified semantic system.
Semi-Auxiliaries Used to Express Obligation. Have to and have got to are used
deontically in directives and other contexts in which obligation is being ex-
pressed.
You have to clean the garage today.
You have got to talk louder.
Kyle has to move his car.
Modality 141
"You're not gonna give up the life you have." (p. 270)
"Listen, these guys, they're gonna be out here any minute looking for me." (p. 293)
Doris has had to fix the car. [has had to is the perfect form of has to]
Ned is having to work on his report, [is having to is the progressive form
of have to]
has to have fixed the car, the semi-auxiliary is epistemic, while in Doris has had to
fix the car the semi-auxiliary is deontic.
Not all semi-auxiliaries exhibit this kind of flexibility in terms of aspect. Be
able to can participate in a perfect constructionScotthas been able to speak Ger-
man for years, but it cannot precede a perfect construction*Scottis able to have
spoken German for years. Be going to precedes perfect constructionsShe'sgoing
to have completed the project by then, but it does not, as a rule, participate in the
perfect??Shehas been going to finish it for years.
Summary of semi-auxiliaries
As you have already seen, would is sometimes used to express a habitual ac-
tion in the pastEveryday she would go' to the gym.
Could communicates past, long-term ability7could sing when I was young.
Could can also refer to the subject's ability in a single situation or event, but
only in a negative sentenceIcouldn't find you last night; She couldn't fix my car-
buretor yesterday. Inexplicably, could can't be used to refer to a single past act in
a positive sentence. *I could find you last night and *She could fix my carburetor
yesterday are both ungrammatical. The semi-auxiliary be able to is perfectly ac-
ceptable in such sentencesShewas able to fix my carburetor yesterday.
Should, which is technically the past tense of shall, almost never communi-
cates past time. You should clean your room clearly lays a future obligation. Only
in an exclamation like Wlw should I see but my old boyfriend! does should refer to
the past. Might is technically the past tense of may but, as you have already
seen, the deontic meanings of may and might are different. Might never com-
municates past time; You might call me when the shipment arrives is clearly a sug-
gestion projected into the future. While both ought to and must are past tense
forms in Old English, neither of these verbs can communicate past time in mod-
ern English.
While many past tense modals are incapable of expressing past time on
their own, most of them can do so when they are combined with the perfect.
tion was met, i.e., Thomas did indeed clean his room. The past tense of be to
can be used to express an unfulfilled obligation. Thomas was to clean his room
last night suggests either that Thomas failed to do so or that the speaker does
not know the outcome.
Most epistemic modals require the perfect to place an event in past time
She might have lied; He may have stolen the jewels; They couldn't have cheated; It
can't have been Jim; My cousin should have arrived by now. (Note that some of these
modals are past tense and others are present tense.)
Most semi-auxiliaries can communicate past time alone but a few require
the perfect. Deontic has to can simply be put in the past tenseIhad to leave,
while epistemic has to can be used with the perfectShehas to have been there
or without itShe had to be there. (This last example is more likely in casual
speech than in formal discourse and it is potentially ambiguous.) Despite the
fact that had in had better is technically a past tense form, had better requires the
perfect to communicate past timeHe had better have finished that assignment.
(Some speakers may find this sentence marginally acceptable.) Those semi-
auxiliaries that begin with be require only that be carry past tense Bill was go-
ing to take us to the zoo, but he got sick; Nora was able to finish the painting; Olga
was certain to fail.
Deontic Epistemic
can That can't have been my car.
could That couldn't have been Brenna.
would I would have helped but . . . He would have survived if . . .
should She shouldn't have knocked It shouldn't have been
me down. that cold in June.
may It may have rained yesterday.
might You might have informed me It might have snowed
that you'd be late. last night.
must She must have hidden
the keys.
ought to You ought to have told him. They ought to have arrived
by now.
had better You had better have finished [had better is never epistemic]
that.
has to Bonnie has to have finished
by now.
146 The Verb Phrase
Imperative Mood
The imperative is a very distinctive kind of directive. In Old English the
imperative required special forms of the verb. The only surviving remnant of
these special imperative forms in English is the verb be. Assume for the mo-
ment that the subject of an imperative is you. In a nonimperative (i.e., indica-
tive) sentence, the appropriate verb form for you is are. But in an imperative,
the verb takes the infinitive be, the lone survivor of the Old English imperative
form. Other imperative verbs look exactly like their second person indicative
forms.
Fortunately, the imperative has other grammatical features that make it very
distinctive. The most notable one is the absence of an overt subjectSitdown;
Be quiet; Give me some milk. This is the only case in English in which a subject
is not required in the main clause of a sentence. We all "know" that the sub-
ject of the imperative is an understood you, but how do we know it? The fol-
lowing sets of sentences supply the evidence.
The imperative has no tense distinctions; the verbs always take the same
Modality 147
form. The imperative almost never co-occurs with the perfect and only occa-
sionally with the progressiveBe cleaning your room when I get back. The pas-
sive often occurs in negative imperativesDon't be alarmed by Noah's appear-
ance; Don't be upset by her remarks and occasionally in affirmative
imperativesBeassured that this procedure is correct; Be forewarned that the road
is impassable. Affirmative passive imperatives are usually quite formal in tone.
Normally the word not or its contracted form n't can follow any form of be
in English, including the lexical verbMiguelis not angry; Ken isn't leaving. But
in an imperative a semantically empty do must be added, and not follows do
Do not be angry; Don't be surprised by Ruth's attitude. In the seventeenth century,
John Donne could write "Death, be not proud" but today we would say, "Death,
do not be proud." (Death is not a subject in these sentences; the speaker is sim-
ply addressing death.) Negative imperatives have odd forms in a number of
languages.
The auxiliary do is also used in persuasive affirmative imperativesDohave
some more candy; Do sit down. Semantically these constructions are offers rather
than orders, but they are still considered imperatives.
First Person Imperative. English has a special first person plural impera-
tive that always employs the form let's or in very formal, often liturgical con-
texts, let us. This imperative form is semantically weaker than the second per-
son imperative; let's constructions typically sound like suggestions rather than
orders and they direct the speaker as well as the hearer.
The first person imperative does not require empty do in creating a negative.
The not simply follows let's (or us in more formal discourse).
You will on occasion hear speakers who insert do into the first person negative
imperativeLet'sdon't invite your cousin.
There are also a very limited number of third person imperatives; they re-
quire a subject pronoun with indefinite reference.
(If these were indicative sentences, the verb would contain a third person sin-
gular {-s} ending.)
The first person imperative can also contain an overt subject as long as the
subject includes both the speaker and the hearer(s).
The Imperative in Discourse. While the imperative occurs in all types of dis-
course, it is especially common in situations in which a speaker or writer is
giving explicit instructions or directions. Not surprisingly, it is ubiquitous in
cookbooks. This recipe for making mushroom lasagna is typical (Martin et al.,
1991) (Boldface added.)
Puree farmer's cheese, ricotta, egg whites and Parmesan. Blend in chives, pars-
ley and pepper by hand. In a large pot of lightly salted boiling water, cook
lasagna noodles until just tender. . . . Remove noodles with a slotted spoon,
(p. 95)
Breath out as fully as you comfortably can. Hold the inhaler in the upright po-
sition and put the mouthpiece in your mouth. Close your lips around the
mouthpiece, keeping your tongue below it. (Instructions for a Vanceril in-
haler.)
In conversational situations, a speaker who has social power will use more
and stronger imperatives than one who does not. Teachers often use the im-
perative with studentsTurn to page twenty three; Take out a sheet of paper; Pipe
down; Get rid of that chewing gum, but most students are wary of using the im-
perative with teachers. Children hear imperatives from their parents con-
stantlyPick up your toys; Take out the garbage; Stop bothering your brother, but
kids respond in kind at their peril.
To some extent politeness moderates our uses of the imperative, even
among equals. If I covet your Godiva chocolates, I am more likely to say "Can
Modality 149
I have some?" than "Give me some." In general, the more indirect the direc-
tive, the more polite the utterance. Probably the most polite directives are those
that combine a past tense auxiliary with a questionCouldyou loan me five dol-
lars:? There are, however, a few polite, formulaic expressions that always take
the standard imperative form (Brown and Levinson, 1987, pp. 96-98).
Excuse me.
Forgive me.
Have a nice day.
Have a good time.
Pardon our dust. (A sign that always seems to accompany commercial
remodeling projects.)
Subjunctive Mood
Like the term imperative, the term subjunctive refers to a particular verb
form. In Old English, special verb forms existed to communicate non-facts, e.g.,
wants, hopes, and hypothetical situations. The subjunctive is somewhat weak
in Modern English, but there are speakers who use it routinely. In many cases,
the subjunctive is a form learned in school or through reading, so it is educated
speakers who use it most. The modern subjunctive expresses a variety of de-
ontic meanings
In each of these sentences, the main verb makes some sort of demand, from
very mild (ask/suggest) to very strong (demand/insist). In each case, the direct
object of the main verb is a clause (the structure in brackets). Note that when
the subject of the clause is third person, its verb does not take third person
{-s} ending and be is in its infinitive form. These atypical verb forms are the
150 The Verb Phrase
vestiges of the Old English subjunctive system. The same meanings can be
communicated by a verb in present tenseWe insist that Marsha tells the truth
or by a modal auxiliaryWe insist that Marsha must tell the truth. Technically,
however, these are not subjunctive utterances because they lack subjunctive
verb forms. All of these sentences are directives, however.
Volitional Subjunctive. Just as there are volitional modals, there are voli-
tional subjunctive constructions. These, too, exploit unusual verb formsIwish
1 were a bird; Joseph wishes he were a cowboy. The use of were with first and third
singular subjects is also a remnant of the old subjunctive system. I wish 1 was
a bird expresses exactly the same meaning, but technically was is not a sub-
junctive form. The subjunctive is gradually disappearing in English and even
highly educated speakers sometimes use non-subjunctive forms in such utter-
ances.
Formulaic Subjunctive. English has a small set of phrases and sayings that
are so old that they still contain uniquely marked subjunctive verbs. These ut-
terances are learned as whole pieces, often as part of religious liturgy. The ex-
pression God bless you contains a third person subject and an uninflected verb.
This sentences is communicating, not a statement of fact, i.e., God blesses you,
but rather a wish on the part of the speaker, i.e., I hope that God blesses you. Some
remnants of the formulaic subjunctive in Judeo-Christian liturgy are:
There are formulaic subjunctives that are less tied to liturgy, but most still have
a religious cast.
As English speakers, our primary tool for negation is the negative particle not.
Not always follows the first auxiliary in the verb phrase. In most cases not is
contracted n't and attached to that auxiliaryEdiuinacan't attend the party; She
isn't working now. So ubiquitous are contracted negatives, that speakers usually
sound stilted or even non-native when they use the full negative particle not.
The one notable exception to this pattern is am not; here am is contracted to the
subject and not remains uncontractedI'm not leaving. Will changes pronunci-
ation when not is contracted to it; will not becomes won't. Shan't and mayn't are
old contracted forms that are rarely heard today.
The first auxiliary in an English sentence has a special role not available to
other verbs in the verb phrase. The first auxiliary is manipulated in negatives,
questions, and tag questions and for this reason it is called an operator3 (Quirk
et al., 1972).
Not always follows the operator in a negative construction. The following
sentences illustrate the role of operator in positioning not and n't.
For most American speakers, be is the only lexical verb that can become an
operatorjasmine isn't an administrator; Irving wasn't upset. A few Americans
and most British speakers can make lexical have an operatorlan hasn't any
money; They hadn't a scrap of evidence.
152 The Verb Phrase
In the following sentences, however, the modal is not within the scope of
negation. Only the meaning of the lexical verb is negated.
Tom may/might not pass the exam. [It is possible that Tom does
not pass the exam.]
I won't tell your mother. [I promise to not tell.]
Jan should/must not cheat on [She is obligated to not cheat.]
her taxes.
The Verb Phrase and Questions 153
Contracted n't can be used when must has a deontic reading but not when it
has an epistemic reading. Jan mustn't cheat on her taxes is fine but *Jan mustn't
have paid the phone bill is ungrammatical.
Since the negative particle typically follows the first auxiliary in the verb
phrase, the multi-word auxiliaries pose some interesting problems. Most speak-
ers are unsure of where to put not in negating modal ought to. Does it go after
ought to You ought to not do that or before the to You ought not to do that. (Some
speakers omit to in this last construction.) The dilemma can be solved by adding
another auxiliary, which then becomes the operator?Youshouldn't ought to do
that, but many speakers find this construction questionable and simply avoid
using ought to with a negative.
If the first word of the semi-auxiliary is some form of be, not follows it rou-
tinelyLaurieis not going fix it; I'm not sure that Hakeem is right. Be going to usu-
ally falls within the scope of negation in both epistemic and deontic readings.
It's not going to rain tomorrow. [It is not possible that it will rain.]
I am not going to wash the [I am not willing to wash
dishes for you. the dishes.]
Questions almost always involve a variation on normal word order, i.e., they
are highly marked. Very rarely do we ask questions by simply using rising
question intonation at the end of a sentenceMikeis fixing dinner ? In fact, this
kind of question sometimes suggests incredulity rather than information seek-
ing: "Mike is fixing dinner? Wow, he never cooks." Questions that exploit only
154 The Verb Phrase
intonation are called echo questions because they often repeat information pro-
vided by a previous speaker.
YES/NO QUESTIONS
Questions soliciting a yes or no answer typically require that the operator
precede the subjectIs Danielle running that marathon? Can Istvan speak Hun-
garian? Periphrastic do becomes the operator if there is no other auxiliary in the
VPDoes Lena drink ouzo? Did Patrick give you the file? Any statement can be
turned into a yes/no question by this operation.
Lincoln has finished his project. / Has Lincoln finished his project?
Nancy is reading the paper. / Is Nancy reading the paper?
The kids have been eating popcorn. / Have the kids been eating popcorn?
Jackie should have gone. / Should Jackie have gone?
Malka can help. / Can Malka help?
Felipe crashed. / Did Felipe crash?
Here, too, lexical be always acts as its own operatorIsAmos an electrician? Are
those kids your grandchildren? Some American and most British speakers can
make lexical have an operator, especially in sentences containing the indefinite
quantifier anyHave you any money? Has Ian any prospects?
As you have already seen, n't is usually contracted to the previous auxil-
iary. When that auxiliary moves in a question, n't moves with i t Hassan isn't
playing volleyball; Isn't Hassan playing volleyball? However, uncontracted not does
not moveIsHassan not playing volleyball?and is usually stressed. In a sen-
tence like this, the speaker is questioning a strongly held assumption; s/he had
believed that Hassan was playing volleyball and now something has happened
to challenge that belief.
In each case the operator precedes the subject and the wh word precedes the
operator. Note that in the first example the wh word is the subject, so it auto-
matically precedes the operator.
It is always possible to paraphrase a wh question using noninterrogative
word orderWhatis Harry doing? becomes Harry is doing what? These two con-
structions are rarely used in the same discourse context; a speaker who uses
such a wh echo question is typically asking for a reiteration or clarification of
something that has already been said. However, you will find that an echo
question paraphrase is a useful strategy in determining the grammatical func-
tion of the wh word.
The wh words in questions have a variety of grammatical functions. The
pronoun forms who and what are NPs and can occupy any NP position. In each
of the following examples the grammatical function of the wh pronoun is in-
dicated in brackets.
The interrogative words when, where, why, and how all function as adverbs
in wh questions. I will discuss these in Chapter 4.
There is a small inventory of interrogative wh words that function as de-
terminers within NPs.
1 want this book. / Which book do you want? [often means which of a
known or specified set]
I learned a lesson. / What lesson have you learned? [which of an unspec-
ified set]
They are driving her car. / Whose car should we drive? [genitive]
TAG QUESTIONS
The operator is also exploited in the creation of tag questions. Tag ques-
tions follow statements and they seek affirmation of the proposition contained
in the statement.
156 The Verb Phrase
Hwaet sasgst ]du, yr>ling (p. 263) [What say thou, farmer?]
Canst t>u aenig J)ing (p. 263). [Know thou anything?]
Hwaer cy{3st \m J^in fixas (p. 265). [Where sell thou thy fishes?]
158 The Verb Phrase
"Do you not hope your children shall be kings?" Macbeth, Act I, Sc. iii, line 18
"What say'st thou, my dear nurse?" Romeo and Juliet, Act II, Sc. iv, line 207
Exclamations
Not all sentences in which the subject and operator are inverted are questions.
Am 1 furious!
Is Zack ever hungry!
Did Marilyn ever chew me out at work today.
Wow. Has Nigel gained weight!
One interesting feature of these constructions is the fact that the initial struc-
ture cannot be moved into the predicate unless what is omitted*He is what a
marvelous person; *That director is what an idiot.
This is a very odd construction. For one thing, there does not have its usual
location meaning. In fact, all but two of these sentences contain another clear-
cut expression of location (in each case a prepositional phrase). As you will see
in Chapter 4, words and phrases that describe location are usually adverbs. But
in the sentences above, there is not an adverb; it is in fact the subject of these
sentences. This may seem counterintuitive but a couple of simple syntactic tests
will demonstrate it.
Most declarative English sentences can take a tag question in which the
pronominal form of the subject is repeated in the tag. Note what happens when
an existential there sentence receives a tag.
The very fact that there appears as the subject of the tag question is strong ev-
idence that it is also the subject of the sentence.
Another test exploits the operator. As you saw above, a statement can be
turned into a yes/no question by moving the first auxiliary or the lexical verb
be to a position in front of the subject. Look at what happens when existential
there sentences are turned into questions.
There are some frogs swimming in Carolyn's pool / Are there some frogs
swimming in Carolyn's pool?
There is a stain on your shirt. / Is there a stain on your shirt?
Existential there sentences contain odd VPs. In There are some strangers
walking up the path, the auxiliary verb is separated from the lexical verb by an
NP even though this is not an interrogative sentence. Existential there con-
structions have a number of other unusual features as well. Since there is not a
conventional noun or pronoun, it has no number, i.e., it has no separate sin-
gular and plural forms. English subjects agree with their verbs in number
Mary goes to the beach every weekend; Her kids go to the mountains. But in exis-
tential there constructions, the verb often agrees in number with the noun phrase
that follows itThere is a child in the room; There are children in the room.
160 The Verb Phrase
In fact many existential there sentences can be paraphrased (more or less) with
this noun phrase in subject position, e.g., There are some guests in the garden. /
Some guests are in the garden. Some syntacticians argue that existential there sen-
tences have two subjectsthere,which acts as subject in most grammatical op-
erations, and the noun phrase following the verb, which controls subject/verb
agreement.
However, in casual conversation, even highly educated speakers of Eng-
lish often use a singular verb with a plural noun phrase in existential there con-
structions. This is especially common when the verb is contracted onto there.
There are fourteen people sitting in your bathtub easily becomes There's fourteen
people sitting in your bathtub. Similarly, it is not uncommon to hear a sentence
like There's been four earthquakes in Santa Rosa this year. The {-s} here is short for
has, the singular form of the auxiliary.
The VPs in existential there sentences usually contain the copula be, which
typically means "to exist" or "to be located" in this context. Intransitive verbs
of existence and appearance can also appear in these constructions but such
sentences tend to sound formal or archaic.
There's no room for your stuff [No room exists for your
stuff.]
There developed a problem in the ignition. [A problem developed.]
There arose a great cry from the crowd. [A great cry arose.]
In existential there sentences, the noun phrase following the verb is almost
always indefinite, In other words the noun will never be preceded by the and
will never be a proper noun. There is a man on the porch is fine but *There is the
man on the porch is ungrammatical unless there is reanalyzed as a redundant ad-
verb of location, i.e, There is the man, on the porch.
Many languages have such "pointing out" constructions and they are of-
ten syntactically unusual. Existential there constructions are ubiquitous in Eng-
lish. The following passage is from Walter Mosley's novel Gone Fishin' (1997).
(Boldface added.)
The road wasn't paved or landscaped. On either side there were dense shrubs
and bushes. . . . There are stretches of land that have hardly anything grow-
ing, but even then it's no simple story. Texas is made up of every kind of soil;
Narrative Discourse and the Verb Phrase 161
there's red clay and gray sod and fertile brown. . . . But there's no such thing
as a desert town near the gulf. (pp. 22-23)
As you have already seen, a speaker's choice of tense, aspect, and voice will
depend a great deal on real world circumstancesisthe event over and done
with, is it ongoing, does it have current relevance, is the agent known, etc. The
nature of a discourse will also influence the form of its VPs.
In an action sequence of the sort found in crime novels, the actual events
are often encoded in transitive and intransitive verbs with highly agentive sub-
jects. This is called foregrounding because such constructions serve to push
the action to the forefront. The following passages are from James Lee Burke's
novel Burning Angel (1995). (Boldface added.)
He dropped his ring of keys in his pocket and called out to a man sweeping
the wood floors in front. . . . Then he spat his chewing gum neatly into a trash
bag and clanged through a metal door into the back alley, (p. 65)
I took two paper bags from the kitchen pantry, put a clean shirt in one of them,
stopped by the bait shop, then drove up the dirt road through the tunnel of
oak trees and over the drawbridge, (p. 84)
[Moleen Bertrand] was over six feet and could not be called a soft man, but
at the same time there was no muscular tone or definition to his body. . . . He
had been born to an exclusionary world of wealth and private schools. . . . He
was Phi Beta Kappa at Springhill and a major in the air force toward the end
of the Viet Nam War. He made the Law Revieiv at Tulane and became a senior
partner at his firm in less than five years. He was also a champion skeet shooter,
(p. 20)
An aluminum boat with an outboard engine was tied with a chain to a cypress
knee on the bank, and beyond it a shack was set back in the willows on pil-
ings. The screens were webbed with rust, dead insects, and dirt, and the tin
roof had long ago taken on the colors of a woods in winter. The base of the
pilings glistened with a sheen like petroleum waste from the pools of stagnant
water they sat in. (p. 393)
and agentive subjects, as in the following passages from Richard Scarry's Huckle
Cat's Busiest Day Ever! (1992).
Huckle and Lowly run to the bathroom. They wash their faces. They brush
their teeth. Huckle combs his hair. Then they make their beds. They dress, and
run to breakfast, (p. 2)
Mother Cat drives the Cat family car through the streets of Busytown. Huckle
and Lowly see many sights. Trucks are making deliveries of things. Shops are
opening their doors. Garbage workers pick up the garbage. Postman Pig de-
livers letters. Sergeant Murphy directs traffic, (pp. 5-6)
In this passage even the inanimate noun shops is treated as an agent. The only
stative verb used here by Scarry is see.,
Sportswriters also exploit foregrounding heavily. The following passage is
from the Denver Post sports section (May 6, 1997). (Boldface added.)
Hundley crushed two home runs, went 4 for 4 and knocked in five runs, and
Bobby Jones scattered six singles as New York whipped the Rockies 6-1. (p.
1-D)
These are highly transitive verbs and the subjects are all very agentive. Even
the normally intransitive went takes a direct object here.
Histories and biographies, on the other hand, often include long sections
of background information, like this passage from Undaunted Courage: Meri-
wether Lewis, Thomas Jefferson, and the Opening of the American West (Ambrose,
1996). Note that most of the finite verbs are either copulas or stative verbs.
(Boldface added.)
When Thomas Jefferson took the Oath of Office as the third president of the
United States on March 4,1801, the nation contained 5,308,483 persons. Nearly
one out of five was a Negro slave. Although the boundaries stretched from the
Atlantic to the Mississippi River, from the Great Lakes nearly to the Gulf of
Mexico . . . only a relatively small area was occupied. Two-thirds of the peo-
ple lived within fifty miles of tidewater. Only four roads crossed the Ap-
palachian Mountains, (p. 51)
Even normally dynamic verbs like crossed and stretched are stative here.
Since epistemic modality usually expresses the doubts and certainties of
the speaker/writer, it is most often used in conversation and first person nar-
rative. The following passages from Prejean's autobiographical book Dead Man
Walking (1994) illustrate both contexts. The narrative is written in the first per-
son but it includes accounts of conversations with others, as in the first two ex-
amples below. (Boldface added.)
Summing Up 163
When I go up to him, he says in a whisper, "I think it was Mrs. Harvey's pa-
triotic speech about America there at the end that did me in. I think I was win-
nin' before that little part of her speech." I am amazed at his naivete. He thought
he had a chance, (p. 168)
Marsellus is angry. "No way. . . . He knew the real score. He may have said
that to you to save face, but he was the one who worked out the deal with the
woman." (p. 172)
It must have been a terrible ordeal to know all the wheeling and dealing go-
ing on. (p. 173)
To remove a device, choose the System object in the Control Panel, then click
on the Device Manager tab. (p. 124)
. . . you should avoid copying objects to the Startup folder to make them start
automatically, (p. 178)
You might have to download fonts to the printer . . . before you can print the
document, (p. 234)
Summing Up
As you can see, the English verb phrase is complex both grammatically and
semantically. The verb phrase is in essence the command center of the sentence.
Verbs dictate the semantic roles of subjects, direct objects, indirect objects, etc.
They dictate whether or not a sentence will even contain a direct object, an in-
direct object, a subject complement, or an object complement. Most expressions
of modality are contained in the verb phrase. The verb phrase is important in
establishing the time frame of an utterance and the status of event (complete,
in process, currently relevant, etc.).
164 The Verb Phrase
Some of the most knotty problems in English syntax revolve around the
verb phrase. There are still many disagreements about the nature of semi-aux-
iliaries; their treatment in this book reflects only one approach. Some verbs are
followed by clauses that are difficult to categorize. (I will touch upon this in
Chapter 5.) The terminology traditionally used to describe elements in the VP
is often problematic.
Nevertheless, you should now have a clearer understanding, not only of
the VP itself, but of how it relates to the various NPs in the sentence. Once you
have acquired some mastery of the structure and semantics of the noun phrase
and the verb phrase, even the most complex English sentences yield to analy-
sis.
4
Modification
If English sentences contained only determiners, nouns, and verbs, they would
be colorless indeed. Many parts of speech can be modified in some way. In tra-
ditional grammar, modification relationships are usually subsumed under the
categories adjective and adverb. Adjectives are typically described as words
or phrases that modify nouns, while adverbs are often defined as structures
that modify adjectives, verbs, and other adverbs. But there are modification re-
lationships that cannot be comfortably included in these two categories. Fur-
thermore, modification is a complex and problematic phenomenon and not all
modification relationships are the same.
Grammatical categories like subject and direct object are internally complex.
Not only does the typical noun phrase contain a noun and some sort of deter-
miner, but it often contains adjective constructions as well. The adjective usu-
ally appears between the determiner and the noun. Unlike the categories de-
terminer, predeterminer, and postdeterminer, the category adjective is an open
class. There are thousands of adjectives in English and speakers invent new
onesascuzzy guy, a spacy teenager and readily assign new meanings to old
onesahairy problem, a gay friend, a gnarly surfboard.
Adjectives are not altogether easy to characterize, however. Words from
many grammatical classes can modify nouns. There is of course the prototyp-
ical adjective, a word that can take the comparative form (sweeter, smarter, big-
ger) and the superlative form (sweetest, smartest, biggest). These {-er} and {-est}
suffixes are inflectional endings; the adjectives that can take these suffixes usu-
ally date back to Old English, although even neologisms (new words) like
scuzzy sometimes carry themHe'sthe scuzziest guy I've ever seen. Multi-syllabic
adjectives borrowed from French during the Middle English period typically
require periphrastic comparative and superlative formsmoreintelligent, more
beautiful, most difficult. Borrowed adjectives of a single syllable are sometimes
inflected, howeverlarger,finest, nicer, closest.
There are a few adjectives in English in which the root form is different
165
166 Modification
Some {-ing} adjectives are very idiosyncratic. The following present participle
forms rarely occur with nouns other than the ones indicated here (Fillmore and
Kay, 1995, p. 4-4).
When a noun is modified by a past participle, there is a sense that the state
being described is resultant. Broken glass has already been broken, while break-
ing glass (as in the sound of breaking glass) is in the process of being broken; a
stolen necklace has already been filched and a scratched cornea has already been
damaged. When I'm driving on mountain roads, I find the sign that warns of
"Falling rocks" far more ominous than the one that says "Fallen rocks," even
though I know that fallen rocks are a direct result of falling rocks. You can see
the meanings of the progressive and perfect reflected in these participial ad-
jective forms.
There are a number past participles that can function as adjectives only
when they contain the prefix (un-jtheunread manuscript; an unsold car; an tin-
Modification of the Noun and Noun Phrase 167
sung hero. Without the prefix, none of these participles can modify nouns (*a
read manuscript, *a sold car, *a sung hero), unless the participle itself is modified
in some waya seldom read manuscript; an easily sold product. (Constructions
like these will be taken up in detail later.)
Even words that are usually noun heads can modify other nounsapaper
airplane, the senior trip, apple cider, the county jail, a stone wall. While these
words are functioning as adjectives, they rarely take inflected or periphrastic
comparative and superlative forms; *a more apple cider and *the paperest airplane
are impossible. These are called denominal adjectives. (The term denominal in-
dicates that a word has lost its nominal status; it can be used to refer to any
noun form that takes on a non-nominal grammatical function.)
Adjectives can sometimes be identified by their derivational suffixes, i.e.,
the endings that derive adjectives from other parts of speech.
English is very rich in adjectives. For any general attribute you might name,
there are likely to be a great number of adjectives that can express some aspect
of that attribute. Usually the real world context will dictate the choice of ad-
jective. Think about the extensive inventory of adjectives that express "wet-
ness"wet,moist, damp, sopping, swampy, soaked, humid, dank, water-logged, rainy,
foggy, sweaty. Obviously many of these adjectives are quite constrained in terms
of context; humid, rainy, and foggy are typically limited to weather, dank is used
to describe a damp environment and it usually entails "unpleasant," while
sweaty is used to refer to moisture excreted by some mammals. The variety is
impressive, nevertheless.
It's hard to imagine English discourse without adjectives. The passage that
follows describes a Lap man in traditional dress (Beach, 1993). Despite its
brevity, this passage contains 12 adjectives. (Boldface added.)
He wore a faded blue Saami costume decorated with strips of red and yellow
and a matching hat with a huge topknot of red yarn. This was the traditional
dress of the Karesuando district, I later learned. Even with his odd hat he was
not very tall. His posture was stooped, and he walked with an elastic gait. He
was an old man. (p. 10)
Even the driest academic texts exploit adjectives constantly Here is a para-
graph from an advanced computer graphics text (Glassner, 1995). (Boldface
added.)
noun in the absence of a complex transitive verb. These are postnominal ad-
jectives.
Most adjectives can readily occupy both prenominal and predicate adjec-
tive position, although there are exceptions as you will see below. The adjec-
tives that can occupy object complement position are severely limited by the
semantics of complex transitive verbs, and postnominal adjectives are also
highly constrained.
PRENOMINAL ADJECTIVES
A prenominal adjective can modify virtually any noun, regardless of its po-
sition in the sentence. In a sentence like This is a risky business, risky is not a
predicate adjective, even though it appears in the predicate. Risky precedes and
modifies the noun business and the entire NP, a risky business, is a predicate
nominative. Similarly, an adjective which precedes a direct object noun (as in
I hate a risky business) is not an object complement. This term is reserved for ad-
jectives that follow the noun head of the direct object; furthermore, object com-
plements usually occur with complex transitive verbs.
Prenominal adjectives are sometimes called attributive. This terminology
is somewhat misleading, however, because adjectives in other positions also
attribute some quality to the noun head they modify.
While most adjectives can occur in both prenominal and predicate adjec-
tive position, a few are limited to one position or the other. The adjectives that
are limited to prenominal position fall into four general categories:
As you saw above, some noun forms can function as prenominal adjec-
tivesthefreshman class, the city park, county jail, the garden gate. Many of these
sound ungrammatical or at best odd in predicate adjective position*theclass
was freshman, *the park was city, ??the jail was county, *the gate was garden. Crim-
inal court means something very different from The court was criminal. I sus-
pect the reason for this discrepancy lies in the grammatical differences be-
170 Modification
Even adjectives that have been derived from nouns via derivational mor-
phology occasionally resist predicate adjective position. We speak of atomic sci-
entists but no one would say *Those scientists are atomic; Jack the Ripper was de-
scribed as a serial killer but no journalist would have written that "The killer
was serial." The phrase presidential assistant means something quite different
from the assistant was presidential. On the other hand, many other adjectives de-
rived from nouns are perfectly comfortable in predicate adjective position
The baby is hungry; This book is scholarly; That sport is dangerous.
Complex expressions can sometimes be used as prenominal adjectives, es-
pecially in informal conversation.
As you saw above, adjectives derived from past participles readily occupy
predicate adjective positionThemirror is cracked; That chair is broken. Since past
participle adjectives encode states, they can also follow copulas other than be
That chair looks broken; This lens seems cracked; That C.D. sounds scratched. How-
ever, adjectives derived from present participles behave quite differently, due
to the semantic differences between past and present participles. As you have
already seen, the condition described by a past participle is a resultant state; a
cracked mirror has already been cracked. A present participle, however, describes
an ongoing condition; a babbling baby is still in the process of babbling. As a re-
Modification of the Noun and Noun Phrase 171
suit, any present participle that directly follows be will simply be interpreted
as a component part of the progressiveThe baby is babbling. Present partici-
ples never follow other copulas either*That baby seems babbling; *That boy
sounds screaming; *It appears snowing.
Noninherent adjectives constitute a special class that can only be used
prenominally. In most cases an adjective names some quality held by the noun
being modified. Noninherent adjectives, however, do not actually describe the
following noun, but rather another, related noun. In a sentence like Terence is
a big fool, the speaker is not describing the stature of Terence, but rather the ex-
tent of his foolishness. An expression like my old friend refers to the length of the
friendship, not to the age of the friend; even a child can have an old friend. At-
tila is a poor loser means that Attila is poor at losing, not that he is short of funds
and a wooden actor is one whose acting is wooden, not a marionette. When a
noninherent adjective is moved to predicate adjective position, its meaning
changes and it loses its noninherent status. The meaning of old in my old room-
mate is quite different from that of old in My roommate is old.
Former, previous, and late are also prenominal adjectives that don't appear
in predicate adjective position.
PREDICATE ADJECTIVES
As you saw in Chapter 1, predicate adjectives always follow copulas and
constitute one type of subject complement.
172 Modification
There is a set of adjectives all of which begin with a- (asleep, afraid, ablaze, afloat,
alive, ashamed, etc.) that readily occur in predicate adjective position but do not
occur prenominally. Phrases like *the afraid child, *the asleep baby, and *the afloat
raft are ungrammatical. Afraid and ashamed both derive from the past partici-
ple forms of now archaic verbs, while asleep, ablaze, afloat, and alive derive from
very old prepositional phrase constructionsonsleep, on blaze, on float, and on
life. It is certainly not surprising that adjectives derived from prepositional
phrases cannot occur prenominally, since prepositional phrases themselves
never occur in prenominal position*the on fire house, *the in the box cookies.
Well, meaning "healthy/7 does not, as a rule, occur prenominally, although "well
baby clinics" exist in some communities.
There are other constraints on predicate adjectives. Some can co-occur with
both stative and dynamic verbs and others cannot. As you saw in Chapter 3,
adjectives that describe relatively permanent states do not follow the progres-
sive. *Nate is being tall is unacceptable under most circumstances, but Nate is
being noisy is fine. Normally an English speaker would not say *Danica is being
musical or *James is being thin, since being thin and being musical are long-term
qualities. Adjectives which describe relatively permanent states are called sta-
tive. Thus, a sentence like Jessica is smart contains both a stative copula and a
stative predicate adjective.
Of course some adjectives can be used to describe both permanent and
short-term states. As we have already seen in Chapter 3, a short-term state can
be communicated by the use of the progressiveYoursister is being obnoxious;
Those boys are being mean.
Unlike prenominal adjectives, predicate adjectives are rarely stacked. That
old, tan couch is mine is fine but *That couch is tan, old is unacceptable unless
there is a significant pause between tan and old.
In each of these sentences the prepositional phrase helps the hearer identify
the referent of the NP. A sentence like The little girl is my niece is not especially
informative if the room is filled with little girls, and a speaker who hears The
house burned down last night will have no idea which house. In the section on
determiners, I discussed the fact that the typically has anaphoric reference; it
is used with entities that have already been introduced into the discourse. How-
ever, in the sentences above, the has cataphoric reference. The prepositional
phrase tells the hearer which entity is being referred to; in the blue dress, with
the freckles, and across the street restrict the possible referents to one (presum-
ably). As you will see in Chapter 5, restrictive relative clauses have much the
same function.
In example (a), considered means "to think about" or "mull over"; it's a dynamic
verb in this context. But in (b), the object complement forces us to reinterpret
considered as a stative verb meaning loosely "to judge."
LIMITERS
In the following sentences the items in boldface are limiters. They limit the
hearer's attention to the noun phrase that follows and exclude other possibil-
ities. Like downtoners, limiters modify the entire NP. Unlike the other modi-
fying structures in this section, limiters can modify proper nouns.
As you will see later, intensifies, downtoners, and limiters can also modify ad-
jectives, adverbs, and verbs.
GRADABILITY
As you have already seen, some adjectives can be inflected with compar-
ative and superlative suffixes and others require the periphrastic forms more
and most. While {-er} and more and {-est} and most communicate the notions
"greater" and "greatest," respectively, less and least accomplish the same thing
on a descending scale Otto is less friendly than Frieda; Max is the least friendly.
176 Modification
Comparative and superlative forms of all types require a context for compar-
ison. They are always anaphoric or cataphoric. In the following sentences the
context for the comparison is in boldface.
off, a put on, a turnover (in pastry or basketball). Present participles sometimes
function as the second element of a compound nounchannelcrossing, bungee
jumping, ice fishing. Compounds can be found in other grammatical categories
as well. Among adjectives we find pigheaded, foolproof, bloodthirsty, and out-to-
lunch and among verbs typeset, stir fry, spot weld, sidestep, and broadcast.
In a written text, a phrase like French history teacher is ambiguous. If history
teacher is a compound noun, then French modifies the entire compound, e.g.,
[French [history teacher]]. If, however, this individual is a teacher of French
history, the internal structure is different, e.g., [French history [teacher]]. In
speech, pauses and stress usually make the meaning clear.
Since compounds often depend heavily on metaphor, their meanings are
sometimes opaque. A non-native speaker would have difficulty interpreting a
hotbed of discontent or a highbrow publication. A soft spot for animals has a dis-
tant semantic relationship to a soft spot on the ground. Over time, the underly-
ing structure of even relatively straightforward compounds can become muddy.
Most English speakers have lost sight of the fact that a cupboard was literally a
board on which cups were placed. Sometimes the nature of the referent changes;
these days a lighthouse is often just a tower made of steel beams. Very few Eng-
lish speakers know that daisy derives from an Old English compound dcegeseage
[day's eye], garlic from gar leac (spear leek), warlock from wserloga (oath breaker),
and lord from hldfweard (loaf ward, i.e., the protector of the bread).
We have already seen that adjective plus noun constructions embody many
different semantic relationships. The same is true for the elements of a com-
pound. Alligator shoes are made from alligator skins, horse shoes are made for
horses, and running shoes are made to facilitate running but are worn only by
people. A lumberyard sells lumber, a lumber mill cuts timber into lumber, and a
lumberjack cuts down trees that will be made into lumber (or paper). A bench-
warmer warms the bench by sitting on it, while a babysitter sits with, not on, the
baby. A song called "Why Don't a Tow Truck Haul Toes?" (Penn, 1997) exploits
the variable semantics of compound constructions. (Unfortunately, this pun
loses force when written.)
Occasionally a compound is formed by an NP and a word that was origi-
nally a postnominal adjective, i.e., an adjective that follows the noun. Such com-
pounds tend to refer to quasi-legal or governmental entitiespresidentelect, the
body politic, an attorney general, the heir apparent. Just as in conventional com-
pounds, the stress here falls on the original modifying element, which in this
case is the second word in the compoundpresidentelect, body politic.
predictable positions in the noun phrase. While there is no sure algorithm for
adjective order, English speakers tend to exploit the following pattern:
In actual speech, stress and pauses will probably disambiguate the phrase.
We tend to pause a bit more between adjectives of equal status. (This pause
can be signaled by a comma in edited English.) The following exchange, al-
legedly between two state representatives, was passed around the Internet. It
underscores the potential for ambiguity in structures with multiple modifiers.
When gradable adjectives are modified, they can express a quality in terms
of degree. A painting can be more or less beautiful than another painting, an ath-
lete can be too tall or not tall enough, and music can be sort of loud or really loud.
We use various kinds of degree modifiers to express these differences includ-
ing intensifiers and downtoners.
Modification of the Noun and Noun Phrase 181
Intensifiers
Intensifies are ubiquitous in English. We have already seen that very plays
this role; forms like absolutely, really, totally, and extremely have exactly the same
functiona very loud noise; an extremely irritating child; a totally awesome ex-
perience; a really nice woman; a terribly bad accident. So can be used as an in-
tensifies but only with predicate adjectives and object complementsYouare
so smart; Gwen is so lucky; Tom finds Lena so annoying. In New England wicked
is often employed as an intensifierIt's wicked cold out today and in England
bloody serves this same functionThat was bloody rude. Stark can be used as
an intensifier, but usually only with the adjective naked The swimmers were
stark naked. Super has been an informal intensifier for decadesThis is a super
good school. American teenagers often use way as an intensifierThat was way
cool.
Note that many of these intensifiers are closely related semantically to in-
tensifying adjectives, and a number of them can be formed by simply adding
(-ly) to the appropriate adjective.
Like their adjective counterparts, intensifiers like terribly, awfully, and horribly
are not as semantically neutral as other intensifiers. They are usually used to
intensify negative or unpleasant meaningsIt's horribly wet out; He's terribly
sick; Jennifer looks awfully unhappy. ?She is terribly beautiful is an odd sentence
for many speakers, although it is acceptable to some.
When an intensifier modifies an adjective, it becomes part of an adjective
phrase.
Downtoners
Some adjective modifiers are downtoners. Intensifiers and downtoners
aren't really distinct categories; they constitute a semantic continuum and as
one shades into the other, it is sometimes hard to assign a semantic label. A
man who is really angry is angrier than a man who is somewhat angry. A very
easy exam is easier than a pretty easy exam, but two speakers might reasonably
182 Modification
disagree on whether a pretty easy exam is easier or harder than an easy exam. I
would prefer a doctor who is competent to one that was somewhat competent, but
should I prefer a blind date who is handsome to one who is rather handsome?
YouTl recognize many of these words and phrases in this section as the same
forms that "downtone" noun phrases
The downtoner bit must always be used with the indefinite article She is
a bit upset, unless bit is preceded by a superlative form, in which case the su-
perlative is preceded by theHe isn't the slightest bit jealous; She isn't the least
bit contrite. Although this construction can occur in affirmative sentencesShe's
the tiniest bit mad, it most often appears in negatives.
As you can see, in the first diagram far more modifies intelligent and far
modifies more. The second diagram contains another level of nesting; so mod-
Modification of the Noun and Noun Phrase 183
ifies much, so much modifies the comparative form more and so much more mod-
ifies outgoing.
Comparative and superlative adjective constructions can be preceded by a
variety of degree modifiers.
predicate nominative
Adjective C o m p l e m e n t s
Predicate adjectives are often followed by prepositional phrases that are clearly
working with the adjective in a single grammatical structure. Such preposi-
tional phrases are called adjective complements. The relationship of the prepo-
sitional phrase to the preceding adjective is semantically rather like the rela-
tionship of a direct object to the preceding verb. In a sentence like Kate is fond
of Henry, fond of Henry is an adjective phrase containing an adjective head fond
and its complement of Henry.
In the following sentences the adjective complements are in boldface.
Manny is rather tall. Joe dances rather well. I rather like Mitzi.
This is sort of He smiled sort of I sort of enjoyed
suspicious. sweetly. the party.
The place is fairly I hit the nail fairly She fairly sailed
clean. hard. out of the room.
[British English]
A d j u n c t Adverbs
Adjunct is general term that refers to any item (or person) that functions in an
auxiliary capacity. In linguistics it is typically used to describe an optional el-
ement, one that is not essential to the acceptability of the utterance. In this sec-
tion, I'm going to use the term in a restricted sense to refer to a large class of
adverbial constructions. Although these adverbs are usually optional, there will
be a few constructions in which they are required. (An adjunct is optional only
in that it is not required for grammaticality; adjuncts provide crucial informa-
tion in the discourse.)
Adjuncts are integrated into the sentence or clause in which they appear
(Quirk et al., 1972, p. 421). They usually (but not always) appear in the predi-
cate and they usually modify some or all of the VP, although it is not always
easy to specify the exact modification relationship. Adjuncts can be stacked up.
A given simple sentence can contain only one subject, one direct object (or al-
ternatively one subject complement), one indirect object, but it can contain a
number of adjuncts. All of the adverbs discussed in this section are adjuncts.
You will see later how adjuncts differ from two other types of adverbsdis-
juncts and conjuncts.
Intensifiers often co-occur with psych-verbs, though they can modify other
verb types. As you will see, some intensifiers are quite narrowly constrained
in terms of context. Really is the most versatile intensifying adjunct.
Downtoners are usually quite flexible. Note that a bit can be used as a down-
toner when it appears in an affirmative utterance.
(Really can be considered an adjunct in all but the last of the above examples.)
Limiting adjuncts focus the hearer on a narrow or literal interpretation of
188 Modification
the verb. They are often used when the speaker wants to undercut a stronger
implication.
Note that just can function as both an intensifier and a limiter. In I just hate him,
it's clearly an intensifier and in I just dislike him [I don't despise him], it's a lim-
Adverbs of Place
Adverbs of place indicate where someone / thing is located or where an
event takes place. Adverbs of place usually answer the question where? These
adverbs are typically prepositional phrases but can also be single lexical items.
Adverbs of place often but not always occur with verbs that reflect states rather
than actions. (Although adverbs of place are technically complements rather
than adjuncts when they occur with copula be, I am including them in this sec-
tion since they so clearly have the same semantic functions as other locative
adverbs.)
Carol is outside.
She has been living there a long time.
Here and there can express both anaphora and deixis. The father who yells
"Come here" at his child is exploiting only deixis. But the teenager who says
to her friend, "I am over at Anne's house. Do you want to come over here?" is
exploiting both deixis and anaphora, Anne's house being the anaphoric referent
for here. If a friend says "I'm going to the new club on the beach tonight," and
you reply with "I wouldn't be caught dead there," you are exploiting both
anaphora and deixis.
Adverbs of Direction
Adverbs of direction indicate just thatthedirection in which an entity is
going or the path that it takes. Unlike adverbs of place, adverbs of direction
must co-occur with dynamic verbs. Adverbs of direction typically include a
preposition that inscribes an actual direction in space: up, doion, over, under,
around, through, across, into.
obviously means "up the stairs." In each of the following sentences, the object
of the preposition can be deleted as long as the NP is reasonably clear from the
rest of the discourse.
The train comes through town at midnight.
Walk around the muddy spot.
You can climb up the tree by yourself.
A car drove past our house late last night.
Let's saunter by your boyfriend's place.
Nicole nearly fell off the monkey bars.
Place adverbs are far less flexible in this regard. In general the object of the
preposition must be expressed in such constructions*Edwinsat on; *The chil-
dren played in; *She stood beside. There are, however, a few contexts in which a
conventionally understood object can be omitted, e.g., Your shirt is hanging out
[of your pants], and motorcycle racers often talk of hanging off [the motorcycle seat].
Many single-word adverbs and some prepositional phrases can function
as both adverbs of place and adverbs of direction Note the contrasting verbs
in each set.
goal to be a separate semantic category but that will not concern us here.) In
other cases, adverbs of direction simply indicate a pathShedrove across the
bridge; They strolled through the garden. All direction adverbs can be preceded
by other modifiersRobinwalked straight into the house; The children walked di-
rectly to school; We drove straight east.
The more metaphorical and idiomatic the construction, the harder it is to choose
an appropriate grammatical category for the prepositional phrase.
The first sentence in each pair contains an adverb of direction, which de-
scribes some sort of path. The second sentence in each pair communicates the
192 Modification
notion that this path has been completely traversed. As linguist Beth Levin
(1993, p. 44) has pointed out, the prepositional phrase usually has a "partitive"
interpretation, while the NP has "holistic" interpretation, i.e., They climbed the
[whole] mountain. Locative direct objects sometimes suggest that the subject
has accomplished a feat. One might make the Guinness Book of Records for climb-
ing a mountain, but lots of people climb up mountains.
This contrast between direct objects and directional prepositional phrases
occurs in other contexts as well. In Mary poked her brother, it is clear that phys-
ical contact was made, while this is less clear in Mary poked at her brother. At
often occurs in constructions in which the intent of the agent isn't realized or
the action has an inconclusive result. (Goldberg, 1995, pp. 63-64).
Locative Inversion
Sometimes intransitive verbs allow locative inversion. This occurs when
a sentence initial locative adverb is followed directly by the verb, i.e., the sub-
ject and verb are inverted. Locative inversion often has an exclamatory char-
acterHere comes trouble! There goes the most obnoxious employee in the office. It
can also be used to present someone in a social situationHere is my old Eng-
lish teacher Yd like you to meet her. Occasionally it is used to introduce unex-
pected participants or items into the discourse (Givon, 1993b, p. 209). This is
especially true in traditional narratives like fairy tales, which is why the last
two examples in the following set sound a bit archaic. These examples contain
both exclamatory and presentation types of locative inversion.
verbs of place. Around the corner came Nell is far more acceptable than ?On the
table danced Nell. But even adverbs of place can trigger locative inversion when
the verb is stativeIn the corner sat a wizened old man.
As you may recall from Chapter 1, locative inversion represents marked
(i.e., non-prototypical) word order. Marked word order always has a special
communicative function and that is certainly the case in these examples.
TEMPORAL ADVERBS
English has at least four different types of adverbs related to time. Like
locative adverbs, temporal adverbs take a variety of formssingle words,
prepositional phrases, and complex clauses (which will be discussed in Chap-
ter 5).
Time frame bounded I should arrive between five and six o'clock.
on two sides
She lived here sometime between 1992
and 1994.
Vague time frame My mother was promoted recently.
1 will do the dishes later.
I plan to visit Mr. Kuno in Japan someday.
I haven't seen Paul lately.
As you can see, some time adverbs are deictic and some are not. Deictic ad-
verbs like tomorrow, yesterday, today, last Tuesday, and a year ago are all interpreted
relative to the time of speaking. On Monday, yesterday is Sunday and tomor-
row is Tuesday; but on Tuesday, yesterday is Monday and tomorrow is Wednes-
day. Cyclical time adverbs like days of the week and months of the year are also
deictic. While Beth is arriving Tuesday may seem to express a straightforward
time frame, there are countless future Tuesdays and the hearer will automati-
cally pick the one following the time of speaking. Adverbs that express recur-
ring events are not deictic, however. If I tell you that "In the Alaskan bush the
mail plane comes on Tuesdays," you don't need to know the time of speaking
to interpret this utterance; presumably the mail plane comes every Tuesday.
Now and then are both deictic, and then is anaphoric as well. The time frame
in a sentence like Jason was working in Scotland then is impossible to interpret
unless that time frame has been established elsewhere in the discourseWe
lived in Northumberland in 1970s; Jason was working in Scotland then. Now always
refers to an event which is occurring or imminentIam doing the dishes now;
I'll fix your computer now. Then typically refers to a future or past time relatively
distant from the time of utteranceThe rainy season will end in a month; I will
fix the roof then, although there certainly are occasions when then refers to the
immediate futureThegame ends in one minute; I'll take out the garbage then.
Adverbs of time can sometimes be modified by limitersThebaby was born
just an hour ago; Beth arrived only last night. Adverbs expressing vague time
frames can also be modified by intensifiers and downtonersAlancame a bit
early; They moved into this house very recently; Mary Pat arrived somewhat later.
Since the present perfect typically involves present time in some way, ad-
verbs that specify a particular past time- cannot co-occur with this construction.
A speaker cannot say "Rosie has been to Russia in 1990" or "I have been to the
dentist yesterday." If I say "I have been to the library this morning," it must
still be morning. The present perfect does appear with adverbs that include
present time1have washed four loads of clothes today; Martin has read two chap-
ters so far; Georgia has been here since noon; I've seen Maggie twice this week. It
also co-occurs with adverbs that reflect the recent pastMygreat aunt has been
Adjunct Adverbs 195
sick recently; Silas has just arrived; I haven't seen Renee lately. (Lately often occurs
in negatives and questions.)
Adverbs of Duration
Adverbs of duration specify how long an event or state lasts. They typi-
cally answer the question how long? and usually take the form of prepositional
phrases, noun phrases, or clauses. Remember that unlike the simple past tense,
the perfect typically expresses a time frame with duration. It is not surprising
then that adverbs of duration constitute one of the most important strategies
for constraining the time frames communicated by the perfect, although they
can appear in other constructions as well.
Adverbs of Frequency
Adverbs of frequency specify the frequency with which an event occurs.
They typically answer the question how often? Nouns referring to time units
can often be transformed into adverbs of frequency by adding an {-ly} suffix
hourly, daily, weekly, monthly, yearly (but not *minutely). Adverbs of frequency
can range from common occurrencesusually, continually to few or zero oc-
currencesseldom,rarely, never.
There are some time adverbs that don't fall into any of the above categories.
These adverbs usually communicate a time frame which is relative to some
other time frame and the semantics are sometimes quite complex. (Some gram-
marians call these aspectual adverbs because they communicate information
about the relative time frame.) None of these adverbs comfortably answers the
adverbial questions when? how long? and how often?
The adverb first communicates the fact that Galina has visited Budapest
more than once and, in conjunction with a clause which expresses a point in
time, indicates the time frame of the initial visit. Finally doesn't indicate an ac-
tual time frame but suggests that it took Isabel an excessive amount of time to
turn in her paper. Still suggests an unspecified duration and underscores the
fact that circumstances have not changed, while anymore, which co-occurs with
a negative verb, suggests that circumstances have changed. (In some dialects,
anymore can be used in an affirmative sentence to mean "these days"People
just throw their trash out the window anymore.)
Again reflects an activity that has occurred an unspecified number of times
but more than once, while yet, which usually occurs with a negative verb, sug-
gests a time frame that is still open.
Adjunct Adverbs 197
By June 30, the iron frame was put together and the skins . . . had been pre-
pared. In the morning, the sewing together of the skins over the frame would
begin. Meanwhile, the portage was within two days of completion. Soon the
expedition would be rolling up the river again, (p. 245)
This brief paragraph contains five temporal adverbs, each of which places some
portion of the narrative in a different time frame. ("[W]ithin two days" is a
temporal expression but not technically an adverb.)
Of course time is always an important element in a biography, a history,
or a personal narrative. But even in conversation, speakers are constantly ma-
nipulating temporal adverbs. Consider this exchange from Patricia Cornwall's
novel From Potter's Field (1995). (Boldface added.)
"Mr. Gault," I said. "Do you have any idea where your daughter is now?"
"Well, she eventually went out on her own four or five years ago when Luther
passed on. We usually hear from her at Birthdays, Christmas, whenever the
mood strikes."
"Did you hear from her this Christmas?" I asked.
"Not directly on Christmas day, but a week or two before." (p. 307)
ADVERBS OF MANNER
Adverbs of manner indicate the manner or style in which the subject of the
sentence acts or is acted upon. Adverbs of manner are often formed by simply
adding the {-ly} suffix to an adjective formboldly, loudly, obnoxiously, coldly,
gracefully, recklessly, quickly, carelessly, etc. Adverbs that are derived in this way
are typically gradableThey danced very gracefully, She drove really recklessly.
There are also a few uninflected one-word adverbs of manner that are grad-
ableSheruns really fast. A prepositional phrase headed by the preposition like
or with can be used to construct an adverb of mannerHedrives like a maniac;
She writes with great flair. (As you will see in Chapter 5, clauses can also func-
tion in this way.) Adverbs of manner answer the question how? but it is im-
198 Modification
portant to distinguish them from adverbs of means, which also answer this
question.
As you can see, adverbs of manner most often occur with agent subjects
but they can also occur with patient, causer, and even instrument subjects. Sen-
tences containing experiencer subjects seldom occur with adverbs of manner,
in large part because such sentences reflect private, internal states, and it's hard
to attribute manner to a state. Sentences like She thought longingly about her chil-
dren are certainly possible, however.
In Chapter 3 you examined the structure of pseudo-passives, constructions
that are active in form and passive in meaning. Almost all pseudo-passives con-
tain adverbs of manner and they often depend on these adverbs for grammat-
icality.
If the adverbs are removed, these sentence lose their acceptability for most
speakers?Cotton washes; ??These shirts iron; ??Tangerines peel; ??This software
loads. If a contrasting context is provided, grammaticality can often be re-
storedCottonwashes but wool doesn't; This software loads but that other disk is de-
fective.
Adjunct Adverbs 199
ADVERBS OF MEANS
Adverbs of means indicate by what means or method an action is carried
out. When an agent, causer, or instrument appears in a position other than sub-
ject, it is usually an adverb of means. The by prepositional phrase of a passive
is always an adverb of means, since the agent/ causer /instrument of the active
always becomes the object of by in the corresponding passive. However, as you
will see in the following examples, not all agent/causer/instrument by prepo-
sitional phrases occur in the passive. With prepositional phrases are often (but
not always) instruments. Adverbs derived from adjectives with the suffix {-ly}
can also function as adverbs of means.
(Quirk et al., 1972, pp. 459-61). Some grammarians would argue that She got the
goods illegally contains an adverb of manner, while She got the goods by illegal means
contains an adverb of means; yet, the two utterances are very close in meaning.
ADVERBS OF REASON/PURPOSE
Adverbs of reason/purpose indicate why or to what purpose something
occurs. They usually answer the question why? These two semantic categories
are often grouped together because there is a great deal of semantic overlap.
ADVERBS OF RESULT
Occasionally a prepositional phrase will indicate a result.
Adverbs of result have a lot in common with other constructions that ex-
press results, including object complementsTheirtaunting drove the child crazy.
Adjunct Adverbs 201
ADVERBIAL PROFORMS
Since the term pronoun contains the root noun, it isn't appropriate to use
this label to refer to words that substitute for other parts of speech. Linguists
have coined the all-purpose term proform for a small word that substitutes
for another word or construction. (A pronoun is simply one type of proform.)
Just as pronouns are noun substitutes, adverbial proforms are adverb substi-
tutes. Adverbial proforms are ubiquitous in zuh questions and, as you will see
in Chapter 5, they also occur in dependent clauses of a particular type. Ad-
verb proforms can participate in any kind of adjunct construction except lim-
iters. In the following examples the function of the proform is indicated in
brackets.
As you can see, the proform how often acts as a degree modifier within a larger
adverbial construction. Like the other interrogative words, modifier how moves
to sentence initial position in a question but it brings with it the form that it
modifies. How can also be used to modify any quantifier that expresses a non-
specific quantity.
The fact that all of these sentences are about communication of some sort and
that the participants are not necessarily in proximity suggests that more than
"accompaniment" is at stake. Yet another semantic category may be in order.
Creating semantic categories for all the possible adjuncts in English is a
daunting task. It's not surprising that linguists disagree about what criteria
should be used to create these categories and where the semantic boundaries
should be drawn.
MOVABILITY OF ADJUNCTS
While adjuncts rather naturally follow the verb, they can occur in other po-
sitions in English sentences. As a class, adjuncts can occupy three positions
sentence initial, before the lexical verb, and somewhere after the lexical verb.
Temporal adverbs are particularly flexible. Many of them can occur at the be-
ginning of a sentence as well as at the end.
Some one-word temporal adverbs can occur before the lexical verbThe
train is now arriving; Alicia often arrives late; Bill occasionally washes the dishes;
Henrietta seldom drinks. Never, seldom and rarely can occur in sentence initial
position only if the subject and auxiliary are invertedNever have 1 eaten so
much fudge; Seldom have J been so well treated; Rarely have we been invited to their
home. As you have already seen, subject/auxiliary inversion is often exclama-
tory and that is certainly the case here. Never does not appear in sentence final
position.
Locative adverbs are less flexible than temporal adverbs and adverbs of di-
rection are less flexible than adverbs of place. In the yard, the kids were playing
badminton is far more acceptable than ??Into the yard he drove his car. In general,
however, locative adverbs are most likely to occur in the predicate.
While adverbs of manner and adverbs of means usually occur after the VP,
a single-word adverb can sometimes be found before the lexical verb, even in
204 Modification
a passiveShesecretly dug the hole; The mole was surgically removed; They have
surreptitiously transferred those funds.
One-word adverbs of manner are quite flexible in terms of word order.
Those ending in the {-ly} suffix can usually occupy all three of the positions
discussed above.
On the other hand, prepositional phrase manner adverbs almost always fol-
low the lexical verbSheplays tennis like a professional; He lectures with great
enthusiasm. *Like a professional she plays tennis is ungrammatical for most
speakers.
Last night they argued loudly for an hour in the dining room.
[time] [manner] [duration] [place]
Summary of adjuncts
(a) (b)
Charley sleeps nude. The river froze solid.
Mary arrived drunk. The box broke open.
They emerged from the building alive. A door slammed shut.
Cassie walked into the room mad.
In each of these sentences the adjective reflects a state that results from the
action of the verb. Some grammarians call these adjectives adjuncts rather than
object complements because they are not required for grammaticality.
There is another construction that seems structurally related to the last set
of examples but it has some odd characteristics. Take a look at the following
sentences.
These, too, look like object complement constructions, except that none of these
verbs are complex transitive and cry and talk are actually intransitive. In each
case the verb is followed by a reflexive pronoun and, while that pronoun looks
like a direct object, it's not doing the things reflexive objects normally do: an
individual can't cry himself talk herself or drink herself. These reflexives have
been appropriately called "fake objects" (Goldberg, 1995, p. 192). In each of
these sentences the adjective is actually describing the state that the subject
achieves as a result of the verb. I will label these adjectives adjuncts because
all of the them can be paraphrased as temporal adverbial clausesJustincried
until he became sick; Minnie drank until she became unconscious; Trudy talked
until she was hoarse.
Disjuncts
Disjuncts are a separate category from adjuncts. Disjuncts are so labeled be-
cause they don't modify structures within the sentence and they generally stand
apart at the beginning of the sentence. In other words, disjuncts are to some
Disjuncts 209
extent "disjoined" from the rest of the utterance. Some linguists call disjuncts
sentence modifiers but this label overstates the modification relationship. As
you will soon see, style disjuncts don't modify the sentence at all. (Don't con-
fuse this use of the term disjunct with disjunction in formal logic and seman-
tics.)
ATTITUDE DISJUNCTS
English speakers can use an adverb to express an attitude toward the propo-
sition contained in the sentence. In an utterance like Foolishly, Joan quit school,
the proposition is Joan quit school while foolishly is an "editorial" comment
made by the speaker, i.e., the speaker thinks that Joan's action was foolish. Typ-
ically, attitude adverbs occur first in the utterance and are followed by a pause
(represented by a comma in written text); occasionally they occur last in the
utterance and are preceded by a pause.
STYLE DISJUNCTS
When a speaker exploits a style adverb, s/he is indicating in what mode
the sentence is being uttered, i.e., the speaker is being frank, truthful, honest,
etc. In the film version of Gone With the Wind, when Rhett Butler says to Scar-
lett O'Hara, "Frankly, my dear, I don't give a damn," he indicates his discourse
style, i.e., he is being frank. One might paraphrase a style adverb as "I am
210 Modification
speaking to you ly," although not all style adverbs end in {-ly}. Style dis-
juncts don't modify the content of the sentence in any way
Sometimes the same form can function as both an adverb of manner and a dis-
junct. Consider the contrasting meanings in the following sentence pairs.
In each case the adverb of manner modifies the verb that precedes it, while the
disjunct has no impact whatsoever on the grammar of the sentence.
EPISTEMIC DISJUNCTS
Epistemic adverbs function very much like epistemic auxiliaries. They con-
vey the speaker's assessment of the possibility or probability that a proposi-
tion is true. Like the various types of speaker comment adverbs discussed
above, they are usually, but not always, sentence initial.
Summary of disjuncts
Conjuncts
Conjuncts are adverbs that help us organize discourse. Like conjunctions, con-
juncts join elements of an utterance together. As you will see in Chapter 5, con-
junctions typically conjoin sentences and elements within sentences. Conjuncts,
on the other hand, conjoin larger units of discourse. You will see below that
conjuncts are typically used only in the context of two or more sentences.
SEQUENCING CONJUNCTS
In discourse, events normally proceed forward in time (Schiffrin, 1987, p.
250) and we often use conjuncts to organize events serially. Conjuncts are es-
pecially evident in relatively formal discourse. They are used to organize steps
in a process, events in a sequence of events, and points in an argument.
First we place the acid in the test tube. Next we heat it over a lowflame. Finally we
pour the acid into the beaker.
In the first place, the treaty has inadequate inspection provisions. Second, we do not
have the resources to monitor compliance. And third, this government cannot be
trusted.
The computer starts by drawing a vertical line. Then the line branches into
two. Then each of the branches splits into two sub-branches. Then each of the
sub-branches splits into sub-sub-branches and so on. (p. 51)
212 Modification
So first, I played with the b- the twins, who're two and half. And uh. I went
on the beach with them. Then when they went ho- off eh for their, nap, I:- then
I gave the younger son uh . . . attention. So it was quite hectic on Saturday . . .
and then we babysat Saturday night, (p. 251)
Out on the range the wranglers were trying to round up all the stray cows. It was
cold and windy. Meanwhile, back at the ranch, Roy and Dale were repairing fences.
The following passage from Elmore Leonard's novel Out of Sight (1996) ex-
ploits a commonly used, informal reinforcing conjunct. (Boldface added.)
"Like I said, I walked away from prison myself one time . . ." (p. 71)
RESULTING CONJUNCTS
As the label implies, resulting conjuncts communicate the results of events
in the preceding discourse.
Marcel didn't study for his finals. Consequently, he failed out of school.
Beryl wasn't wearing her seat belt. As a result, she was thrown from the
car.
Tom always treats me badly; therefore, I'm not inviting him to my party.
"I don't like that Blizzard theory at all" Janet said. .. . " Collectors know about
these things. . . . They'd know that Tano Pueblo still had its Lincoln Cane. And
so they'd know that the one they'd bought was a fake. . . ."
"So they couldn't brag about it. Or show it off/' Blizzard said. (p. 305)
"He said the reason he came to Florida was to see you. So I guess you spent
some time together." (p. 143)
This is what cumulative evolution is all about, although, because of our high
mutation rate, we have speeded it up here to unrealistic rates. Because of this,
Figure 4 looks more like a pedigree of species than a pedigree of individuals,
(p. 59)
TRANSITIONAL CONJUNCTS
Transitional conjuncts are used when a speaker wants to change the sub-
ject. They are rarely used in edited English since there are more formal ways
of signaling topic changes in written discourse, i.e., paragraphing, subtitles,
chapter divisions, etc. Conjuncts like the ones below usually occur in the mid-
dle of a conversation and can signal fairly dramatic topic changes.
A speaker who wants to move to a different but related topic might choose
as forMr. Borden is a nice guy. As for his daughter Lizzie, she's a bit strange.
CONCESSIVE CONJUNCTS
As we saw above, the term concessive describes a relationship between two
circumstance in which one circumstance is surprising in light of the other. Eng-
lish has a small inventory of concessive conjuncts.
But can be used concessively, even in contexts where one speaker is re-
sponding to the comments of another. In the following passage two characters
in Leonard's Out of Sight discuss a failed prison break. (Boldface added.)
"The only thing to stop anybody from leaving is a sign that says Off Limits.
Man, once I was pumped uplisten,they would've had to . . . chain me to a
wall to keep me there."
"But you didn't make it," Foley said. (pp. 60-61)
CONJUNCTS IN DISCOURSE
Some of the conjuncts discussed previously are used regularly in conver-
sation. This is especially true of the "little" wordsso,then, and but and tran-
sitional conjuncts like by the way. But conversation tends to be a somewhat dis-
organized affair with multiple participants, abrupt shifts in topic, and
interruptions. Speakers don't expect their conversations to be altogether or-
derly and don't necessarily worry about providing smooth transitions. But the
rules of formal, edited English require that a text be tightly organized and in
discourse of this sort, conjuncts are used frequently and systematically. In a
two-page sub-section of a popular linguistics book, the authors exploit five very
different conjuncts. (This passage is highly edited; boldface added.)
Summing Up 215
Summary of conjuncts
Summing Up
Thus far we have examined relatively simple grammatical structures. Our NPs
have contained determiners, adjectives, and noun heads, at most. Our most
complicated adverbial constructions have been prepositional phrases. But Eng-
lish speakers readily create far more complex sentences:
Nancy didn't like what Sid said to her while they were dancing and she told
him so.
Did you know that the man living downstairs thinks that the world is flat,
despite the fact that he is a science teacher?
Linguists are fond of saying that any human language contains an infinite num-
ber of possible sentences. The reason for this extraordinary potential is the re-
cursive quality of language; the same basic structures can be repeated over and
over again in a given sentence.
Clauses
217
218 Clauses: Coordination and Subordination
This terminology will seem more natural when we actually begin to examine
clause structure.
Subordinate clauses will usually contain a subordinator (sometimes called
a complementizer), one or more small function words or special suffixes that
signal that the following verb is not to be construed as the main verb of the
sentence. As you will see below, the most common subordinators are that, for,
{-ing}, infinitives, and proforms beginning with wh. Clauses can perform a great
many grammatical functionssubject, direct object, indirect object, subject
complement, object complement, adjective phrase, adverb, and some others
that I have not yet discussed. Once you have mastered the structures discussed
in the previous chapters, clauses are relatively simple. In general, they reca-
pitulate the structures of the simple sentence.
Conjoining
Recursion occurs in two different contexts. We can always add one structure
to another by conjoining two or more elements with a conjunction. Most gram-
marians recognize three conjunctions in Englishand,or, and but, although it
is not altogether clear that these three forms really constitute a coherent gram-
matical category.
CONJUNCTION AND
Conjunction and can be used to conjoin a variety of structures, from single
lexical items to sentences, i.e., independent clauses. Normally conjunction and
only joins the same structural types. When three or more items are conjoined
in edited English, and is used only between the last two. (This constraint does
not apply in spoken English.)
Most, but not all, grammatical categories can be conjoined with and.
Prenominal adjectives are typically stacked rather than coordinatedabeauti-
ful old photograph, although some can be coordinated quite comfortablyanold
and valuable locket; a mean and nasty person. Since predicate adjectives cannot be
stacked, they must be coordinatedThe child was tall and strong. Articles can-
not be conjoined under any circumstances and conjoined demonstratives are
usually unacceptable111want this and that book. Conjoined genitive deter-
miners are also problematic??This is his and her house; ??This is her and my
project. One reason conjoined demonstratives and genitives are marginal is that
we have separate lexical items for these functions, e.g., those, their, our. How-
ever, conjoined demonstratives and genitive determiners are reasonably ac-
ceptable if the speaker points to the referents while speaking, since the point-
ing gesture underscores the fact that the speaker wishes to separate out the
participants. Conjoined genitive NPs are perfectly acceptable, although the gen-
220 Clauses: Coordination and Subordination
itive marker generally appears only on the second NPCaroland Bob's house;
my aunt and uncle's car,
Typically, and is an additive conjunction; it adds information by adding a
word or construction of the same type. But the additive relationship between
the two (or more) coordinated constructions is often determined by social con-
vention. If I tell you that The kids ate spaghetti and meatballs, you will assume
that the meatballs were in (or on) the spaghetti, but you would not make the
same assumption in the case of The kids ate spaghetti and salad. Trish bought a
table and chairs suggests a (matched) set, but Trish bought some chairs and a table
does not. The phrase horse and carriage means that the horse pulls the carriage
but horse and rider clearly suggests a very different relationship. When two items
are routinely coordinated in discourse, they sometimes take on a conventional
orderbreadand butter; fish and chips; black and white; law and order; you and I.
In most of these cases the conventional order can be violatedI'll have butter
and bread, but the ordering constraint on you and I is exceptionally strong. *I
and you should fix this faucet is unacceptable in all dialects, but some speakers
do say "Me and you should fix this faucet."
In a few cases frequently coordinated items have taken on the status of id-
ioms, and in such constructions the order is never reversed.
Wined and dined is especially interesting because this predicate requires co-
ordination for grammaticality; the CEO cannot dine a client nor wine one. By
and large violates the usual rules of coordination, since it conjoins two entirely
different parts of speechapreposition and an adjective, and its meaning can
in no way be deduced from its lexical content.
As you saw in Chapter 3, when and conjoins predicates or sentences, it of-
ten suggests the temporal sequence of events. Since there are constraints on
"excessive" conjoining in edited English, speakers exploit and far more freely
than writers do. The following passages were recorded when subjects in a lin-
guistics experiment were asked to describe events that they had just seen in a
short film (Beaman, 1984). Each instance of and reflects the temporal organiza-
tion of the episode in question. (Boldface added.)
Conjoining 221
So one of the boys whistles to [the man], and stops him, and gives him his hat
back. (p. 55)
As they passed he turned to look at her, and his hat blew off. (p. 57)
And then he gets down out of the tree, and he dumps all his pears into the
basket, and the basket's full, and one of the pears drops to the floor, and he
picks it up, and he takes his kerchief off, and he wipes it off, and places it in
the basket which is very full. (p. 59)
In the final example, you can also see two examples of and used in a resulting
sense; "he dumps all his pears into the basket and [as a result] the basket's full,
and [as a result] one of the pears drops to the floor." Of course temporal se-
quencing and the expression of results are not incompatible semantic functions,
since causes invariably precede results.
Sometimes and can be used in a conditional sense, i.e., if A then B.
Note that in each of these examples, the subject of the initial clause is a covert
you, even though the first two sentences are not classic imperatives. (The first
speaker is not demanding that the hearer come closer.) Such sentences can be
paraphrased as conditional if clausesIf you come any closer, I'll scream.
With certain verbs and has a reciprocal meaning. In Chapter 3, I discussed
transitive reciprocal verbs, e.g., Alia resembles Julia. Some intransitive verbs take
on a reciprocal meaning when subject NPs are coordinated with and. Brenda
and Cathy argued means that Brenda argued with Cathy and Cathy argued with
Brenda. There are a number of verbs that express this kind of reciprocity when
the subject NPs are conjoined.
Language is often used iconically, i.e., the actual form of a word or con-
struction signals meaning. Onomatopoeic expressions like the nouns bow
wow and choo choo in child speech are classic examples of this and so is the
use of vowel elongation to signal intensificationLuba is sooo smart; Dick is
reeeally tall. Similarly, we often use coordinated structures to communicate
the notion "more" on some continuum; more words reflect more of some
other qualityNori talked and talked and talked and talked (more activity); The
bees stung Leah again and again and again (more frequency); The kite flew higher
222 Clauses: Coordination and Subordination
and higher (more direction); She became more and more agitated (greater inten-
sification).
CONJUNCTION OR
Like and, or is extremely flexible grammatically. It, too, can conjoin a vari-
ety of structures but, as a rule, a given instance of or conjoins only the same
types of structures.
Or often co-occurs with the correlative term, either and you will probably
find that many of the earlier examples sound better when either is included.
While either . . . or indicates that one alternative or the other is viable, nei-
ther . . . nor indicates that neither alternative is viable. In most cases a neither
. . . nor utterance can be paraphrased by an utterance in which two negative
propositions are coordinated by and I didn't see her and didn't call her last night;
Jane can't and won't help you.
While neither is not required for grammaticality in sentences containing nor,
the first of the coordinated structures must contain some sort of negative word.
Note that when two independent clauses are conjoined in this way, the word
order of the second is affected, i.e., the subject and the operator are inverted.
CONJUNCTION BUT
But is normally categorized as a conjunction, but it behaves quite differ-
ently from and and or. But is highly constrained in the kinds of structures it can
224 Clauses: Coordination and Subordination
coordinate. It does not conjoin nouns or noun phrases, one of the most com-
mon functions of the other two conjunctions; it occasionally conjoins modal
auxiliariesShecan but won't help me; it sometimes conjoins verbsShelikes but
fears her teacher; and it readily conjoins predicate adjectivesThey are poor but
happy. Most often but conjoins predicates and independent clauses. (As you saw
in Chapter 4, it is also used as a conjunct to organize larger pieces of discourse.)
But always suggests some sort of contrast and it is sometimes used con-
cessively to indicate that the second item is odd or unexpected in light of the
firstIeat very little but I'm gaining weight. A sentence like ?I eat very little but
I'm not gaining weight is strange precisely because the second sentence is not
unexpected given the content of its predecessor. I have a friend who routinely
makes jokes based on this unconventional use of but:
Because but typically expresses contrast, you will usually find a negative con-
struction in contrast with an affirmative one, as in these actual fragments of
conversation (Schiffrin, 1987). (Boldface in original.)
Henry: Now I don't want you to think that I'm biased, but this is the
way I was brought up. (p. 157)
Debby: And were you born in North Philadelphia?
Ira: No. I was born in uh inSouthPhiladelphia, but I moved to
North Philadelphia when I was a year old. (p. 159)
Jan: I can read Latin but I can't speak it. (p. 161)
Betsy wants candy or popcorn. Milan gave the job to Phil and Miriam.
Betsy wants candy or what? Milan gave the job to Phil and who?
Conjoining 225
*What does Betsy want *Who did Milan give the job to
candy or? Phil and?
In the above examples, one replaces missing NPs, while too replaces the
missing elements of the predicate, i.e., everything after the operator. If there is
no operator in the first clause, periphrastic do must appear in the second I like
ice cream and Kemp does, too. So also replaces missing elements of the predicate
but it functions in two distinct ways. It often behaves very much like too, re-
placing everything after the operator, although so also forces subject/operator
inversion in the second predicateIriscan program computers and so can Franny.
So can also replace a clausal direct object construction. In I hate Pam's boyfriend
and I told her so, so stands for the entire proposition "I hate Pam's boyfriend,"
i.e., I hate Pam's boyfriend and I told her [that I hate her boyfriend]. So usually oc-
curs with communication verbs, although psych-verbs are possibleBevthinks
that her office mate is an idiot and I know so. (Direct object clauses will be dis-
cussed in detail shortly.)
226 Clauses: Coordination and Subordination
Ellipsis can operate across separate sentences and even across speakers.
Consider this scene from Patricia Cornwall's novel From Potter's Field (1995),
which features a first person narrator and a second speaker.
In (b), the second speaker deletes the word cry, which is recoverable from the
narrator's first sentence, (a); in (c), the narrator maintains the deletion of cry
and also deletes about to, which is recoverable from (b).
Gapping is somewhat similar to ellipsis but it is a less common and more
highly constrained phenomenon. It occurs when the lexical verb is deleted from
the second of two coordinated structuresChuckordered beer and Mary Jane wine;
Lu Anne likes bulldogs and Judith poodles.
Embedding
direct object
The direct object of a verb within a that clause can be another that clause.
In the following sentence, the larger box represents the direct object of know,
while the smaller box represents the direct object of told. (The labels above the
nesting boxes refer to the structures of the main clause, while the labels below
the boxes refer to structures embedded within those larger structures.)
direct object
I know that Bob told Eve that Max had been fired
direct object
The following sentence contains yet another embedded direct object clause.
Nominal Clauses 111
direct object
This embedding process can be repeated over and over to produce (the-
oretically) an infinitely long sentence. But after a certain number of embed-
ded clauses, a sentence becomes hard to process, in large part because the
hearer simply can't recall all the earlier clausesI know that Bobby told Eve-
lyn that Max said that Joan had heard that Marsha felt that everyone knew that she
was a loser. Technically a sentence with two, three, twenty, or fifty such clauses
is possible. The limitation here is human memory, not the grammar of the
language.
You will notice that I often use the terms "higher" and "lower" in refer-
ring to clause structures. This terminology originated in generative grammars
in which embedded structures are lower on a tree diagram than the structures
that contain them. In the following example the subject Megan is lower in the
diagram than the subject she, while the verb knows is higher than the verb hates.
S
/ \
NP VP
/ / \
N V \
I | S'
She knows / ^
NP VP
I / \
N V NP
I I I
Megan hates N
meat
This terminology has become so standard that even syntacticians who do not
use tree diagrams exploit it.
N o m i n a l Clauses
As a class, clauses can perform most of the functions that simple NPs perform;
such clauses are called nominal, meaning that they are noun-like. There are,
however, constraints on individual types of nominal clauses, e.g., only one
clause type can function as an indirect object or an object complement and only
a few types can function as the objects of prepositions. Nominal clauses take a
number of different shapes and I will categorize them in terms of their subor-
dinates, i.e., those words and affixes that signal subordinate clause status.
228 Clauses: Coordination and Subordination
Nominal clauses are usually embedded within the main clause or another em-
bedded clause.
THAT CLAUSES
In that clauses the subordinator is the function word that. This that has no
semantic content and is unrelated to deictic demonstrative that and relative pro-
noun that, which will be introduced later in this chapter. Nominal that clauses
can function as subjects, direct objects, and predicate nominatives, structures
with which you are already familiar. 1
Apart from its subordinator, a that clause looks exactly like a main clause.
Its verb phrase is finite (i.e., it reflects tense) and it can contain the full range
of verbal morphology and auxiliaries. A that clause can contain any verb form
that a main clause can except for the imperative. In each of the following sen-
tences, the subordinate direct object clause contains something beyond a sim-
ple, tensed verb.
The tense of the main verb and the tense of the verb in the clause need not be
the sameWe know that she lied; We now think that she was an informant.
Like any clause, a direct object clause has its own internal structure. This is a
classic example of recursion, structures within structures.
Nominal Clauses
He'd realize that in the fall he would not be playing soccer. (Kidder, p. 154)
"I assume that primarily we're on the same team." (Kidder, p. 37)
Sharp-eyed, Mrs. K has noticed that Mrs. D. has another time glanced sur-
reptitiously at her wristwatch. (Oates, p. 229)
In most cases a direct object that clause can be replaced by a single pronoun.
There are, however, a few verbs that can take clausal direct objects but cannot
take simple NPs or pronouns. I insisted that Lindy leave is fine but *I insisted it
is ungrammatical. A simple NP direct object is possible only when the verb is
insist onI insisted on real butter; She insisted on it. (On is a verb particle here.)
The same phenomenon occurs with think. By itself, think typically takes only a
clausal direct objectIthink that Andrew will attend. Occasionally people say "I
thought it, but I didn't say it" or "Think snow!" but these are unusual con-
structions. (Cognate direct objects are possible with think1 think terrible
thoughts all the time; Think good thoughts.) As a rule, a nonclausal direct object
requires the multi-word verb think about 1 think about Mary all the time; I am
thinking about my children.
Theoretically, a direct object that clause can become the subject of a corre-
sponding passive. Unfortunately, the main verbs involved in these construc-
tions are usually stative and don't passivize well. However, if the subject is an
indefinite pronoun, passives are often possible.
230 Clauses: Coordination and Subordination
Everyone knows that Simon did it. / That Simon did it is known by
everyone.
Anyone can see that Romeo loves Juliet. / That Romeo loves Juliet
can be seen by anyone.
Everx/one assumed that Susanna would be chosen. / That Susanna
would be chosen was assumed by everyone.
When a that clause appears in direct object position, the subordinator that
can readily be omitted. Normally hearers will process the first verb that they
hear as the main verb of the sentence. Upon hearing the sentence I know that
my doctor has the answer, the hearer will automatically process know as the main
verb, thus has is subsequently processed as a subordinate verb. Since the first
verb has already been processed as the main verb, a subordinator isn't really
necessaryI know my doctor has the answer. More often than not we omit the
subordinator in a that clause. The following examples are also from Tracy Kid-
der and Joyce Carol Oates. (Boldface added.)
"I know they have some dreams hidden in the work/' (Kidder, p. 251)
. . . she would not have said she knew Ednella Crystal, really. (Oates, p. 184)
Harry believed he heard her being sick in the bathroom. (Oates, p. 84)
indirect
subject object direct object
ject is impossible*We told that Karl had wrecked her truck to Alice; *Professor
Mclntire taught that writing can be fun to her students.
Structurally such sentences resemble the direct object clauses discussed above.
But a that clause always embodies a proposition involving states, actions, agents
and patients, etc. A proposition is by its very nature an abstraction. Since a
predicate nominative must always have the same referent as the subject of the
sentence, the subject, too, must reflect this abstract quality. As a result, the sub-
jects of such sentences always contain abstract noun heads like plan, idea, no-
232 Clauses: Coordination and Subordination
Hon, belief, hope, etc. When a that clause functions as a predicate nominative, the
copula is almost always be.
Because that clauses embody propositions (not people), they never function as
indirect objects.
In these sentences, the NP following the main verb, not the clause, is the
direct object. That NP can be made the subject of a corresponding passive
Henry was warned by Joanie that she was an expert pool player; The family was alerted
by Rebecca that the basement was flooded. But even though the NP is the direct
object of the preceding verb, the clause is required for discourse coherence. If
the clause is omitted from one of the above sentences, its content has to be re-
coverable from the preceding conversation or the context. In a sentence like
Joanie warned Henry, the hearer must be able to ascertain the content of the warn-
ing or a great deal of meaning is lost. I will call a nominal clause that follows
an NP direct object and is required by the verb a verb complement. Like any
other nominal clause, the verb complement has internal structure.
direct
subject object ver ^ complement
Joariie warned Henry that she was an expert pool player
subject predicate nominative
Nominal Clauses
The verbs that take that clause complements are "communication" verbs
of a very particular type. They all indicate that the subject is imparting infor-
mation to the direct object and the clause expresses the content of that infor-
mation. However, unlike the ditransitive communication verb to tell, verbs that
take clausal complements are more or less deontic; they always express the fact
that the subject has affected or is attempting to affect the behavior of the direct
object in some way.
Edwina convinced her daughter that she would like her new school.
Delila assured Samson that she wouldn't touch his hair.
The officer advised us that the road was closed.
I cautioned my students that they might find the exam difficult.
Beth persuaded Jo that Amy had not stolen the manuscript.
The officer warned us that there were mud slides ahead.
predicate
subject adjective
That clause subjects co-occur with a very limited number of verbs. Most
stative copulas can take that clause subjects and so can verbs that suggest emo-
tional states or personal reactions.
That Pam and Andy had wrecked my car really annoyed me.
That Orville dislikes Wilbur seems clear.
That Randy was elected bothers me.
That everyone agreed was amazing.
That she is guilty is indisputable.
That Marcie had told Neta the results was surprising.
This process is called extraposition. In the first sentence of each pair, the
subject is a that clause. In the second sentence of each pair, the grammatical
subject is the pronoun it, which stands in for the "semantic" subject, the con-
tent of the that clause. In other words, the pronoun it simply holds down the
subject position for the semantic subject, which appears at the end of the sen-
Nominal Clauses
tence. Normally, it has anaphoric reference, i.e., it refers to an entity that has
already been introduced into the discourse. Here, however, it has cataphoric
reference; its referent is a clause that appears later in the utterance.
grammatical subject extraposed clause
r t
While extraposed subject clauses are common in all kinds of discourse, they
are ubiquitous in formal edited English. The following examples all come from
The New York Review of Books (1997, June 12). (Boldface added.)
It is conceivable that some of the skeptics will turn out to be right about the
big-bang theory. (Weinberg, p. 20)
It is not surprising that his patriotism should have taken this bloodcurdling
form. (Ignatieff, p. 32)
It was almost inevitable that Younghusband would become a soldier. (Bern-
stein, p. 45)
It is gratifying to note that more and more companies are realizing the value
of brief exercise periods. . . . It would seem obvious that the efficiency of the
worker will increase if he [sic] has the opportunity to either avoid or release
the onset of . . . fatigue, (p. 143)
In general, that clause subjects seem easier for the hearer to process when they
have been extraposed.
But what about a sentence like It seems that Donna has quit her job? While
that Donna has quit her job may look like a predicate nominative (it follows a
copula), it is not. If the pronoun it in the above sentence were a personal pro-
noun, it would have anaphoric reference but this it is clearly cataphoric. We
find exactly the same phenomenon with copula to appearIt appears that the
Dean is angry. Both these sentences reflect extraposition, despite the fact that
the non-extraposed versions are ungrammatical*That Donna has quit her job
seems; *That the Dean is angry appears.
Even direct object clauses are sometimes extraposed.
(In the last example, note that the that clause directly follows cataphoric it. This
is a case of "vacuous" or empty extraposition, i.e., the extraposition of the clause
doesn't really change the structure of the sentence.)
When a sentence includes an object complement, the direct object that clause
must be extraposed. A sentence like Susan made her position clear is perfectly ac-
ceptable, but *Susan made that she didn't like me clear is ungrammatical. Ex-
traposing the direct object restores grammaticalitySusanmade it clear that she
didn't like me. There is a small set of complex transitive verbs that take extra-
posed that clause objects.
Factives Non-factives
It's tragic that those puppies died. It's possible that he'll be fired
today.
It's exciting that you're going to Is it true that you hate chocolate?
Ireland.
It amuses me that Carol had to I suppose that Bruce ate all the
sell her Corvette. cookies.
He regrets that she resigned. He alleges that she assaulted him.
I resent that you told him.
Nominal Clauses
That she is still here is significant. 1 imagine that Ivy has already told
him the news.
That she was the embezzler That she will succeed is unlikely,
surprised me.
That the Cubs will lose is
inevitable.
As you can see, both factive and non-factive constructions can contain cat-
aphoric it and extraposed subjects.
INFINITIVE CLAUSES
Infinitive clauses are those in which the verb occurs in its infinitive form
to sleep, to run, to be, etc. Infinitives, as the name suggests, are not finite; they
do not carry tense. Since modal auxiliaries always occur first in the VP and
since modals have no infinitive forms, modals never appear in infinitive clauses.
You will find semi-auxiliaries, perfect, progressive, and passive constructions
in such clauses, however.
The teacher would like for you to leave the note in his mailbox
subject 1direct object adverb of place
But infinitive clauses have one unusual characteristic. Look closely at the di-
rect object clause in the following example.
You may remember that in Chapter 1 I made much of the fact that English is
a subject dominant language. At that time I carefully noted that, with the ex-
ception of the imperative, the main verb of the sentence must have a subject.
However, a verb in an infinitive clause can be subjectless, as in the sentence
above. This verb is subjectless in much the same way that an imperative verb
is subjectless; although there is no overt subject, the hearer can determine the
covert (unexpressed) subject from the grammatical context. In this case the sub-
ject of the embedded clause is the same as the subject of the main clause.
The predicate nominative a firefighter refers back to the covert subject of the
clause, [Stephanie].
The term equi (from the Latin word for equal) is used to characterize any
construction in which an overt NP in one clause and a covert NP in another
are identical. In Stephanie wants to be a firefighter, the equi is subject controlled;
this means that the content of the lower, covert subject is determined by the
content of the higher subject. If the subject of the infinitive clause is different
from that of the higher verb, the subject must be explicitly stated, i.e., overt
Stephanie wants her son to be a firefighter.
The verbs that take infinitive clauses as direct objects are all psych-verbs.
Most of these verbs can take simple NP direct objects as wellStephaniewants
a vacation. Long and hope, however, always take clausal direct objects1long to
hike the Grand Canyon; 1 hope to do well on the bar exam. Only when they are fol-
lowed by the particle for can these verbs take simple NP objects J long for peace;
I am hoping for a new car.
As you will see in the examples below, occasionally a clausal direct
object containing an overt subject will have two subordinators, to and for.
For precedes the subject of the infinitive clause. Which higher verbs re-
quire for in the clause is rather arbitrary; no particular semantic criteria
exist. Like can take for in its infinitive clause but does not require i t I
would like for Beth to come or I would like Beth to come. For many speakers,
however, the verb hate, requires both subordinators1would hate for her
to see you.
As you can see, predicate nominative infinitive clauses can contain covert
subjects, but here the covert subject is not necessarily the same as the higher
subject. The pronoun I does not actually appear in My dream was to become a
dentist, yet 1 is clearly the covert subject of becomeMy dream was [I] to become
a dentist. I derives from the genitive my in the subject NP.
predicate nominative
predicate nominative
The best thing would be [for someone] to tell her the truth
direct object
But a sentence like The teacher persuaded Sarah to join us requires a different
analysis. Here Sarah is the covert subject of join, but she is at the same time the
overt direct object of persuaded. The infinitive clause that follows Sarah is a verb
complement.
direct verb
object complement
How do we know that Sarah, rather than the entire clause, is the direct object
of persuade? In more general terms, how do we know that persuade behaves dif-
ferently from want? One piece of evidence lies in the passive; note that I can
make Sarah the subject of a passive with persuadeSarah was persuaded by the
teacher to join us. This operation is impossible when the main verb is want
*Sarah was wanted by the teacher to join us.
There is a second piece of evidence that demonstrates that 1 want Sarah to
join us and I persuaded Sarah to join us require two different analyses. Pronouns
can be reflexivized only when their antecedents occur in the same clause. A
sentence like *Mary didn't want the man to hurt herself is ungrammatical precisely
because it violates this rule; Mary occurs in the matrix clause and herself in the
embedded clause. Mary didn't want the man to hurt himself is fine because both
the man and himself occur in the embedded clause.
Now consider Harry persuaded himself to attend the party. Himself must be
co-referential with Harry since there isn't any other masculine NP in the sen-
tence. If these two NPs are co-referential, they must be clause mates. If these
two NPs are clause mates, himself must be the direct object of persuade; no other
grammatical relationship is really possible.
direct
subject object verb complement
A third test that illustrates the difference between infinitive direct objects
and infinitive verb complements involves a passive construction within the em-
bedded clause. A clause is a somewhat autonomous structure; what happens
grammatically within the clause has a very limited effect on the rest of the sen-
tence. For example, in cases in which the infinitive clause is a direct object, it
is possible to change an active infinitive clause into a passive construction with-
out a significant change in meaning:
They wanted the priest to read the eulogy. / They wanted the eulogy to
he read by the priest.
I wanted the doctor to examine my daughter./ I wanted my daughter
to be examined by the doctor.
Notice, however, what happens when the NP after persuade becomes the
subject of a passive within the clause.
The effect of adding the passive is dramatic. Clearly, these two sentences do
not mean the same thing; in the first example I am persuading the doctor to
do something and in the second I am persuading my daughter to do some-
thing. This semantic disparity occurs because the covert subject of the infini-
tive clause is also the direct object of the main verb. Here equi is object con-
trolled, i.e, the direct object of the higher clause is also the covert subject of the
lower.
In all of the examples above, the main verb is followed by two required struc-
tures, a simple NP direct object and an infinitive complement, which takes as
its covert subject that same direct object NP.
Verb complements typically follow verbs that have deontic force.
Many of the same deontic communication verbs that take that clauses as verb
complements also take infinitive complements.
indirect
subject object direct object
I told Harold [Harold] to hand me the wrench
But this analysis overlooks the fact that told has deontic force here, some-
thing it lacks in a typical ditransitive construction like 1 told Harold the truth or
I told Harold that it was snowing. In I told Harold to hand me the wrench, told is re-
porting a directive. Whenever a normally ditransitive verb occurs with an in-
finitive clause, it takes on this deontic quality.
In each of the above examples, the speaker reports an attempt to affect the be-
havior of another (although the outcome is unspecified). For this reason a verb
complement analysis seems more plausible than an indirect object analysis.
direct
subject object verb complement
I told Harold [Harold] to hand me the wrench
Only "communication" verbs exhibit this pattern. Other ditransitive verbs like
give, hand, and offer don't take verb complements.
The verb promise poses an interesting problem. In all of the infinitive verb
complements discussed so far, equi is controlled by the higher direct object
1 asked Patricia [Patricia] to leave. But note what happens with promise, another
deontic communication verb. In 1 promised Patricia to leave, the equi is controlled
244 Clauses: Coordination and Subordination
by the higher subjectI promised Patricia [I] to leave. Infinitive verb comple-
ments offer the grammarian a host of complications like this one.
In the following chart, the direct object of the higher verb is italicized.
All of the main verbs in section (a) pattern like force; none of them can take
a clausal direct object and each is followed by an direct object NP, which is it-
self followed by the complement clause. A sentence like *Darlene forced to move
the car is ungrammatical. While it may appear that verbs in category (a) can
take simple NP direct objects, there is always an underlying complement
clauseDarleneforced me [to do something]; They coaxed the rabbits [to do some-
thing]. Many of the verbs in (a) reflect coercion or persuasionforce,make, per-
suade,, coax and all are strongly deontic.
The verbs make and let require that the following infinitive be bare, i.e., that
it occur without to1 made them give up; She let her students take a make-up exam.
Non-native speakers who have more or less mastered the infinitival comple-
Nominal Clauses
ment construction often make mistakes in cases where a bare infinitive is re-
quired, e.g., *She made her students to write an essay.
All of the main verbs in set (b) express communication of some sort. They
pattern grammatically like those in (a), and they, too, have deontic force. But,
unlike most of the verbs in set (a), these verbs are silent on whether or not be-
havior was actually affectedIforced Derek to leave versus I told Derek to leave.
The main verbs in section (c) are sensory and are not the least bit deontic.
Note that these infinitives are all bare. Sensory verbs that take infinitive com-
plements contrast sharply in meaning with those that take that clause objects.
In 1 have heard that you are running for office, the verb hear is not being used lit-
erally; the information contained in the clause may have been acquired by a
means other than hearingsomeonesent me a fax; I read it ip the newspaper;
your publicist wrote me a letter. The same holds true for an utterance like I see
that you don't like Jerry. My conclusion may be based exclusively on the fact that
I heard you screaming at him; the evidence need not be visual. But when an
infinitive clause follows a sensory verb, it expresses an event that was literally
heard, seen, or f e l t Iheard Sethfall; Maneck saw Don leave; I felt the floor shake.
As with the other verbs that take infinitival complements, the NP follow-
ing a sensory verb behaves like a direct object grammatically, e.g., it can occur
as the subject of a passive with the sensory verbThe neighbors were heard to
argue; My uncle was seen to steal the money. Nevertheless, the bare infinitive
clause is required for coherence. I felt Jennifer move does not entail I felt Jennifer.
Category (d) is a garbage can. Since neither consider nor help falls into the
general semantic categories discussed previously, IT1 simply lump them to-
gether. The complement of help can occur with a bare infinitive or a full in-
finitiveWe helped him change his tire; Brian helped me to understand my childen
better. When consider is followed by a verb complement, it behaves semantically
very much like complex transitive consider. In Nancy considers this project to be
her most successful, the verb complement clause could easily be replaced by
an object complement NPNancy considers this project her most successful.
In many ways these infinitive clauses resemble direct objects. For one thing,
in each case the infinitive clause can be loosely paraphrased with a that clause,
and that clauses which appear directly after the verb are typically direct objects
(or predicate nominatives)The generals declared that the war was over; Every-
body expected that Stella would marry Stanley. Furthermore, each clause can be
replaced by a simple pronounThe police believe this; The teacher proved it. A
passive within the infinitive clause doesn't really affect the meaning of the sen-
tence. I expect the students to choose Trevor and I expected Trevor to be chosen by the
students are basically synonymous. All of this suggests that the entire infinitive
clause is functioning as the direct object of the higher verb.
On the other hand, the NP following the higher verb can become the sub-
ject of a passive with that verb. This suggests that the infinitive clause is func-
tioning as a verb complement.
direct object
Many of the verbs in the dual structure category are complex transitive. In
these cases the infinitive complement clause performs much the same function
as an object complement.
The jury found Patty guilty. / The jury found Patty to be guilty.
The President appointed him Ambassador. / The President appointed him to
be Ambassador.
They declared Susan the winner. / They declared Susan to be the winner.
An infinitive subject clause can itself have an overt or covert subject. This poses
an interesting problem since there is no // higher ,/ subject from which to extract
the covert subject of the clause. However, covert subjects can often be recov-
ered from the previous discourse. If you are grousing about a course with a
friend and say, "To require six exams in this course is really stupid," your friend
will undoubtedly interpret the covert subject of to require as the teacher of the
class in question. If Elaine has just saved a drowning child, you might say "To
have done that took real courage," and your hearer will know that the covert
subject of to have done is Elaine. Sometimes the covert subject of a subject in-
finitive clause is simply an indefinite anybody To be stalked by a mountain lion
must be a terrifying experience.
248 Clauses: Coordination and Subordination
Note that in those examples in which the infinitive clause has an overt sub-
ject, that subject is preceded by subordinator for. For is always required when
an infinitive clause that contains a subject is itself a subject. When for is omit-
ted in such a sentence, the sentence is ungrammatical*Ken to win would be
wonderful; *Laurie to be honest is crucial. Hearers tend to process the first NP they
hear as the subject of the main clause and the for alerts them that the first NP
is not the main subject.
Here, too, extraposition is especially likely if the subject clause is long and/or
complex.
Note that none of these clauses can take an overt subject*Kimbegan Clau-
dia to sweat; *The baby started Benny to cry; *Rebecca tried Stefan to unlock the door.
Began and start seem to have an aspectual dimension but the others do not.
Condescend and try require animate subjects, while begin, start, and tend don't
It began to rain; This paint tends to peel.
Reams of paper have been devoted to discussions of these structures and
there is no real consensus as to how they should be treated. English syntax
poses many challenges and the analysis of the infinitive clause is one of the big
ones. You will find that there are a great many different approaches to the var-
ious infinitive clauses in English. The analysis presented above is designed to
fit infinitive clauses into the basic sentence patterns of Chapter 1 whenever pos-
sible.
ING CLAUSES
In nominal ING clauses, the subordinator is the {-ing} suffix. This subordi-
nating {-ing} should not be confused with the (-ing} of the progressive; unlike
the progressive suffix, subordinator {-ing} can be attached to stative verbsShe
250 Clauses: Coordination and Subordination
was unhappy about being tall; I enjoy seeing snow on the mountains. ING clauses
are non-finite (i.e., they don't carry tense). They don't contain modal auxiliaries
(since modals have no participle forms) but they do contain semi-auxiliaries,
the perfect, and the passive. Since they carry the {-ing} subordinator, they don't
contain the progressive.
Some grammarians call ING constructions of this type gerunds. This term
is problematic, however. As David Crystal points out in his Dictionary of Lin-
guistics and Phonetics (1997a, p. 279), "the traditional notion of gerund [is] where
the word derived from a verb is used as a NOUN, as in smoking is forbidden."
But this traditional definition of a gerund is a bit misleading. While smoking is
acting as the subject of the sentence in Smoking is forbidden, it never loses its
verbal qualities; it can take a direct object and an adverb like any other verb
Smoking cigars in your office is forbidden. The entire clause, Smoking cigars in your
office is functioning as the subject of the sentence, but smoking is quite verb-like.
subject
This confusion over the status of ING constructions arises because they can
range from very nominal in character to very verbal. A few ING forms have
become so nominalized that they can take the plural markershootings,beat-
ings, feelings, (sand)castings, hearings, shavings, etc. These forms have become
full-fledged nouns. In His loud yelling bothers me, yelling is preceded by a geni-
tive determiner and an adjective, modifiers that are typically associated with
nouns. In The shooting of the cow was accidental, shooting is modified by the ar-
ticle the and an of prepositional phrase, both of which typically accompany
nouns. It is not unreasonable to think of the ING forms in these contexts as a
"verbs used as nouns" and these constructions can appropriately be called
gerunds. The following ING clauses are all on the nominal end of the scale.
When an ING form occurs in a very nominal construction, its subject must
take the genitive form, as in Bill's accidental shooting of that cow created a furor.
subject direct object
However, in the sentence Bill's accidentally shooting that cow last week created
a furor, shooting is clearly acting as verb, not a noun; it takes both a direct ob-
ject and an adverb. When the {-ing} construction is highly verb-like, the geni-
tive form is not necessarily required for grammaticality. Bill accidentally shoot-
ing that cow last week created a furor is fine for many speakers.
subject direct object
As you saw previously, when the ING clause contains an overt subject, the
subject can be marked with a genitive formI dislike Nancy's using my car; I
don't remember his being there. Prescriptive grammarians demand that the sub-
ject of the ING verb be a genitive form, but many educated speakers use the
uninflected form or (in the case of pronouns) the object form insteadIdislike
Nancy using my car; I don't remember him being there. In fact, for some speakers,
there is a real difference in meaning between a genitive form and an unmarked
form or object pronoun in an ING clause. Compare I hate Cal's driving and I
252 Clauses: Coordination and Subordination
hate Cal driving. Many people would argue that in the first example the speaker
hates the way Cal drives, while in the second example the speaker expresses
displeasure over the fact that Cal is driving. When prescriptivists argue that
the genitive is always required before an ING form, they ignore dramatic coun-
terexamples like I don't want him doing that. Clearly, *I don't want his doing that
is completely ungrammatical.
Many speakers use an uninflected subject NP in a clausal subjectJimlos-
ing all that money really upset his wife, and some are even comfortable with
an object pronoun in this positionHimlosing all the money really upset his wife.
The covert subject of an ING clause in direct object position can have in-
definite reference if the ING form is nominal enough. In a sentence like I enjoy
racing, racing can be construed as having an indefinite subject (7 like to watch
anyone/anything racing) or it can be analyzed as exhibiting equi (7 like [I] racing).
But in the case of the highly verbal form riding in John hates riding a bicycle dur-
ing rush hour, speakers will automatically interpret the covert subject of riding
as John.
Direct object ING clauses are fairly easy to identify. Like other direct object
clauses, they can often be replaced by a pronoun or a simple NPSusanenjoys
eating in restaurants. / Susan enjoys it. / Susan enjoys this activity.
As you saw earlier in this chapter, there are some verbs that can take that
clause objects but not simple NP objects, e.g., insist, think. To take simple NP
objects, these verbs must be followed by particles, insist on, think about. These
same verbs also require particles when they are followed by ING object clauses.
Nominal Clauses
In each of the following categories, note how the main verb patterns relative
to the direct object type.
Infinitive and ING Clauses Compared. Often direct object infinitive and ING
clauses are quite close in meaningIprefer to eat lunch before noon. /1 prefer eat-
ing lunch before noon. Sometimes, however, the semantic differences are strik-
ing.
Direct object infinitive clauses usually refer to an event that has not yet oc-
curred or to a nonrealized eventShewants to be a singer; I had hoped to leave
tomorrow; I would hate for my candidate to lose. ING clauses, on the other hand,
254 Clauses: Coordination and Subordination
often signal an actual event. Contrast I wanted to go to Paris with I enjoyed go-
ing to Paris, Although both contain a past tense main verb, only the ING clause
refers to a trip that actually took place.
direct
subject object verb complement
Because the NP Alan is the direct object of saw, it can become the subject
of a corresponding passiveAlanwas seen kicking his computer.
predicate
subject adjective
j Hiking up a mountain during a hail storm is painful
adverb of direction adverb of time
WH NOMINAL CLAUSES
The same wh forms that appear in information seeking questions also oc-
cur in nominal clauseswho, what, which, where, when, why, how. (I will treat
how as a wh word even though it is spelled with an initial h.) In such clauses
the wh word is both a proform and a subordinator. Until now all of our sub-
ordinators (except possibly the genitive and the {-ing} after a sensory verb) have
been semantically empty. This is not true of wh words because they do have
referents, even though those referents are not specified in the sentence.
Wh clauses can perform all the normal nominal functions.3 They can act as
subjects, direct objects, indirect objects, subject complements, object comple-
ments, and also as the objects of many prepositions. Wh words within nomi-
nal clauses take on a variety of functionssubject,direct object, indirect object,
object complement, subject complement, determiner, adverb, and object of a
preposition.
know
If the ioh word is the object of a preposition, the speaker has two options.
In conversation, most speakers follow the rule of thumb discussed above; the
wh word, i.e., the object of the preposition, appears first in the clause and the
preposition is left stranded in its normal position.
Formal edited English usually requires that the preposition precede its object,
which makes the preposition, not the wh word, the first word in the clause.
While I often write sentences of this type, I very rarely utter them.
As you saw above, wh words in wh clauses usually have a specific, but un-
specified, referent. If I say "I know who Yvette is dating," who refers to a spe-
cific individual. There are, however, a number of wh compounds all of which
have nonspecific reference. These compounds always take the same shape, a
standard wh proform followed by {-ever} whoever, whatever, wherever, whenever,
whichever, however In I resented what Butch said, what has specific reference, but
in I resent whatever Butch says, whatever does not. In the following examples,
none of the wh words has specific reference.
Note that most of the verbs that can take wh clause direct objects can also
take that clause direct objects and the same semantic categories are repre-
sentedmentalstate verbs, some sensory verbs, and communication verbs.
The wh word whether is an atypical subordinator. The function of whether
within the clause is to communicate two alternative possibilities. Sometimes the
possibilities are spelled out in the clause1don't know whether Fergus likes me or
not and sometimes they are implicit1wonder whether Annette speaks Polish. If
behaves in exactly the same way in I don't know if Farouk is attending or not. The
subordinators whether and if have no real grammatical function within the clause.
Clauses containing whether and this kind of if are typically direct object
clauses following certain psych-verbs, verbs of speculation, and verbs of inquiry.
The most common wh forms in object complements are whoever and what-
ever, but what can also occur in these structures. Wh object complement clauses
are somewhat unusual, however.
This makeup artist can make you whoever you want to be.
They named the baby what they were told to name her.
W h Clauses as Subjects
Wh clausal subjects occur in a very limited environment; they most often
precede copulas and verbs that communicate a psychological reactionshock,
bother; disturb, please, thrill, elate. As with direct object clauses, the wh word in
a wh subject clause can take on almost any function.
Wh subject clauses
Direct object wh clauses containing when are routinely extraposed, even though
the extraposed clause often follows th cataphoric it directly.
Don't confuse the above constructions with those in which a subject has been
extraposed, e.g., It is crucial that you tell the truth. These always contain cat-
aphoric it.
Infinitive clauses can also function as adjective complements.
Ed is ready to leave.
Maria is eager for Paul to arrive.
This will be easy for Tina to fix.
Reiko's parents were happy for her to go.
Those infinitive clauses that contain a subject require the subordinator for as
well as to. *Maria is eager Paul to arrive is ungrammatical.
In the chart above, all those adjective complements with covert subjects re-
flect subject controlled equi.
predicate adjective
subject adjective complement
Now consider this pair of sentences made famous by linguist Noam Chomsky.
John is eager to please. / John is easy to please.
It should be clear that while the covert subject of please is John in the first sen-
tence, this is not the case in the second. In John is easy to please the covert sub-
ject of the clause is an indefinite somebody, while John is the direct object of
please. In other words, It is easy for someone to please John.
adjective complement
adjective complement
There are a number of other predicate adjectives that pattern in exactly the
same way but don't reflect"toughness," e.g., Birds are fascinating to watch; Mo-
torcycles are fun to ride; Sharks are interesting to study.
Predicate adjectives that pattern like eager require an animate subject, while
those patterning like easy do not.
The kids were eager to help. These shirts are easy to iron.
The dog was happy to see them. That system is hard to repair
Ingrid was glad to loan us the money. This floor is tough to clean.
Nigel is anxious to leave. Caroline is hard to convince.
The degree modifiers too and enough are often used in conjunction with in-
finitive adjective complements. Note that enough always follows the adjective
it modifies.
Too and enough reflect ends of the same semantic continuumShe's old
enough to be here versus She's too old to be here. Everything between old enough
and too old is an "acceptable" age.
While that clauses and infinitive adjective complements typically follow the
predicate adjective directly, ING clauses are found after prepositionsTony is
unhappy about Mike's leaving; I am furious over the corporation demoting my
sister. In these sentences the prepositional phrase itself is the adjective com-
plement and the clause is the object of the preposition.
Note that all of the prepositional clauses above can be loosely paraphrased
with a that clauseSusanwasn't aware that Jill had been subpoenaed; 1 am angry
that Anthony is quitting school, etc. Furthermore, many complement clauses can
be paraphrased with a non-clausal prepositional phraseThey are certain that
she is guilty versus They are certain of her guilt. Complement phrases, comple-
ment clauses, and complement prepositional clauses function semantically in
much the same way.
Wh clauses can on occasion function as complements of predicate adjec-
tivesDoriswasn't certain who was coming to the party; 1 wasn't sure whether
Mabel would be there. More often, however, a wh clause functions as the ob-
ject of the preposition in prepositional phrase adjective complements. In the
sentences in the following chart, the adjective complement is a prepositional
phrase in which the object of the preposition is a wh clause.
Postnominal Modification
In a sentence like The kids who are playing on the doorstep are too noisy,
the restrictive relative clause tells us which kids are being referred to; it's not
the kids who are sitting in the living room or the kids who are hiding in the
attic; it's the kids who are playing on the doorstep.
Since restrictive relative clauses restrict the possible referents of the NP,
such clauses do not occur with proper nouns because proper nouns already
have unique reference. In a sentence like The John Doe who is in my statistics class
is an idiot, John Doe is not technically a proper noun. (See Chapter 2.) The pre-
sumption here is that there is more than one John Doe and the relative clause
restricts the reference to the one in my statistics class. Because of this restrict-
ing function, restrictive relative clauses are usually used in cases in which the
preceding NP has more than one potential referent (although there are excep-
tions to this generalization, as you will see shortly). If I know that a friend has
two daughters, I might say "The daughter who lives in Cleveland just finished
medical school, and the daughter who lives in Tucson is unemployed."
Relative clauses can modify NPs in any position and the clause is embed-
ded in the nominal structure. In other words, if the clause modifies a direct ob-
ject NP, then the relative clause is part of the direct object.
direct object
Like any other clause, a restrictive relative clause has internal structure and
the wh word typically comes first in the clause, regardless of its grammatical
function within the clause.
They can also modify personal pronouns, but only when the pronouns are used
as indefinitesHe who dies with the most toys wins. Indefinite personal pro-
nouns are fairly rare in Modern English. On rare occasions you is used with a
restrictive relative clause, as in You who's holding up the line, move along.
Although toho and which both function as relative proforms, the most ubiq-
uitous relative proform in English is that. In Old English the only relative pro-
form was the invariable word pe from which relative that is derived (at least
in part). Although who/whom and which existed in Old English as interroga-
t e s , they were not used as relative pronouns until the Middle English pe-
riod. (This usage was modeled on Norman French, which used its interroga-
tive pronouns as relative pronouns.) In casual conversation that is routinely
used with both human and inanimate noun heads, despite the complaints of
prescriptivists.
While formal edited English requires whom when the relative pronoun func-
tions as an object (including object of a preposition), even highly educated
speakers of English use who in all positions in conversationIknow the woman
who you offered that job to; 1 met the guy who you had that big fight with. This us-
age is actually quite natural; I know the woman to whom you offered that job sounds
stilted in informal social contexts.
Where, when, and why can also be used as relative proforms in very limited
circumstances. Where must follow an NP that indicates a place, when must fol-
low an NP that indicates time, and why typically follows the NP the reason.
"I could a tale unfold whose lightest word/Would harrow up thy soul" (Act
I, Sc. v, line 15).
268 Clauses: Coordination and Subordination
Inanimate whose does endure in speech, however, and you will often hear sen-
tences like My doctor gave me some pills whose side-effects were terrible or That's
the school whose roof blew off in Hurricane Andrew.
Function of italicized or
Restrictive relative clauses covert proform
Slowly, Luxford replaced the graph he'd been holding, (p. 406)
He had to admit that she'd shown an uncharacteristic mercy in leaving him to
sleep the binge off instead of awakening him and forcing him to engage in the
conversation he'd been so insistent upon having with her. (p. 138)
"Mr. Chambers, I don't need to tell you how serious a situation you're in." (p.
495)
An omitted relative proform can always be recovered because it has the same
referent as the preceding NP.
Presumably the hearer already knows that the speaker borrowed a book,
that Latisha has hired a plumber, and that there is an exchange student living
at the Wilsons. The function of the relative clause is simply to bring that knowl-
edge into consciousness and to then use that knowledge to restrict the poten-
tial referents of the preceding NP.
But sometimes a relative clause follows an NP containing the indefinite ar-
ticle a, and, as you saw in Chapter 2, the indefinite article indicates that the NP
encodes new information. In this context a relative clause will be more de-
scriptive than restrictive if the NP has definite reference. An utterance like Mia
has a son who is extremely handsome is possible even if Mia has only one son.
Here the function of the restrictive clause is to provide descriptive information;
this sentence could even be paraphrased as Mia has an extremely handsome son.
In Mr. Brady wants to marry a woman who really likes children, the primary func-
tion of the clause is to restrict the possible referents of the non-specific NP, a
woman. But in Ms. Brady is a woman who really likes children, the relative clause
characterizes Ms. Brady. The following quotations from Elizabeth George's In
the Presence of the Enemy (1997) contain both restrictive and descriptive relative
clauses. The purely restrictive clauses follow NPs containing the definite arti-
cle, while the descriptive clauses are those in which the preceding NP contains
the indefinite article. (Underlining and boldface added.)
. . . the school was run by the Sisters of the Holy Martyrs. The Sisters were ^
group of women whose mean age appeared to be seventy, (p. 1)
Postnominal Modification 271
A twentyish boy with the eyes of a frog, he was wearing the grease-splotched
overalls of his profession and a baseball cap that had the word Braves scrolled
across the front, (p. 394)
The clerk from whom Stanley had ordered the coffee stood there with two
plastic cups of it. (p. 395)
"He put those glasses in the car. He's been waiting for the moment when you'd
stumble on them." (p. 410)
Note that the first example would be rather odd if the relative clause were omit-
tedThe Sisters were a group of women. Most of us know that nuns are women.
The purpose of the relative clause construction in the original sentence is to
provide the descriptive comment about age, and without it the sentence is al-
most reduced to a tautology.
In each case the structure in boldface plays the same role that a restrictive rel-
ative clause wouldthewoman who was chosen for the post; the kids ivho are
playing in the backyard; the gloves that are lying on that chair, etc.
Early transformational grammarians hypothesized that such structures
were "reduced" relative clauses, i.e., structures in which the relative pronoun
and the verb be have been omitted.
The tree house which was built by my children was destroyed in the storm.
The woman who is sitting over there was my fifth grade teacher.
The motorcycle which is in the garage is Pete's.
This process reduces the relative clause in the first example to a past partici-
ple clause and the relative clause in the second example to an ING clause.
While most contemporary grammarians would reject the notion that these
structures actually derive from full relative clauses, I will exploit this idea
briefly because it's useful in understanding certain postnominal constructions.
272 Clauses: Coordination and Subordination
Using the reduced relative clause model, a construction like the people who
are sitting on the porch can be reduced to the people sitting on the porch and the
chairs that are in the living room can be reduced to the chairs in the living room. In
the last example it is important to realize that, although the prepositional phrase
in the living room looks like an adverbial phrase, it is not. Consider the sentence
The chairs in the living room are being re-covered. While in the living room expresses
a location, is not an adverb indicating where the chairs are being reupholstered;
on the contrary, this prepositional phrase is indicating which chairs are being
reupholstered, i.e., the chairs in living room, not the ones in the den.
subject
adverb
subject direct object of place
The police arrested the students in the park
relative clauses are subordinate clauses, i.e., they can't stand alone, they are not
embedded within the NP. Unlike restrictive clauses, they can co-occur with
proper nouns and they don't co-occur with indefinite pronouns. The fact that
non-restrictive clauses provide additional information and are not embedded
is underscored by the pauses that surround these clauses in discourse; these
pauses are reflected by commas in written texts.
"We hired a man, an electrician, who filled out a civil service application for
the job. Frank Blackburn, the warden at Angola at the time, interviewed the
prospective candidate for the job in some depth/7 (p. 104)
The American Meat Institute, which represents meat processors, said the
agency's action was a "victory."
Dr. Michael Jacobson, director of the Center for Science in the Public Inter-
est, a consumer advocacy organization based in Washington, said he would
prefer that the meat industry use other methods.
276 Clauses Coordination and Subordination
Note that the last example contains an appositive embedded within an appos-
itive.
Both non-restrictive relative clauses and appositives are also extremely
common in contexts in which a speaker or author seeks to explain and define.
They are ubiquitous in textbooks, reference books, and manuals. Consider the
following passages from The Complete Book of Bicycling, a manual for bicycle
owners written by Eugene A. Sloane (1988). (Boldface added.)
Cartilage, which separates the major bones of the knee, prevents bone-to-
bone contact, (p. 159)
Vigorous cycling helps to clear away cholesterol deposits, which can lead to
clogged and hardened arteries, (p. 137)
RESTRICTIVE APPOSITIVES
There is another construction that resembles both restrictive and non-re-
strictive relative clauses. These are the so-called restrictive appositives. The
most common type of restrictive appositive is a that clause preceded by an ab-
stract NP. The following examples will give you a sense of the structure.
These clauses differ from normal relative clauses in that the subordinator
is always that, never a wh word, and this subordinator has no grammatical role
within the clause. Subordinator that can always be deleted in a restrictive ap-
positive if the preceding NP is in the predicateIcouldn't accept the idea Eva
was leaving us; He harbored the hope his briefcase would be returned. The dele-
tion of that when the clause is part of subject NP is problematic for many speak-
ers??Thefact they had lied bothered me; ?The story they had been kidnapped
didn't ring true.
Like restrictive relative clauses, restrictive appositives restrict the possible
referents of the NP. In The fact that the file is missing has been noted, the clause
tells us which fact is at issue. However, unlike restrictive relative clauses, re-
strictive appositives occur with a very limited set of NPs. And unlike non-re-
strictive appositives, these clauses are not set off by pauses in speech (or com-
mas in text).
Restricted appositives are sometimes extraposed in casual discourse.
The idea that he could get into Harvard is absurd. / The idea is absurd
that he could get into Harvard.
Her notion that children will eat only what they need is silly. / Her
notion is silly that children will eat only what they need.
The first example could be paraphrased as The plan, which is to drive to Tucson,
sounds reasonable.
Infinitive restrictive appositives are not commonly extraposed.
Adverbial Clauses
ply stand apart from the sentence. The following discussion focuses on the
types of adverbs discussed in the adjunct adverb section in Chapter 4.
LOCATIVE ADVERBS
Locative adverbial clauses are not especially common in English discourse
and they take a limited number of forms. As a rule, adverbs of space contain the
subordinators where or zoherever. Where suggests that the place referred to in the
clause is specific/am going where the sun shines all winter. Wherever refers to an
indeterminate placeJwill go wherever you send me. It is sometimes hard to de-
cide whether a where(ever) form is an adverb of place or an adverb of direction.
Directional adverbs are most often prepositional phrases in which the preposi-
tion circumscribes a direction, and such prepositions rarely take wh clauses as
objects. Nevertheless, you can usually depend on the preceding verb to give you
a clue as to the adverb's semantic type. In I will stay where I am, it's reasonable
to assume that both the clause and the proform where are adverbs of place.
It is important to distinguish adverbial wh clauses from direct object wh
clauses. In 1 know where you are going, the wh clause is a nominal clause func-
tioning as a direct object and in I will go where you are going, the clause is a
spatial adverbial clause. Within both clauses, however, the wh word is func-
tioning as an adverb.
direct object
locative adverb
TEMPORAL ADVERBS
Temporal adverbial clauses are quite common in English and all three ma-
jor semantic types can be expressed by clauses. As you will see, a number of
very different clause types can communicate time frame.
Here the proform when doesn't actually answer the question when? but, like
the clause itself, stands for a time frame that is not specified.
Prepositions can take clauses as their objects, and after is often used as a
subordinator in finite adverb of time clausesIwill help you after I finish the
dishes; Joan arrived after Feryal left. After refers to an open time frame that be-
gins subsequent to the event or action noted in the clause. The subordinator as
soon as functions in much the same way. In I will help you as soon as I finish
my lunch, as soon as marks a specific time frame, which occurs at the point
when the event mentioned in the clause ends.
The preposition until usually occurs in adverbs of duration (I will stay un-
til I am evicted), but until can appear in an adverb of time clause when the
preceding verb is negativeHe didn't help until I insisted; She didn't smile un-
til she saw the results. In these sentences the events articulated in the clause
represent the beginning of the time frame, i.e., the smiling begins when she
sees the results.
The subordinator while is used in clauses in which the speaker wishes to
communicate concurrent eventsLescooked while Kimberly mowed the lawn;
Michelle drove while Scott slept; I will scrub the floors while you wash the win-
dows.
Adverbs of Frequency
Clausal adverbs of frequency are far less common than clausal time
(point/boundary) adverbs. They exploit the subordinator whenever and a few
subordinators containing the construction as ... as.
How often did the baby cry? The baby cried whenever I came into the
room.
How often does Teddy drink wine? Teddy drinks wine whenever he is eat-
ing dinner.
How often do you go to Budapest? I go as often as I can.
How many times can we go to the salad bar? I'll go as many times as
they'll let me.
Adverbs of Duration
There are also a limited number of adverbial clauses that express duration.
The preposition since can take a clausal object, and this construction is often
used to indicate durationPhilhas lived here since he left his parent's house;
We have been friends since ive attended the same grammar school. Sometimes
280 Clauses: Coordination and Subordination
How long has Evelyn lived here? Evelyn has lived here as long as I have
known her.
How long will you stay? I will stay as long as they will have me.
Note that adverbs of duration can co-occur with the perfect, since duration
is implicit in this aspect.
I had promised her that 1 would be waiting for her at the gate when she came
out. (Prejean, p. 227)
He helped his wife up, and as she tidied everything from her denim skirt to
her greying hair, he introduced himself. (George, p. 510)
"After I gave them the statement I asked the District Attorney investigator if
he would help my Mother." (Prejean, p. 161)
"He's waiting until he's settled completely into the new job." (George, p. 444)
Iconicity may be one reason that temporal clauses sometimes appear first
in the sentence. In all the examples above, the event described in the subordi-
nate clause precedes the event described in the main clause; in other words,
the clause order reflects the temporal order of the events. While sentence ini-
tial clauses are subordinate, they are not embedded.
Adverbial Clauses
ADVERBS OF MANNER
Adverbs of manner are usually lexical or phrasal rather than clausal, but
prepositions sometimes take clause objects, which produce adverbs of this type.
The preposition like often participates in adverb of manner constructionsShe
acts like she doesn't know the answer. The child was crying like she would
never stop. As combined with if functions in much the same wayHewas act-
ing as if he were the boss; Marta is talking as if she knows where the report is.
Prescriptivists usually reject like in favor of as if.
ADVERBS OF MEANS
Prepositions readily take ING clause objects, and most adverbial means
clauses take this shape. By is the preposition most often used in such con-
structions.
Interestingly, without can also participate in an adverb of means clause, but with
cannot. Without clauses express negative meansYoushould be able to open this
without using a hammer, You can fix this without using any special tools; The
kids settled their argument without resorting to violence.
When the clause has no overt subject, which is often the case in such con-
structions, subject controlled equi pertainsYoucan fix this without [you] using
any special tools; The kids settled their argument without [the kids] resorting to vio-
lence.
Make sure the chain is long enough so you can shift to the large, freewheel
cog. (Sloan, p. 308)
I recommend installing a chain guard . . . on your chainstay, to prevent occa-
sional chainrub from damaging its finish. (Sloan, p. 309)
The point is to lower the legs and roll the trunk forward so that the head does
not leave the floor. (Hittleman, p. 110)
He lived with his parents, even though the house was too small for
three adults.
She worked hard, even though they were paying her very little.
No matter how hard I study, I can't master statistics.
I like her, although I hardly know her.
He is still dating her, despite the fact that she is seeing someone else.
As you can see from the last two examples, conditional clauses need not con-
tain if.
Conditional sentences vary in the extent of their "hypotheticalness." Con-
sider the following examples. (The first comment in the brackets characterizes
Summing Up 285
the verb in the if clause; the second comment characterizes the modal in the
independent clause.)
A sentence in which both the matrix clause and the if clause contain present
tense forms is less hypothetical than one in which the verbs are in the past
tense or the subjunctive. The speaker who utters sentence (a) has more hope
of receiving a gift than the speakers of sentences (b) and (c). Note that while
both clauses in sentence (b) are in the past tense, the time frame is not past
time. In conditionals, both past tense and subjunctive forms are used to inten-
sify the hypothetical quality of the utterance.
The perfect has an interesting effect on if clauses. When a speaker uses the
present perfect in an if clause, the hypothetical nature of the utterance is re-
tained. In If Leah has finished her homework, she can go the movies, the speaker in-
dicates not knowing whether or not Leah has finished her homework. But when
a speaker exploits the past perfect in an if clause, the nature of the speculation
changes. In If Leah had finished her homework, she could have gone to the movies,
the speaker indicates that Leah did not finish her homework and thus did not
go to the movies. In this case the speaker speculates on what would have hap-
pened if the situation that did pertain had not pertained. The following exam-
ples reflect the same semantic pattern.
If she had told me, I would have forgiven her. [She didn't tell me.]
If I hadn't been there, there would have been trouble. [I was there.]
7 would have been ecstatic if my aunt had willed me that necklace. [My
aunt didn't will me the necklace.]
Summing Up
subject
He wondered
direct object
subject That Mr. Nguyen To do well in school Riding a bike is What he did
had left upset me. is important. easy. shocked me.
direct object I know that it's I want to attend She likes walking I know what
wrong. graduation. in the rain. she said.
indirect object Give whoever attends
a souvenir.
predicate The plan is that His solution is to Her favorite activity Life is what
nominative he will leave first. act incompetent. is playing chess. you make it.
object Name the puppy
complement whatever you like.
verb He warned me She forced the I heard him yelling
complement that the stairs child to confess. at the dog.
were bad.
adjective I am angry that Gene was anxious Rory was upset about I'm not sure who
complement she was selected. to help us. leaving home.* took your hammer.
adverbial Give that others She cheated to You can start it by You must come when
might eat. win. pushing this lever.* you are called.
postnominal The fact that they Their plan to rob the The student sitting The folks who live
modifier had lied upset me. bank was thwarted. in front is my son. there raise orchids.
*In these sentences the clause is actually the object of a preposition and the prepositional phrase performs the indicated function.
Notes
Introduction
1. Swift understood that the Romans had been in Britain but he believed (quite correctly)
that Latin had very little impact on the Germanic tribes who settled there in 449.
2. Some linguists use the term syntax to refer only to structural relationships and the term
grammar to refer to structural relationships plus morphology, i.e., root words and affixes.
This distinction has weakened in recent years, and I will use the two terms interchange-
ably.
Chapter I
1. Some linguists call any NP that is located in a place or perceived of as moving from one
place to another a theme. This applies to direct object NPs as well as subject NPsThe
bread is in the cupboard; Joe put the bread in the cupboard. I will not use this label, but you
may encounter it in other books and articles about semantic roles.
2. Actually the dative forms never disappear completely. Him and whom derive from the Old
English dative forms him and hwsem. The Old English accusative (direct object) forms were
hine and hwone.
Chapter 3
1. Periphrastic constructions usually exploit very common lexical items like be, have, and of.
2. Thanks to my colleague Kemp Williams and his aunt Ms. Eddie Vance Pate. Ms. Pate is
from southeast North Carolina.
3. The term operator means something very different in formal semantics, where it refers to
processes like negation.
Chapter 5
289
Glossary
abstract noun A noun that expresses a quality that has no concrete physical
reality e.g., fact, truth, idea.
adjective complement A phrase or clause that serves as a complement to a
predicate adjective. Linda was aware of the problem. Bonnie was upset that
all her guests were late.
adjunct Technically an optional element in a construction. In this textbook
the term refers to adverbials of space, time, manner, means, reason /pur-
pose, and result and to non-prenominal adjectives that occur in the predi-
cate but do not follow copulas. Gloria is playing in the park. Morris went to
work angry.
agent The semantic role of an NP that is the willful doer of the action. Ryuji
devoured his lunch. The teacher was slapped by an angry student.
anaphoric reference When a determiner or pronoun refers back to something
that has already been introduced into the discourse. My cousin is a real suc-
cess; she has three advanced degrees.
Anglo-Saxon See Old English.
appositive An NP postnominal construction that provides additional infor-
mation about the NP. Andrea, a point guard on our basketball team, was
recruited by a professional team.
article The determiners the and a!an. Traditionally the is called a definite arti-
cle and a/an is called an indefinite article. Stressed and unstressed some are
often considered articles, as well.
aspect Works with tense to establish the time frame of an action, event, or
state, but has other functions as well. (See perfect and progressive.)
attitude disjunct An adverbial that allows a speaker to comment "editori-
ally" on the content of the sentence. Usually sentence initial. Stupidly, he
left his wallet on the bus.
bare infinitive Infinitive form without to. We saw Jonathan fall.
benefactive The semantic role of an NP that benefits from an action per-
291
292 Glossary
formed by the subject. This NP typically occurs with for and a monotran-
sitive verb. Marty fixed the roof for Don.
cataphoric it Occupies the position of a clause that has been extraposed. It is
shocking that the commissioner embezzled those funds.
causer The semantic role of an inanimate or animate subject NP that inad-
vertently causes something to happen to a direct object. Phyllis accidentally
tripped the boss. The rain ruined the rug.
clause Any structure that contains its own verb. (See matrix clause and subor-
dinate clause.)
closed class Any class of words that will not admit new members, e.g., modal
auxiliaries.
cognate object A direct object that derives from the same lexical source as the
verb. Can be used with a normally intransitive verb. He dreamed a terrible
dream last night.
collective noun Noun that refers to a collection of individuals. Can be used
with a singular or plural verb, depending on the intent of the speaker. Our
team is lousy this year. The faculty are angry about their raises.
common noun Any noun that is not a proper noun, e.g., motorcycle, bush, plate.
comparative An inflected or periphrastic form by which an adjective or ad-
verb compares one entity relative to another. Is Groucho taller than Harpo?
She works more quickly than her sister.
complex transitive verb A verb that takes both a direct object and an object
complement. Blair considers his brother a loser. I find the professor's mono-
logues tedious.
compound A word that is made up of two previously independent lexical
items. In compounds the first element typically carries the primary stress,
e.g., railroad, hot tub.
concessive adverbial A phrase or clause containing a proposition that seems
surprising or unexpected in light of the rest of the sentence. He finished the
marathon despite a stress fracture. I continually loan her books even though
she never returns them.
concrete noun A noun that refers to entities with a physical reality, e.g., book,
tree, woman, nail.
conditional clause Sets up conditions under which the terms of the matrix
clause will be met. If you help me, I'll pay you. Come any closer and Til
scream.
conjunct Words or phrases that join together pieces of discourse, e.g., there-
fore, however, in addition.
Glossary
conjunction A small category of function words (and, or, and but) that con-
join like elements within the sentence or conjoin two or more sentences.
I'll have a hamburger and fries.
control Whereby a covert subject in a non-finite clause is the same as another
NP in the higher clause. Covert NPs can be subject or object controlled. She
wants [she] to eat. Marge persuaded Homer [Homer] to leave.
copula A small class of verbs (some of which have little semantic content)
that link the subject to its complement. A copula can express a current or
resulting state. Annette is unhappy. My parents got upset. She looks ill.
co-referential When two or more forms refer to the same real world entity.
Teddy scratched himself
correctness A traditional doctrine that argues that there are correct and in-
correct ways of speaking. (See prescriptive grammar.)
correlative Either and neither when used with or and nor to express (usually)
mutually exclusive options. Benny is either sick or tired. I neither borrowed nor
lost your book.
covert structure Any structure that is not expressed in the sentence but can
be recovered from the grammatical or discourse context. I want [I] to eat
pizza tonight. [You] Sit down!
created direct object A direct object that is actually brought into existence by
the actions of the subject. Marconi invented the radio.
dative case The form carried by the indirect object (and some other struc-
tures) in Old English and many other Indo-European languages.
deixis/deictic Refers to forms the meanings of which are relative to the con-
text in which they are uttered. First and second person pronouns, demon-
stratives, and some adverbs are deictic. This machine is no good. I'll finish it
tomorrow.
demonstrative A determiner or pronoun that reflects spatial (or sometimes
temporal) deixis. These apples are rotten. This is my room.
denominal adjective A noun form that functions as an adjective, e.g., a city
park.
deontic modality Constructions in which the speaker expresses volition or
obligation and/or attempts to direct the behavior of another. I am going to
fix dinner now. She should be nicer to her parents. Close the door.
derivational suffix A suffix that derives one part of speech from another, e.g.,
the adjective crabby from the noun crab.
described subject The subject of any copula the complement of which is de-
scriptive. Carla is short.
294 Glossary
homophones Two or more words that sound the same but have different mean-
ings. They may or may not have the same spelling, e.g., two/to/too and port
(wine) / port (harbor).
iconicity/iconic When the form of a word or structure is influenced by its
function, e.g., repetitions of a word indicate more of the quality it repre-
sents. Charles is very, very talented.
idiom An expression the meaning of which cannot be extrapolated from its
parts, e.g., kick the bucket, bite the bullet.
imperative A normally subjectless directive in which the covert subject is you,
e.g., Sit down. Indefinite third person imperatives, second person impera-
tives with overt subjects, and first person plural imperatives also exist, e.g.,
Nobody move! You leave him alone! Let's leave.
inalienable possession A relationship in which the possessed is not normally
separable from the possessor. Often used to refer to body parts and fam-
ily members, e.g., Jake's leg; my aunt.
indefinite pronoun A determiner or pronoun that has an unspecified refer-
ent, e.g., somebody, anything, nobody.
indefinite this A non-deictic, non-anaphoric determiner that is used to in-
troduce an NP into the discourse. This guy walks up to me and starts punch-
ing me.
independent clause Any clause that can stand alone. Any sentence is an in-
dependent clause.
indirect object The traditional label for the grammatical structure that ex-
presses the recipient. It may appear as an NP directly after the verb or as
a PP after the direct object. I offered them some coffee. 1 loaned a book to
Frances.
infinitive A non-finite form of the verb that typically appears with to, e.g., to
eat, to work. (See bare infinitive.)
inflectional suffix The suffixes taken by an individual lexical item that help
define it as a grammatical category. These suffixes never change the part
of speech, e.g., books, walked, taller.
instrument The semantic role of an inanimate NP that is being used as an in-
strument. Tom fixed his computer with a hammer. The key opened the safe.
intensifier A word or phrase that has little meaning of its own, but intensi-
fies the meaning of the word it modifies, e.g., very tall, really fast.
interrogative Sentence types used in asking questions. Is Rhoda sleeping? What
are you doing?
interrogative proforms Wh words and how. Used in constructing information
seeking questions. Who are you talking to? Where did Tina go?
Glossary
intransitive verb A verb that does not normally take a direct object. The kids
slept. Michael sat on the couch.
lexical verb The final verb in the verb phrase. Usually has significant semantic
content. Pete sang. Sally has been digging a hole.
lexicalization The process whereby a syntactic/semantic difference is re-
flected in the lexicon, e.g., look at versus see; in versus into.
light transitive verb A verb that takes its meaning from the following direct
object. Maurice took a bath. Helene had a smoke.
limiter Limits the hearer's attention to the word or phrase that follows and
excludes other possibilities. I just tapped his fender. Only Joel was selected.
located subject A subject that is located in space by its predicate. Tirana is in
Albania. Your sandwich is on the table.
locative Any structure that expresses location. Often but not always an ad-
verb. She lives in Quebec. They have climbed Mt. Everest. Tucson is hot.
locative inversion Constructions exhibiting operator/subject inversion in
which the locative adverbial appears first in the sentence. Sometimes ex-
clamatory. Here comes Beatrice.
main clause The structure in which all other clauses are embedded. Jonah
wants England to win the World Cup.
main verb The lexical verb in the main clause. I know that Sam likes you.
malefactive Threats that exploit the same construction as benefactives. Til
break your arm for you.
markedness When one form stands in contrast to another (to which it is se-
mantically or structurally related) because it carries a morpheme the other
lacks, e.g., prince versus princess, or because it is used in a more restricted
set of constructions, e.g., How old are you? versus How young are you?
matrix clause The structure in which another clause (or clauses) is embed-
ded. It may be a main clause or a subordinate clause.
Middle English The variety of English spoken in Britain from 1100-1500.
modal auxiliaries A closed set of auxiliary verbs, all of which have uncon-
ventional morphology and all of which share a relatively small set of mean-
ings, e.g., will, should.
modality The expression of nonfacts, e.g., speculations, desires, directives. It
might rain. I wish I were tall. You must clean your room.
monotransitive verb A verb that takes only one object, a direct object, e.g.,
eat, study.
298 Glossary
passive voice A construction that contains the auxiliary be or get plus a past
participle. The subject is typically affected by the action of the verb. Rocky
got mugged last night. They were annoyed by the commotion.
past participle A form of the verb that participates in perfect and passive con-
structions. The baby has fallen. The roof was damaged by the storm. Also used
as an adjective, e.g., the broken swing.
patient The semantic role of an NP that is affected by the action of the verb.
The fisherman caught three trout. The tree toppled. The village was destroyed.
perfect A construction that contains the auxiliary have plus the past partici-
ple form of the following verb. Often expresses duration or current rele-
vance. Janice has lived there thirty years. I have just cut my leg.
performative A construction in which the actual utterance of the words con-
stitutes an act with social and sometimes legal ramifications. I sentence you
to life imprisonment.
periphrasis/periphrastic A construction that exploits additional words rather
than inflectional morphemes. The top of the table as opposed to the table's top.
personal pronoun A pronoun that reflects person (first, second, and third), num-
ber, and subject, genitive, and (except for it) object case, e.g., she, them, its.
phrasal verb See multi-word verb.
possessive genitive A construction in which the genitive reflects the posses-
sor or owner of the NP it modifies, e.g., Brian's pickup truck; Judith's face.
possessive reflexive pronouns Constructions in which a genitive is always
construed as referring back to the subject. May won't help her own father.
Patty blinked her eyes.
postdeterminer A small class of quantifying words that follow the determiner
in the NP. It was her fourth bologna sandwich. The two boys in the group dis-
sented.
predicate adjective An adjective that follows a copula and modifies the sub-
ject. Lucille is smart.
predicate nominative An NP that follows a copula and has the same refer-
ent as the subject. Shirley is a mechanical engineer.
prenominal adjective An adjective that precedes the noun in the NP, e.g., a
big boat.
prescriptive grammar Language rules that focus on which forms and struc-
tures are "correct" and which are not. Don't end a sentence with a preposition
is a classic prescriptive rule.
present participle The {-ing} form of a verb. Participates in the progressive
and also functions as a prenominal adjective. I am eating now. I could hear
a laughing child.
300 Glossary
relative pronoun The subordinator in a relative clause. Always has the same
referent as the NP it modifies. I know the woman who sold you that car.
relative tense Occurs when the tense of a non-finite clause is determined by
the matrix clause. I want to win versus I had wanted to win.
restricted copula A small class of copulas that occur with a limited number
of subject complements. The issue loomed large. The audience fell silent.
restrictive relative clause Clause that modifies the preceding NP, usually by
restricting its possible referents. Subordinator is a wh proform or that. All
the trees that Paulette planted are doing well.
resulting copula Copula that reflects a change of state. My brother became
sleepy.
scope of negation Refers to those parts of the sentence actually affected by
the negative particle.
semantic role Delineates the role played by a lexical item, phrase, or clause
in relationship to the verb, e.g., agent, experiencer, adverb of direction.
semi-auxiliaries Multi-word constructions that express deontic and/or epis-
temic modality, as well as ability and habituality, e.g., be going to, is certain
to, used to.
sensory copula A copula that refers to one of our five senses. That guy smells
bad. Your daughter sounds hoarse.
stative adjective A predicate adjective that expresses an ongoing state. Co-
occurs with a stative copula. My great grandmother is very old.
stative verb Any verb, including a copula, that expresses an ongoing state.
Typically does not co-occur with the progressive. Claudia is tall. Melinda en-
joys Tai Chi.
style disjunct Adverbial that indicates in what mode the speaker is speak-
ing. Truthfully, I can't stand the man. Frankly, I think my brother is incompe-
tent.
subject complement An NP or adjective in the predicate that has the same
referent as the subject or modifies the subject, i.e., a predicate adjective or
predicate nominative. The tree is dead. Yesim is a physicist. A locative ad-
verb after copula be is also considered a subject complement. I am in the
garden.
subject dominant language A language in which the subject of the main verb
must be expressed, e.g., English.
subject genitive A construction in which the genitive plays the semantic role
of subject within the NP. The contractor's shortcuts weakened the building.
subjunctive A set of distinctively marked verb forms that are used to ex-
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Index
307
308 Index
Inflectional suffixes may, 132, 133, 134, 138, 144, 145, 152
on adjectives, 165-66 Measurement genitives, 72
in Old English, 55, 98-99 Mental state verbs. See Psych-verbs
on nouns, 55-57 Metaphor
on verbs, 98-100, 107, 110-11, 116, and spatial prepositions, 191
132-33 and verb particles, 126
Information seeking questions (wh Middle English, 6, 133, 157, 165
questions), 154-55 might, 132, 133, 134, 138, 144, 145, 152
ING clauses, 249-56, 272 might could, 138
and infinitive clauses compared, 253-54 Modal auxiliaries, 132-38, 151
Instrument semantic role and ability, 137
as adverb of means, 199 and deontic modality, 134-37
as subject, 17 and epistemic modality, 133-34
Intensifiers and habitual actions and events, 137
as adjectives, 174 morphology of, 132-33
as adverbs, 186-88 multiple, 137-38
Interrogative determiners, 64 as operators, 156
Interrogative proforms, 93, 201 and past time, 143-45
Interrogatives. See Questions and prediction, 133
Intransitive verbs, 32-34 and word order, 137-38
it Modality, 130-51
anaphoric, 85 deontic, 131-32, 134-37, 146-51
cataphoric, 21-22, 235 epistemic 130-31, 133-34, 139-40,
empty, 21, 29 210-11
Monotransitive verbs, 39
Jewish Scriptures, language of, 99 Mood, 146-51
imperative, 146-49, 151
King James Bible, language of, 99, 134-35 subjunctive, 149-50, 151
Koran, language of, 99 Morphology, 9. See also Derivational
suffixes, Inflectional suffixes
Latin grammars, 2-3 Movable particles, 126-27
Lexical verb, 123-25 Multi-word lexical verbs, 125-30
Lexicalization, 18, 190 identifying, 128-30
Light transitive verbs, 31-32 with movable particles, 126-27
Limiters, 175, 187-88, 194 with unmovable particles, 127-28
Linking verbs. See Copulas must, 132, 133, 134, 135, 138, 144, 152,
little 153
adjective vs. postdeterminer, 66
Located subjects, 20-21 Narrative present. See Historical present
Locative constructions need, 136-37
adverbials, 188-93, 278 negation, 151-53
direct objects, 29, 191-92 and the imperative, 147
subjects, 22 scope of, 152-53, 204-5
Locative inversion, 192-93 New information, 42-43, 59, 121, 127, 270
Lower vs. higher structures, 227 No synonymy rule, 41, 120
Nominal clauses
Main clauses, 217 infinitive clauses, 237-49
Main verbs, 217 ING clauses, 249-56
Malefactives, 44 that clauses, 228-37
Mandative subjunctives, 149-50, 229 wh clauses, 256-62
Markedness Nominative case, 55
and adjectives, 177 Non-count nouns, 78-82
and word order, 51-52 Non-factives, 236-37
Mass nouns, 78, 79 Non-finite verbs, 105-6, 237
Matrix clauses, 217 Non-inherent adjectives, 171
312 Index
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