Written in Bones
Written in Bones
Written in Bones
Studies on technological
and social contexts
of past faunal skeletal remains
edited by
Justyna Baron
Bernadeta Kufel-Diakowska
Uniwersytet Wrocawski
Instytut Archeologii
Wrocaw 2011
Institute of Archaeology, University of Wrocaw, 2011
Editors
Justyna Baron and Bernadeta Kufel-Diakowska
Reviewers
Arkadiusz Marciniak, Jarosaw Wilczyski
Layout
Janusz M. Szafran, Jarosaw Michalak
Cover
Justyna Baron
ISBN 978-83-61416-64-7
Social contexts
Heidi Luik, Mirja Ots, Liina Maldre
From the Neolithic to the Bronze Age: continuity and changes in bone artefacts in Saaremaa,
Estonia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 243
Florentina Oleniuc, Luminia Bejenaru
Preliminary Data Concerning the Manufacturing of Animal Raw Materials in the Chalcolithic
Cucuteni B Settlement of Poduri-Dealul Ghindaru, Romania . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263
Manuel Altamirano Garca
Bone industry from the Bronze Age in Central Iberia. The Settlement of La Motilla Del Azuer . . . . . . 273
Justyna Baron
Ritual contexts of animal bone deposits from the Roman Iron Age settlement at Magnice,
SW Poland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 285
Felix Lang
Activity not Profession. Considerations about Bone Working in Roman Times . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 295
Magdalena Konczewska
Bone, horn and antler working in medieval Wrocaw . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 305
Kamilla Pawowska
The remains of alate medieval workshop in Inowroclaw (Kuyavia, Poland): horncores, antlers
and bones . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 313
Acknowledgements
First and foremost we would like to thank all the kindly proofread the English language version of the
authors who contributed to this volume for their ef- contributions to the present volume. Thank you.
fective co-operation and their infinite patience in an- Special thanks are also due to Alice M. Choyke
swering all our emails. We would also like to take for her help and advice on various stages of making
this opportunity to thank our colleagues and students this book as it was being edited.
who helped us to organise the meeting two years Both the conference and the publication were pos-
ago. sible with the financial support of our home institution
Steven P. Ashby, Alice M. Choyke, Alex Pluskow i.e. Institute of Archaeology, University of Wrocaw,
ski, David Smith and Elisabeth A. Stone and anumber and we would like to thank Jerzy Piekalski, the head
of other colleagues mentioned in individual texts of the Institute, for his enthusiasm for this project.
Methods and methodology
Steven P. Ashby
This is apaper about boneworking. However, it are biological (if, indeed, any distinction is possible;
does not relate the development of analytical tech- see Ingold 2000). This is asimple point, but one that
niques particular to the canon of material culture is often overlooked, as we have sought to redirect
produced in skeletal materials. Neither is its aim the treatment of worked-bone collections back to-
to illustrate the application of method (be it zooar- ward the animals from whence they came. What is
chaeological, technological, typological, or traceo- needed, rather than an effort to balance the influ-
logical). Such work has been ably undertaken and ence of zooarchaeological and artefactual approach-
communicated elsewhere in the present volume, and es, is acommitment that objects of worked bone be
my aim is different. analysed within acoherent methodological and theo-
I strongly believe that worked-bone research retical framework that renders the resultant data and
belongs within the mainstream of material culture interpretation compatible with that resulting from
studies (that is, the project of archaeology). That is equivalent studies of other forms of material culture
not to suggest that its faunal foundations be over- (Miller 2007). Such an approach must appreciate the
looked; adetailed understanding of animal anatomy significance of the zoological content of these ob-
(and, I would argue, ethology) is fundamental to jects; it is their animality that is significant, rather
the analysis and interpretation of objects of worked than merely their materiality (see Ingold 2007; Con-
bone. But so is its artefactual basis. Bone awls, axes, neller 2011). Within this broad theoretical context,
picks, pins, combs, and caskets are all objects, and as there are multiple ways of looking at worked bone.
such are as fundamentally cultural material as they Herein Ipropose just one.
we use objects as well as oral and written language in prehistoric archaeology and, through conceptual
to communicate with one another, different media borrowings from semantics and rhetoric, is finding
being used in different ways, for different purposes. increasingly frequent applications as auseful way of
Although it has faded from popularity in the field of interpreting phenomena as diverse as stone tools and
social anthropology (compare Moore 1985; Ingold landscape (Shanks, Tilley 1987:133; Tilley 1991,
2000), and (interestingly) has failed to take a firm 1999; Pluciennik 2002). In this paper, Iintend to ex-
hold in medieval and historical archaeology, the idea periment a little with this idea. My medium is the
of material culture as language has remained popular composite antler hair comb.
On inspection, subtle variation is apparent, but has fine-grained analysis, coupled with this novel ap-
generally been missed, ignored, or explained away proach, might render such complex patterning com-
as anomalous (see Ashby 2006). Ihope that amore prehensible and meaningful.
Fig. 1:
Formal diversity:
schematic distributions
of comb types
frequently recorded
from 10th- and
11th-century contexts
(Types 6, 7, and 8,
after Ashby 2007).
Illustration by the author,
incorporating drawings
by Hayley Saul
and Pat Walsh
The Language of the Combmaker: interpreting complexity in Viking-Age Industry
13
Fig. 2: Ornamental
Diversity: Schematic
representations of
decoration recorded
on Type 5 combs.
(a) atypical interlace,
based on an example
from the Brough
of Birsay;
(b) recumbent-S
arrangement of
ring-and-dot motifs,
known from Birka,
the Frisian terpen and,
less commonly, Orkney;
(c) T- and I-shaped
arrangements of
ring-and-dot motifs,
known from Birka
and the Frisian terpen,
but unknown
in the British Isles.
Drawings by the author
and Hayley Saul
Let us take as an example the scenario in early as native vs incomer, but combs were certainly
Viking-Age Scotland, where it has been suggested being used to formalise, signify, and structure demo-
that combs of an identifiably Pictish style unknown graphic associations.
in Scandinavia were being manufactured in reindeer Asimilar, if less clear-cut, phenomenon is appar-
antler amaterial not native to the British Isles at ent in Yorkshire. In the dynamic and unstable time
this date (Ashby 2009; cf Weber 1992). If verified, that was the Viking Age, we might expect divisions
we can only explain this scenario in terms of cultural like that in Scotland to be similarly well-evidenced
co-existence and either co-operation or coercion; by in northern England. We might even hope to observe
some means or another, craftspeople familiar with evidence for the purposeful construction of native
Pictish styles of construction and ornament found identities in relation to some perceived Scandinavian
themselves working in Scandinavian materials. threat. However, no interface phase (in which the
They were either trading with the Norse for raw ma- coexistence of Scandinavian and native material cul-
terials, or the Scandinavian incomers were provid- ture exist side-by-side) is visible at York, and in all
ing materials and commissioning the manufacture levels the Scandinavians are difficult to find. Only
of local forms of material culture, perhaps as part asmall number of objects from York can be defini-
of an active policy of incorporation and accultura- tively characterised as Norwegian or Danish (in-
tion. deed, there are few imports of any provenance; see
A similar situation becomes discernible when Richards 2007: 162), and the rarity of diagnostically
we consider the apparently concurrent use of these Viking combs in northern England is remarkable
native and Pictish type combs and other Scandi- (Ashby 2006; Ashby in press).
navian forms (Ashby 2009). How can there be suf- Nonetheless, if we shift our gaze beyond the
ficient space in the market for such diverse forms, towns, we do find signs of complexity. The persist-
manufactured according to disparate traditions? One ence at rural settlements of traditionally pre-viking
explanation is that this dislocation relates to faction- style combs (Types 2a, 2b, and 12; see Ashby 2006,
alism within the populace; it may not be as simple 2007) at least into the ninth century is indicative of
14 Steven P. Ashby
adeliberate choice (Ashby 2006:175, 225-228; see Thomas 2000, 2006). This conservatism suggests
also Richards 1999; MacGregor 2000; cf Foreman that old, familiar comb forms retained meanings or
2009). This phenomenon is unlikely to represent associations that new, foreign ones did not. So once
simple backwardness, and more probably relates again, we can see the use of form as an act of implic-
to the construction of a shared Anglo-Saxon (or it but calculated inclusion and exclusion, mediated
perhaps explicitly Northumbrian) identity, as has through material culture in away analagous to that
been proposed for certain forms of metalwork (see of language, akind of material shibboleth.
Dialects of Manufacture
These are all visible, and consciously or uncon- I have written elsewhere on the nature of tech-
sciously understood cultural references. But we may nology, and the means by which manufacturing
also talk of dialects, features that may or may not traditions are developed and passed on (Ashby, in
have been actively recognised by consumers, de- prep.). Herein it is appropriate to consider briefly the
pending on their familiarity with the language of means by which one learns askill; it is through the
combmaking. These traits speak of the materials experience of working with materials in aparticular
and techniques exploited by the combmaker, which context. Thus, just as the knowledge acquired dur-
themselves reflect the artisans place of work, and ing apprenticeship is key to the manner in which
the tradition in which they leaned their craft. Ex- atask is conceived and undertaken, so is the place
amples might include raw materials of combs and of work, the tools employed, and the materials ex-
rivets, methods and arrangements of riveting, the ploited. So, working with a particular form of raw
tools and processes used to construct and finish the material red deer antler rather than reindeer, elk,
piece. or bone, for instance would have an impact on the
The Language of the Combmaker: interpreting complexity in Viking-Age Industry
15
Fig. 3: Manufacturing Diversity: Schematic representations of riveting patterns from across northern Europe.
(a) alternating-edge style; (b) every-edge style; (c) centrally-riveted style; (d) decorative style.
After an original drawing by Sven Schroeder, originally published in Ashby 2009, fig 5
particular manner in which comb manufacture was equally have had an impact. This may seem fanciful,
conceived. Of course, this may have included practi- but it would be foolish to deny the possible implica-
cal concerns; the particular dimensions of the mate- tions of the animist beliefs that seem to have char-
rial would naturally constrain the size and shape of acterised relations with reindeer in the circumpolar
individual comb components. But it need not be re- north (iks et al. 2009; Price 2002; Ingold 1980).
stricted to such matters. Ways of thinking about ma- Even in post-conquest England, treatment of the red
terial, or about the animal from whence it came, may deer carcass (the unmaking of the deer) was highly
16 Steven P. Ashby
ritualised, and is not easily explicable in efficiency British Isles seem to share the alternating tradition.
terms (Sykes 2007:71), while we might also remem- Thus, we may perceive significant manufacturing
ber that the significance of raw materials need not variation, notwithstanding any similarity in mor-
have abasis in explicit religious or symbolic asso- phology or decoration. The implications of this phe-
ciations (see Conneller 2011). Indeed, meaningful nomenon are considerable. Foreign comb forms do
content might well develop out of functional neces- seem to have been transported beyond their normal
sity, such that no distinction is made between the ranges (presumably by acombination of travel and
practical and meaningful basis behind the choice exchange), and combmakers from different regions
of a particular material. Material qualities such as may have had occasion to interact with one another.
toughness and lustre, as well as rarity and the de- Nonetheless, it seems clear that traditions of mak-
gree to which exploitation is restricted to particular ing were discretely regionalised (see Ashby in press
groups, may impart upon amaterial connotations of a, b). Thus, combs with evidence of anomalous man-
status, luxury, or the exotic. In turn, such associa- ufacturing processes may be identified as displaced
tions may inscribe that material appropriate or in- objects, and it is notable that in northern England the
appropriate for use in the manufacture of particular small number of combs displaying the every edge
object types, or for use by particular members of riveting technique are concentrated in York (Ashby
society. Moreover, such conceptual frameworks are 2006: Tables 7.32-7.35).
not limited to raw materials, but may equally impact To pitch this in linguistic terms, again we may
upon form, method of assembly, the use of tools, and use the example of US and British English. Though
ultimately the use of the finished object itself, while none would doubt the shared linguistic experience
the significance of particular qualities may move of speakers of the two languages, few familiar with
in and out of focus, their meaningful content trans- the rhythms and cadences of US and British speech
forming according to context, such that the people would confuse the two, such that it is extremely dif-
interacting with agiven comb form at agiven point ficult for anative of one context to go unrecognised
may be rich or poor, young or old, male or female. in the other. The dialect may be taken for granted
For this reason, it is fundamental that context (social, in some home contexts, but it becomes significant
chronological, and geographical) is prioritised in any when abroad. Thus, particular aspects of comb
analysis. manufacture and material shift in and out of focus
To illustrate this, aspecific example is necessary, according to context and moment, just as do form
but given the limitations of space, herein the focus is and ornament (see above), as has been proposed for
on just one aspect of manufacturing practice: meth- the material culture of prehistoric Europe (Edmonds
ods of riveting (Fig. 3). There are arange of ways 1999), and other aspects of our lived environment
by which acomb may be riveted together, and these (Bender 2001). This is the only way in which the
do seem to reflect local schools of manufacture, or meaning of combs might be assessed; any attempt
at least regional working traditions (see Smirnova to identify aparticular significance even for are-
2005:29-38 for adetailed account). To simplify, both stricted spatio-temporal frame such as Viking-Age
every edge and central arrangements are known England - is certain to end in failure. The signifi-
in Norway and Sweden, while Denmark and the cance of objects is too slippery to be easily grasped.
speaking the Hiberno-Norse language of material material and meaning that Ingold (2007) has empha-
culture. sised as priorities for archaeological research more
So, we have seen that new Scandinavian or even generally.
Hiberno-Norse templates were adopted in both Combmaking in late Viking-Age and Anglo-Nor-
Northumbria and parts of Ireland in the tenth cen- man England seems to have experienced a related,
tury. These combs rapidly became extremely popu- but perhaps more widely felt trend. From the Late
lar, and seem to have been produced and consumed Viking Age and into the Middle Ages, composite
in such numbers - especially at large settlements comb production seems to decline in England, while
such as York that it is improbable that all those the industry thrives in Scandinavia, and its output
using such combs were of Scandinavian genetic her- is identifiable across northern Europe and the North
itage. More likely the phenomenon suggests rapid Atlantic (see Ashby, in press). Quite why this occurs
and widespread acceptance of anew design: anew is difficult to ascertain. Traditionally, the decline
material language. In so adopting these combs, the of the English composite comb has been explained
populace ensured that these forms were reinvented with reference to the increasingly restricted nature of
as cultural references or linguistic cadences, becom- access to antler, and the rise of horncraft (MacGre-
ing assimilated into the Anglo-Scandinavian milieu. gor 1985:32, 51). However, in itself, this explana-
This contrasts markedly with the situation in smaller tion may not present the full story. Combs of bone/
settlements, where combs show conservatism of de- antler and of horn/wood are not morphologically,
sign, and it does appear that Viking-Age northern materially, technologically or aesthetically similar,
England had aheterogeneous population. Moreover, and must have fulfilled fundamentally different roles
that population may have been factional, with inter- (at least in terms of display). The replacement of the
group relations being mediated through material former by the latter must, Ibelieve, relate to afun-
culture, including combs. The well-known handled damental shift in the perception of what acomb was,
combs (Type 3; see Ashby 2007) constitute a pos- and what it was for. If access to antler did indeed
sible example of this phenomenon. They appear to become restricted, then the transference of respon-
persist right across the political threshold of Norse sibility for comb production to the hornworker does
settlement. Whether they represent Saxon or Fri- not seem inevitable or inherently predictable. Why
sian combs, they are nonetheless adiscrete group, did the combmaker not simply return to exploitation
unlike anything else in use in the British Isles, Frisia, of postcranial bone? Though antler does exercise
Francia or Scandinavia between the seventh and tenth mechanical superiority over bone in some important
centuries. They may thus represent aspecific social ways (MacGregor, Currey 1983), we have seen that
reference group, with its own comb language. Just the latter was used extensively in the pre-Viking pe-
as the techniques of Ingolds northern and southern riod, and its utility was not lost to memory. So why
Finnish reindeermen were the loci for expressions of were bone/antler composite combs abandoned alto-
identity, so it was for the comb behaviours of various gether, rather than reconceived in terms of material?
late Viking-Age groups in northern England. Combs It is possible that the butchery guilds (which appear
were used to mediate relations between various de- to have been in place at least by the thirteenth cen-
mographic, ethnic, or social groups. The linguistic tury) attempted to limit access to domestic animal
analogy, then, does indeed seem appropriate. bone at this point, but the persisting production of
Perhaps the most striking patterning in comb be- bone items such as gaming pieces and knife handles
haviour relates to material choice. Broadly speaking, (and the appearance of new forms such as parch-
Viking-Age England saw ashift in preference from ment prickers) perhaps argues against this. Rather,
bone to antler (see Riddler 1992). It is worth con- it seems that the period following the Norman Con-
sidering why this was the case. While the growth of quest saw achange in skills that was unfavourable for
towns in the Viking Age may certainly have impact- the comb. It is atruism to state that the appearance
ed the organisation of material supply, it is difficult of Norman lordship was accompanied by significant
to see how this could have made antler more readily social change, but one particular aspect of this devel-
available than bone (the development of butchery opment holds interest here. It has frequently been ar-
guilds, which may conceivably have limited access gued that early-medieval notions of power and status
to postcranial bone, seems to have been alater de- were related to portable wealth, military might and
velopment). Instead, the difference may be related to influence, and derived from a complex network of
achange in the perceived qualities of materials. This affiliations and responsibilities borne out of relation-
does not necessarily represent an ethnic influence, ships of reciprocity and tribute (see Hedeager 1994;
but it does reflect differences in skills and world- Samson 1991), and that these were replaced in large
view. It is precisely these flows and meshworks of part by Norman ideals founded on land ownership,
The Language of the Combmaker: interpreting complexity in Viking-Age Industry
19
inheritance, and feudal relations (see Sykes 2007 for situated within particular social contexts, and their
a useful review of these issues in light of human- relative fortunes are contingent upon political and
animal relations). The Saxon-Norman dichotomy is socio-economic developments, resulting in distinc-
of course simplistic (see Bates, Curry 1992), but it tive chronological and geographical patterning. The
is clear that the political conditions that pertained in parallel with the case of the reindeermans lasso is
later Anglo-Saxon England were different in kind to close, and while this is just one possible explanation,
those that characterised contemporary Normandy, such an approach is particularly interesting in light
which had developed out of the Carolingian restruc- of Ingolds (2007) concern with materials against
turing of the Romano-Germanic state of Meroving- materiality. Thus, while the need for hair combs was
ian Francia. The social and economic developments to persist, the relevance of the composite comb (with
of later 11th- and 12th-century England, are then, its particular material requirements, its complex and
unsurprising. It is conceivable that these changes extended production process, it role as a dress ac-
had a material corollary. Although it would be er- cessory, and the conceptual associations drawn from
roneous to propose that it led to adeclining need to both its raw materials and the symbolic content of its
display status through dress, it is reasonable to sug- form and ornament) entered aslow decline. Though,
gest that certain mechanisms involving either the as we have seen, precision is not forthcoming, the
significance of hair, or of particular dress accesso- timing of this decline is interesting, coinciding as it
ries began to be viewed differently in this regard does with perceived recessions in the production of
(see Dutton 2004 for the complexities of interpreting metalwork and large-scale ecclesiastical construc-
changing attitudes to hair in early-medieval Frankia; tion (Hinton 2006; Gem 1975). It is possible that
see also Petitjean 1995). Comprehension of the trend these trends share common causation, and it is not
may be aided by further archaeological and docu- inconceivable that socio-conceptual rather than
mentary research in Britain and France, but in truth simply economic factors played an important role.
ultimate identification of aparticular social cause for In the case of combs, however, the disparity is stark,
this development seems an unlikely goal. Moreover, particularly given the thriving combmaking industry
though there is the temptation to apply an ethnic that characterised early second-millennial Scandina-
explanation, it is problematic to privilege the impact via, and it is tempting to see the pattern in terms of
of the Norman Conquest over contemporary alterna- a change in the nature of the relationship between
tives, particularly when as in this case we are Scandinavia and England under Cnut and the kings
hamstrung by an inability to tightly date the phe- of Wessex (Ashby in press). This, however, only de-
nomenon of interest. scribes the situation; what Ihave endeavoured to do
Nonetheless, patterning in the presence/absence herein is to address the question of why the display
of examples of riveted mounts suggest that the 11th comb so rapidly became redundant. The phenom-
and 12th centuries also saw the decline of rudimentary enon must relate, at least in part, to the changing role
combs that incorporated ahorn (or wooden) compo- of combs in social performance and communication,
nent (Ashby Type 4; see Ashby 2007; Biddle 1990). and atransformation in the rules according to which
This comb form may be seen as the missing link this material language operated.
(morphologically, and in some senses chronologi- Notwithstanding the decline of English comb-
cally) between the composite comb proper, and its making, we do find occasional examples of com-
one-piece successor in horn. Arguably, these combs posite combs in deposits dated to the 12th and 13th
represented inexpensive toilet implements with adi- centuries. Such combs are invariably Norwegian- or
minished role in display, and as such provided the Danish-made (type 9), and must represent the pos-
template for later, perhaps less symbolically loaded sessions of travellers from Scandinavia or Atlan-
models. Thus, as the need for combs as active, visible tic Scotland (Ashby 2006:146-147). The size and
dress accessories disappeared, so they were replaced extravagance of some such examples suggest that
by more functional grooming tools that could be ex- it was not always too much of arisk for aScandi-
pediently manufactured on single pieces of horn or navian outsider to openly display their identity in
wood. Though no doubt produced in some numbers, Viking-Age and high-medieval England. Inciden-
most such examples are now lost to us. tally, the same might be said of asmall number of
Thus, what at a superficial level appears to be Late Viking-Age bronze comb pendants with eastern
afairly coherent class of object the comb actu- Baltic origins, which have recently come to light in
ally comprises several discrete forms with particular Lincolnshire (Ashby and Bolton, 2010). Such dis-
cultural associations. Let us call these forms phases play would surely have stood out in the eleventh and
(in the chemical or zoological rather than the tem- twelfth centuries if decorative dress accessories (in-
poral sense). The use of the respective phases is cluding visible combs) were as rare as they appear
20 Steven P. Ashby
to have been. Indeed, the local imitation of Scandi- has been overlooked. It has not been possible, for
navian forms suggests that such fashions were seen instance, to consider in any detail the nature of rela-
as exotic or desirable in some contexts, to the extent tions between combs and other meaningfully-loaded
that their meaning was actively read, interpreted, objects. The networks of association between multi-
and adopted. ple objects, people, and places are of course key to
Ihope that this brief case study has demonstrated their agency, but this is amatter for another paper.
how alanguage-driven approach might allow us to Finally, this contribution demonstrates just one po-
understand previously uninterpreted patterning in tential approach to our problem. Elsewhere, Ihave
artefactual material. To summarise, rather than as outlined and adopted processes based on style (Ash-
has previously been assumed the corpus being ho- by 2006) and technological choice (Ashby in prep),
mogeneous, there is much variability and patterning and Ido not suggest aparticular theory or framework
in the combs of Viking-Age Europe. It is simply the to be followed; diverse questions call for diverse re-
complexity of this patterning that renders it invisible sponses. All that is important is that whatever ap-
at first, and what is needed is amodel to help unravel proach is adopted, care is taken to appreciate that the
it. Of course, in this paper it has only been possible meaningful content of these objects is multi-faceted:
to touch upon afew of the problems and potentials zoological and technological; ecological and com-
of studying this complex finds material, and much municative.
Acknowledgements
This paper builds upon research undertaken prior ment of the members of the Worked Bone Research
to 2006, as part of AHRC-funded doctoral research Group, and to our Polish colleagues in particular, for
at the University of York, and Iam grateful for the organising the meeting and for their help in prepar-
advice and ideas of staff and colleagues in the De- ing this paper for publication. Thanks are also due to
partment of Archaeology that made this research Penelope Walton Rogers, for discussion on the role
possible. In particular, Ishould thank my supervisor, of butchery guilds. Finally, Iowe abig thank you to
James Barrett, whose perspicacious comments were Mark Edmonds (very much the perceptive reader
always immensely helpful, and Arthur MacGregor, referred to above), whose inspiration and encourage-
whose support is greatly appreciated. I have also ment has been priceless, and whose comments on
benefitted from discussions with untold numbers of an earlier draft of this paper have improved it im-
fellow worked bone specialists, and Iam of course measurably. Thanks to you all; all errors of course,
extremely grateful for the support and encourage- remain my own.
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Elisabeth A. Stone
Perishable fiber technologies - objects made from study of fiber technologies is more problematic be-
plant and animal soft tissues - may comprise up to cause of the extreme rarity of actual exemplars of
95% of the material culture made and used by con- such objects. However, there are many means that
temporary foragers but are rarely found archaeologi- archaeologists can employ to study ancient econom-
cally (Barber 1991; Croes 1997; Hurcombe 2008b; ic activities such as the processing and manufacture
Tuross, Fogel 1994). Fiber technologies, then, are of goods with animal and plant derived fibers.
frequently archaeologically invisible in two ways: Osseous tools constitute an important component
1) physically, they are perishable and are thus recov- of the material culture of many ancient and contem-
ered less frequently from the archaeological record; porary groups, and are used in awide range of ac-
2) intellectually, even when they are present, these tivities. One of the major uses for bone tools is the
technologies are often associated with the labor of processing and manufacture of organic artifacts such
women, children, and the elderly, who are frequently as cordage, thongs, basketry, woven fabrics, mats,
omitted from our reconstructions of the past. These nets, prepared hides, and leathers (Amato 2010;
two factors are interrelated and each feeds the other Christidou, Legrand 2005; Legrand 2008; Maigrot
in the development of agap in our knowledge about 2003; Owen 1994, 2005). As I will discuss below,
ancient perishable technologies: lack of interest in numerous tool forms are associated ethnohistorical-
less powerful members of society in the past and ly with the processing and production of animal and
the present limits the investigation of these indi- plant fibers technologies and archaeological forms
viduals in the past, the difficulty of recovering this may be studied to understand the past use of these
evidence minimizes the attention paid to these ma- more perishable materials. My work on ethnograph-
terial classes. In the deep past, the archaeological ic osseous tools was developed in the context of re-
26 Elisabeth A. Stone
search on the role of different fiber sources and fiber sinew, reeds, and plant fibers during the end of the
technologies in the Upper Paleolithic of northern Pleistocene, or in other places where direct evidence
Spain. Given the deep time depth of Upper Paleo- is scant. Ipropose that some classes of osseous tools
lithic sites and the poor preservation of soft organic can provide a good proxy for fiber processing and
materials from ancient sites, other means must be may provide direct evidence for this practice through
used to identify the processing and working of hides, patterns of use-related attrition.
themselves no longer present in the archaeological tion between osseous and fiber technologies, Iem-
record. However, because many of the functional ploy amulti-scalar approach that combines the data
tool types vary significantly in both morphology and from ethnographic, ethnohistoric, experimental, and
precise function, there is no one-to-one correlation other sources to create aframework for the analysis
between archaeological artifacts and specific fiber of the morphology, condition and attrition from use
technologies. In order to better clarify the connec- and handling of archaeological objects.
b d
Fig. 2. Alaskan sinew-sewing needles (a: Catalogue number E24463; b: Catalogue number E89395;
c: Catalogue number E89392; d: Catalogue number E89394; a-d: Department of Anthropology, Smithsonian Institution;
Photos: E.A. Stone
example, aneedle could be asewing needle, used ples in wood and metal are also known. Although
to draw athread through afabric, or atattoo needle they vary somewhat in size, and the form of the cen-
for drawing an inked thread through skin. It might tral perforation varies, overall, snowshoe needles
also denote alarge, broad matting needle for rushes flat, wide, bi-pointed, and centrally perforated are
and thatching or asmall, dense snowshoe needle for remarkably similar (Fig. 1). Conversely, the simple
netting leather thongs through awooden snowshoe sewing needle for use with sinew thread varies
frame. more dramatically, even within the same region and
In rare cases, form and function align, as in the broad cultural group. Alaskan sinew-sewing needles
case of bone snowshoe needles. Found throughout vary in dimension, curvature, form, and can be made
the northern portion of North America, snowshoe in ivory, bone, or later, metal (Fig. 2). Thus, in the
needles are usually made of bone, although exam- case of the sewing needle, despite serving only one
The Role of Ethnographic Museum Collections in Understanding Bone Tool Use
33
a c
Fig. 3: Weaving battens or needles: a) Hawiku, New Mexico (Courtesy, National Museum of the American Indian,
Smithsonian Institution, Catalogue number 066490, Photo: E.A. Stone); b) Inuit, Alaska (Courtesy of the Burke
Museum of Natural History and Culture, Catalogue number 1996-49/12, Photo: E.A. Stone); c) Zuni, New Mexico
(AMNH 50.1/8789; Courtesy of the Division of Anthropology, American Museum of Natural History,
Photo: E.A. Stone)
b c
Fig. 4: Morphologically similar tools of diverse function: a) Weaving awl; Collas Aymara (Courtesy, National
Museum of the American Indian, Smithsonian Institution, Catalogue number 15/8531, Photo: E.A. Stone);
b) Nut pick, Comanche, Oklahoma (Courtesy, National Museum of the American Indian, Smithsonian Institution,
Catalogue number 021719; Photo: E.A. Stone); c) Basketry awl; Hopi, New Mexico (AMNH 50.1/9998; Courtesy of
the Division of Anthropology, American Museum of Natural History); d) Pipe cleaner; Innu (Montagnais), Quebec,
Canada (Courtesy, National Museum of the American Indian, Smithsonian Institution, Catalogue number 101433,
Photo: E.A. Stone)
34 Elisabeth A. Stone
general function, form can vary, while the snowshoe ubiquitous small and pointy forms that we see in both
needle is more morphologically constrained. the ethnographic and archaeological records can fall
Tools for the same purpose may vary substantially into numerous ethnographic categories, among them
in form, to the extent that archaeologists would rare- leather pricking awls, thread-manipulating weaving
ly group them together. Weaving battens are agood awls, knitting needles, bag pins or toggles, and more
example. Here, weaving battens from New Mexico surprisingly, lice scratchers, pipe cleaners and nut-
and Alaska, demonstrate three approaches to accom- picks (Fig. 4). Context of recovery and attrition pat-
plishing the same task, each with adistinct morphol- terns would be necessary to discern difference of use
ogy (Fig. 3). Macroscopic and microscopic wear in archaeological forms. Form, then, may at times
patterns indicate the similar gesture and materials of reflect function but need not always do so. This is
use for these tools, despite different morphologies. an archaeological truism, yet morphology is still fre-
More commonly, ashared form takes on multiple quently used as a proxy for function in day-to-day
meanings, particularly in less-elaborated shapes. The archaeological contexts.
Conclusions
Many kinds of data can be obtained from the the individual tool. In some cases, the information
study of objects in ethnographic and ethnohistoric generated through experimentation and archaeo-
museums. These data can inform on the analysis of logical study might help clarify the history of some
archaeological material by providing standards for ethnographic objects, as the assigned names and
the relationship between morphology, manufacture, functions can be assessed based on artifact surface
use, condition and meaning that complement experi- attrition.
mentation, analogy and inter- and intra-assemblage The ethnographic and ethnohistoric record pro-
analysis. Information on the variation of morphol- vides arich source of information on material cul-
ogy of different tool types, manufacture and raw ture and its role in human lifeways. By emphasizing
material choices can be obtained. An understanding the study of physical objects with the methodolo-
of the morphological variability of osseous tools in gies developed within archaeology and structuring
the ethnographic and ethnohistoric record strength- an analysis at the artifact level, useful comparative
ens and enriches our approach to other analyses of standards can be constructed from ethnographic
archaeological tools, but variability is not the only collections. Many of the common methods of ar-
information that can be obtained from the study of chaeological analysis can be applied to museum col-
ethnographic artifacts. The patterning in tools in the lections, but only after extensive archival documen-
ethnographic record includes form, use, wear, re- tation. The unprecedented magnitude and variability
pair, discard, and museological aspects of tool con- of ethnographic collections can provide an extraor-
dition and attrition. From ameta-analysis of meth- dinary resource for archaeologists that is currently
odology of museum collections, the study of these underutilized because of fears about the reliability of
collections lends itself to understanding museum ethnographic documentation. Archaeologists need
practices of curation and conservation and identify- not assume that ethnographic collections lack the
ing changes in museum practice that might affect appropriate documentation for archaeological study,
both ethnographic and archaeological collections. as this is only sometimes the case. Consideration of
If the function and history of the tool is fairly well the history of these collections as an integral part of
known, handling and wear patterns can be linked ethnographic artifact sample selection allows more
with material and gesture. Condition at time of dis- complex and sophisticated analyses of archaeologi-
card can be recorded, although given the diverse cal collections and can enhance both artifact study
ways that objects enter the museological record, and the development of more inclusive and holistic
this cannot indicate anything beyond the level of interpretations of the past.
The Role of Ethnographic Museum Collections in Understanding Bone Tool Use
35
Table 1: Tools Used Ethnographically in the Production of Fiber Technologies
Hide Scrapers
Basketry Awls
Pins, Bodkins
Worked Awls
Bone Points
Completely
Weaving
Needles
Total
Origin
Area
Arctic 32 13 15 14 11 3 3 18 12 5 5 131
Calif.
1 1 12 4 2 1 13 1 35
Coast
NE N. Am. 18 68 22 4 9 16 2 5 2 1 147
Pacific
1 32 1 9 28 7 12 5 12 107
NW
N. Am.
3 4 37 1 4 4 1 1 4 1 60
Plains
Oceania 10 1 11 4 1 27
SE Asia 1 1
Siberia 2 2
SW N.
1 5 26 9 11 52
Am.
Andean 3 1 5 6 2 1 18
SW S. Am. 2 2
TOTAL 58 85 101 25 43 115 34 18 13 28 13 39 3 7 582
*types drawn from museum catalogs; Museums are the American Museum of Natural History, Burke Museum of
Natural History and Culture, Smithsonian Institute National Museum of Natural History and the Smithsonian Institute
Museum of the American Indian; Am. = America; Calif. = California
36 Elisabeth A. Stone
Acknowledgements
Ann Ramenofsky and Emira Ibrahimpasic provided sistance and insight during the course of collections re-
valuable comments on an earlier draft of this paper. search. This research has been supported by the NSF
Many thanks to Laila Williamson (AMNH); Rebecca Graduate Research Fellowship Program, NSF Doctoral
Anderson (Burke); Felicia Pickering, Anta Montet- Dissertation Improvement Grant, the Office of Gradu-
White (NMNH); Pat Nietfeld, Tony Williams, Robert ate Studies at UNM, the UNM Graduate and Profes-
Marvin Garcia Hunt, Tom Evans (NMAI) for their as- sional Student Association and UNM Career Services.
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Materials and technology
Aline Averbouh, Jean-Marc Ptillon
During the Upper Paleolithic, two major modes such as projectile points, certain types of wedges and
of blank production dominate the exploitation of chisels, etc. However, athird mode of blank produc-
antler: debitage by segmentation and debitage tion, debitage by fracturation, seems to dominate
by extraction (terminology after Averbouh 2000). the transformation of antler during one particular pe-
Debitage by segmentation (Fig.1:1) is the division riod: the Badegoulian.
of the antler in segments to be used as blanks for Debitage by fracturation consists in the frac-
the manufacture of objects such as spearthrowers, turing of the block by knapping in order to produce
perforated staffs (btons percs), etc. It is atransver- flakes. This method has long been documented for
sal operation, usually made by the cutting, grooving bone working; its use on antler was first mentioned by
and/or chopping techniques. Debitage by extrac- J.Allain and colleagues in 1974 in the Badegoulian
tion (Fig. 1:2) is the extraction of the blank from assemblage of the Fritsch shelter (Indre, central
the outer part of the antler. It is alongitudinal opera- France: Allain et al. 1974). These authors also stress
tion often done by the grooving procedure (the so- that no evidence of the groove-and-splinter technique
called groove-and-splinter technique: Averbouh is present in this assemblage, and suggest that this
2000; Clark, Thompson 1953; Goutas 2009; Semen- combination (presence of debitage by fracturation
ov 1973; etc.). The blanks are shaped into artifacts and absence of the groove-and-splinter technique)
42 Aline Averbouh, Jean-Marc Ptillon
Fig. 2. Map
of the Badegoulian sites
(black dots) and the
supposed distribution area
of the Badegoulian culture
in France (grey area).
Sites mentioned
in the text are indicated
by white stars.
Map after Demars 1996;
Bodu et al. 2005
Identification of debitage by fracturation on reindeer antler: case study of the Badegoulian levels...
43
is specific for the Badegoulian antler technology. In this article we briefly summarize the results of
For more than 30 years however, the Badegoulian the technological study of the antler industry from the
antler technology remained largely unstudied and Badegoulian levels of the Cuzoul de Vers shelter (Lot,
Fritsch stood as the only published case of antler southwest France). This antler assemblage, studied in
debitage by fracturation in the European Upper Pal- the context of the site monograph (Ptillon, Averbouh
aeolithic (Averbouh 2006, Averbouh in press; Rigaud in press), is larger than the Fritsch collection and gives
2004). new insights into Badegoulian antler working.
Archeological context
The Badegoulian was named after the upper archeological culture was alate and complex proc-
levels of Badegoule shelter (Dordogne, southwest ess, whose summary is beyond the scope of this arti-
France: Peyrony 1908). Its recognition as aspecific cle. Briefly speaking, the Badegoulian was officially
Identification of debitage by fracturation on reindeer antler: case study of the Badegoulian levels...
45
defined by J.Allain and his collaborators between and contributions in Bodu et al. 2007). Badegoulian
the 1960s and the 1980s (Allain 1983, 1989; Allain, sites were identified only in France (Fig.2), although
Fritsch 1967; Allain et al. 1974); in the 1990s and the there might be related assemblages in the Iberian Pe-
2000s, it has been the subject of many studies most- ninsula (Aura Tortosa 2007). In the cultural chronol-
ly centered on lithic technology (see Ducasse 2010, ogy of the Upper Palaeolithic in southwest Europe,
46 Aline Averbouh, Jean-Marc Ptillon
Fig. 7. Sequence
of four flake removals
from one segment
of antler beam.
1-4: order of knapping;
flake 1 is missing but
its negative is still visible
on flakes 2 and 3.
Light grey oval:
missing part of the
antler circumference
(likely corresponding
to the blank sought
by the knapper; see text)
the Badegoulian spans the gap between the Solutrean and excavated in 1982-1986 by J.Clottes and J.-
and the Magdalenian. The most reliable radiocarbon P.Giraud (Clottes, Giraud 1986, 1989, 1996; Clottes
dates place it between 23,000 and 20,500 cal BP, et al. in press). The stratigraphy is 2.5-3 meters thick;
during the Last Glacial Maximum, contemporary from the 31 layers identified during the excavation,
with the Ancient Epigravettian in southeast Europe three (layers 29-31) were attributed to the Upper So-
while most of northern Europe was uninhabited lutrean, but the 28 overlying layers all yielded exclu-
because of the extreme cold conditions. sively Badegoulian remains. Aseries of AMS radio-
The Cuzoul de Vers is asmall rockshelter (ca. 30 carbon dates place this Badegoulian approximately
square meters), located in southwest France (Lot), between 23,500 and 21,500 cal BP.
Fig. 8. Sequence of five flake removals from the lateral side of the beam of alarge antler. 1-5: order of knapping;
flake 1 is missing but its negative is still visible on flake 2. Black arrows: indication of the percussion points
48 Aline Averbouh, Jean-Marc Ptillon
The preservation of this assemblage is quite medio- Two components could immediately be distin-
cre, with an intensive post-depositional fragmenta- guished in the antler assemblage:
tion and afrequent alteration of the surfaces of the 110 finished or half-finished objects and frag-
artifacts. Only reindeer antler was identified, to the ments (Fig.3). The objects that could be typologi-
exclusion of other cervid species; reindeer is also, cally identified are almost exclusively projectile
by far, the main game hunted by the Badegoulian points of small dimensions and large wedges (or
groups at this site (Castel 1999). chisels). All the objects are entirely shaped by scrap-
Identification of debitage by fracturation on reindeer antler: case study of the Badegoulian levels...
49
ing, thus the traces of blank production are no longer of antler fragments as osseous fuel for hearths is
visible. also very unlikely (the fragments do not show any
1,022 apparently unmodified antler fragments, traces of burning). We thus concluded that the 648
with very varied dimensions. fragments with green fractures were related to ant-
The interpretation of the second component proved ler debitage activities.
difficult. It was first necessary to distinguish between The assemblage of anthropically-fractured antler
fractures on dry antler (likely resulting from post- consists of two complementary categories. On the
depositional breakage) from fractures on fresh or one hand, there is asmall collection of antler parts
green antler (possibly linked to human activity, from which flakes were knapped off. Two examples
i.e., antler knapping). While there exists an abundant are given in fig. 5. The base of a large shed antler
literature on this topic for bone material (fracture (Fig. 5:1) shows the negative removal of a large
on dry bone vs. fracture on green bone: Aguirre flake on the posterior side, and abreakage of the an-
1985, 1986; ETTOS 1985; Tartar 2009; Villa, Ma- terior side at the base of the tine. In both cases, there
hieu 1991; etc.), no comparable work has been done are traces of transversal percussion most probably
for antler. We thus selected several criteria, based on direct percussion with a stone hammer (as shown
our experience and on discussions with colleagues. by the presence of the notch, or percussion pit, and
We determined that on dry antler, the fracture plane the negative bulb). The second tine of alarge antler
and the outer surface of the antler form awide angle (Fig.5:2) has had its medial side almost completely
(often close to 90) and that the fracture surface can peeled off by the knapping of several flakes, the
appear irregular, rough, but not fibrous. We thus con- strokes being given from both lower and upper sides;
sidered that the 374 fragments that displayed only this here again, antler knapping was made by transver-
kind of fractures (Fig.4) were exclusively the result sal percussion, likely direct percussion with astone
of post-depositional breakage; these 374 elements hammer.
were excluded from the study. On the other hand, we On the other hand, the antler assemblage includes
could determine that on green antler, the fracture hundreds of flakes (Fig.6), most of which are 2 to 6
plane and the outer surface of the antler form anar- cm long (mean length = 42mm; maximum length =
row angle (often less than 45: tongued fracture) 20 cm). Some of them also bear traces of transversal
and that the fracture surface shows the fibrous struc- percussion. Six flake refittings could be made, and
ture of the material. Moreover, the extremity of the were especially helpful in reconstructing the opera-
fracture surface can be irregular (step-terminating tory sequence. Two are shown on fig. 7 and 8. Ase-
or hinge-terminating fractures: Ptillon 2006). At quence of four flake removals from the same section
the Cuzoul de Vers, it is very unlikely that these frac- of antler (Fig.7) shows that what is left after the knap-
tures are related to carnivore activity, as the impact of ping operation is an antler rod representing about
carnivores on the faunal stock in general is negligible one third of the original circumference of the antler.
and traces of their intervention are almost absent on Asequence of five flake removals from the lateral side
the bone remains (Castel 1999). Antler fracturing is of the main beam of alarge antler shows that flaking
thus an anthropic action. Of course, and contrary to started on the upper part of the antler and went down
bone, this action cannot be aimed at marrow collect- to the base, while percussion traces indicate that the
ing, marrow being absent in antler. The preparation strokes were given from alternate sides (Fig.8).
Technological interpretation
The aim of the technological analysis is to an- the flakes are most likely the waste products of the
swer the question: what did they do this for? in knapping process.
other words: what was the objective of the debitage? In this case, the objective of the debitage would be
In this case, it first seems that we have to deal with the part that is left after the flakes have been taken
aflake production: the flakes would be the products off. Indeed, the knapped antler portions (Fig.5) and
sought by the antler knapper. These flakes, however, the flake refittings (Fig.7-8) show that the principle
are not used as tools (they do not present any use- of the debitage is to knap off one half or even the
wear traces). They do not seem to be used as blanks two-thirds of the circumference of the antler beam
either: in the assemblage of finished and half-finished or tine. Thus, what is left of the antler is arod that
objects, there is no population of artifacts that could represents one third to one half of the original circum-
be shaped from flake blanks (the morphology and ference of the antler. Several artifacts in the Cuzoul
dimensions of the two categories do not fit). Thus de Vers actually fit this description (Fig.9), as does
50 Aline Averbouh, Jean-Marc Ptillon
the knapped part of the large tine shown on fig.5:2; Cuzoul de Vers assemblage (Fig.3:13): it is techni-
all could be examples of the type of blanks that the cally possible that the finished tools from Cuzoul de
knapper intended to produce. This hypothesis is sup- Vers were manufactured from such blanks, but since
ported by the fact that their dimensions are compati- these tools are all entirely shaped by scraping, traces
ble with even the largest finished antler tools from the of blank production are no longer visible.
Perspectives
Beyond the case of the Cuzoul de Vers and the es of antler knapping in different sites and periods
question of Badegoulian antler working, the purpose might have gone unnoticed. Actually, this reassess-
of this presentation is to attract the readers atten- ment work has started already: at the time when
tion on the identification of antler flakes as evidence this article is being written, studies in progress are
of debitage by fracturation. Given the difficult tech- showing that antler debitage by fracturation is at-
nological diagnosis of this antler working procedure tested in several sites in southwest France, attributed
as compared to the more classic groove-and- to the Badegoulian or to other Upper Paleolithic cul-
splinter procedure we believe that other occurrenc- tures.
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Brbara Avezuela Aristu, Esteban lvarez-Fernndez, Jess Jord Pardo, Emilio Aura Tortosa
The barnacles:
Anew species used to make
aGravettian suspended object
from Nerja Cave (Mlaga, Spain)
The Cave of Nerja is situated in the Southern Mediterranean coast of Spain, in the province of Mlaga. Its stratigra-
phy goes from the Upper Pleistocene to the Early Holocene between 30 ky and 3 ky cal BP and is one of the most
important archaeological and paleobiological records of the Western Mediterranean zone in this period. This sequence
contains Gravettian, Solutrean, Magdalenian, Epipalaeolithic, Neolithic and Chalcolithic levels.
In this work we present one suspended object from Nerja Cave. This object is made on the plate of alarge goose
barnacle (Pollicipes pollicipes (Gmelin, 1790) and belongs to the oldest levels of Sala del Vestbulo (one of the three
chambers of the site). These levels are clearly attributed to the Gravettian and the piece comes from the systematic
archaeological excavations directed by Professor Francisco Jord Cerd between 1982 and 1987.
Keywords: body ornaments, suspended object, goose barnacle, Upper Palaeolithic, Gravettian, Western Me
diterranean.
As we know, the purpose of the Worked Bone is made on the plate of alarge goose barnacle from
Research Group is to improve communication be- Nerja Cave (Mlaga, Spain) and is attributed to the
tween individuals studying worked animal hard tis- oldest levels of the site, to the Gravettian. Its iden-
sues (especially bone, antler and ivory) with aspe- tification can extend the list of species and raw ma-
cial emphasis on archaeological finds. In this paper terials used to make suspended objects in the Upper
we present one newly documented suspended object Palaeolithic, applying asimple technique for its sus-
made on a worked animal hard tissue. This object pension.
Nerja Cave
The Cave of Nerja is situated on the Southern Med- The cave was discovered in 1959 and has a vast
iterranean coast of Spain, in the province of Mlaga subterranean system, however, the archaeological de-
on the northern coast of the Alborn Sea (Fig. 1:1). posits are found only in the most external halls (Fig.
The cave is located in the area that bridges the high 1:2). These galleries formed alarge rock shelter while
relief zone of the Sierra de Almijara and the shore- occupied by human groups, but the area is now partly
line, which lies at 158 meters below sea level and is filled in with sediment. The chambers of archaeological
about athousand meters from the current coastline. interest are Torca, Mina, and the Vestbulo (Fig. 1:3).
54 Brbara Avezuela Aristu, Esteban lvarez-Fernndez, Jess Jord Pardo, Emilio Aura Tortosa
Fig. 1.
1: Nerja Cave
localization;
2: subterranean system;
3: chambers of
archaeological interest
The stratigraphy goes from the Upper Pleistocene been reported in avast scientific literature concern-
to the Early Holocene between 30 ky and 3 ky cal ing artefactual, vegetal and faunal remains associ-
BP (Jord Pardo, Aura Tortosa 2006) and is one ated with anthropogenic activities at the site. About
of the most important archaeological and palaeobio- a hundred species of invertebrates (Gastropoda,
logical records of the Western Mediterranean zone Scaphopoda, Bivalvia, Cephalopoda, Crustacea and
for this period. The sequence contains Gravettian, Echinoidea) and more than ahundred species of ver-
Solutrean, Magdalenian, Epipalaeolithic, Neolithic tebrates including fish, reptiles, birds and mam-
and Chalcolithic levels (Fig. 2). mals, and the contemporary human species have
Archaeological work done at the site by different been documented. An extensive bibliography can be
teams in each of the different chambers allows us to consulted in arecent publication (Aura Tortosa et al.
have an unbroken archaeological sequence that has 2010).
concretions. This sedimentary make-up is due to the increases consistently in quantity as dates advance
action of surface run-off currents, generally flowing in years. The same tendency toward greater accu-
planarly, but occasionally cutting down into channels. mulations is seen with marine molluscs (Patella sp.,
(Jord Pardo, Aura Tortosa 2009). In the base level Patella caerulea, Osilinus sp., Osilinus turbinatus,
(NV 13) some macro-mammal remains were found in Mytilus edulis, Cerastoderma edule, Ruditapes sp.
anatomical position, which could indicate low energy and Pecten sp. in addition to the Littorina obtusa-
sedimentation. In the same base level remains of Cro- ta and Dentalium sp. that appear transformed into
cuta crocuta spelaea coprolites announce the absence personal ornaments) that unlike in the rest of levels,
of humans in the cavity during the first period of sedi- is less that the presence of continental gastropods
mentary registry (Arribas Herrera et al. 2004). (Iberus alonensis introduced as food-, Iberus mar-
For this period we have 6 dates obtained from ra- moratus, Rumina decollata, Sphinterochilla cari-
diocarbon dating (Jord Pardo, Aura Tortosa 2006). osula hispanica, Hydrobia sp. and the freshwater
Only 3 dates are made by AMS carbon dating, are gastropod Theodoxus fluviatilis, manufactured into
considered valid (Table 1). After calibration, these personal ornaments) (Jord Pardo et al. 2010).
dates situate Unit 1(NV 13, NV 12, NV 11) at 30,180 The mammalian osseous remains are distributed
to 28,550 calibrated years before present (BP) (Jord among 7 species: Capra pyrenaica, Cervus elaphus,
Pardo, Aura Tortosa 2008, 2009). Equus ferus, Bos sp., Rupicapra rupicapra and two
The vegetal remains from these levels consist of carnivores, Felis silvestris and Lynx sp. In the base
pinecone and pine nut charcoal (Pinus pinea) which level (NV XIII) juvenile remains of Bos sp. and
56 Brbara Avezuela Aristu, Esteban lvarez-Fernndez, Jess Jord Pardo, Emilio Aura Tortosa
Equus sp. with carnivores teeth marks, an extrem- narrow laminar blanks of medium-large size. These
ity of red deer and the coprolites of Crocuta crocuta are the most employed blanks used to produce lithic
spelaea are also present. Oryctolagus cuniculus is industries that contain the main gravettian lithics
very abundant with a bigger anthropogenic contri- groups: scrapers, burins, truncated blades, tools with
bution than that of carnivores and birds of prey. Fi- abrupt or crushed retouch and microblade technolo-
nally there is also the presence of Testudo hermanni gies (Aura Tortosa et al. 2006).
remains (Aura Tortosa et al. 2010). The worked bone industry group is made up of 10
These Gravettian levels of the Vestbulo are of objects: four are debris from osseous tool manufac-
low density in lithic and bone artifacts. The identi- ture while the rest are undecorated gracile points with
fied flint is good quality and was used to produce circular cross-sections. (Aura Tortosa et al. 2010).
The barnacles
A barnacle is a type of arthropod belonging to capitulum, we can distinguish the terga and scuta (in
infraclass Cirripedia in the subphylum Crustacea. pairs and symmetrical) and the carina (Fig. 3) The
Essentially there are two basic types: sessile forms form of the scuta and terga allow for the produc-
(Order Sessilia) typified by the acorn barnacles of tion of modern comparative collections, permitting
the suborder Balanomorpha (balanes) and stalked or us to orientate and side them. The rostrum, the sub-
pedunculate forms (Order Pedunculata) typified by carina and the other lateral plates are more difficult
the goose barnacles. The exemplar from Nerja Cave to identify in archaeological contexts because of
corresponds to the second type. Barnacles are exclu- their smaller dimensions. In this way, as with other
sively marine. archaeozoological specialties, we can weigh the to-
The body of stalked barnacles consists of a fle tal specimens, count them to establish the number
xible, tough stalk, the peduncle, and acapitulum at of individual specimens (NISP) and calculate the
the free end of the stalk. The body is almost always minimal number of individuals (MNI). This kind
covered by aseries of calcareous or chitinous plates. of systematic study has recently been employed at
Between the larger principal plates that compose the sites where goose barnacles were consumed at the
The barnacles: A new species used to make a Gravettian suspended object from Nerja Cave...
57
Neolithic sites of Cueva de los Gitanos de Monteale-
gre (Cantabria, Northern Spain: lvarez-Fernndez
et al. 2010) and Zafrn (Congreso Island, Chafarinas
Islands, Spain-North African shore: lvarez-Fernn-
dez 2010) or at the Iron Age Site of Port Blanc (Hedic
Island, Morbihand, France: Dupont et al. 2008).
Presently, in the Mediterranean Sea stalked bar-
nacles that have plates over the peduncle are repre-
sented by the Lepadidae and Scalpellidae families
(Relini 1987). The peduncle may be more or less
developed and the number of calcareous or chitinous
plates is variable.
Members of Lepadidae family have acapitulum
with 5 plates and their dimensions vary from 1 to 12
cm. They live attached to floating objects in the in-
tertidal zone or affixed to big marine animals: sharks,
turtles, mammals etc. (Luchesi 2006).
Two genus of Lepadidae are present at the Medite
rranean Sea Conchoderma and Lepas. Morphologi-
cally, Lepas, is the only one with asimilarity to the
archaeological piece from Nerja. There are 4 species
of Lepas in the Mediterranean Sea, two (Lepas an-
serifera (Linnaeus 1767) and Lepas pectinata (Speng-
ler 1851) have radial stria in their plates and the other
two (Lepas anatifera: Linnaeus 1767) and Lepas hilli
(Leach 1818) have smooth plates or thin striae (Relini
1987). The exemplar from Nerja does not have radial
Fig. 3. Pollicipes pollicipes main plates
striae so among the options the only one that could be
valid is Lepas anatifera, as the biggest in the genus
can have acapitulum that reaches 5 cm at most. How- to two different genera: Pollicipes pollicipes (Gmelin
ever, the plates of Lepas anatifera are translucent and 1790) and Scalpellum scalpellum (Linnaeus 1767).
the carina is longer overall than that of Nerja. The latter always live at depths below 50 meters.
The Scalpellidae family is currently represented Other species cited occasionally for the Strait
in the Mediterranean Sea by two species belonging of Gibraltar as Arcoscalpellum atlanticum (Gruvel,
Fig. 4. Current
biogeographical
distribution of
Pollicipes pollicipes
58 Brbara Avezuela Aristu, Esteban lvarez-Fernndez, Jess Jord Pardo, Emilio Aura Tortosa
1900) or Arcoscalpellum michelotianum (Seguenza setting these barnacles tend to be found in groups or ex-
1876) are of small dimensions and inhabit depths ex- tended upon each other in bunches. The younger speci-
ceeding 1000 meters (Hoek 1883; Young 2002). mens tend to affix themselves to older individuals.
Pollicipes pollicipes (Gmelin 1790) is, at the mo- This species can be harvested by hand, either scra
ment, the option that could be considered as possible ping the rock or with the aid of ahammer or burin tool.
species attribution for the plate of Nerja. The difficulty in collecting these shellfish lies mainly
Pollicipes pollicipes (Percebe in Spanish) or in the slope of the cliffs and in the danger of crashing
goose barnacle has at least 18 plates. Between these waves in the zone. Unlike other crustaceans that lack
plates scutum, tergum and carina are much bigger apeduncle, the part of the goose barnacle that is eaten
than the secondary ones (Fig. 3). Goose barnacles can is the internal peduncle, which should be cooked. In
reach today a size of 12 cm (capitulum+peduncle) Spain, it is ahighly valued shellfish and brings ahigh
(Barnes 1996, 2009). market price, leading to the farming of these barnacles
Pollicipes pollicipes inhabit shallow waters and live in France and Morocco.
in the coasts in erosive settings exposed to the beating The current biogeographical distribution of Pollici-
of waves, at the base of rocky cliffs. They can attach pes pollicipes runs along the Atlantic coast of Europe,
to rocks that are subject to heavy waves. The groups Strait of Gibraltar and North Africa, from the north of
develop in the tide ecosystem and are often found Bretagne to Senegal with amore minimal presence on
alongside mussels, limpets and balanes. In their natural the Algerian and Moroccan coasts (Fig. 4).
Fig. 5. Gravettian
suspended object from
Nerja Cave made on the
carina plate of alarge
goose barnacle
The barnacles: A new species used to make a Gravettian suspended object from Nerja Cave...
59
Fig. 6. Comparison between different goose barnacle carina plates (maximum length and width)
from amodern reference collection from Islares (Cantabria, Spain) and archaeological pieces
from the Neolithic sites of Zafrn and Los Gitanos de Montealegre
In the Upper Palaeolithic Pollicipes pollicipes since barnacles in their natural setting are displaced
has been documented in the Gravettian levels of Vale by limpets and mussels, who compete for space.
Boi (Algarve, Portugal: Bicho et al. 2010; Manne, The first archaeological evidence of goose barna-
Bicho 2009). As in the case of Lapa de Santa Mar- cle exploitation as afood consists of use documented
garida, the minimal presence of this kind of species during the Mesolithic and, more notably, in Neolithic
(3plates in this case) and association with other mol- sites of Cantabrian Spain, west and southwest Por-
luscs, especially Mytilus sp. and Patella sp., leads us tugal and acouple of Mediterranean sites on north
to think that their presence at the site is unintentional African shores (lvarez-Fernndez et al. 2010).
Conclusions
Thus, this artifact constitutes the oldest archaeo- are about 100-150 km away. In any case, it is certainly
logical modification of the stalked barnacle (possi- possible that the object arrived at the site of Nerja by
bly Pollicipes pollicipes) plate known to date from way of exchange with other groups, either through the
an archaeological context. It is also the first personal movement of objects, individuals, or entire groups of
ornament identified in this raw material. people, since we know that during the Upper Palaeo-
The data that exist today about Gravettian ex- lithic the transfer of many kinds of goods took place
ploitation of marine resources are not very abun- on amuch grander scale. It is necessary to emphasize
dant. In Nerja Cave, the use of this kind of resources the presence of marine molluscs transformed into per-
becomes common starting in the Magdalenian and sonal ornaments not only in deposits located near the
Epipalaeolithic. Bioclimatic changes and essen Atlantic or Mediterranean coasts, but in the European
tially eustatic oscillations have served to explain the continent. Atlantic and Mediterranean ornaments
chronological limit in which this exploitation starts could appear in French Dordogne region sites, but
(hunting, fishery and gathering of marine species) also in European deposits located many kilometers
with the tardiglacial transgression and the approach from the Mediterranean coasts (lvarez-Fernndez
of the coastline to the site (Aura Tortosa et al. 2002, 2007; Taborin 1993).
2009). However, at the first moments of occupation, The size of the piece in of itself indicates some-
the period to which the personal ornament belongs, thing of its singular value. Even though in general
marine resources didnt have as much importance, the archaeological specimens are significantly larger
as the shoreline was 5-6 km away, ashort distance, than the modern examples, the goose barnacle from
compared to the 25 km where flint used at the site Nerja was selected specifically for its large size.
was picked up (Aura Tortosa et al. 2001). Finally, we should keep in mind that the identi-
At this point we cannot be sure whether the piece fication of goose barnacle remains in archaeologi-
discussed here could have come from the coasts clos- cal sites has just started; the small dimensions of the
est to the site of Nerja, as it has not been established species and the difficulty in identifying it are the pri-
whether Pollicipes pollicipes was present in these seas mary reasons for the rarity of its identification and
at that time. The closest Pollicipes pollicipes today analysis.
Table 1. Nerja Cave radiocarbon dates of the gravetian levels: laboratory code, type of sample, radiocarbon date,
calibrated years before present (BP) with a95% certainty level CalPal2005-SFCP (Weninger and Danzeglocke: 2006)
the maximum statistical probability likely and first published appearance of the date
GifA-102.023 Pinus charcoal 24730250 30400-29160 (Jord Pardo and Aura Tortosa 2008)
BETA-189080 Pinus cf. Pinea charcoal 24200200 29730-28410 (Jord Pardo and Aura Tortosa 2006)
BETA-131576 Pinus charcoal 24480110 30100-28940 (Arribas Herrera et al. 2004)
Acknowledgements
We want to thank Elisabeth A. Stone for her friendly revision of the English version of this work.
The barnacles: A new species used to make a Gravettian suspended object from Nerja Cave...
61
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and B. Avezuela Aristu 2010. Archaeomalacological re- thique, Paris: CNRS.
mains from the Upper Pleistocene-Early Holocene record Villalba Currs M.P., J.F. Jord Pardo and J.E. Aura Tor-
of Vestbulo of Nerja Cave (Mlaga, Spain). In: E. lvarez tosa 2007. Los equnidos del Pleistoceno Superior y Holoceno
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the ICAZ Archaeomalacology Working Group (Santander, Espaa), Cuaternario y Geomorfologa 21(3-4), 133-48.
19-22 February 2008), Donostia-San Sebastin: Munibe Weninger, B. and U. Danzeglocke 2006. Glacial
Suplemento 31, 78-87. radiocarbon age conversion. Cologne radiocarbon cali-
Lindner, G. 2000. Moluscos y caracoles de los mares bration and palaeoclimate research package <CALPAL>
del mundo, Barcelona: Omega. User manual, Kln: Universitt zu Kln, Institut fr- und
Luchesi, M. 2006. Coquillages et crustacs. La guide Frhgeschichte.
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Manne, T. and N. Bicho 2009. Vale Boi: rendering new cea, Cirripedia) in the collection of the Musum national
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Benjamin Marquebielle
Introduction
Surrounded by Azilian cultures and their harpoons studying asite with good conditions for the preser-
and Neolithic cultures and their awls, the Mesolithic vation of organic remains and along period of oc-
cultures of southern France seem to have developed cupation.
only asmall-scale osseous material industry. While The French site of Le Cuzoul de Gramat is one
there are a large number of Mesolithic sites, these of the major sites for understanding the Mesolithic in
deposits often consist of open-air sites or are situated southern France. It was first excavated between 1922
in environments unfavourable to the preservation of and 1933 by R. Lacam and A. Niederlender, who
organic material. published a very good study (Lacam et al. 1944).
Does this scarcity imply that bone tools were Their work helped develop the first cultural and
rare during Mesolithic? Or does it simply show that chronological definitions of the French Mesolithic.
the remains of this exploitation suffered from poor However, R. Lacam and A. Niederlender presented
taphonomic conditions? And, in this latter case, is only asmall number of bone tools in their publica-
it still possible to reveal the typological, technical tion. They did not see, or did not pay attention to
and economic peculiarities of the Mesolithic osseous the significant amount of debitage waste. Nowadays,
material industry? To try to answer this, we began by with the development of technological studies, these
64 Benjamin Marquebielle
Fig. 1: localisation
of Le Cuzoul de Gramat.
DAO : A. Marquebielle
remains appear to be rich in information concerning osseous material industry of the ancient collections
the modalities of exploitation of osseous raw mate- (Marquebielle 2007), by applying a technological
rials, often even richer than the finished objects. In approach, such as that defined in particular by A.
2005, N. Valdeyron, of the University of Toulouse, Averbouh (Averbouh 2000; Averbouh, Provenzano
began new excavations and allowed us to study the 1999).
Fig. 2: stratigraphic
section made by
R. Lacam
et A. Niederlender.
Skeleton is represented
in level II
Mesolithic bone tools in Southwestern Europe: the example of the French site of Le Cuzoul de Gramat
65
but it is necessary to understand it here in the sense ods. The Tardenoisian levels, as R. Lacam and A.
of the second Mesolithic. Niederlender called them, on the other hand, are well
We know now that levels 1 and 7, as defined by R. dated to the second Mesolithic thanks to the lithic
Lacam and A. Niederlender (the oldest and the most industry. We consequently studied the osseous ma-
recent respectively, the numbering of levels being terial industry of these levels, considering the five
inverted in the publication), are not homogeneous. levels as one because firstly, the distinction between
Level I, the oldest, is amixture of early Mesolithic Tardenoisian Iand II is now obsolete and secondly,
levels and earlier levels (such as the Azilian). Level the stratigraphic origin of numerous remains is not
VII, the most recent, is a mixture of levels dated clear (many are simply marked Tardenoisien, for
to the Neolithic, the Bronze Age and historic peri- example).
The remains
General remarks of wild boars are also well described. They called
these tranchet de cordonnier, in reference to atool
When A. Lacam and R. Niederlender published used by shoemakers to cut leather. By considering
the results of their excavations, they presented the morphology of their active part, we deliberately
mainly finished objects and mentioned some antlers chose to group together these two types of objects
presenting marks of sawing. In reality, the number in the same category as the bevelled objects. This
of the debitage waste products is greater than the category contains the greatest number of objects
number of finished objects, representing 56% of the (26 artefacts) (Fig. 3). Perforating objects are well
remains (Fig. 3). Amassive bevelled object, which represented with 13 objects and the other finished
they identified as an axe or apick, is the most studied objects are represented by only 1 or 2 examples (per-
tool (Fig. 4). Objects shaped with the canine teeth forated objects, handles, smoothers and one indeter-
Fig. 5: bevelled objects (n 1, 4, 5, 6: from antler segments; n 2, 3: from antler flat blanks;
n 7: lateral convex bevel object on canines of wild boars; n 8: lateral concave bevel object on canine of wild boars;
n 9-11: tranchet de cordonnier of R. Lacam et A. Niederlender or distal concave bevel object
on canines of wild boars)
wood or a hoe to dig the ground. It is reminiscent Jauretche 1953), Les Balmettes (Monin, Pelletier
of the northern Mesolithic axes and particularly 2000) and La Vieille-Eglise (Ginestet et al. 1984),
some mattocks (Smith 1989): it presents the same but they are often fragmentary or complete objects
morphology and similar use-wear traces. These use- with no perforation.
wear traces correspond more to working the ground Four other bevelled objects of smaller dimensions
than to working with wood. The striations of shaping were made on antler tines. One of them (Fig. 5:1) is
are still visible and the surface of the bevel is only afragment of an object shaped on large tine (this ob-
slightly polished, while working with wood (cutting ject measures 104 mm long and 32 mm wide). This
or barking) tends to highly polish the surface of the fragment could be the distal part of abevelled ob-
bevel and to erase the traces of shaping. These types ject with morphology similar to Vatte di Zambanas
of massive bevelled objects, often too quickly quali- axe (Rozoy 1978). Three other objects were made
fied as axes based on asimple morphological com- from the extremity of a tine (Fig. 5:4-6). Of close
parison, are well known in northern Europe but are dimensions, they measure on average 130 mm long;
much rarer in the south. In France, there are only the active part is asimple bevel for two objects and
afew examples at the sites of Le Poeyma (Laplace- a double bevel for one. These objects are morpho-
68 Benjamin Marquebielle
Fig. 6: perforating objects all made with bone (n 1-3: straight elements with double points; n 4: decorated awl and
detail; n 5-10: fragments of awls)
logically similar to wedges and chisels made on lender). This type of object is known at other French
whole tines, which are well known during the Neo- Mesolithic sites with various names and presumed
lithic (Camps-Fabrer, Ramseyer 1998). functions. They are sometimes described as perfo-
Only two bevelled objects could have been realized rating objects (Pquart et al. 1937; Rozoy 1978) or
on aflat blank, and they are fragmentary (Fig. 5:2-3). as perforating and sharp objects (Barbaza 1989). In
They are two distal parts of small dimensions (31 and arecent study of the Swiss sites of Ogens and Birs-
26 mm long). The objects are thin with aplano-con- matten, they are presented as burins that were used
vex section and the spongy substance appears on the in the same way as their lithic counterparts, to scrape
inferior face. This morphology could suggest a flat and groove (David 2000). In numerous publications,
blank, such as abaguette, but the modalities of deb- they are simply presented as being shaped teeth or
itage are unclear. In addition their small size, their tools made with the tusk of wild boars, without any
shaping and use erased the possible traces of debitage other interpretation, which underlines the perplex-
and polished the surface. Does this correspond to the ity of the authors. Use-wear analysis of Neolithic
debitage of abaguette by extraction, by splitting or objects mainly indicates their use in wood working
adebitage of elongated fragments by percussion? We (Maigrot 2001). Some modern hunters-gatherers of
cannot be certain for the moment. Irian Jaya use this type of object to shape the shaft of
The great majority of the bevelled objects are arrows, or less often to shape daggers made of bone
made with the canines of wild boars and these ob- (Chiquet et al. 1997). Though it is tempting to apply
jects present various morphologies (19 items). The these hypotheses to our societies of Mesolithic forest
bevel edge constituting the active part is sometimes hunters-gatherers, the Neolithic and modern tools
concave and localized in distal extremity (Fig. 5:9- present some differences. They are made in particu-
11) or concave, convex or straight and localized on lar of awhole canine while the Mesolithic tools are
one or two sides (Fig. 5:7-8). The dimensions of shaped on split teeth. Nevertheless, in both cases, the
the items are also variable, between 35 mm for the active part sought after is abevel, as seems to be the
smallest objects with straight bevels and 96 mm for case for the Mesolithic objects as well.
the biggest objects with a distal bevel (the tran- The perforating objects, all realized on bone, con-
chets de cordonnier of R. Lacam and A. Nieder- sist mostly of fragments of awls that are broken at
Mesolithic bone tools in Southwestern Europe: the example of the French site of Le Cuzoul de Gramat
69
their proximal extremity and often also in their dis- the straight elements with double points is very im-
tal part (Fig. 6:4-10). They measure between 11 and portant.
81 mm and are thin (between 2 and 10 mm wide). Other types of finished objects are represented by
Some fragments are very slender, while the others only single examples or by avery small number of
are more massive, though comparisons are difficult items. Two objects could be fragments of smoothers.
because no object is complete. One large unbroken One is a fragment (53 mm long) of an active part
awl is indicated in the publication of 1944 (Lacam et (Fig. 7:4). It is shaped on bone and is highly polished
al. 1944) as accompanying the skeleton in the grave, by use. The second object, also made of bone, has
but this object is regrettably lost. We have only an larger dimensions (160 mm long). Its distal part is
indistinct representation that we did not include in also very worn and polished by use (Fig. 7:5).
our technological study. Another awl, realized on Among the objects, we also identified 2 bovid
afragment of adeer vertebra, is the only decorated phalanges with a hole on their anterior face (Fig.
object of the collection, with asort of small grid or 7:1-2). Traces of removal by direct percussion with
succession of crosses made by incision (Fig. 6:4). the active cutting part of atool are visible near the
At French sites, asmall number of objects with this perforation, created by anicking action. These per-
type of decoration are known, at Rouffignac, Dor- forations do not appear to be compatible with an
dogne (Barrire 1973; Rozoy 1978) or in Brittany alimentary exploitation of bones: the perforations
(Pquart 1934; Pquart et al. 1937; Kayser 1988). have a smaller diameter and are relatively regular,
Three perforating objects are straight elements with and thus seem little poorly to the easy recovery of
double points. They are 42, 44 and 69 mm long, marrow. The function of these objects remains un-
and present aregular oval section. This type of ob- known; they may have been small-sized containers
ject is frequently identified as being astraight fish- (Rozoy 1978). According to the publication of 1944
hook. However, the large size of one of the objects (Lacam et al. 1944), other objects of this type were
and the absence of any arrangement in connec- discovered but have since disappeared.
tion with the fixation of aline other interpretations One object in the collection could be a handle
possible: arrowhead, double awl, etc. (Averbouh, (Fig. 7:3). It is a deer antler section, 56 mm long,
Cleyet-Merle 1995). Unlike awls, the shaping of with it spongy tissue hollowed out and a com-
70 Benjamin Marquebielle
Fig. 8: possible blanks (n 1-3: end of tines; n 4: vestibular face of wild boar canine)
pletely smooth surface. However, the bad state of nected with ahafting but we cannot be sure if this ob-
preservation of the spongy part and the former un- ject is ahandle or an active part intended to be fit to
fortunate restoration damage obscure the technical ahandle.
traces. It is thus difficult to be sure of the deliber-
ate human origin of the disappearance of the spongy Blanks
tissue.
There is also a large fragmentary object in the We found only four probable blanks. Three tines
collection, realised on bone. It is missing an en- of deer antler could be blanks, due to very neat debit-
tire side and also an extremity, thus we have only age marks (Fig. 8:1-3). In addition, one of the pieces
avague idea of its general morphology (Fig. 7:6). It has dimensions very similar to the bevelled finished
is shaped on awhole radius of red deer and presents objects on tine. We know our definition of an antler
a bifacial circular perforation with a very regular blank is somewhat problematic, however. We rely on
shape at its extremity. This perforation could be con- clear debitage marks to distinguish blank to waste,
Mesolithic bone tools in Southwestern Europe: the example of the French site of Le Cuzoul de Gramat
71
but the finished objects on tine present rather sloppy niques of sawing or removal by direct percussion.
debitage. Moreover, as discussed below, the produc- Tines represent the majority of the waste products
tion of blanks on tine seem to be secondary. Yet, we on antler and come from the lower part of the antler
consider these three pieces as blanks, while wait- (eye, bez and trez tine) (Fig. 9:1-2). As for the waste
ing for more information about antler exploitation products on basal parts, they present traces of saw-
thanks to recent excavations. ing or removal by direct percussion, though the ma-
The fourth blank is made with a wild boar tusk jority of tines seem to have been cut without any pre-
(Fig. 8:4). Its morphology and size are similar to that liminary work the fracture plans are irregular, with
of the finished objects with alateral concave bevel more or less intensive saw teeth marks (Averbouh,
and they have debitage traces but neither shaping nor Provenzano 1999). In general, the debitage waste
use marks. Its status as ablank is more assured than originates from the lower part of the antler (basal
that of the blanks on tine because there are debitage part, low beam, base, eye or trez tine) and there is no
traces and blank regularisation removals made by waste originating from the higher part of the antler
diffuse percussion after the debitage. (higher beam or palmation).
A very small amount of debitage waste results
Waste products from alongitudinal exploitation of blocks. Two waste
products attest to asplitting of the wild boar canine.
Waste products are the most numerous objects in One of these remains shows the end of agrooving
the assemblage. They are represented by 63 pieces, realised in the longitudinal axis of the tooth, on the
the majority on deer antler (and only two pieces on distal face (Fig. 9:5). This groove is associated with
wild boar tusk). removals by diffuse percussion, maybe abeginning
The majority of waste results from a transverse of shaping, but nothing comparable with the regular-
exploitation of antler (58 pieces). Ten of them are ization of blank. Neither of these two objects show
basal parts, which provide important information traces of use. Debitage waste that would indicate
about the size and the origin of the antler, along alongitudinal exploitation of the antler is much less
with numerous indications of technical order (Fig. explicit. Only three pieces, originating from the low-
9:3-4). All these basal parts originate from shed ant- er beam, could indicate asplitting or afracturing by
ler. Six basal parts correspond to alarge antler size diffuse percussion. These pieces are elongated and
class (with acircumference of more than 170 cm). flattened sections. Their superior faces correspond to
All these bases are debitage waste products resulting the natural surface of the antler and their lower faces
from blank production by sectioning, showing tech- show the spongy substance.
Raw material
The Mesolithic groups of Cuzoul used antler, absence of waste products and blanks. This is par-
bone and dentin to produce their osseous material ticularly true for perforating objects. The only excep-
industry. The antler raw material is represented only tion is the dorsal vertebra of adeer from which the
by red deer antlers. The size classes are variable, but decorated awl was clearly shaped. The thickness of
the large size class dominates. If we consider the ten some other finished objects and traces of the med-
basal parts of the collection, only two of them orig- ullary cavity on some of them indicate rather long
inate from small size class antlers. If we consider bones of large species. The identification is clearer
all the tines, the size and thickness of compact parts for asmall number of objects. The largest smoother
also indicate the use of well developed antlers. The made from a red deer femur, the indeterminate ob-
basal parts all come from shed antlers. These indi- ject with adouble perforation on adeer radius, and
cate aharvest and therefore asupply of antlers not two bovid phalanges were perforated. All the species
directly related to hunting. The surfaces are relative- identified are present in the faunal assemblage and the
ly well preserved. There are no rodent traces. This bone supply could therefore be related to hunting, but
suggests that the antlers were collected soon after this cannot be stated with certainty due to the small
their shedding, at the end of winter or the beginning number of identifications and their inaccuracies.
of spring, as deer lose their antlers around February As far as dentine is concerned, raw material was
and March. strictly selected. Mesolithic groups used only the
Regarding the bone raw material, it is more diffi- lower canine (sometimes called the tusk) of male
cult to define what kinds of bones were used. This is wild boars. Most often, the right-side canine was
mainly due to the shaping of finished object and the selected. The dimensions of the finished objects in-
72 Benjamin Marquebielle
dicate the large size of the teeth of well developed then fractured carefully to avoid damaging the ca-
adults. The wild boar canines are of triangular sec- nine. The wild boar bones in the faunal remains are
tion, hollow on the greater part of their length and numerous, but the ancient selection of these remains
deeply embedded in the jaw. Yet, the low thickness and the absence of recent archaeozoological study
of some objects indicates they were made using the do not allow us to determine if mandibles were frac-
base of the tooth. This means that the tooth had to tured in aspecific way, which could indicate an ex-
be extracted from the mandible and the bones were traction of the canine.
Debitage
The information about debitage is very different but there is variability and we noted no relationship
for the various raw materials, mainly due to the dif- between the type of work (by sawing, by nicking,
ferences of debitage among the waste products that peripheral or not, deep or not) and the shape, size or
were preserved. However, the aims and methods of type of tine. The preparatory work is mostly made
debitage still seem to be very different depending on by nicking and is limited to asingle face of the tine.
the raw material. The debitage is often made without this sort of work,
In the case of deer antler, the main objective of and directly by flexion. The resulting fracture planes
the debitage is to produce segments. Afirst type of are then oblique, with more or less intensive saw
debitage aims to produce blanks on the lower beam. tooth marks. It seems that the Mesolithic populations
This type of blank is not present in the collection looked for afast debitage, whether or not there was
but several waste products and one finished object preliminary work. The cleanliness of the debitage
(the axe) are indirect indications. The basal parts seems to be very secondary, as we can see on the fin-
of antlers are the most voluminous waste products of ished objects, which present traces of fast debitage,
this debitage phase and they provide the most infor- not erased by shaping.
mation concerning the debitage of the proximal part Mental refitting shows that the Mesolithic popu-
of the beam. The debitage of the beam into segments lations mainly looked for blanks coming from lower
was made in two stages. Initially, apreliminary stage beams. The debitage waste products of the beam
was realized, mostly on the posterior face of the ant- (basal parts and tines) are numerous by comparison
ler, by sawing into the compact part of the antler, with blanks and finished objects on beams. The pro-
or less often by nicking. On ten basal parts of the duction of blanks on tines, whatever they are, seems
collection, only two, of different size classes, show secondary, the majority of remains on tines being
traces of nicking. This preparatory work is limited waste products.
to a single face and affects only the thickness of The majority of deer antler remains indicate
the compact part of the antler. After this, the final atransverse exploitation of block but it could indi-
separation is made by flexion or direct percussion. cate some possibilities of longitudinal exploitation.
The result is an oblique transverse truncation. This On one hand, we have two bevelled objects whose
debitage could combine two advantages. Firstly it morphology indicates that they were shaped on flat
is fast, and secondly it allows the active part of the blanks, such as baguettes. On the other hand, there
future bevelled tool to be preformed. It is difficult is some debitage waste that could indicate either
to be sure because we have only one finished object asplitting or alongitudinal fracturing of the antler:
made from awhole beam and no blank which would they present traces of longitudinal sawing in connec-
allow us to specify the first stages of the shaping, tion with fracture planes that are themselves equally
but mental refitting between the axe and some basal longitudinal. It is very difficult, however, to associ-
parts is valid, in terms of morphologies, size classes ate these two types of remains within one technical
and technical traces. transformation scheme. The idea of a longitudinal
The second type of debitage of deer antler aims to exploitation of deer antler is, for the moment, very
produce blanks on tines. These blanks can be whole hypothetical (Fig. 11).
tines, shaped into bevelled objects, or segments of We have little information concerning bone debit-
tine, possibly shaped into handles (but we have few age. This is due mainly to the high shaping degree of
indications about items on tine segments). The debit- the tools, whose debitage traces have been erased.
age of tines is made, as for the beam, in two stages: The morphology of some awls, whose sides are lon-
a preliminary phase by sawing or nicking before gitudinal fracture planes, could indicate bone break-
afinal separation by flexion. Mostly, the preliminary ing by direct percussion. Other awls also present
work is fast and concerns only one face of the tine, marks of the medullar cavity on their lower face,
Mesolithic bone tools in Southwestern Europe: the example of the French site of Le Cuzoul de Gramat
73
which indicate a long bone origin. However, these
kinds of bones were often broken to recover the mar-
row. Were these bones therefore fractured to cook
them or were they fractured to produce blanks (or
both)? There are too few bone artefacts, consisting of
only finished objects and no waste products, to help
us. Moreover, there is no recent zooarchaeological
study to inform us on alimentary bone exploitation.
Regardless, if we consider only the number of bone
tools and their morphological variety, we can sup-
pose firstly, that the production of bone tools was not
very significant, and secondly, that the morphology
of blanks was varied. Adebitage by fracturing, using
direct percussion could have been asimple and effi-
cient solution producing flat blanks that were shaped
into perforating objects.
Fig. 10: repartition of types of finished objects
For the wild boar canines, the debitage modalities
per raw material
are well known. There are only two waste products
but the traces on the finished objects allow us to re-
constitute the main stages of the debitage. All the re- awedge at the base of the tooth: we have no traces
mains made on the canine teeth of wild boars indicate of this but an experiment proved the validity of this
alongitudinal exploitation of the teeth. The purpose method. We obtained two blanks. The first one, wide
of the debitage is to obtain elongated, flat blanks, and long, is constituted by the lingual face of the
which we could compare with dentine blades. In fact, canine; it presents adouble regular curvature in the
the debitage of the wild boar canines takes advantage longitudinal axis and in the transverse axis. The sec-
of the natural characteristics of the raw material. This ond blank is constituted by the vestibular face of the
tooth, because of its hollow structure and its triangu- tooth, which is less wide than the lingual face and has
lar shape, presents lines of natural weakness in the aless pronounced, or even-nonexistent, longitudinal
longitudinal axis. Furthermore, after the death of the and transverse curvature.
animal, it tends to crack, especially if it is extracted Nevertheless, the debitage of canine teeth seems
from the mandible and placed in adry environment or to have been realized according to various modali-
near aheat source (Maigrot 2003). It is this weakness ties. Indeed, a number of objects do not present
in the longitudinal axis that is exploited during the traces of grooving and we can imagine that Meso-
debitage. The mesial edge of the canine, constituted lithic people were able to take advantage directly of
by the junction of both enamelled faces, is afirst zone well placed natural fissuring. Some finished objects
of natural weakness. Alongitudinal grooving, made are also shaped on blanks of small dimensions and
on the distal face of the canine (the only one without varied shapes, though we cannot determine if these
enamel), makes it possible to prepare asecond line represent specifically produced blanks or the oppor-
of fracture. The splitting can be realized by inserting tunistic re-use of debitage waste products.
Shaping
Scraping is the main technique used for shaping. (Camps-Fabrer 1974). Some concentric striations on
On the antler blanks, scraping was used to shape the the first millimetres of the perforation, indicating the
active part into abevel. This scraping is unifacial; it use of scraping, are concomitant with little readable
is carried out either at the end of the internal curva- traces, possible marks of asuperficial nicking of the
ture of atine, at the end of asection on beam, or on antler to prepare the perforation.
the lower face of apossible flat blank. The scraping Scraping is used in a more intrusive manner on
is limited to the active part and does not extend to the bone objects. Indeed, most of the awls and all the
rest of the surface of the object, which is left with- straight double-points show a complete scraping,
out modifications, except for one object, the axe, which shaped the active part and covered the entire
which is the only antler tool to present aperforation surface of the object. We must nevertheless remark
on the proximal part. The perforation was made on that the majority of awls are fragmentary and that
both faces since it presents a section en diabolo the only complete example, the decorated awl on
74 Benjamin Marquebielle
adeer vertebra, is shaped only on the distal part: this ized by diffuse percussion. It would have allowed
was perhaps also the case with the other awls, for the support to be formed by eliminating the vestiges
which we no longer possess the proximal part. The of the distal face resulting from the splitting of the
complete scraping is done with particular care for tooth. The active part of the object was then shaped
the straight double-points, extending over the whole by scraping. The localization of this shaping is vari-
surface, and their final shape is symmetric, both in able and depends on the morphology of the blank.
the vertical and horizontal axes. Some objects on For wide and concave supports, on the lingual face
bone, of little evident function, present aperforation. of the canine, the scraping is concentrated on the dis-
For perforated phalanges, the shaping is realized by tal part whereas for the less wide and rectilinear
removal by direct percussion. Concerning the perfo- supports, on the vestibular face of the canine, it is
rated object with an indeterminate function, shaped more concentrated on the mesial part, on one side.
on the radius of adeer, we observe only that the per- The shaping is always localized on the lower face
foration was made by scraping. of the object, by scraping of the dentin. The superior
On certain objects made on wild boar canines, face, covered with hard enamel, is not modified and
a first stage of shaping seems to have been real- constitutes the superior face of the bevel.
remains are debitage waste products. However, if tin. However, this kind of object is uncharacteristic
we consider only the finished objects, antler objects and small and would thus not have been recognized
are in the minority, while objects in bone and dentin and collected during the excavation. In addition, the
are much more numerous (Fig. 13). It would thus former excavations concerned only apart of the de-
appear there was adifference in the exploitation of posit, in front of the cave: this zone could be awork-
the various raw materials: we have indications of ing area more specialized in the exploitation of ant-
a local and intensive transformation of antlers, but ler (we know now there were occupations inside the
no equivalent for bone and dentin. It is nevertheless cave and in the open-area in front of the cave). The
necessary to qualify our comment. In the collection results of the recent excavations will help us to spec-
of R. Lacam and A. Niederlender, we identified only ify, or correct, this image of differential exploitation,
very few blanks and waste products in bone and den- favouring antlers.
Acknowledgments
We wish to thank Thomas Lafon and Magen OFarell for their help during the translation.
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Stefan Pratsch
The present study focuses on five Mesolithic excavation methods applied at Dudka 1, Friesack
antler inventories originating from sites situated in 4 and 27a helped to grasp the microstratigraphy of
the young glacial landscape of north Germany and the deposit sequences and obtain samples for pollen
Poland. The author examined a total of 499 antler analysis and radiocarbon dating. At Pobiel 10 and
finds for tool forms and antler working techniques. Hohen Viecheln 1 only a general study of stratig-
The aim was to date the occurrence and decline of raphy was made, helping to distinguish three sepa-
individual tool forms and to trace changes, if any, rate sequences of layers at each of these sites. For
in antler working techniques and, possibly, also any Hohen Viecheln there are no series of radiocarbon
chronological tendencies. dates.
All examined antler inventories originate from In the following chapters an attempt is made to
comprehensively investigated and reliably dated make achronological classification of antler finds of
Mesolithic sites: Dudka 1 (Gumiski 1995, 1998) interest and examine them in terms of their produc-
and Pobiel 10 (Bagniewski 1992) in Poland, Ho- tion technique. It should be noted however that many
hen Viecheln1, Friesack 4 and 27a (Gramsch 1991, tool forms are represented by only asmall number of
1992, 2000) in Northern Germany (Fig. 1). Careful pieces or, outright, by just asingle specimen.
Preboreal period
During the Preboreal period the best represented particularly, Clarks type I(Clark 1954, fig. 15:left
form of antler artefacts are mattock heads fashioned side). Characteristically, the cutting edge of the mat-
of elk antler. Amattock head of this type discovered tock head from Friesack 4 is situated in the proximal
within Layer Sequence Iat Friesack 4 is dated to the section of the antler; the perforation which follows
middle Preboreal (Fig. 2). It corresponds in form aline diagonal to the longer axis of the antler is situ-
and size to mattock heads known from Star Carr, ated at the point where the antler starts to expand.
80 Stefan Pratsch
Fig. 4. Friesack 4.
Evidences for the groove
and splinter technique (1)
and the percussion
technique (2)
82 Stefan Pratsch
Other antler tool forms include an antler haft with As regards the working technique it may be said
a natural grip from Friesack 4 and a rough-out of that only avery small number of antler beams were
a perforated antler beam from Friesack 27a. The split along their longer axis. Hohen Viecheln 1 pro-
antler haft was used presumably to haft aflint axe; duced an antler splinter obtained using the groove
later, when the socket wore away, the piece was used and splinter technique (Schuldt 1961, fig. 72). One
as a hammer. The perforated antler rough-out was of the antler tines from Hohen Viecheln 1 features
fashioned from the distal fragment of the beam. This two grooves made using the same technique. Frie-
is unusual as most forms of this type are fashioned sack 4 produced an antler beam with ascar left by
from proximal sections of the beam. detaching asplinter and adistinctive point fashioned
Mesolithic antler artefacts in the North European Plain
83
Fig. 6. 1 Base-Axe
from Hohen Viecheln 1;
2 The angle between
the wooden shaft
and the main axis
of the tool differs
between 82 and 84;
the lateral opening
of the shaft hole
is near the burr
from red deer antler (Fig. 4:1). Use of percussion is Mesolithic points from Friesack 4 (Gramsch 1990)
indicated by a single piece from Friesack 4 (Prat- out of 92 points just one specimen was fashioned
sch 1994, fig. 16:2). Limited evidence on the groove from antler. A technique which apparently gained
and splinter and the percussion technique suggests in importance in dividing antler beams laterally
that projectile points were fashioned rarely from ant- was faceting, as arule, applied in combination with
ler splinters. This is confirmed by studies of early breaking.
84 Stefan Pratsch
for bone points or slender flint blades. Sleeves with Axe heads are better represented during the early
alarger perforation were used for hafting flint axes Boreal period (Pratsch 1999). They were fashioned
(Fig. 8) or antler axe heads (Fig. 9), (Friis Johansen from apart of the red antler beam or from fragments
1919, fig. 38, 40; Schuldt 1961, fig. 14, 98). of larger tines. The oldest of these specimens from
86 Stefan Pratsch
Friesack 4 are worth noting: they are fashioned from that the tool had been used for digging. The tool cor-
fragments of the beam between the brow and the trez responds best to similar early Neolithic forms known
tine (Fig. 10). Longer and heavier specimens were from Heringsdorf-Sssau (Hoika 1987:75, fig. 76:1)
probably hafted onto elbow-shaped wooden shafts. and Spiennes (Gayck 2000, Pl. 7, fig. 119).
The rest of the axe heads are shorter and are charac- Another novelty is a tine with a perforation at
terised by having ashorter cutting edge and an elon- the base. Such a form is represented at Friesack 4
gated and pointed butt (Fig. 11). by a single specimen a worked piece apparently
A new form is a perforated tool fashioned from abandoned during the initial stage of making the per-
the crown of the red deer antler beam. In asolitary foration. Its small diameter suggests that instead of
specimen of this type recorded at Friesack 4 the accommodating awooden handle the hole was used
working section was fashioned from apointed tine for threading athong or rope. We may only guess at
of the crown (Pratsch 2006, fig. 22). Artefacts of this the function of these tools; perhaps it was used as
type dated to the Mesolithic are unknown outside aneedle for making fishing nets. As regards the pro-
Denmark. It is also notable that all of these forms are duction technique it may be seen that the antler beam
ornamented and they are unlikely to have been used as was always broken apart transverse. This was almost
hammers (Bloksbjerg et al. 1948:64, fig. 142). Abro- always done using the technique of faceting, com-
ken off tip of an antler tine from Friesack 4 indicates bined with breaking. Cutting was used very rarely.
Fig. 13. Friesack 4: 1, 2 Crown from a red deer`s antler (1) with sawing traces at the proximal end (2);
3 Detailed picture of an artefact with sawing traces
axe heads. Hohen Viecheln 1 produced 9 tools fash- combination with breaking (Fig. 13). This method of
ioned from basal sections of the beam and 12 axe making perforations is illustrated by alarge number
heads; Friesack 4 (Layer Sequence IV) 20 basal of finds of antler rough-outs. Using hammer and
tools and 6 axe heads. There are also some tools chisel the antler workers chipped away small bits of
fashioned from antler tine: tines with perforations, the compact layer working at a circular surface of
tines with uni- or bifacially bevelled tips and percu- the antler where the perforation was to be until all of
teurs. it was removed. After this was done at both ends of
During the late Boreal period cutting gains in the future hole, the craftsman perforated the spongy
importance as atechnique for dividing up the antler matter. The last step was to widen the opening and
although the prevailing method is faceting used in give the perforation its final form.
Atlantic period
During the Atlantic period we see aconsiderable positioned between the brow and the trez tine. Fi-
reduction in the range of antler tool forms. The trend nally, starting from the late Atlantic period we see
is exhibited in an interesting way by the inventory the first T-shaped axe in which the perforation pass-
from Friesack 4. Tools fashioned from base section of es through the base of the removed trez tine. An in-
the beam no longer include hafts and other forms of crease in occurrence of T-shaped axes is observed
antler sleeves are represented by solitary specimens. first of all at late Mesolithic settlements of Erteblle
Three new forms of tools enter the record, with per- culture (Rosenhof: Vielstich 1992; Dbki: Ilkiewicz
forations parallel to the longer axis of cross-section. 1989). By this time axe heads have become quite
An outstanding form is aunique axe fashioned from rare. Only tools fashioned from tines continue to be
acrown of the beam recovered at Friesack 4, Layer represented by awider range of forms.
Sequence IV (Fig. 12:3). Similar forms are known Inventories from Pobiel 10 and Dudka 1 produced
from late Mesolithic and Neolithic sites. They have mattock heads and hafts from base section of antler
aperforation perpendicular or parallel to the longer beams. Dudka 1 also featured aremarkable set of 5
axis of cross-section (Mathiassen 1948:63, fig. 126; axe heads which formed the largest group of antler
Schoknecht 1962:284, fig. 188:c; Gramsch 1973:41, tools. Other forms included T-shaped axes and afull
91-92; Werning 1983, fig. 16; Dellbrgge 2002:119, range of antler tine tools, including percuteurs.
fig. 12:2). Next to the described tool we note the first The main antler technique continued to be facet-
occurrence of an axe fashioned from a base beam ing, combined with the technique of breaking, and the
section, with aperforation in its frontal-back plane, technique of cutting was used less frequently. To pro-
88 Stefan Pratsch
Fig. 14. 1 shaft hole on the short diameter, chronologically older; 2 shaft hole on the long diameter,
chronologically younger; 3, 4 detailed pictures of artefacts with boring traces from Friesack 4;
5 Zuni Indian boring a stone
duce perforations parallel to the longer axis of cross- that both ends of the perforation are of identical di-
section the compact layer of the antler was gouged out ameter which suggests that this type of perforation (in
lengthwise down to the spongy matter which was then alignment with the longer axis of cross-section) was
pierced to make ahole for hafting. It has been observed made using drilling tools (Fig. 14; Henriksen 1973).
Subboreal period
The only Subboreal layers containing antler finds and three tines with traces of working. The axe heads
survived at Dudka 1 and Friesack 4. The range of tool from Dudka are the chronological youngest finds of
forms is even more limited. From Dudka 1 we have this type in Europe. Friesack 4 (Layer Sequence Vb)
5 axe heads, abutt fragment of aT-shaped axe, and produced afragment of an antler beam with aperfora-
a fragment of a tool with a bifacially shaped blade tion and cutting edge the remain of an axe. Its form
at right angles to the longer axis of a cross-section. recalls different variants of this type of tool, known
There was also a number of antler tine tools: a tine mainly from the Atlantic period. The same site also
with aperforation, atine with unifacially bevelled tip yielded apercuteur made from an antler beam.
1 Elk antler mattock-head with a shaft hole; 2 Mace-head of elk antler; red deer: 3 Pick/hoe made of a beam-section; 4 Base-tools with a shaft hole
(a base-pick/hoe, shaft hole median-lateral, b base-axe, shaft hole median-lateral, c base-axe, shaft hole anterior-posterior, d base-mount, shaft hole median-lateral);
5 Base-tool with an edge but without a shaft hole; 6 Mounts (a mount with a tine as a handle, b mount with a shaft hole made of a beam-section, c Mount = handle);
7 Mace-heads; 8 Tool made of the base of a crown; 9 Axe made of the base of a crown; 10 T-shaped axe; 11 Percuteur; 12 Tine with a perforation; 13 Tine with an
oblique end; 14 Tine with an chisel-like end; 15 Pressure tool; 16 Awl made of a roe deers antler
89
90 Stefan Pratsch
of modified red deer frontlets with antlers known one of the grave pits at Dudka may have been agrave
from Mesolithic sites (Star Carr, Schtz 7, Bedburg- offering but for further confirmation or rejection of
Knigshoven, Hohen Viecheln). Frontlets with ant- this interpretation we must wait until the graves from
lers were modified not for any utilitarian use but for Dudka have been published. Next to anumber of other
use as hunting trophies. Apparently, roe deer skull grave goods the late Mesolithic grave at Bad Drren-
from Eilsleben may be treated as areflection of an berg (Bicker 1936) produced ahaft fashioned from the
age long tradition of hunting rituals handed by gen- basal section of ared deer antler beam and aroe deer
erations across the millennia. skull with antlers. Anumber of burials at the Scandina-
Almost all antler artefacts discussed here come vian Mesolithic cemetery sites Vedbk (Albrechtsen,
from settlement layers. We have much less evidence Brinch Petersen 1976) and Skateholm (Larsson 1984)
to reconstruct their role in the funerary rite. Of five contained complete red deer antlers and antler tools or
sites examined in this analysis only Dudka produced tines. This suggests that in the study area antler tools
human burials. An antler axe head recovered from could have been used as grave offerings.
Conclusion
The study of antler inventories from five Meso- It may be said therefore that the analysis of five
lithic sites with adifferent chronological range was Mesolithic antler inventories brought the expected
helpful in tracing antler tool forms and manufactur- results. It confirmed the similarity of the set of ant-
ing techniques starting from the middle Preboreal as ler tool forms and techniques in the study area, the
far as the middle Subboreal period. It confirmed the young glacial landscape stretching between the Elbe
major role of this resource during the Mesolithic, fa- and the Neman. Some local distinctive features were
miliarity with properties of antler and its deliberate also noted: the late antler axe heads recovered from
use in making specific antler tools. Subboreal layers at Dudka 1, and parts of anecklace
Whereas during the Preboreal period many tools from Pobiel 10. The results of the analysis have been
were manufactured from elk antler, in later periods already presented (Pratsch 2006, fig. 51-52). It is to
the main resource collected and worked was red deer be hoped that our study will be helpful for correlating
antler (Fig. 15). Crosswise breaking up of the beam stray finds lacking stratigraphy or dating to particu-
into smaller fragments made it possible to use almost lar stages of the Mesolithic. It has been demonstrated
all its parts for making tools. Formal diversity of the that individual tool forms such as mattock heads
tools produced sets apart the analysed antler inven- and axe heads of elk antler are limited to the early
tories from the material recovered at the Preboreal Mesolithic. Other forms, like T-shaped axes, occur
site Star Carr, where red deer antler beams almost starting from the late Mesolithic. Next to them we
entirely were used for splinter production. Another see long lived forms which are noted from the early
distinctive feature of the Boreal period is marked di- Boreal until the Subboreal period: mattock heads
versity of tool forms. In contrast, during the Atlantic fashioned from base sections of the antler beam, axe
period we see an abrupt decline in the number of tool heads and percuteurs. In future it would be desirable
forms which is probably connected with the increase to obtain more radiocarbon dates for antler tools to
in production and use of axes made of crystalline refine the chronological scheme even further. Parallel
rock and flint. to the study of Mesolithic antler inventories we ex-
Analysis of manufacturing techniques revealed amined antler finds from the Neolithic settlement at
that the technique of percussion and the groove and Eilsleben, Saxony-Anhalt, including in the analysis
splinter technique were only used exceptionally. The all the items - artefacts as well as fragments of ant-
prevailing technique was faceting, used in combina- ler not showing evident traces of working. We found
tion with breaking. Cutting gained recognition only confirmation that any comprehensive study of antler
from the beginning of the late phase of the Boreal inventories should take into account all antler finds in
period. Further changes were observed in the tech- agiven inventory.
nique of making perforations. During older stages of This will make it possible to refit fragments of
the Mesolithic perforations in antler beams and tines antler and in turn, to alter the statistics and the out-
almost without exception were made at right angles look of tool forms and their dimensions. Owing to
to the longer axis of cross-section. From the late Bo- the time factor this approach could not be used with
real, particularly during the Atlantic period, perfora- regard to inventories examined for my PhD thesis.
tions were made parallelly to the longer axis of cross- There is a pressing need for a continued study
section, most probably using some sort of drill. of Mesolithic antler finds. Priority should be given
Mesolithic antler artefacts in the North European Plain
91
to conservation and prompt processing (recording to be studied within the framework of SINCOS.
and photographic documentation) of antler pieces For areas to the south of this region there is need
recovered during excavation or originating from for a project which would involve the study and
random discoveries. This applies fully to finds from reassessment of Mesolithic antler inventories from
Rothenklempenow 10, Dudka 1 and Pobiel 10, and Friesack 4, 27, Pobiel 10 and Dudka 1, and from the
to faunal remains from Hohen Viecheln 1. To be recently explored early Neolithic site at Prenzlau,
able, in turn, to develop a chronological scheme it Uckermark district. Such aproject could be carried
is imperative to directly date as many pieces as pos- out within the framework of cooperation between
sible. Recently antler finds from Mecklenburg and Monuments Conservation Authorities and universi-
the Polish part of the Baltic Sea basin have started ties.
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Oldkyndighed og Historie 1924, 1-144. urian Lakeland: An example of conservative economy,
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Marcin Diakowski
Introduction
In recent years anumber of works concerning the however, to an unsatisfactory extent took into con-
Mesolithic bone and antler processing technologies sideration the taphonomic processes, technological
on the North European Plain have appeared (David aspects and the multicultural character of the site.
1999, 2002, 2003, 2004, 2005, 2006, 2007). Typo- The aim of this paper is therefore to revise the tech-
logical and technological research enabled the au- nological and typological aspects of the artefacts
thor to link the bone and antler artefacts to certain found on the site of Pobiel 10. Until now the arte-
traditions of processing of these raw materials in facts of organic materials from this site were clas-
the Boreal Period. sified exclusively as Mesolithic. Having considered
A couple of Mesolithic sites abounding with the multicultural character of the site (Bagniewski
faunal remains are known from the territory of Po- 1990a) and possible translocations of the artefacts
land; among them: Pobiel 10 (Bagniewski 1990a, from one stratigraphic layer to another, an assump-
1990b further reading there), Dudka (Gumi tion has been made that some of the artefacts could
ski 1995, 2003; Fiedorczuk 1995), Szczepanki 8 have originated from younger chronological pe-
(Gumiski 2005) and Krzy (Kabaciski et al. 2006, riods and thus may bear traces of treatment with
2008). metal tools. The purpose of these thorough tech-
Z. Bagniewski (1992) and S. Pratsch (2006) nological investigations was also to reconstruct the
have also attempted to investigate the methods of way the tools from the site of Pobiel 10 were made
bone and antler processing in the Mesolithic based and ascribe them properly to the communities inhab-
on materials from the Pobiel 10 site. Their analysis, iting it.
94 Marcin Diakowski
cortical bone fibres were visible. Similar phenomena of these relics (Lyman 1994) a result of long-
were observed on the two pieces located in the bank lasting deposition in unfavourable conditions. The
zone of the old river bank within the first excava- structure of the bone and antler was weakened and
tion zone. The artefacts from the Pobiel 10 site have natural breaks occurred. These breaks were later in-
breaks and cracks which has caused disintegration terpreted as intentional. The impact of taphonomic
96 Marcin Diakowski
processes on these particular artefacts may be well Some of the artefacts bear gnawing traces. On the
illustrated by acouple of antler artefacts (Table 1). Pobiel 10 site rodent activity could be observed (Fig.
Three of them were classified by Z. Bagniewski as 4:3). The traces left by those animals tend to be per-
waste products, and fragments of dagger, fish spear, pendicular to the longer axis of the antler (Lyman
hoe/Lyngby axe and antler with traces of processing 1994, fig. 6:15b). Z. Bagniewski (1990a) interpreted
respectively (Fig. 4-5; Bagniewski 1990a). them as traces of intentional processing.
Methods
The artefacts were analysed in order to examine differences in bone and antler processing technolo-
other theories and ideas namely that some of them gies in the Mesolithic and at the turn of the Bronze
could have been produced with the other processing Age. Microscope analysis of technological traces
methods which were in use at the turn of the Bronze and casting method were helpful in determining how
and Iron Ages. bone and antler was processed in various prehistoric
The analysis was conducted with the use of spe- periods and which tools were used. In the analysis
cialist analysis, which made it possible to observe of the faunal relics radiocarbon dating was also ap-
Bone and antler artefacts from Pobiel 10, Lower Silesia, Poland. Are they really Mesolithic?
97
Fig. 5. Antler artifacts without traces of processing. 1 P-14/85W; 2 B-88-78; 3 P-6/85W; 4 P-9/85W
plied in order to verify the dating of the differences The experiments were conducted in the conditions
in technological features observed. similar to those that may have prevailed on the Pobiel
The conservation method applied to the artefacts, 10 site when bone and antler processing took place. The
which is covering with resin varnish, impeded the red deer antlers (Cervus elaphus) came from wild ani-
microscope observations considerably making it im- mals or animals living in the Wrocaw ZOO. For bone
possible for example to identify use-wear traces. and antler processing replicas of flint, stone, metal and
To identify the sources of technological and use- organic tools used in the Komornica and the Lusitian
wear traces the experimental method was applied. cultures were applied. The organic materials were pre-
It was also used to specify the production stages of pared (softened) for processing in afew ways, believed
certain tool types. Before the experimental research to correspond to methods used in prehistoric times.
was carried out, theoretical models of bone and antler All the experiments were conducted at least twice.
processing were created on the basis of the multiple In addition to film and photo documentation, the ex-
observations of the artefacts and the ideas presented periments were documented using laboratory meas-
in the respective literature (David 1999). urement methods.
The finds
Altogether 557 bone artefacts were found on layer 5 (peat I) associated with the Lusitian culture
the Pobiel 10 site (Bagniewski 1990a:169) and in settlement. Approximately one third of all the bone
404 cases it was possible to identify the species of artefacts from Pobiel 10 were pieces of bird, fish and
the animal. The classification was conducted by T. reptile bones, however such ahigh percentage is due
Wiszniowska (Bagniewski 1990a:169). Most of their heavy fragmentation. This applied primarily to
them, more than two thirds, were mammal remains, turtle remains.
amongst which red deer bones and antlers prevailed. From the assemblage Z. Bagniewski (1990a)
Numerous pieces of wild boar and aurochs bones chose 59 bone and antler artefacts, which in his
were also found. Bones of other mammal species, opinion bore traces of processing. On the basis of ty-
such as beaver, roe deer and elk were not so abundant. pological criteria the author classified them as Meso-
It is worth noticing that all of these bones came from lithic. The artefacts were once more analysed by S.
wild species. The only exceptions were the sheep or Pratsch (Pratsch 2006). All of the artefacts classified
goat remains, which were found exclusively in the by Z. Bagniewski as tools or half-products, were de-
98 Marcin Diakowski
scribed by this author in the catalogue. Few of them and fishing spear [Bagniewski 1990a, fig. 50] be-
were verified typologically with the use of refitting long together and are adistal part of an antler with
method (a dagger [Bagniewski 1990a, fig. 25:d] apiece of abeam of ared deer antler).
Typology
In the literature hitherto the authors working with tools could be made. The faunal relics in question
the bone and antler artefacts sorted the faunal ma- were sorted with respect to processing grade: raw
terials from Pobiel 10 in different ways. There was material, half-products and debris, tools and parts
no separate classification for bone and antler arte- of antler composed tools, bone tools and fragments
facts from Pobiel 10 at this point, the individual of undefined tools. Within these groups sub-groups,
specimens were only named with respect to raw types and variants were specified. An important cri-
material, shape and possible function (Bagniewski terion was also which part of an antler was used to
1990a; Pratsch 2006). This kind of division, how- produce a certain artefact, as well as morphologi-
ever, does not comply with the separation rule, es- cal criteria: the way the working edge was shaped,
sential for creating alogically correct classification. the localisation of the shaft hole, the position of the
Moreover, in some cases the criteria for defining working edge in relation to the artefact, the hole and
the respective product classes were not specified the shape of the artefact.
either. Raw materials constitute the largest group among
In order to sort the faunal relics from Pobiel 10 the 557 artefacts (93.36%; Table 2). The other
properly, a new classification was constructed (Ta- groups are half-products and debris (2.33%), bone
ble 2). The analysis, which laid the foundations for and antler tools (3.96%) and fragments of undefined
this classification, was developed on the grounds of tools (0.36%). Among the 22 (without fragments of
morphological, technological and raw material crite- undetermined tools) bone and antler tools artefacts
ria. The functional categorisations were abandoned, of prongs 45.45%, beams 31.82% and bone
so that no presumptions about the application of the 18.18% prevail (Table 3).
Fig. 6. Technological
traces. 1 and 2 traces
of sawing by flint tool;
3 faceting traces;
4 chopping traces;
5 traces of sawing
by metal tool
ing methods to the raw material (Rajewski 1950:159; periments more elaborately, providing details about
urowski 1953; Semenov 1964:159-160; Cnotliwy the methods applied and describing the chemical
1973; Bagniewski 1992a; Drzewicz 2004; Osipo processes going on in the water and sorrel acid, are
wicz 2005). This belief in based i.a. in morphologic the works of A. Drzewicz (2004) and G. Osipowicz
analysis. Scholars claim that it would not be possible (2005).
to produce certain items without having softened the The softening techniques are hard to detect in
raw materials previously. They conducted anumber archaeological material, so experimental methods
of experiments to determine which softening meth- and comparative analysis respecting the theoretical
ods were most effective. Some believed that bone and premises have had to be used.
antler were soaked in water (Cnotliwy 1956:152-154; The purpose of the experiments conducted by
Lindemann 2001:18-21; Drzewicz 2004:51-52; Osi- the author was also to examine the various soften-
powicz 2005:22-30; further reading there), cooked in ing methods that can be applied to bone and antler.
water (Cnotliwy 1973:41) or various other solutions. Soaking in water alone is sufficient to make antler
In spite of such an abundance of relevant litera- processing easier. Both types of raw materials were
ture, the only works presenting the progress of ex- also soaked in sorrel acid and cooked. The first
100 Marcin Diakowski
method proved its efficiency with both bone and ing was rotational, which means that a couple of
antler. Cooking softened the flat bones (scapula, items were processed at the same time. While the
ribs) but was inefficient in softening the long bone worked item dried, another one was picked from the
shafts. Antler was superficially softened but after water where they were soaked (Diakowski, Ponka
it was taken out of the water it hardened quickly. 2010:321).
This was caused by the fast drying process occur- This kind of action may be indicated by single
ring as an consequence of the high temperature traces of sawing on the surface of the compact layer,
achieved during cooking. The above mentioned parallel to the edge of the base on the artefacts E-34
methods did not result in irreversible changes in and P-4/85 (Fig. 6:1-2). When the respective item
the structure and physical properties of antlers and was worked again, the manufacturer did not target
bones. the edge of the flint tool in the previous line. Such
The raw materials and half-products in Pobiel 10 traces may also indicate testing of the hardness of
could have been deposited in the bank area of the the antler. The thesis that such lines were formed as
standing water adjacent to the camp. The process- aresult of the blade or flake sliding down cannot be
Bone and antler artefacts from Pobiel 10, Lower Silesia, Poland. Are they really Mesolithic?
101
accepted, since in this case the lines would reach the Tools
edge of the base.
Moreover, on the stamp of these artefacts overlap- Bone and antler processing required appropriate
ping surfaces are visible, which is aresult of multi- preparation of raw materials, as well as collecting the
stage, ambient sawing of the antler (Diakowski, processing tools. Certain tools left different types of
Ponka 2010, fig. 4:3-4). On these surfaces parallel traces on the raw materials. In Pobiel 10 asubstantial
lines can be observed. The authors experiments prove assemblage of flint items was found where bone and
that these kind of traces could only occur on softened antler artefacts were deposited (Bagniewski 1990a:53-
antler. The artefacts featured by the traces of the use 55). It is possible that it may be chronologically con-
of the faceting technique may also demonstrate sof- temporary to at least some of the faunal artefacts found
tening. The faceting traces observed (e.g. on P-?, in the old river bank. Unfortunately no use-wear analy-
A-166, 19/83, P-34/85W Table 5-6) are analogous sis of the flint artefacts from Pobiel 10 was undertaken.
to the traces that occurred on the experimental materi- Analysis from analogous sites on the North European
als which underwent the antler softening process. Plain (Jensen, Petersen 1985; Dumont 1989; Cromb
102 Marcin Diakowski
et al. 2001), however, as well as experimental research ments. Faceting traces proves that the burins in this
with various flint and metal tools preceded by thor- case were used as chisels, where the shorter edge of
ough analysis of technological traces on the artefacts, burin spall served as aworking edge and the opposite
allow us to make some suppositions. end was hit by an some kind of soft hammer (Fig.
Flakes and blades with long working edges were 6:3). On some antler artefacts chopping traces of pre-
most probably used for sawing (Fig. 6:1-2). The length axe flint tool were observed (Fig. 6:4).
of the surfaces left after sawing on the stumps of the The presence of holes in some kinds of tools may
cut off prongs of the artefacts E-34 and P-4/85 supports indicate the application of picks and borers. On the
this view. On the other hand, the sharp tips of the above chosen artefacts traces of the use of the core axe may
mentioned blades and flakes could also have been used be observed. Some technological activities could be
for incising, which may be observed on the cross-sec- performed with various types of tools, for example
tions of the incised lines on the artefacts P-19/35 and flakes, blades, scrapers and other retouched tools,
E-34 (Diakowski, Ponka 2010, fig. 4:1, 5). burins and even core fragments could have been
The burins could be used both for incising and used for scraping.
faceting. Using this kind of tools for incising produc- Among the faunal artefacts classified by Z. Bag-
es several types of traces determined by the working niewski as Mesolithic, the artefact P-1/85W was not
angle of the burins tip. These may be deep grooves of produced with the use of flint tools. The sawing trac-
rectangular cross section and wide, V-shaped traces. es were certainly left by ametal tool (Fig. 6:5). This
In the latter case, however, other flint tools could also was confirmed by radiocarbon dating of the artefact
be used, which was confirmed by authors experi- (3,07765 BP).
Bone and antler artefacts from Pobiel 10, Lower Silesia, Poland. Are they really Mesolithic?
103
Techniques of processing
After verifying 44 artefacts from Pobiel 10, which and the bad preservation condition of some of the
according to Bagniewski bear traces of processing, items.
such traces were found on 37 pieces of bone and ant-
ler (Table 5-6). The remaining artefacts were clas- Dividing of the raw material
sified as raw materials, since they bore no traces of
intentional processing and were only modified by Seven different technological actions are related
natural factors. to the stage of dividing the raw materials, these are:
Sixteen different technological actions within riving, breaking, sawing, faceting, chopping, groov-
bone and antler processing were observed on the ing and splitting.
material from Pobiel 10 (Table 7). They were used The most common technique of dividing the raw
at all stages of the process. Some of the traces could materials to obtain desirable pieces was the breaking
not be found due to their obliteration in the course technique, which was observed on 26 antler artefacts
of the subsequent processing stages, intensive usage and 3 bone artefacts. Each artefact bearing traces of
104 Marcin Diakowski
intentional breaking also has traces of additional The analysis of the artefacts and the experimental
technological actions. Dividing the antler only by material made it possible to ascertain that the antler
breaking was not possible due to its structure, which dividing breakages occur in the variants: straight or
makes it both hard and flexible. Breaking the antler diagonal base and cogged crown.
was performed after sawing the hard cortical bone or A straight base was formed when antlers com-
its partial removing with faceting technique. After pact layer was sawed around the whole perimeter
that the antler was placed on stone or wooden bases of a beam or prong, all the way down to spongy
and broken probably with the use of a wooden or substance. It is important to have the compact layer
stone hammer. removed by sawing or faceting to the same depth.
The experimental research has proved that the In this way the base after breaking is perpendicular
efficiency of breaking an antler depends on several to the longest axis of the antler and does not have
factors. The most important are the depth of the any larger split-offs. This kind of trace was observed
sawing cut or the faceting grade and the length of the on the artefacts: P-32/85, P-24/85, P-25/85, E-34,
perimeter, on which those actions were performed. P-4/85, B-15/78, E-31, E-32, E-35, E-45, E-70,
Secondary factors are the type and size of the soft E-36, E-33.
hammer and the hitting strength and technique. A diagonal base could be obtained by sawing
The raw materials were very carefully prepared the compact layer or removing it with the faceting
for breaking, which can be observed in the breaking technique on the half of the perimeter of abeam or
areas, provided that the traces were not obliterated prong until the spongy substance was reached. After
in the course of subsequent technological actions. breaking on both ends of the antler adiagonal split
Bone and antler artefacts from Pobiel 10, Lower Silesia, Poland. Are they really Mesolithic?
105
was formed. This kind of split was observed on the kind of cut-off was observed on the artefacts E-70,
artefacts: P-34/85, B-94, P-?, A-166, D-18, P-35 and 19/83W and A-165. Z. Bagniewski claimed that they
B-96. were formed intentionally by scraping and func-
According to A. T. Classon (1983:85) the work- tioned as working edges, yet no technological traces
ing edges of the T-shaped axes were formed in this indicating such actions were found on the artefacts.
way. Thereafter they would undergo further process- A series of experiments demonstrated that the
ing, which was levelling the surfaces of the breakage cogged edges of the artefacts 19/83W and A-165
by scraping. In this paper this type is represented by were formed as a result of an intentional breakage
the artefact E-70 classified as variant CB.2.a. The preceded by removing the compact layer on insuf-
diagonal working edges of other tool types (A-163, ficient depth. In case of the artefact E-70 the cogged
E-45, P-35/85W, E-36) were probably also formed split-offs occurred after breaking caused by inten-
in this way. sive usage of the tool. The artefacts from the Spoo-
The cogged crown form was formed when the dle region in Holland were also interpreted in this
compact layer was not evenly removed by faceting way (Clason 1983, fig. 32).
or sawing on the whole perimeter of the antler or The application of the sawing technique in divid-
when the sawing or faceting was too shallow. This ing the antler was recognised on 19 artefacts, on 17
106 Marcin Diakowski
it existed in parallel with the breaking technique. directed perpendicularly to the surface of the antler,
Traces of this technological action are visible on which is indicated by the length and breadth of the
the breakages and their direct vicinity. There were traces and their shape visible on the cross sections.
only two cases in which there were no traces of On the basis of the analysed material two types of
breaking. sawing used at the dividing stage were defined. The
On the inner side of the middle part of the P- first one was defined as plain sawing, which entailed
15/85W artefact agroup of overlapping, diagonal to steady, even, ambient processing of abeam or prong.
the artefacts axis cuts can be found. They are related The sawing traces on the stamp resemble concentric
to compact layer cutting. Most probably they should circles. These kind of traces were observed on the
be interpreted as related to testing the hardness of artefacts B-15/78, E-31, E-32 and E-33.
softened antler or initial processing stage. On the ar- The second type of sawing was sequence sawing,
tefact P-1/85W no traces of breaking technique were which entails multi-stage cutting of the compact lay-
observed, which was because the antler was sawed er, which is indicated by series of parallel lines form-
with the use of ametal tool on the whole surface of ing overlapping surfaces. They are clearly visible on
the split parallel to each other lines were found. the split surface of the divided antler. Traces of se-
With the exception of the item P-1/85W the saw- quence sawing were found on the artefacts P-4/85,
ing was performed with flint flakes, blades and saws E-34, E-36, E-70 and B-94.
Bone and antler artefacts from Pobiel 10, Lower Silesia, Poland. Are they really Mesolithic?
107
The faceting technique was used to divide the the antler. Faceting was made from the proximal and
antler. It has been observed on 12 specimens distal end or from only one side.
(P-24/85W, P-25/85W, A-165, P-32/85W, P-29/85W, The groove and splinter technique was observed
P-34/85W, P-?, A-166, 19/83W, P-8/85W, E-35 and only on artefact P-5/85. It was connected with divid-
P-35/85W). This technique was noted only on ar- ing the antler lengthwise the long axis. According to
tefacts which have intentional breakage traces. It some researchers this technique has been used mainly
means that faceting was used to control breakage of to obtain blades from antlers and bones (Rust 1943;
antler. Analyses of the technological traces and ex- Feustel 1973; Clark 1978). Most of them were used
periments shows that the thin layers of compact layer as half products for making points and harpoons.
was removed by burin which was hit by some kind of There are no bone, antler blades, points or har-
hammer. poons found on the Pobiel 10 site. The groove and
The faceting technique was used only to divide splinter technique was not used for making blades.
the antler. We can observe it on the half part or on all It was used to divide antler to make particular tools.
of the antler beam or prong circumference. Traces On the part of the tool separated from the beam can
of this technique are parallel to the longer axis of be seen some negative after using awedge. The divi-
108 Marcin Diakowski
sion of the raw material was also made by splitting. E-40) and a few other artefacts made of the antler
Traces of this technique were located on only one prongs (P-4/85W, A-166, P-8/85W, A-163, P-5/85W,
implement, made from the long bone. E-33). Scraping was also used to form oblique
working edges of the tools such as the A-163, E-45,
Shaping of the tools P-35/85W, E-36. Moreover scraping was used to
flatten the surface of artefacts 19/83W and E-35.
Other types of techniques used in antler and bone Two types of splitting traces were identified on
processing are associated with shaping different two specimens from the Pobiel 10 site. On the bone
types of tools. On particular artefacts technological artefact P-17/85 there are traces of adirect percus-
traces from such activities as knapping, scraping, sion lateral edges of the rived bone were struck in
grinding, whittling, surface sawing (filing), dotted order to create particular shape of the bone tools. On
percussion, and boring were observed. the antler artefact E-45 the splitting technique was
Among these the most numerous are the traces used to remove pearls from the burr. They were re-
of scraping that occurred on 16 artefacts. This tech- moved by indirect percussion.
nique can be identified on the basis of linear shallow On some artefacts from the Pobiel 10 site traces
traces of different length and depth, which overlap of grinding technique were observed, these were
each other. The scraping technique was used to form produced by rubbing the surface of the antler with
the tips of bone tools (P-17/85, P-2/85W, P-3/85W, a stone slab. Experiments demonstrated that the
Bone and antler artefacts from Pobiel 10, Lower Silesia, Poland. Are they really Mesolithic?
109
grinding traces depend on the type of stone. Gran- are visible only around the holes. This method was
ite produces small scratches visible under the mi- also used in case of unidentified tool made of along
croscope, whereas sandstone wider grooves visible bone (P-13/85), the hole was made on one side. The
macroscopically. Grinding traces were recognized second method was to drill the hole precisely in
only on artefacts made of antler. On the artefacts the place where an antler prong has been removed
E-45 and E-35 this technique was used to remove (E-70) and the third method was to drill the hole in
pearls from the burr. Grinding was also used to shape spongy substance, parallel to the long axis of the ant-
the tip of antler tool made of antler prong (E-34). ler beam or prong (E-35, E-33, B-15/78, E-31 and
Traces of whittling can be seen on three artefacts E-32).
made of antler (A-164, E-31, B-96). Whittling was Among the implements with technological traces
used to sharpen particular parts of the antler, e.g. tips there are also a group of fragments of unidentified
of the antler prongs (A-164, B-96) or other parts (E- tools (Group D- P-19/85W and no. ?). Specimen P-
31). As in previous cases, this technique can be iden- 19/85W is afragment of antler with traces of sawing
tified on the basis of surfaces overlapping each other and splitting and an arrow engraved on its surface.
and directed obliquely to the long axis. The second artefact is a fragment of antler prong,
Sawing (filling thin layers of compact layer) of whose proximal and distal parts have been broken
the surface was used to shape bone and antler tools. off in a natural way. On both lateral sides of the
In the case of a specimens (19/83) made of antler, specimen zigzag ornaments is made by engraving.
it was used to form the tip of prongs. Traces of this
action can be distinguished from whittling traces Final processing and ornamentation
by aseries of parallel, straight lines located parallel
to the long axis. The filing technique was also ob- The final stage of bone and antler tools process-
served on the bone artefact P-3/85W and it was used ing have been associated with ornamenting. At Po-
to shape the lateral edge of this object. biel 10 site there are 4 types of antler artefacts with
On the artefacts from the Pobiel 10 site techno- different ornaments made by sawing and grooving.
logical traces of three methods of drilling holes were The first one (P-28/85W) is a waste product (type
also observed. According to one of them compact B). Artefact E-34 belongs to a subgroup of tools
layer was removed by percussion using aflint pick, made of the antler prongs (CA). Another two imple-
prior to drilling action. These activities were done ments (P-19/85W and ?) are fragments of unidenti-
either from one side or simultaneously both sides of fied tools (type D). They were subjected to different
antler beam (E-45, E-35, E-36). Traces of their use study (Diakowski, Ponka 2010).
Conclusions
The new study of faunal remains enabled to place Pobiel 10 traces of softening have been observed.
them in a new classification criteria according to Moreover the analysis of technological traces made
raw material, morphology and technology. Results it possible to recognise the particular type of tools
of the analysis of technological and natural traces which was used for bone and antler processing and
verify previous functional and typological determi- to confirm the Mesolithic origin of the most of ar-
nations (Bagniewski 1990a; Pratsch 2006). Techno- tefacts. Only specimen P-1/85W is younger and is
logical research also made it possible to determine dated to the Bronze Age, what is also confirmed by
what type of tools, materials and technological ac- the radiocarbon dating.
tivities were used by in the processing of bone and Based on analysis of technological traces, using
antler. modern research methods, it was possible to iden-
The present study demonstrated that the popu- tify different manufacture techniques used during
lation inhabiting the Pobiel 10 site preferred tools the bone and antler processing at the Pobiel 10 site.
made from antler. This is indicated by a large This made it possible to identify how the Mesolithic
number of artefacts made from this material, and the craftsman divided bones and antlers and made dif-
very small percentage of bone tools. According to ferent types of tools.
the authors experimental studies this was probably On the artefacts from the Pobiel 10 classified by
related to how difficult is bone processing in com- Z. Bagniewskiego to artefacts with traces of work-
parison to working of antler. Technological traces ing, no technological traces were observed. It was
were analysed to establish method of preparation of possible to detect taphonomic processes, which are
antler and bone material. On some artefacts from the not related to human activities.
110 Marcin Diakowski
S. Pratsch connected various types of tools, based subtype and atool made from distal part of red deer
on their forms, with certain periods of the Holocene. antler belonged to the CC subtype are the excep-
According to him, most types of tools from Pobiel tions.
10 are associated with the middle and late Boreal pe- Due to its geographic location, Pobiel 10 provided
riod and Boreal/Atlantic transition. Artefacts CA.1.ai alot of information on the processing of bone and
CA.1.b also occur during Subboreal period as well antler in the Central Europe during the Mesolithic.
as specimen CB.2.a, however these type of artefacts Until now, these artefacts have been mistreated in
appear first in the Atlantic period. the detailed technological studies. The results of this
All types of tools that have occurred on Pobiel study will develop knowledge of the technology of
10 have their analogies in other sites of the Central bone and antler processing in the Mesolithic in the
European Plain. The artefact belonged to aCB.2.c Central and Northern Europe.
Type
Natural Natural Traces of Type according to
No. Catalogue no. Fig. according to Exfoliation
breaks cracks processing M. Diakowski
Z. Bagniewski
1 P-6/85W 5.3 waste product + + + - AA
2 P-9/85W 5.4 waste product + + + - AA
fragment of
3 P-10/85W 4.1 + + + - AA
fishing spear
hoe/Lyngby
4 P-13/85Wb 4.2 + + + - AA
axe
5 P-14/85W 5.1 waste product + + + - AA
antler with
6 P-26/85W 4.3 traces of + + + - AA
processing
7 B-88-78 5.2 dagger + + + - AA
Type Subtype N %
AA. Antler 10 1.80
A. Raw material
(without traces of 93.36
processing) AB. Bone 508 91.56
Subtype N %
CA. Tools made from antler prongs 10 45.45
CB. Tools made from antler beam 7 31.82
CC. Tools made from antler crown 1 4.55
CD. Bone tools 4 18.18
Total 22 100.0
Table 4. Pobiel 10. Bone and antler artefacts in respect to the particular parts of antler
Antler parts N %
Proximal part 5 15.15
Medial part 10 30.30
Distal part 1 3.03
Antler prongs 15 45.45
Fragment of the antler beam 1 3.03
Undetermined antler fragments 1 3.03
Total 33 100.0
112 Marcin Diakowski
Table 5. Pobiel 10. Technological traces. Half-products and waste products (type B)
Table 6. Pobiel 10. Technological traces. Bone and antler tools (type CA, CB, CC,CD and D)
Type Technological
Subtypes
Catalogue according to actions according
No. Fig. according to Stage of work Tool used
no. Z. Bagniewski to characteristic
M. Diakowski
and S. Prasch traces
Dividing, Faceting +breaking
1 A-166 10.2 Awl/dagger CA.1.a Flake/blade
shaping atip Scraping
Sawing+breaking,
Dividing, Flake/blade
2 P-4/85W 10.3 dagger CA.1.a dotted percussion,
shaping atip Pick
scraping
Dividing, Sawing+breaking
3 D-18 10.1 dagger CA.1.a Flake/blade
shaping atip scraping
Dividing and Sawing+breaking
4 E-34 10.4 dagger CA.1.a shaping atip, Grinding Flake/blade
ornamenting Grooving
Faceting+breaking
Dividing,
5 19/83W 10.6 dagger CA.1.b Filing technique Flake/blade
shaping atip
(surface sawing)
Dividing, Faceting+breaking
6 P-8/85W 10.5 Waste product CA.1.b Flake/blade
shaping atip scraping
Dividing,
shaping Sawing+breaking
7 A-163 11.1 dagger CA.2 Flake/blade
abase, scraping
shaping atip
Part of Dividing, Sawing+breaking Flake/blade
8 E-32 11.2 CA.3
anecklace making ahole boring Borer
Dividing, Sawing+breaking
Part of Flake/blade
9 E-31 11.4 CA.3 shaping, whittling
anecklace Borer
making ahole boring
Bone and antler artefacts from Pobiel 10, Lower Silesia, Poland. Are they really Mesolithic?
113
Part of Dividing, Sawing+breaking Flake/blade
10 B-15/78 11.3 CA.3
anecklace making ahole boring Borer
Sawing+breaking
Dividing, Dotted
Piece of Flake/blade
shaping percussion+boring
11 E-45 12.1 apunch tool CB.1.a Borer
working parts, Grinding
handle Pick
making ahole Scraping
Chopping around
Faceting+breaking
Dividing,
Dotted Flake/blade
Chopper shaping
12 E-35 12.2 CB.1.b percussion+boring Borer
handle working parts,
Grinding Pick
making ahole
Scraping
Sawing+breaking
Dividing,
13 P-35/85W 13.1 Chisel CB.1.c Faceting+breaking Flake/blade
shaping
Scraping
Dividing, Sawing+breaking
14 B-96 13.2 Hoe-axe CB.1.d Flake/blade
shaping Whittling
Dividing,
Piece of an Sawing+breaking Flake/blade
15 E-70 13.3 CB.2.a shaping,
axe Boring Borer
Making ahole
Sawing+breaking
Dividing,
Hoe with Scraping Flake/blade
16 E-36 14.1 CB.2.b shaping,
ahole Dotted Borer
making ahole
percussion+boring
Sawing+breaking
Dividing, Flake/blade
17 P-5/85W 14.2 hoe CB.2.c Grooving+splitting
shaping Burin
Scraping
Dividing, Sawing+breaking
Flake/blade
18 E-33 14.3 Fishing spear CC shaping, Scraping
Borer
boring Boring
Dividing, Breaking Flake/blade
19 P-2/85W 15.1 awl CD
shaping Scraping
Breaking
Dividing, Filing technique
20 P-3/85W 15.2 awl CD Flake/blade
shaping (surface sawing)
Scraping
Dividing, Breaking
21 E-40 15.3 awl CD Falke/blade
shaping Scraping
Riving
Dividing, Hammer stone
22 P-17 15.4 awl CD Knaping
shaping Flake/blade
Scraping
23 P-13/85W 15.5 Pipe D Shaping dotted percussion Pick
antler Dividing?, Sawing
Hammer stone
24 P-19/85W 15.6 fragment with D shaping, Knapping
Falke/blade
ornament ornamenting Grooving
114 Marcin Diakowski
Table 8. Pobiel 10. The occurrence of particular types of tools in different climatic periods
on the Central European Plain
Type
Period
CA.1.a CA.1.b CB.1.a CB.1.b CB.1.c CB.1.d CB.2.a CB.2.b
Subboreal
Atlantic
Boral/Atlantic
Middle and Late Boral
Early Boreal
Acknowledgements
This paper is a part of MA thesis written under search. Iwould also thank Dr. T. Ponka for scien-
prof. J. Burdukiewiczs supervision, whom I wish tific advice and J. Markiewicz for help with English
to acknowledge for any help and support for my re- translation.
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and antler industry from domestic and funerary contexts, In: tung im westeuropischen Jungpleistozn, Experimentalle
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116 Marcin Diakowski
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Bonn: Habelt. w okresie wczesnoredniowiecznym, Przegld Archeolo
giczny 9(2-3), 583-8.
Selena Vitezovi
This paper will focus on the analysis of bone artefacts from the Neolithic site Drenovac, located in central Serbia,
in the Middle Morava valley. Excavations conducted from 2004 to 2006 yielded avery rich assemblage of objects
made of bone, antler, tooth and shell. In total over 300 artefacts were found, all of which were found in one sin-
gle trench. For the first time complete objects, and also debris, semi finished and broken tools were collected and
analysed. Since the bone industry is largely ignored in prehistoric archaeology in Serbia, results thus obtained were
very important for recognizing this class of archaeological material as a valuable source of information on vari-
ous economic questions. The Drenovac assemblage shows great avariety of raw materials and in the final forms of
artefacts. Semi finished objects and debris helped in reconstructing the modes of production, and an attempt was
also made to reconstruct the possible use. Thus, information regarding both the managing of raw materials and the
level of technological knowledge was obtained. Also, this analysis revealed that small crafts, such as hide or leather
working, previously ignored, were practiced in the settlement, and some shell objects revealed more elaborated ex-
change network of precious goods than previously acknowledged. Chronologically, most of these objects belong to
Late Neolithic Vina culture; however, some of the pieces could be attributed to Early/Middle Neolithic Starevo
culture.
Keywords: bone and antler tools, shell ornaments, central Balkan, Neolithic, Vina culture, Starevo culture
Introduction
The systematic study of Neolithic cultures in cen- only one synthetical work appeared, on bone in-
tral Balkans began over acentury ago, with excava- dustry from several Mesolithic and Neolithic sites
tions at Vina Belo Brdo, the eponymous site of (Bakalov 1979).
Vina culture. Today, hundreds of Neolithic sites are During excavations on the Neolithic site Dreno-
known in Serbia, and different aspects of both ma- vac, from 2004 to 2006, arich assemblage of objects
terial culture and socio-economic organization have made of bone, antler, tooth and shell was recovered,
been the subject of study (Srejovi 1988, with refer- atotal over 300 complete pieces, as well as debris,
ences). semi finished and broken tools. Good preservation
Bone objects, however, were in the main given of bone material, rich assemblage and careful col-
less attention. The main priority in Serbian archaeol- lection of artefacts explain how and why this study
ogy was to answer on questions about chronology was able to establish a typological classification
hence utilitarian artefacts received less attention for the central Balkans. The results obtained were
than pottery. Apart from several reports on particu- very important in recognizing this class of artefacts
lar sites (Vrani 1987, Lyneis 1988, Russell 1990, as avaluable source of information on several eco-
on arkovo, Divostin, and Selevac, respectively), nomic questions.
118 Selena Vitezovi
The site
The site Drenovac Turska esma (Drenovats) is ture in alayer of up to 5.5m thickness (Rui, Pavlovi
situated on a gentle slope above the terrace of Velika 1988; Vetni 1974:125, 155). During new excavations,
Morava river, near the modern village of Drenovac, from 2004 to 2006, one trench (dim. 6 6 m), with
8km south of the town of Parain, central Serbia. The acultural layer of over 6m, was excavated. At least four
whole valley of Velika Morava was intensively popu- building horizons belonging to the Vina culture were
lated during the Neolithic period and the closest site, found, and also traces of the Starevo culture settlement
Slatina, is only 8km north from Drenovac. The site was (for practical reasons, excavated on alimited area of ap-
discovered in 1966, and in the period 1968-1972 14 prox. 15 m2). The portable material was very rich, and
trenches, covering approximately 290m2 were excavat- among pottery, figurines, flint, stone tools, 322 objects
ed. These revealed several settlement stages belonging made from animal hard tissue bones, antlers, teeth and
to the Starevo and Vina (early and late Neolithic) cul- shell were also recovered.
The Neolithic Bone Industry from Drenovac, Serbia
119
Fig. 2. Traces of
burnishing on
point Dr 088
(Vina culture).
All photos are
by S. Vitezovi
Fig. 3. Traces of
burnishing on
awl from rib Dr 180
(Vina culture)
Chronology
The cultural layers at Drenovac belong to the tween respective bone industries. Some of the bone
Vina and Starevo culture. Most objects belong to tool types such as awls made from split long bones
the Vina levels and they fit into the bone industries or from ribs are not chronologically sensitive, i.e.
from other Vina sites (e. g. Selevac Russell 1990; they occur in both Vina and Starevo culture. The
Vina Srejovi, Jovanovi 1959). The Starevo layer majority of tools described here belong to Vina culu-
was not excavated in the whole trench area, but only tre. Since artefacts assigned with certainty to Starevo
on alimited area of aprox. 15m2, and the number of layers were not numerous and since there were no
bone tools from the Starevo layers is not high. The sharp differences between them and Vina artefacts,
unclear stratigraphic situation in the transition layers all the bone industry from Drenovac was treated as
between the Vina and Starevo culture poses prob- one assemblage, only with notes if some traits were
lems in interpreting similarities and differencies be- exclusively those of Starevo assemblage.
Raw materials
Among animal hard tissue used for making ob- such as awls or pins. Other bones were used only oc-
jects on Drenovac the most dominant are long and casionally, such as jaw fragments or astragals, while
flat mammal bones and red deers antlers. Other some bones were never used skull bones, for ex-
bones, teeth and roe deers antlers were used only ample.
occasionally, while shells occur rarely. Most of bones used to make tools belong to ani-
Among bones, different long bones were used, mals which were probably killed for meat (sheep/
most often metapodial or other long bones of me- goat, cattle, red deer). Also, the bones that were
dium size ungulate, as sheep/goat. Ribs are most used are probably the ones that remain after pri-
common among flat bones and again smaller ribs mary butchering (cf. Lyman 2001). Most of the
prevail. This may be because it is easier to shape bones were chopped first or simply broken and then
smaller bones, but also the reason may be functional shaped, which also suggests that the selected bones
too thick a bone was not desirable for fine tools were kitchen debris. Asimilar selection of raw mate-
120 Selena Vitezovi
Fig. 4. Traces of
cutting on antler
hammer Dr 126
(Vina culture)
rounding area or perhaps exchanged with vicinal ity would look like this: animals intended for food,
settlements. The shells are the only material which kept or killed, were used entirely; after removing
came from an extended network of exchange. More meat and other edible parts, leather, skin, fur and
or less, the model of using resources from the vicin- bones were selected for making different objects.
Fig. 11. Handle Dr 385, subtype made from epiphysis Fig. 12. Used astragal Dr 075 with one perforation
and diaphysis of long bone(Starevo culture) on the middle part (Vina culture)
sometimes smoothened by scraping with aflint tool All these techniques were also observed on other
or by burnishing with sandstone. Perforations were Neolithic sites in the area e. g. Divostin (Lyneis
made by carving out the spongy tissue with a flint 1988:303), Banjica (Perii 1984, table 20:145) and
tool. Jakovo-Kormadin (Perii 1984: table 20:147,148).
Typological-functional analysis
Following the tradition of the French school, the (1979). The interpretation of use wear traces is done
typological classification is done using the following after the results of experiments done by different au-
criteria morphology of the distal end, the anatomi- thors (e. g. Semenov 1976, Peltier 1986, Legrand,
cal origin of the raw material, and the technology Sidra 2004, Sidra, Legrand 2006).
(i.e. the mode of shaping), encompassing these main
groupes: 1) pointed objects different types of awls, Group I. Pointed tools
needles and pins, picks, hooks, projectile points,
etc.; 2) cutting objects chisels, wedges and axes; 3) I1. Awls
blunt objects or implements for polishing and scrap- Awls were the most common tool type. Accord-
ing and 4) implements for punching and pressing ing to their morphology and raw material, two main
(Camps-Fabrer 1966; Stordeur 1988). subtypes can be distinguished awls made from
The typological classification of A. Bakalov, long and from flat bones.
applied on preNeolithic and Neolithic assemblages Awls made of long bones (I1 A) were all made
from Serbia, was also based on these critieria and by splitting long bones, most often metapodial bones
the definitions of types are mostly after Bakalov of sheep size animals, and then shaped by cutting
124 Selena Vitezovi
and polishing, their cross section is usually semi an- ing, and double-sided awls only one specimen was
nular, and their side edges usually form regular tri- found.
angle and end in asharp point. Basal parts on some The spongy tissue on the lower surface is some-
of them were fragmented, but some of them had pre- times deliberately removed by scraping, but often it
served epiphysis on the basal part and one of them is worn out from use. The outer surface is also often
has traces of epiphysis being removed the basal polished and worn out, which suggests soft, organic
part has traces of smoothing. materials. Most of them were used on leather and fur,
Somewhat more intense traces of polishing but some may also have been used on plant materi-
around the tip may suggest resharpening of the tool. als (cf. Peltier 1986, Legrand, Sidra 2004), and only
The traces of use on most of these objects suggest one has traces of being used on clay deep and dense
that they were used for work on soft organic materi- incisions and lines cover almost all outer surfaces (cf.
als, in particular for skin, leather and fur, during dif- Russell 1990:523, 531; Semenov 1976:183-184).
ferent stages (cf. Peltier 1986, Legrand, Sidra 2004, This type of flat-bone awls is also common on
Sidra, Legrand 2006). Neolithic sites for example, they are known on
This type of awls and its variants have a wide Vina (Perii 1984, table 10:86), Banjica (Perii
geographical and chronological span (Camps-Fabrer 1984, table 9:79), and on Divostin (Lyneis 1988:
1990a, 1990b). In the Neolithic of Serbia, the vari- fig. 10.2, j). The double-sided awls are known from
ants of awls with epiphysis on distal end are known, Vina (Perii 1984:36-37, table 11:91, 93) and from
for example, at arkovo (Vrani 1987, table 2:12), Selevac (Russell 1990:528, table 14:2a).
on Vina (Srejovi, Jovanovi 1959: sl. 1/12) and on
Banjica (Perii 1984, table 2:10, 11), while the awls I2. Points
with smoothened base without epiphysis are found These implements have a massive and strong
on Jakovo-Kormadin (Perii 1984, table 5:38) and pointed tip, and were used for splitting harder ma-
on arkovo (Vrani 1987, table 3:15). terials, such as wood, bones or antlers. They were
Awls made of flat bones were exclusively made made of large, split long bone, and have epiphysis
of ribs, split vertically and the object was shaped out fragment on basal parts, or they were made from
of one bony plate of rib by cutting and burnishing. complete or split antler tine. These objects are not
The cross section of these awls is flat, but sometimes as carefully worked as, for example, awls, and per-
those made of larger ribs may have circular cross haps some of them were ad hoc tools or have been
section. These tools show alarge span of dimensions re-shaped after being broken from one object into
from only several centimetres to over 15 cm. Two points. Traces of use suggest they may have been
variants were present one-sided awls, which have used on plant materials (cf. Peltier 1986), probably
on their base traces of cutting with aflint or polish- for splitting wood.
The Neolithic Bone Industry from Drenovac, Serbia
125
I3. Pins
Usually, they were made of bones, both long and
flat; only one was made of a smaller tooth, which
was made thinner by scraping. All of these objects
have traces of being polished with some fine-grained
agent, and on pins made from flat bones the spongy
tissue is completely removed. Most of them have ba-
sal parts broken, and only two had broken perfora-
tion on base. One very small pin, only 2 mm wide,
had both ends pointed.
Most of these objects were used for weaving and
spinning for making fibres from plant materials,
making nets, etc., and at least two needles can be
associated with a house context. Similar objects
are known from Anza, Macedonia (Smoor 1976:
fig. 127:4, 5 and fig. 136:1, 4) and Thessaly (Stra-
touli 1988: Prodromos, table 6:2,4,5; Servia, table
29:4,5,6).
I6. Hooks
Only one hook was found. A thin, small rod of
bone was shaped into ahook by careful burnishing
and polishing. The pointed end was not preserved.
Hooks are not common in Neolithic sites, and, are
only ever found, in small numbers. Probably the
richest collection of bone hooks comes from Vina
(Srejovi, Jovanovi 1959; Bakalov 1979), and one
is known from Selevac (Russell 1990:530).
II 2. Wedges
Fig. 14. Object Dr 359 made from rib, probably used
Two wedges were recovered, one made of an
as shoe or belt buckle (Starevo culture)
antler tine fragment, very damaged, and with the
working edge intensively worn out from use, and the
other made of avertically split rib. Its traces of use II 4. Knives
are particularly well preserved the spongy tissue Only one object belongs to this group, made from
was abraded, especially around the working edge, alarge rib, whose sharp edges are abraded from use
and on outer surface polish as well as small gouges and show striations consistent with working on clay
are visible. (cf. Russell 1990:523, 531).
126 Selena Vitezovi
Group III. Polishing tools but more likely ad hoc, expedient tools. They have
working edges worn, chipped and sometimes look as
III 1. Spatulas if they were retouched like flints.
Spatulas or polishers were very anumerous type and
show great variety in raw materials, shape and mode of III 3. Spatulas-awls
use. The most common shapes are spatulas from asplit Three objects had two working edges, one end was
long bone with aworking edge more or less semicircu- shaped into apoint, and the other was used for polishing.
lar, with parallel edges - they look like letter Uturned They were all made of ribs and intense polish suggests
upside down. Or the basis may be narrower than the that they were used for working on soft organic materials.
working end and the form was more triangular. Usually For some pointed objects from Vina (Srejovi, Jovanovi
their surfaces were heavily worn, polished and covered 1959:183) and from Selevac (Russell 1990:524) it was
with different striations, suggesting they were used noted that their basal part was used for polishing.
on soft, organic materials, often leather and hide, but
sometimes also plant materials (cf. Peltier 1986; Chris- Group IV. Striking tools
tidou 2004; Beugnier, Maigrot 2005; Sidra, Legrand
2006). This type of spatulas is common on many Neo- IV 1. Strikers
lithic sites, for example Vina (Srejovi, Jovanovi Strikers or punches were made mainly from tines of
1959:183) and Anza (Smoor 1976). red deer antler. The natural tip of antler is often shaped
Sometimes split rib fragments were used as spatu- or repaired by whittling and cutting, or simple flak-
las, slightly modified or not modified at all, and their ing, and their outer surface was sometimes smoothed
spongy tissue being the main working surface, often by scraping or whittling with aflint tool. They have
heavily worn and sometimes completely abraded. intense traces of use, often not only in the distal but
There are also spatulas made of antlers, either from cor- also in the mesial part usually lines, cuts and gouges
tex fragment or the tine, diagonally cut so aflat surface of different size. They may have been used for wood-
is obtained. Unfortunately, they are all fragmented, so working, but also to break nuts or as pestles in mortars,
little can be said on their mode of shaping and use. for crushing pigments or other substances (cf. Poplin
1979).
III 2. Scrapers Similar objects are known from Selevac (blunt ant-
Scrapers were made from broken pieces of dif- ler points; Russell 1990:529 and fig. 14:5) and from
ferent bones, and probably not carefully shaped, Banjica (Perii 1984, table 22:156).
The Neolithic Bone Industry from Drenovac, Serbia
127
face was also smoothed by scraping and whittling. only one is from a larger animal (probably cattle).
Perhaps this object was similar to certain objects They usually have one perforation in the proximal
interpreted as antler spoons, found on several sites part; one astragal has two perforations on each end
(cf. Perii 1984:39, 47). This artefact was found in and one astragal has one perforation completed and
Starevo layers. one, maybe even two perforations just started. These
perforations were made with a flint borer, whose
V 4. Used astragals traces can be observed on the edges.
There are several worked astragals found on Dren- All these objects have intense traces of use, vis-
ovac. Most of them are smaller, from sheep/goat and ible especially on side surfaces and on prominent
130 Selena Vitezovi
parts, which are not only smoothed but also some- perforations and some astragals found on anearby site
times completely abraded and flattened. In addition, Motel Slatina have agroove, which runs out of the per-
the first layer of bony tissue is sometimes removed foration, it is possible that these objects had some role
due to this intense use. Other surfaces usually have in fibres processing perhaps as apart of aloom.
patches of polish and striations.
These objects are usually interpreted as cult ob- V 5. Bone rods (spindles)
jects, jewellery or as dice for game (cf. Jacanovi, There is another type of objects linked with fi-
ljivar 2001; Russell 1990:538-539, with cited refer- bres processing fine bone rods, which probably
ences), according to analogies with historical cultures, served as spindles or distaffs. They were made from
especially Roman, or after ethnological parallels. different bones, long ones and ribs, and they were
However, the intensive traces of use on these objects shaped by cutting and polishing into elongated, thin
contradict these interpretations. rod, of circular or triangular cross section. Although
One astragal without perforation, also heavily worn they resemble pins, their ends were not pointed, but
out, from the Cucuteni culture site Dragueni-Ostrov smoothed. They were very intensively polished and
(Bolomey, Marinescu-Blcu 1988:347 and fig. 7:6) was sometimes they have striations consistent with trac-
interpreted as a polisher. These astragals could also es from contact with plant materials (cf. Legrand,
have been used as polishers, but as some of them have Sidra 2004).
The Neolithic Bone Industry from Drenovac, Serbia
131
Group VI. Decorative objects highly polished. Beads of these types are known so
far from several Neolithic sites in Romania (Coma
VI 1. Pendants 1973), Anza Macedonia (Gimbutas 1976: esp. fig.
Several perforated teeth probably served as pen- 213), and possibly some of the beads from Vina are
dants. Two fragments of pigs tusks with traces of similar (cf. Srejovi, Jovanovi 1959:187). It is in-
cutting may have been performs for making pen- teresting to note that beads from Drenovac are the
dants. Only one pendant was made of bone it was first finds of this kind from central Serbia.
made from flat piece of bone, probably it had trap-
ezoidal form and has broken perforation. VI 3. Bracelets
In total four bracelets made of shell were recov-
VI 2. Beads ered, made of Spondylus and perhaps Glycimeris.
Three beads was recovered, all made of shells. They are all fragmented, so it is not possible to de-
Two beads are very small, and flat, while the third termine their original shape. They are all highly pol-
bead is slightly bigger and has biconical shape. ished, with almost no traces of working. One bracelet
These are very fine objects, carefully made and has broken perforation on one end and perhaps this
132 Selena Vitezovi
was decorative plaque (or the bracelet was turned was found in several Neolithic sites in Romania, and
into aplaque after being broken). they belong to Starevo-Cri and Vina A culture,
Morphologically, these bracelets do not differ much and one of them had the representation of an animal
from those found in Vina (Dimitrijevi, Tripkovi head at one end (Beldiman 2000a). This specimen
2002). Shell bracelets, especially those of Spondylus, probably belongs to Starevo culture layers.
found all over prehistoric Europe (cf. Willms 1985),
and interpreted as luxury items, are taken as evidence VI 5. Buckles for clothing
of atrade and exchange network. What is significant Two possible buckles or other pieces of clothing
for these specimens is that these are the first findings were recovered. One is fragmented polished elon-
in the area outside of Danube valley (cf. Willms 1985; gated plate with abroken perforation. Due to frag-
Dimitrijevi, Tripkovi 2002). These new findings mentation, it is not possible to reconstruct the whole
show that exchange networks were far more complex object, but it was probably some sort of hook belt
than originally suggested. It is also interesting to note hook or maybe afootwear buckle.
that some of them may belong to Starevo layers. The other object is was made from one bone plate
Another object was probably also abracelet. It is of asmaller rib, on the upper part it has alarge whole
abasal part of red deers antler, the pearly part of the (diameter 1 cm) and the other end has deep cut so
burr, cut out from the rest of the burr so the circu- two legs are formed (one is broken). The form of the
lar shape was obtained. It is fragmented, so original object gives acertain anthropomorphic impression,
shape can not be determined, but this bracelet was and the deep lines on it suggest that it was in close
probably of an open type. In the inner side, fine lines contact with leather or hide, and it was probably
from flint tools can be observed and pearly parts are abuckle for clothing or footwear. Aslightly similar
somewhat polished. So far, this is the only object of object, with just one leg in distal parts, was recov-
this kind found in Serbian Neolithic. Bracelets made ered in Selevac, and has been interpreted as a belt
from basal parts of the antler, the total number of 8, buckle (Russell 1990: plate 14.3d).
Discussion
Pointed objects are the most common tool type Perhaps the teeth were not considered to be suitable
on Drenovac, as they are on most Neolithic sites (e. for tools it is interesting to note that skull fragments,
g. Srejovi, Jovanovi 1959; Stratouli 1988; Smoor except antlers, were not used for tools. Perhaps teeth
1976; Voruz 1984). They are represented with awls, were chosen for jewellery because their anatomic ori-
which occur in two subtypes and they were used most gin had some special significance or because they are
often for working on soft organic materials. Other difficult for shaping in that case, the technological
pointed tools represented on Drenovac are points, used skills required also had some symbolic value. The
for splitting hard materials, and pins, used for sewing other interesting raw material were shells they were
and weaving, also known in other Neolithic sites. obtained by some sort of exchange or by trade, but it is
Hooks and projectile points are very rare. not clear whether they were imported as crude shells,
Cutting tools are represented with asmall number as finished objects, or both. Also, an interesting exam-
of specimens and in asmall numbers of types apart ple for choices of raw material is the antler bracelet.
from one knife, only wedges and chisels were found. The bone and antler objects were used for differ-
Polishing tools are, along with pointed tools, the ent types of tasks, but in most cases for working on
most common, and they also show great variety organic materials, such as leather, hide and different
in types and subtypes. They were used mainly for plant materials (wood, fibres), and to alesser ex-
working on soft organic materials. tent with inorganic materials, such as stone or clay.
Striking tools show that the Neolithic artisans had Most of these tasks could be linked with the manu-
extended knowledge of the characteristics of raw facturing of clothes, footwear and woodworking,
material. Antler, which is very good in absorbing and to alesser extent with food production, flint re-
blows, was used almost exclusively for making these touching or pottery production. Hunting and fishing
tool types. Most common types are strikers, prob- gear is rare, while tools for working on soil are com-
ably used as pestles, while retoucheurs and hammers pletely absent. In total, most bone and antler objects
occur only rarely. were used for small house works or for small crafts
Decorative objects occur in small numbers, but they taking place within the household.
show an interesting choice of raw materials. Pendants Repairing of objects and workshops. Resharpen-
were made from teeth, which otherwise do not occur. ing or repairing of broken objects was rare some of
The Neolithic Bone Industry from Drenovac, Serbia
133
Group/type Number
POINTED TOOLS 3
Awls 5
Awls, type A 18
Awls, type B 44
Awls total 67
Points 7
Needles/pins 26
Harpoons 1
Hooks 1
Projectile points 2
Pointed tools total 107
CUTTING TOOLS
Chisels 2
Wedges 2
Knives 1
Cutting tools total 5
POLISHING TOOLS 9
Spatulas 28
Scrapers 5
Awlsspatulas 3
Polishing tools total 45
STRIKING TOOLS
Strikers 9
Retoucheurs 2
Hammers 1
Striking tools total 12
OBJECTS OF SPECIAL USE 5
Handles 6
Working surfaces 6
Recipients 1
Used astragali 6
Bone rods 5
Objects of special use total 29
DECORATIVE OBJECTS 1
Pendants 5
Beads 3
Bracelets 5
Clothing pieces 1
Decorative objects total 15
INCOMPLETE OBJECTS
With traces of shaping 34
With traces of use 28
With both traces of shaping and use 47
Incomplete objects total 109
TOTAL 322
134 Selena Vitezovi
the awls may have been resharpened and two points However, two pigs tusks with traces of cutting and
were probably repaired. The almost total lack of evi- preparation for shaping suggest that aworkshop ex-
dence for resharpening or repairing was also noted isted, and that the uniformity of techniques and the
at Selevac (Russell 1990: 543-5444). Workshops for final forms of objects suggest that they were pro-
making bone or antler objects were not discovered. duced in the settlement.
Conclusion
In the case of bone objects from Drenovac, the those from Vina, Selevac and Divostin, but it also
term bone industry is adequate large number yielded some new forms and some new technologi-
of finished objects and also asubstantial number of cal solutions. Drenovac is also important for analyz-
debris show how important bone objects were. The ing the relations between Starevo and Vina culture
technology the methods of acquiring raw materials, bone industries.
the choice of raw materials, the methods of shaping The future explorations of bone objects will help
and forms of finished objects all show that the manu- in studying the economic and social aspects of pre-
facturing of bone objects was a carefully planned, historic communities. The differences between spe-
settled and standardized activity. This suggests that cific bone industries in central Balkan Neolithic,
jobs for which bone objects were required were also seen in the context of differences and similarities in
settled and standardized activities in the first place, other aspects of material culture (in the first place,
working of leathers and hides and processing of plant flint and stone tools), supplemented with use-wear
materials, for food, pigments, textiles, etc. investigation, will be important for research of the
The bone industry from Drenovac fits well into labour organisation on intra-settlement level as well
the already known Vina culture bone industries as between clusters of settlements.
Acknowledgements
Iwould like to express gratitude to the Ministry Regional Museum of Parain and Archaeological
of science of Republic of Serbia, who supported my Institute, Belgrade, for entrusting me with the mate-
work through the fellowship programme, and to the rial.
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Erika Gl
Introduction
The site of Kaposjlak-Vrdomb (Fig. 1) was lithic (Lengyel culture), Late Copper Age (Pcel-
excavated in 2002, preceding the constructions of Baden culture), Early Bronze Age (Somogyvr-
the bypass road Kaposvr 61 in Southern Hunga- Vinkovci culture) and Late Bronze Age (Urnfield
ry. A rather large prehistoric site was opened over culture) settlements. As far as the Early Bronze Age
29,000 m2. All the remains were collected by hand. is concerned, this is the largest fortified settlement
Wet sieving or dry screening was not applied. The erected in the period of the Somogyvr-Vinkovci
excavation surface yielded features from Late Neo- culture (ca. 2500-2300 BC) in Hungary and almost
138 Erika Gl
Fig. 1. The location of Kaposjlak-Vrdomb and other sites mentioned in the paper
Fig. 5. Pcel-Baden
culture tools. Large
and middle-sized points
assemblage from the Late Neolithic site of Twann criteria of selection of species and skeletal part, the
(Switzerland) has been adopted when classifying degree of manufacturing and curation (Choyke 1997)
them into the different type categories (Schibler has been also applied when describing the specimens
1981). In addition to this most often used work of as Class I or Class II (ad hoc) implements. The
international standard, Alice Choykes paper on the name and code of tools referred are used both in the
classification of manufacturing quality based on the following text and summarising tables.
Results
Late Neolithic (Lengyel culture) objects made from a split rib, a fine chisel made from the
diaphysis of metacarpus, and a blade carved from
So far nine tools were identified from the features a long bone diaphysis (Fig. 3). Seven of the nine
deposited during the Late Neolithic (Table 1). Four tools represent Class Iartefacts, while two of them
of them represent fine double points made from the were identified as Class II or ad hoc tools.
split ribs of large mammals. These objects of 56.5-
27.0 mm were carefully and extremely pointed at Late Copper Age (Pcel-Baden culture) objects
both ends. As a result, they developed a more or
less rhomboid shape (Fig. 2). They were curated as This assemblage included 35 antler- and bone
can be seen by the smaller size and worn end of two tools, as well as six antler remains representing work-
specimens. shop debitage. Points of different types and sizes (Fig.
In addition, the assemblage included small and 4-5) were the most common implements (23=65.7%).
large points, and chisels. Except for a fragment of Chisels (8=22.8%) and other types of tools includ-
metapodial point (Type 1/1 in Schibler 1981) from ing the hafted antler implements (2=5.7%) were un-
a young small ruminant, all were carved from the derrepresented in the assemblage. Among the latter,
bones of large mammals. Their raw material com- around haft hole (20.9 mm) on asmall fragment of
prise alarge ulna point, along fine pin without aloop antler adze-like tool was medio-laterally drilled. The
antler rose and the base of the cut-off eye tine are
rounded and polished (Fig. 6, right). This implement
looks much newer than the bigger axe-like tool, which
is completely smooth, and was perforated by aquad-
rilateral haft hole of 38.6 x 15.7 mm (Fig. 6, left).
Skeletal parts from sheep and goat were the
most common and included: 12 metapodia, 3 tibiae
and a flat bone-fragment (Table 2). Eight artefacts
(points and chisels) were made from metapodia, and
other long bones and ribs of large ruminants (cattle,
aurochs and red deer).
Red deer was also exploited for its antler. Chisels
and the aforementioned hafted tools were made from
this special raw material. In addition, one point each
from awild boar fibula and ahare tibia respectively
were also identified (Fig. 5).
From the point of view of the manufacture contin-
uum (Choyke 1997), 15 artefacts could be assigned
to Class Itools, and 20 to Class II or ad hoc tools.
Five tools, from both groups, showed clear marks of
curation.
Fig. 8.
Somogyvr-Vinkovci
culture tools.
Large, middle-sized
and small points as well
as amassive chisel
or bevel-ended tool
142 Erika Gl
Fig. 9.
Somogyvr-Vinkovci
culture tool.
Flat polished tool
with incisions
Fig. 10.
Somogyvr-Vinkovci
culture tools.
Hafted rose
and beam antler tools
representing (storage) pits. Altogether 3,374 animal ing the marks of the groove and split technique),
remains have been identified from this period so far, cattle (a diaphysis tube) and antler from red deer
including 135 tools made from bone, antler and wild (hafted burr and beam antler tools) was also found.
boar tusk. In addition, seven blanks made from the Fifty-eight antler fragments, many of them showing
metatarsus of roe deer (aproximal epiphysis show- traces of chopping and cutting, were identified as
Prehistoric antler- and bone tools from Kaposjlak-Vrdomb (South-Western Hungary) with...
143
Fig. 11.
Somogyvr-Vinkovci
culture tools.
Hafted beam antler tools
workshop debitage. In summary, the tools (4.00%) carved from the metapodia and possibly other long
and waste material (1.68%) made up a rather high bones of large ruminants. Their sizes, including the
proportion of the total bone assemblage. fragments, varied between 36.3-217.0 mm. Points
Eighty-four features yielded implements. The without articular end with aflat base (Schibler Types
contextual association of features within the settle- 1/10) and projectile points (Schibler Type 3/2) yield-
ment is yet to be clarified by the archaeologist. Nev- ed 11 and 10 pieces, respectively. The latter group
ertheless, the special concentration of either bone or of implements have been identified based on their
antler tools could not be noted. Most of the features shape, curated working end, high polish over the sur-
yielded one or two implements, while the greatest face and flat base that had been hafted.
number of artefacts found in the same feature was In contrast to the great variety and number of
four. These features (Feature 400 and Feature 1009) points, only five chisels were found at Kaposjlak.
contained various types of finds, but no animal bones Seven scrapers, made from the scapulae of large ru-
except for the artefacts were found. minants, antler beam of red deer, and pig tusk were
Points of various types and sized dominated the also identified. The four fine eyed needles were
assemblage. There were 74 (54.8%) complete or frag- carved from the ribs of large ruminants (three speci-
mented specimens in the assemblage (Fig. 7). Small mens) and metapodium of a small ruminant (one
ruminant metapodial points with articular end or flat specimen). Their sizes fall between 45.7-88.7 mm.
base (Schibler Types 1/1 and 1/2), were the most Examples for the majority of the aforementioned
common at 24 (3+21) pieces. The greatest length of tools are shown in Figure 8.
Type 1/1 varied between 63.6-104.6 mm, while that In addition, a62.2 mm flat spatula-like tool with in-
of Type 1/2 between 34.2-111.4 mm (Table 3). cisions, whose role is not yet clarified, was identified.
The next most frequent type of points was the It was carved from the long bone of alarge ruminant.
large, massive points without articular end (Schi- It was cut to size and highly polished. There are two
bler Type 1/9) represented by 12 pieces. These were short incisions in the middle of the object (Fig. 9).
144 Erika Gl
Fig. 12. Contribution of species to the refuse remains and worked bones
Aside from the bone implements, 38 complete and beam tools, it is likely that most were regularly
and fragmented hafted antler tools were found. These curated. Many of these implements also broke at
may be grouped into two main categories based on the hafting hole although they possibly were used
the manufactured antler cross-section. There were 29 without hafts as well as indicated by the high hand
implements made from the base of antler, i.e. the burr polish on anumber of tools. Based on the, more or
(or antler rose) and beam compared to objects from less, well preserved antler rose, the majority of these
other parts of the antler rack. When producing these antlers were gathered and not cut-off from the skull
hafted artefacts, the eye- and bez-tines were cut off of ahunted deer. This hypothesis is confirmed by the
from the beam, and their base was polished. The beam under-representation of red deer bones both in the
was perforated by around or slightly oval hole whose tool- and refuse bone assemblages.
diameter varies between 18-26 mm (Table 4). The The second group of hafted antler tools is represented
haft hole was made at the level of the eye-tine, and by implements made from cut-off sections of beam and
drilled in amedio-lateral direction in most cases cre- tine (end). Nine complete (83.7-266.0 mm) and frag-
ating atool used like an adze. Only one of theses ob- mented (95.0-138.0 mm) artefacts could be assigned to
jects was drilled axe-like, in acranio-caudal direction, this category. Usually the obliquely cut or bevelled end
exactly through the axis of the eye-tine (Fig.10). of the antler represented the working surface. Since the
The working-end of implements is usually dam- working edge of the tool is set in line with the shaft,
aged, making it difficult to recognise which one of these objects have been identified here as axe-like im-
these tools were used with or without a separate plements, in contract to the aforementioned adze-like
blade. Nevertheless, most of the fragments indicated tools. In this second group as well, there was aspeci-
that the working end was oblique and sat perpen- men where a separate blade was inserted in a socket
dicular to the tools shaft. Consequently, the tool drilled into the spongy tissue (Fig. 11).
was most likely used as an adze rather than as an As concerns the selection of species and skeletal
axe, perhaps in working wood or loosening soil. The parts, red deer yielded raw material for 50 imple-
working end (or blade) of axes tend to be lined up ments, including the 38 aforementioned hafted tools
with the shaft. Only one tool showed evidence for and nine other types of antler tools. Consequently,
the blade hole in this assemblage. only three bone tools could be identified as coming
Based on the various sizes of complete (105.6- from this species although the total of 41 implements
185.1 mm) and fragmented (72.4-235.0 mm) burr made from skeletal elements of large ruminants also
Prehistoric antler- and bone tools from Kaposjlak-Vrdomb (South-Western Hungary) with...
145
Fig. 13. Urnfield culture tool: polished and drilled cattle radius
may have included tools made from red deer bone. worked osseous materials from the southern part of
It is likely that mostly cattle bones were used, how- Transdanubia are certainly not as well known similar
ever, when carving implements from large rumi- assemblages from other parts of the country (Choyke
nants, since this was the more common species in 2010, pers. comm.).
the animal bone assemblage. Aurochs yielded only
2% of the remains (Gl 2009:56, Fig. 2; Gl, Kulcsr Late Bronze Age (Urnfield culture) objects
2011, Fig. 1). Altogether, 40 objects were made from
sheep and goat bones while in the same size-range, This assemblage yielded 12 implements, the ma-
two objects were made from roe deer bone. Points jority of them points and chisels of various sizes and
manufactured from the small ruminant metapodia different raw materials (Table 5). The most interest-
and tibiae made up the biggest part of this group. ing artefact among them is apolished and perforated
In addition, there were three objects made from pig radius fragment from cattle. As illustrated on Figure
bone while asingle tusk scraper tool was identified 13, the cranial surface of the bone is highly polished
as coming from wild boar (Fig. 12). suggesting its use on aflat surface over along pe-
From the point of view of the manufacture con- riod of time. It was also perforated by a5 mm wide
tinuum (Choyke 1997), all the hafted antler tools fall hole at both ends, but in two different ways. The
into the category of Class Itools, because of the se- hole goes through the middle of articular and caudal
lection of raw material and labour invested in their surface on the proximal epiphysis, while the lower
manufacture. In addition, 52 bone artefacts out of hole goes through the distal end of the diaphysis in
atotal of 97 worked osseous specimens also fall into medio-lateral direction. It may be also seen on the
this category. The remaining 45 bone and antler ar- enlarged picture of the distal end, that asmaller hole,
tefacts represent Class II or ad hoc tools. Anumber which did not break the bone wall, had been previ-
of utensils from both ends of the manufacturing con- ously planned next to the present one. Since the tool
tinuum seem to have been curated (Table 3-4). By is heavily fragmented in its distal part, it remains
this measure, twice as many Class Itools than Class aquestion whether these lower holes were drilled in
II or ad hoc tools were found in the Early Bronze the diaphysis because the radius came from a sub-
Age assemblage of Kaposjlak-Vrdomb which in- adult cattle, and the distal end of the radius had not
terestingly differs sharply from the majority of post- yet ossified, or the distal part broke during the life-
Neolithic bone tool assemblage examined elsewhere time of the object, and the holes were subsequently
in the Carpathian Basin in general. However, the applied as part of the curation process.
Discussion
Taking into account the small non-representative culture), Late Copper Age (Pcel-Baden culture) and
tool assemblages and the as yet unfulfilled archaeo- Late Bronze Age (Urnfield culture) features from
zoological analyses from the Late Neolithic (Lengyel Kaposjlak-Vrdomb, attention will be mostly given
146 Erika Gl
to the Early Bronze Age (Somogyvr-Vinkovci cul- by several data. A rather great variety of wild ani-
ture) implements in this paper. mals were recognised in the faunal sample suggest-
The study of bone manufacture in the Bronze ing that hunting was often practiced. Their propor-
Age of Hungary has been on-going for over 30 tion in terms of the identified remains rises to over
years. Arather large number of papers including re- 20% (Gl 2009:56, Fig. 2), while this ratio tends to
sults from site studies (Choyke 1979, 1983, 1984a, be below 10% at other Bronze Age sites in West-
2000; Choyke, Bartosiewicz 2009) and summarising ern Transdanubia (Bartosiewicz 1996; Choyke, Bar-
works have been published (Choyke 1984b; Choyke tosiewicz 1999; Gl, Kulcsr 2011). Bones from wild
et al. 2002) in the last decades. Concerning the ex- boar were the most frequently found remains among
ploitation of red deer, peoples preference for antler the wild animal remains. In addition, agreat number
and the expansion of its use in tool and ornament of antler remains from red deer came to light, indi-
industries in the Hungarian Bronze Age has also cating the outstanding interest in, perhaps even the
been discussed for along time (Choyke 1987). Nev- need, for this raw material. The number of antler
ertheless, the majority of data included in the listed remains (157) contrasts sharply with the number of
papers concern the Middle Bronze Age tools since bone remains (51) from this species, suggesting that
they represented the most common implements in systematic antler gathering would have been amuch
the studied assemblages. more characteristic activity than red deer hunting.
From a geographical point of view, most of the This idea is also evidenced by the number of shed
sites studied so far are located far from Kaposjlak- antlers identified.
Vrdomb (Fig. 1), lying either in the northern part Differences concerning the contribution of other
of Transdanubia (Szzhalombatta-Fldvr and species to the refuse- and worked bones could be
Szzhalombatta-Tglagyr) or in other parts of the demonstrated as well. As shown on Figure 12, do-
country (Central Hungary, Danube-Tisza interfluves mestic pig and wild boar contributed significantly to
and Eastern Hungry). Considering the three Early the meat supply of people living at Kaposjlak-Vr-
Bronze Age sites from the region, only 36 tools domb, but neither their bones nor tusks were used
were found at Mezkomrom-Alshegy (Choyke often. The absence of tusk ornaments or utensils is
1984a:39-49, Table 1-6), Paks-Gyapa yielded 25 striking considering these objects as raw material
artefacts (Gl, Kulcsr 2011), while Szava-Vasti and symbol in earlier prehistoric periods. In con-
megll did not yield any implements made from the trast, the skeletal parts of sheep and goat seem to
hard tissue of vertebrate animals (Vrs 1979). have been highly valued raw materials at this Early
Therefore the well represented archaeozoological Bronze Age settlement, although as many of them
assemblage from the Somogyvr-Vinkovci features seem to have been slaughtered as pig. Nevertheless,
at Kaposjlak-Vrdomb offered interesting new pigs were slaughtered young at Kaposjlak-Vr-
information on animal keeping, hunting as well as domb, while more sheep and goat were kept until
bone and antler manufacture, even if some further maturity, most probably because of their secondary
remains and possibly tools may still be expected exploitation for wool or milk (Gl 2009). Finally,
as the result of the ongoing archaeological evalua- cattle and aurochs, mostly raised and hunted un-
tion of the material. til a mature age, contributed in a similar degree to
The archaeozoological analysis of the remains both the refuse and worked osseous material assem-
identified so far offered some unusual results. First, blages.
the abundance of pig remains (18.6%), approaching When comparing our results to the other Ear-
the proportion of Caprinae (19.5), is noteworthy. ly Bronze Age tool assemblages, the rather large
Sheep and goat are usually the second best repre- quantitative disparities, and the use of different
sented species at all Bronze Age sites represented by types of implements, especially in a regional con-
at least 1,000 remains in Western Hungary (Choyke, text, is striking. Both in the richer assemblage from
Bartosiewicz 1999:242, Table 1). The same result Mezkomrom-Alshegy (36 tools) and in the two
was found at anumber of Early and Middle Bronze poorly represented assemblages from Szzhalom-
Age sites in the eastern part of the country as well batta (6 and 21 tools, respectively) the abundance
(Choyke, Bartosiewicz 1999-2000; Krsi 2005). of various scrapers is noteworthy. This type of
Pig was the second most common species at Sza- tool comprised only 5.38% of our assemblage
va-Vasti megll, but this assemblage is rather and included one Class Iand six Class II scrapers.
small, yielding only 511 identifiable remains (Vrs Scrapers seem to have been important at Tiszaug-
1979). Kmnytet in the Duna-Tisza interfluves as well
On the other hand, the efficient exploitation of (Table 6). On the other hand, points were the most
wild resources at Kaposjlak-Vrdomb is evidenced frequent type of implements in the tool assem-
Prehistoric antler- and bone tools from Kaposjlak-Vrdomb (South-Western Hungary) with...
147
blage (25 pieces) from Paks-Gyapa (Gl, Kulcsr the remainder of the tools, Class Iand Class II awls
2011). seem to have been produced in unusually high num-
Flat butted heavy duty tools made from antler bers at this South Transdanubian settlement. The
were crafted at all sites, while the oblique butt heavy proportion of these tools was rather underrepresent-
duty tools and the hafted beam or tine implements ed in the assemblages from the other sites including
were more common only at the Early-Middle Bronze Jszdzsa-Kpolnahalom. Taking into account the
Age (Hatvan culture) site of Jszdzsa-Kpolnaha- abundance of hafted antler tools and various scrap-
lom. There were altogether 19 specimens (29% of ers, the Early-Middle Bronze Age Hatvan assem-
the assemblage), while the same type of tool com- blage from the latter site displayed some interme-
prised 27% of the Kaposjlak-Vrdomb assemblage. diary features with Kaposjlak-Vrdomb as well as
Hafted burr and beam tools, that are often found in other Early Bronze sites (Table 6).
prehistoric assemblages in Hungary, have also been Finally, the peculiar Late Bronze Age artefact
described from the Early Bronze Age sites of Paks- made from cattle radius should also be discussed.
Gyapa (Gl, Kulcsr 2011) and Csepel-Hros at Al- A number of similar objects have been already
bertfalva near Budapest (Choyke, Schibler 2007:61, found in various Bronze Age assemblages, and
Fig. 17). were described as skates or runners (Choyke et al.
At Jszdzsa-Kpolnahalom, the proportion of 2002:185-187, Fig. 15; Choyke, Bartosiewicz 2005;
antler tools and workshop debitage even increased Choyke, Schibler 2007). More recent analyses, es-
during the Middle Bronze Age (Hatvan/Fzesabony pecially in the light of faceted radius finds from
culture). It has been suggested, that antler may have late Middle Bronze Age and early Late Bronze Age
been traded as araw material beyond the settlement contexts in Slovakia and at Hungarian Bronze Age
limits. Three trophy skulls, probably hanging from tell sites such as Szzhalombatta-Fldvr, howev-
the palisade in the protecting ditch surrounding the er, questioned their use in this way (Choyke, pers.
settlement, evidence the special role of this species comm.).
in the life of people living at this site. Moreover, the As for the specimen from Kaposjlak-Vrdomb,
abundance of wild animals (25%) in the assemblage its use as askate cannot perhaps be totally excluded.
also showed agreat similarity to the species distribu- If there was asecond hole on the medial side of our
tion at Kaposjlak-Vrdomb (Choyke, Bartosiewicz object, it may have been fixed at three places, and
2009). worn as askate, since based on the position of the
Another common type of tool were needles, repre- hole drilled in the proximal end, the lace would have
sented by four and six specimens at Kaposjlak-Vr- not hindered the sliding of the carved bone. Never-
domb and Jszdzsa-Kpolnahalom, respectively. theless, taking into account its bad preservation, fur-
Ornamental objects were missing from Kaposjlak- ther objects perforated and faceted in asimilar way
Vrdomb with only a few ornamented antler tools are needed for better evaluating the function of this
found at Jszdzsa-Kpolnahalom. With regard to bone tool type.
Conclusions
The rather abundant Early Bronze Age tool assem- Class Itools, characterized by the strict selection of
blage from Kaposjlak-Vrdomb offers new informa- raw materials, careful manufacture and curation, has
tion on bone and antler manufacturing in South-West- been found at aBronze Age site in Hungary.
ern Hungary. Based on the typological range of tools, The accumulation of antler tools, blanks and
small and massive points, projectile points as well as workshop debitage at the settlement is worth noting,
hafted burr and beam, and hafted beam or tine antler especially in contrast to the other coeval sites in the
tools were the most frequently used implements. In region, and suggests in-site deposition and manu-
addition to red deer antler, bones from sheep and goat, facture of the antler. Since the archaeological study
and cattle were the favoured raw materials for produc- of the site is still on-going, it will remain aquestion
ing utensils. Ornamental objects were not identified. for a while whether antler (and bone) manufacture
As apreliminary conclusion, it is suggested that the was restricted to acertain part of the settlement or
artefacts discussed in the present paper were mostly whether trade in such implements may be suggested.
used in breaking up earth (like hoes) and in wood It may even be that people of higher social status
working (the hafted tools) as well as leather work- were more likely to own and use carefully manufac-
ing, basketry and possibly even pottery decoration tured implements, often made from highly selected
(the awls). It is the first time that ahigh proportion of species and skeletal elements.
148
Tool Type
Bone Class Top GL GB GD LMF GSB No. and Feature Type Inventory no. Note
(Schiblers Typology)
Small ruminant point Pit with body From young animal,
Metapodium 1 - 54.0 13.4 6.8 - - 649 649.3
(Type 1/1) (human?) broken top
Large ulna point Cut-off proximal
Ulna (cattle) 2 7/9 174.8 45.0 74.5 - 5.3 683 Ditch 683.164
(Type 1/5) end, hand polish
Double rib point Rib
1 - 56.5 11.8 3.4 - - 565 Pit 565.2 Curated
(Type 2/2) (large ruminant)
Double rib point Rib
1 2/1 82.3 11.8 3.5 2.5 - 474 Clay pit 474.736 Curated
(Type 2/2) (large ruminant)
Erika Gl
Small point
without articular end Metacarpus (roe deer) 1 0 2/1 70.1 12.7 5.5 - 2.9 334 Pit-complex 334.185
(Type 1/7)
149
150
Middle size point
Long bone diaphysis Recently broken
without articular end 2 0 3/10 72.0 9.1 7.5 - 2.9 1053 Pit 1053.34
(large ruminant) fragment.
(Type 1/8)
Middle size point
Metacarpus
without articular end 2 13 8/5 76.5 11.4 6.2 - 3.7 563 Pit 563.1 Curated
(small ruminant)
(Type 1/8)
Middle size point
Metapodium
without articular end 2 0 2/1 79.4 6.6 3.8 - 1.7 568 Pit 568.1 Curated
(small ruminant)
(Type 1/8)
Large, massive point
Metapodium
without articular end 2 0 9/5 56.0 22.8 9.5 - 8.6 518 Pit 518.1 Fragment
(large ruminant)
(Type 1/9)
Large, massive point
Long bone diaphysis
without articular end 1 13 - 93.8 9.5 6.9 - 1313 Pit-complex 1313.1 Fragment
(large ruminant)
(Type 1/9)
Large, massive point
Long bone diaphysis
without articular end 2 0 5/11 98.2 27.7 18.3 - 9.4 633 Pit 633.5 Fragment
(red deer)
(Type 1/9)
Erika Gl
Double point
Metacarpus
from long bone 1 8/7 79.0 8.0 3.7 - 3.4 735 Pit 735.1 Flat double point
(roe deer)
(Type 2/1)
Small ruminant
projectile point Tibia (small ruminant) 2 0 2/2 53.2 10.0 2.8 2.4 211 Pit 211.1 Fragment
(Type 3/2)
Chisel-fragment
Antler (red deer) 2 - - 41.4 12.2 13.4 9.5 - 279 Pit 279.369 Fragment
(Type 4/4)
Chisel-fragment
Antler (red deer) 2 - - 75.0 32.0 16.6 36.6 - 61 Pit fall 61.2
(Type 4/4)
Chisel-fragment
Antler (red deer) 2 - - 163.4 25.0 32.5 43.3 - 249 Pit 249.80
(Type 4/4)
Chisel-fragment
Antler (red deer) 2 - - 194.0 28.5 39.2 24.7 - 279 Pit 279.582
(Type 4/4)
Small ad hoc chisel Metatarsus
2 6 65.5 13.3 8.9 15.1 11.6 92 Pit
(Type 4/8) (small ruminant)
Rib chisel
Rib (large ruminant) 2 0 29/23 74.6 24.0 6.6 8.1 - 50 Pit 50.67
(Type 4/10)
Rib chisel
Rib (large ruminant) 2 0 97.9 23.6 9.8 3.2 - 1060 Pit 1060.101
(Type 4/10)
Rib chisel
Rib (large ruminant) 2 0 29/23 110.8 33.6 9.8 3.6 - 279 Pit 279.581 Fragment
(Type 4/10)
Polished tool Flat bone
2 - - 31.5 17.3 2.7 2.7 - 242 Pit 242.5 Fragment
(Type 19) (small ruminant)
Polished tool
Rib (aurochs) 2 - - 143.8 39.0 8.4 - - 1217 Pit fall 1217.1 Fragment
(Type 19)
Medio-laterally
Hafted antler rose and drilled through by
Antler (red deer) 1 - - 116.7 68.2 36.2 - - 352 Pit 352.29
beam axe-like tool around hole of 20.9
mm
Drilled through with
Hafted antler rose and
Prehistoric antler- and bone tools from Kaposjlak-Vrdomb (South-Western Hungary) with...
Antler (red deer) 1 - - 180.0 48.0 41.7 70.5 - 76 Pit 76.57 aquadri-lateral hole
beam axe-like tool
(38.6 x 15.7 mm)
151
152
Table 3. List of Early Bronze Age (SomogyvrVinkovci culture) tools.
Abbreviations: GL=Greatest length, GB=Greatest breadth, GD=Greatest depth, GSB=Greatest breadth of the edge (at 5 mm above the top in points),
LMF=Length of the edge (after Schibler 1981)
Tool Type
Bone Class Base Top GL GB GD LMF GSB No. and Feature Type Inventory no. Note
(Schiblers Typology)
Small ruminant point
Metapodium 1 0 3/1 34.5 8.3 4.4 - 3.5 691 clay pit 691.6 Fragment
(Type 1/1)
Middle-sized point
Metapodium
without articular end 2 1 12 74.4 10.5 6.9 - - 719 pit 719.3 Fragment
(large mammal)
(Type 1/8)
Large, massive point
Metatarsus
without articular end 1 2 2/1 143.0 15.5 10.9 - 2.8 720 pit 720.159
(red deer)
(Type 1/9)
Point without articular end
Metatarsus
and flat base 1 5 - 49.3 16.7 7.0 - - 673 673.2 Fragment, burnt
(red deer)
(Type 1/10)
Massive chisel
Tibia 2 0 - 42.3 22.0 7.9 12.0 - 772 pit 772.2 Fragment
Erika Gl
(Type 4/3)
Massive chisel Antler
1 - - - - - 5.1 - 1054 pit 1054.235
(Type 4/3) (red deer)
Axe/chisel fragment (Type Antler
2 0 31/25 70.0 23.5 21.3 46.5 - 880 storage pit 880.622 Fragment
4/4) (red deer)
Axe/chisel fragment (Type Antler
2 12 - 127.9 26.2 28.4 - - 880 storage pit 880.621 Fragment
4/4) (red deer)
Tibia
Small ad hoc chisel
(small 2 0 29/23 107.8 26.9 13.9 11.5 - 819 pit 819.42
(Type 4/8)
ruminant)
Fine spatula
Rib 2 - - 147.0 23.9 3.2 - - 584 pit 584.21
(Type 12/1)
Rib
Polished tool (Type 19) 2 11 - 78.9 13.7 2.8 - - 1095 pit-complex 1095.4
(large ungulate)
Drilled bone (Type 21) Radius (cattle) 2 1 - 255.7 56.9 33.7 - - 880 storage pit 880.620 Fragment
Table 6. Distribution of different type of tools in the Early Bronze Age assemblages from Hungary.
Abbreviations: EBA=Early Bronze Age, MBA=Middle Bronze Age. Based on Choyke 1984, Choyke et al. 2002, and Choyke and Bartosiewicz 2009
Site
Total
Other
Chisel
Needle
Class Iawl
Ornamental
Class II awl
Class Iscraper
Class II scarper
Mezkomrom-Alshegy EBA
3 - - - 6 6 1 - 13 - - 1 3 1 - - - 2 36
(Nagyrv/Bell Beaker culture)
Szzhlombatta-Tglagyr EBA
1 - - - - 2 - - 1 - - - - - - - - 2 6
(Nagyrv culture)
Szzhlombatta-Fldvr EBA
2 - - - - 5 - - - - - 2 - 4 5 3 - - 21
(Nagyrv culture)
Tiszaug-Kmnytet EBA
2 - 1 2 2 - - - - 1 - - 3 - 5 - - - 16
(Mak culture)
Jszdzsa-Kpolnahalom E-MBA
Prehistoric antler- and bone tools from Kaposjlak-Vrdomb (South-Western Hungary) with...
9 10 3 10 6 - 4 - - 6 - 10 - - - - 7 65
(Hatvan culture)
163
164 Erika Gl
Acknowledgements
This paper is the written form of my lecture pre- is thanked for providing additional information. Iam
sented at the 7th Meeting of the ICAZ Worked Bone grateful to Alice M. Choyke for her comments, sugges-
Research Group organised by Justyna Baron, Ber- tions, and revision of the English version of this work.
nadeta Kufel and Marcin Diakowski. Archaeologists Ialso thank Arkadiusz Marciniak for his remarks and
Zsolt Gallina and Krisztina Somogyi excavated the suggestions that have improved the quality of this pa-
site of Kaposjlak-Vrdomb. Gabriella Kulcsr, who is per. The research was supported by agrant from OTKA
working on the Early Bronze Age features of the site, Programme no. PD 71965.
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Bartosiewicz, L. 1996. Bronze age animal keeping in Choyke, A. M. and L. Bartosiewicz 2009. Telltale tools
Northwestern Transdanubia, Hungary (Bronzkori llattar- from atell: Bone and antler manufacturing at Bronze Age
ts az szaknyugat-Dunntlon), Acta Musei Papensis 6, Jszdzsa-Kpolnahalom, Hungary, Tisicum XX, 357-75.
31-42. Choyke, A. M. and J. Schibler 2007. Prehistoric Bone
Choyke, A. M. 1979. A classification of the bone and Tools and the Archaeozoological Perspective: Research in
antler tools from the Bronze Age hill-fortress of Pkozdvr, Central Europe, In: C. Gates St-Pierre and R. B. Walker
Alba Regia 17, 9-21. (eds.) Bones as Tools: Current Methods and Interpretations
Choyke, A. M. 1983. Elzetes jelents atiszaug-kmny- in Worked Bone Studies, BAR Intern. Series 1622, Oxford:
teti sats csontszerszmairl, Archeologiai rtest 109, Archaeopress, 51-65.
35-41. Choyke, A. M., Vretemark, M. and S. Sten 2002. Levels of
Choyke, A. M. 1984a. An analysis of bone, antler and social identity expressed in the refuse and worked bone from
tooth tools from Bronze Age Hungary, Mitteilungen des the Middle Bronze Age Szzhalombatta-Fldvr, Vatya culture,
Archologischen Instituts der Ungarischen Akademie der Hungary, In: S. Jones ODay and W. van Neer and A. Ervynck
Wissenschaften 12/13 (1982/1983), 13-57. (eds.) Behaviour Behind Bones. The Zooarchaeology of Ritual,
Choyke, A. M. 1984b. Patterns in the use of cattle and Religion. Status and Identity, Oxford: Oxbow Books, 177-89.
sheep/goat metapodials in Bronze Age Hungary, In: C. Gl, E. 2009. Relationships between people and animals
Grigson and J. Clutton Brock (eds.) Animals in Archaeology during the Early Bronze Age: Preliminary results on the
4. Husbandry in Europe, BAR Intern. Series 227, Oxford: animal bone remains from Kaposjlak-Vrdomb (South
Archaeopress, 57-66. Transdanubia, Hungary), In: G. Ilon (ed.) skoros Kutatk VI.
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Peggy Morgenstern
Introduction
The following text deals with an analysis of south eastern Europe (Fig.1). Over the past decades,
abone tool, made from the scapulae of large mam- scientists have ascribed many different interpreta-
mals, which was prevalent in the steppe cultures of tions concerning the origins and functions of this
Fig. 1. Aselection
of several tools
from the site
of Miciurin-Odaia
(Photo: P. Morgenstern)
166 Peggy Morgenstern
tool type. Here the worked bone material of the late tory of the Moldovan Academy of Science, research
Bronze Age site of Miciurin-Odaia will be discussed on asite of the Noua-Sabatinovka culture was car-
in light of an analysis of use-wear. ried out. Excavations at the settlement site of Miciu
As the result of cooperation between the Institute rin-Odaia took place between 2003 and 2005. The
of Prehistoric Archaeology of the Free University of late bronze age site in the north of Moldova yielded
Berlin and the Section of Ethnography and Art His- numerous artefacts made from bone and antler.
Fig. 3. Miciurin-Odaia.
Topographical map
of the site
(after Kaiser 2007)1
1Special thanks to the excavators of Miciurin-Odaia E. Kaiser and E. Sava for this map.
Typical hide working tools from the late Bronze Age of Moldova
167
trations which yielded ceramic shards and objects bone points and chisels, polished ribs, femora with
made from bone, antler, clay, flint, stone and bronze. perforated epiphyses, ground astragali and notched
The assemblage of bone artefacts was dominated by scapulae (Morgenstern in press).
Fig. 5. Miciurin-Odaia.
Ash-heaps 14-21
in spring 2005
(Photo: E. Kaiser)
168 Peggy Morgenstern
daub superstructure (Sava 1998:271). In the western of the sediments have demonstrated that the material
part of the territory there are also surface wattle and of Miciurin-Odaia are not ash-remains. The functional
daub buildings that sit on the ground surface with role of the mounds remains is still not known.
stone foundations. Aspecial feature of Noua-Sabat- In accord with the arid climate of the steppe lands
inovka settlement sites are the so-called Zolniki in the eastern part of the Noua-Sabatinovka culture
(ash-heaps). These are circular or oval discolorations distribution area, the faunal remains from the set-
of light-grey soil, which was visible as amound be- tlement sites are characterized by teeth and bones
fore the intensification of agriculture (Fig. 5). from cattle, sheep, goat and horse (Sava 2005:145).
The ash-heaps, which are arranged in clusters of up Pigs appear to be very rare in this arid zone. How-
to 40 mounds, contain settlement remains such as ce- ever, sites in the forestlands of the Carpathians, with
ramic shards, faunal remains and artefacts. These ash- agreater abundance of food was much better, with
heaps have been interpreted as fireplaces, remains of a higher proportion of pig remains as well as wild
dwelling houses or ritual places. Biochemical studies mammals (Sava 2005:147, Fig.2).
The use-wears
Previously, notched scapula-tools have been de- Following my own microscopic examinations us-
scribed as tools used for the decoration of pottery. Ashort ing a100x magnification, the assessment of the level
while ago, the Ukrainian and Russian archaeologists of tooth wear on four of twelve tools indicates the
V.B. Pankovskij and G.F. Korobkova have come to re- presence of ahigh, glossy and invasive polish (Fig. 8).
gard the connection of these tools with leather process- Invasive polish means that the whole surface and the
ing (Pankovskij 2003:143-144). After an analyse of striations within are covered by the polish.
use-wears they came to suggest that these scapula-tools At amagnification of 200x the surface appeared very
were used as punches in the leather decoration. smooth nearly without marks and only afew scratches
Typical hide working tools from the late Bronze Age of Moldova
169
Fig. 6. Miciurin-Odaia.
Notched scapula-tools
made from cattle
and horse scapulas
Fig. 8. Tool 124/37 100x magnification Fig. 9. Tool 199/60 200x magnification
(Photo: P. Morgenstern) (Photo: P. Morgenstern)
(Fig. 9). The osteons, the holes of nutriant canals, were such as fur, skin, meat and fat . The functional appear-
visible. This indicates that the working surface was ance of the tool and clusters of traces suggests how the
coming into intensive contact with soft moist materials notched scapulae might have been used.
central Europe (Northe 2001:179-184). Use-wears Amore recent analogy for this kind of tool may be
indicate that several of them could be used for found in the laboratory of the Museum of Domes-
hide-working. tic Mammals in Halle/Saale in Germany (Fig. 12).
It seems quite reasonable that cattle, sheep and Taxidermists generally remove flesh, fat and other
goat hides were worked by such scapular deflesh- connective tissues from the skins of mammals, birds
ers with dull teeth in the Late Bronze Age as well. and snakes with just such adeflesher.
Conclusions
Considering the use-wear analysis, the twelve scap- Sabatinovka culture complex in the late Bronze Age
ula-tools with anotched pattern on the distal epiphysis period. Fragments of this tool are already appeared on
from the north Moldovian settlement site of Miciurin- afew sites of the late Wietenberg and Tei culture and
Odaia are used as tools for hide-working. Nearly all the Srubnaja culture. Therefore the development of the
remains of this tool type are known from the Noua- tool must have begun in the middle Bronze Age.
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Corneliu Beldiman, Diana-Maria Sztancs, Viorica Rusu-Bolinde, Irina Adriana Achim
Skeletal technologies,
metal-working and wheat harvesting:
ancient bone and antler anvils
for manufacturing saw-toothed
iron sickles discovered in Romania
The paper presents the results of the analysis of recent data regarding aunique assemblage of 40 artefacts retrieved
during the 2001-2008 archaeological excavations in the Basilica extra muros and Basilica with Crypt (Florescu)
sectors of the ancient city of Istria (Constana County, Romania). Almost all of the objects represent completed and
used pieces (tools) and there is some raw material (cattle metapodials). There is also an exceptional piece made out of
ared deers antler (on asegment of abeam). These artefacts were used as anvils for manufacturing toothed iron sickles
and have been dated back to the IInd-IIIrd centuries A.D. In the past six decades, these kind of artefacts have generated
numerous controversial debates relating to their origins, diffusion and especially to their functional role. Artefacts of
this kind have been discovered in two large geographical areas including the Western Basin of the Mediterranean Sea
and the Western and North-western regions around the Black Sea and have been dated to between the Vth century B.C.
and the XVIIIth century A.D. The research methodology included the analysis of various parameters such as: data rela-
tive to the context of their discovery, type (established conventionally after anumber of technically modified and used
anatomic faces: 1-2-3-4), state of conservation, raw material, dimensions, manufacture, traces of use, reshaping, and
traces of reuse. The traces of manufacture and use were analysed using an optical microscope. Apart from the relative
rarity of these pieces we can mention the fact that this study of antique bone and antler anvils from Romania benefits
from an extended and unitary research approach and brings an important documentary contribution to the presence of
these controversial artefacts in some Central-Eastern regions of Europe. The artefacts in question illustrate complex in-
terconnections between different traditions over an extended period of time. This study of bone and antler anvils from
Romania provides an important contribution to the knowledge of the technology and economy in ancient Europe.
Keywords: agriculture, ancient anvil, ancient sickle, bone and antler industry, iron technology, Istria.
Introduction
On this occasion we are going to discuss a cat- such artefacts dated from the Hellenistic and the
egory of artefacts which are generally called an- Roman period (Vth century B.C.-Vth century A.D.).
vils. For other European regions and for Northern These artefacts were discovered in Greek cities from
Africa, the archaeological literature mentions many the Black Sea Basin (Olbia, Neapolis, Thanagoria
174 Corneliu Beldiman, Diana-Maria Sztancs, Viorica Rusu-Bolinde, Irina Adriana Achim
etc.), as well as in Scythian-Greek and Getic settle- Gl et al. 2010:117). They are also mentioned in the
ments (Arnut 2007:298-300; Peters 1986:162-3, pl. medieval village of Kolon, dated from rpd period.
III/1-11; Semenov 1970:186-8, fig. 100-102 with Bone anvils made of cattle and horse long bones
bibliography). Others are largely dated between (radius, tibia, metapodials, humerus) were discov-
the VIIth-XVIIIth centuries and were retrieved in ered in apit where had been thrown the debris from
settlements from the Western Mediterranean Ba- asmithy (Kvassay, Vrs 2010:127).
sin (France, Spain, Portugal, some countries from Actually, we may distinguish the area of diffu-
Northern Africa) (Briois et al. 1997; Esteban Nadal, sion of artefacts (considered puzzling for decades)
Carbonell Roure 2004; Moreno-Garcia et al. 2005a, around the Mediterranean Basin having its origins,
2005b, 2007; Poplin 2007a, 2007b; Rodet-Belarbi probably, in East Mediterranean and Northern Black
et al. 2007 with bibliography). Sea regions. The presence of bone anvils in Early
In the context of new research interest manifested Medieval Central Europe is aproblem to solve.
for the topic of bone anvils at the 5th and 7th WBRG Over the years, early mentioned artefacts dis-
some archaeologists and archeozoologists started covered in the Northern part of the Black Sea were
to pay more attention to this kind of artefacts (e.g. wrongly considered to be polishing tools used for
Poplin 2007a, 2007b; Moreno-Garcia et al. 2005a). finishing textiles, hides, stone or wood. This is the
Consequently we can observe increasing of the case of first such pieces published by S.A. Semenov
list of publications dealing with this topic for Cen- (1970:186-8, fig. 100-102). Due probably to the lack
tral and Western Europe, including Southern Italy of recent international data, some authors still sustain
(apiece dated in IInd century BC-Ist century AD) and such afunctional interpretation decades after the as-
Austria (Gl 2010; Gmri, Szulovszky 2010; Jos sertions of Father of Traseology (Peters 1986:162-
Gonalves et al. 2008). 3; Arnut 2007:302 with bibliography).
Very recently were published some pieces com- There is aspecial case where the rows of triangu-
ing from Hungarian Medieval sites (Xth XIIIth cen- lar hollows made during usage of anvils were inter-
turies AD). So, at Felgy Kettshalmi dl are preted as an unknown type of Getic writing (the
mentioned bone anvils made of cattle femur coming case of the artefacts from Chitila: Boronean 2005).
from Avar context (Krsi 2010:112, fig. 7-8). From Quite recently, the riddle was solved: the func-
the rural site of Cegld Fertly-fldek II, there tional role of those artefacts benefited from the ob-
are mentioned 32 bone anvils made of horse and cat- servations of technological behaviour in the Iberian
tle long bones. Other artefacts were discovered in ethnography. In this way, and also by using experi-
a assemblage of a blacksmith Vicus in Budapest, mental studies, the manufacturing chain of anvils
in an oven at the site of Hajdnns Frjhalom- and the way of using them has been established (Es-
dl (Gl et al. 2010:117) and in the manorial set- teban Nadal, Carbonell Roure 2004:640-4; Aguirre
tlement of Baj reg-Kovcs-hegy (anvil made et al. 2004; Moreno-Garcia et al. 2005b:623-4; Ro-
of acattle radius) (Bartosiewicz 2010:338, Fig. 16; det-Belarbi et al. 2007:160).
Context. Objectives
On the bank of lake Sinoe in the area of Istria vil- (1949-1970), Dionisie Pippidi, Petre Alexandrescu,
lage, Constana County lies the Ancient City of His- Alexandru Suceveanu (1970-2011) and today Mircea
tria, the first Greek colony on the west shores of the Victor Angelescu. There are several Sectors largely
Black Sea and oldest city within the boundaries of excavated every year with very important archaeo-
Romania. The colony was founded in the middle of logical results (Suceveanu, Angelescu 2005).
the 7th century BC (year 657 BC according to his- The artefacts presented in this article were discov-
torian Eusebius) by colonists from Milet, to trade ered during recent research directed by Alexandru
with the native Getae. The city had an uninterrupted Suceveanu from Vasile Prvan Institute of Archae-
growth for 1300 years, beginning with the Greek pe- ology of the Romanian Academy, Bucharest. For the
riod and ending with the Roman-Byzantine period. results of recent archaeological research in Histria see:
The ruins of the settlement were first mentioned in Suceveanu 2010 with bibliography. There are two
1868 by French archaeologist Ernest Desjardins. Ar- sectors of the site from which the bone and antler in-
chaeological excavations were started by Vasile Pr- dustry was analysed in last years: the Sector Basilica
van in 1914, and continued after his death in 1927 by Extra Muros, researches led by Alexandru Suceveanu
staff of archaeologists led successively by Scarlat and and Viorica Rusu-Bolinde from the National History
Marcelle Lambrino (1928-1943), Emil Condurachi Museum of Transylvania, Cluj-Napoca during 2001-
Skeletal technologies, metal-working and wheat harvesting: ancient bone and antler anvils...
175
Fig. 1. Istria
Sector Basilica
extra muros. Anvils
on cattle metapodials
and raw material:
HST/2001-BEM 1-3;
HST/2002-BEM 1-3;
HST/2003-BEM 1-6
2006 (Suceveanu et al. 2004; Rusu-Bolinde, Bdescu mentary potential because it illustrates, in aunique
2006; Rusu-Bolinde et al. 2009); the Sector Basilica way, complex economic activities that seem appar-
with Crypt-Florescu, researches led by Irina Adri- ently very different, but which were in reality inter-
ana Achim during 2002 and 2008 (Vasile Prvan In- connected (farming, agricultural activities, iron craft,
stitute of Archaeology of the Romanian Academy, Bu- bone and antler industry craft, woodcraft etc).
charest) (Suceveanu et al. 2003; Achim et al. 2009). Taking into account all these aspects, the leaders
The bone anvils are part of worked osseous as- of the archaeological excavations offered them to
semblages from the two above-mentioned sectors, the main author of this article for a systematic and
including 90 pieces and comprising: bone and antler detailed study. The study began in 2007 when the
anvils, bone hair pins, bone hafts, bone bands, horn artefacts discovered in 2004 in the Sector Basilica
sleeves, a piece of game (astragalus from sheep/ Extra Muros (HST-BEM) were analysed. In 2008 the
goat), blanks, different partially shaped raw materi- systematic study of bone and antler industry discov-
als, waste products etc. (Beldiman et al. 2007, 2009; ered during 2001-2003 was finished. Other contribu-
Beldiman, Sztancs 2010a, 2010b). tions were related to artefacts discovered in 2006 in
The bone and antler anvils were of particular in- the Sector Basilica Extra Muros and to artefacts re-
terest. This group of artefacts has an important docu- trieved in the Sector Basilica with Crypt-Florescu
176 Corneliu Beldiman, Diana-Maria Sztancs, Viorica Rusu-Bolinde, Irina Adriana Achim
Fig. 2. Istria
Sector Basilica
extra muros. Anvils
on cattle metapodials
and raw material:
HST/2004-BEM 1-12;
HST/2006-BEM 1-13
(HST-BFL) (Beldiman, Sztancs 2007, 2009a, 2009b, The 38 artefacts from HST-BEM (Figs. 1-2, 4)
2010a, 2010b). The pieces from HST-BEM are pre- were discovered abandoned in secondary contexts.
served in the collections of the National Museum They come from structures, pits and from the vicin-
History of Transylvania, Cluj-Napoca, while the ar- ity of some complexes used for reducing the iron
tefacts from HST-BFL are part of the collection of the ore, connected to the craft area from Section I(the
Vasile Prvan Institute of Archaeology, Bucharest. western extremity, about 15.8 m) belonging to the
On this occasion, we are going to present asyn- Early Roman period (probably, 1st-7th decades of
thesis of data regarding the special category of dis- the IInd century A.D.) (Rusu-Bolinde et al. 2009,
coveries made of bone and antler: anvils. These were 2010).
pointed out for the first time on the western shore of The artefacts from HST-BFL (Fig. 3) were dis-
the Black Sea in the ancient fortress city, Histria, and covered in secondary contexts and probably aban-
they illustrate in a unique way some technological doned. They cannot be dated with certainty because
and economic aspects of those times. of the former interventions related to Grigore Flo-
Skeletal technologies, metal-working and wheat harvesting: ancient bone and antler anvils...
177
Fig. 4. Istria Sector Basilica extra muros. Anvils on cattle metapodials details of specific use-wear:
1 HST/2003-BEM 4 (raw material); 2 HST/2003-BEM 1 (anvil with one smooth surface); 3 HST/2003-BEM 6
(anvil with one smooth surface); 4 HST/2003-BEM 5 (anvil with two smooth surfaces); 5 HST/2001-BEM 1
(anvil with three smooth surfaces); 6 HST/2003-BEM 2 (anvil with two smooth surfaces);
7 HST/2003-BEM 2 (anvil with four smooth surfaces)
rescus excavations. There are some clues that indi- two pieces have been analysed: apiece which was
cate chronological data during grosso modo the IInd discovered in 2002 and another one found in 2008
century A.D. (Achim et al. 2009). From this sector (tables 1-2; charts 1-2).
Methodology. Typology
The methodology applied during our study takes shaping of the sickles blades, and also at the sickles
into account the registration and the analysis of all repairs (Fig. 5).
essential data regarding: the artefacts identification The typological classification adopts conven-
using acode (which is made up of the sites code, the tional criteria which reflect the usage stage at the
discovery year, the sectors code and aserial number moment that the artefacts were abandoned. Taking
for example: HST/2001-BEM 3); the realisation into consideration the number of anvils shaped ana-
of the repertoire (which lays out the dataset regard- tomical faces/sides (which become active/smoothed
ing the code of the piece, discovery context, raw parts) we may conventionally distinguish the next
material, conservation status, subtype, description), subtypes: simple anvils (with one active side), dou-
morphometry (the total length/the preserved length; ble anvils (with two active sides), triple anvils (with
width/diameter of the edges and of the middle part; three active sides), quadruple anvils (with four ac-
the length of active part on each side; maximal/mini- tive sides), undetermined subtypes (fragments) and
mal width of active part on each side dimensions raw material. As we already mentioned, the subtypes
are given in millimetres). reflect the stage of shaping and usage of the artefacts
Artefacts that are generically called anvils were (Beldiman et al. 2008:50-61) (Fig. 4).
set in aspecial wooden installation, on aworkbench The typological structure of the collection from
and were used in the faonnage/shaping of iron sick- Histria consists of: simple anvils (17), double anvils
les (striking the serrated edges using the technique (6), triple anvils (2), quadruple anvils (6), undeter-
of indirect percussion with atriangular section chis- mined subtypes (fragments) (2) and raw materials
el/poinon). This operation was applied at the initial (7) (tables 1-2; charts 1-2).
Skeletal technologies, metal-working and wheat harvesting: ancient bone and antler anvils...
179
Generally the raw materials used for these kinds an artefact is made of cattle metapodial and another
of anvils were various: most of them are skeletal ele- of ared deer antler (tables 1-2; charts 1-2).
ments from large domestic mammals (cattle, horse, The aim of artefacts analysis is to record all con-
camel etc.): long bones (metapodials, tibia), mandi- textual, morphological, typological and technologi-
bles, coxal bone. We also have some special cases cal data and to highlight the manufacturing chain
when segments of red deer antler beams and tines and use wear. In this way, we may reconstruct the
were used. technological biography of each artefact. We cur-
Artefacts from HST-BEM are made only of cattle rently use low power optical microscopy (4x-40x)
metapodials (metacarpal and metatarsal bones) (38 with the aim of recording exhaustive data of the ar-
pieces). There is one exception at HST-BFL where tefacts traces of manufacture and use.
the number of dents and the separation between them. Covering the whole anvils surface with rows of
There are some cases where the diaphysis was whittled dents supposed: a) the preparation and the usage of
and re-smoothed for more times with the purpose of another active part of anvil; there are cases when asin-
reusing the artefact (Briois et al. 1997; Esteban Nadal, gle piece had four active parts which corresponded to
Carbonell Roure 2004; Moreno-Garcia et al. 2005a, the four anatomical bones faces; those were prepared
2005b, 2007; Poplin 2007a, 2007b; Rodet-Belarbi et and used successively; b) unique or double reshaping
al. 2007 with bibliography). of used surface by chopping, abrasion or scraping us-
Presented bone and antler anvils are made of cat- ing ametal tool, as in the first stage of shaping. All
tle metapodials (Bos taurus) (39) and asegment of these conclusions are based on observations of micro-
antler beam (Cervus elaphus) (1). scopic traces preserved on surfaces anvils.
Firstly, we take into consideration the analysis of Because of the renewed shaping of the anvils, the
different traces of manufacture and use, so that we may compact tissue of metapodial got thinner and very of-
propose the reconstitution of the phases of the standard ten, the artefacts broke in the middle part. This break
manufacturing chain of the anvils on cattle metapo- was due to the high pressure that was applied dur-
dials: no dbitage; faonnage/shaping in two stages: in- ing use. In this case, the artefact was abandoned or,
tensive chopping and abrasion/intense scrapping using if the preserved length was sufficient, it was reused/
ametal blade (aknife?) so obtaining aflat and smooth reshaped.
surface. This smooth surface was made on one-two- The technological biographies of the anvils are
three or four bones anatomical faces (Fig. 5). various and generally implies several stages: 1. the
Wear traces are surprisingly uniform; the aim of preparation of the active part on an anatomical face/
using such pieces (anvils) was to shape (sawing- side of the bone; 2. using and covering it entirely with
toothed) the iron sickles active part (blade) or to dents/hollows; 3. reshaping the side; 4. reusing and
reshape it. After all active parts/faces of the anvils covering it entirely with dents/hollows; 5. preparing
were used and entirely covered by small triangular the active part on the second side; 6. using and cov-
dents/hollows. There are often situations where the ering it entirely with dents/hollows; 7. preparing the
smooth surfaces are reshaped including the frag- active part on the third side; 8. using and covering it
ments of pieces fractured on the middle part. entirely with dents/hollows; 9. establishing the active
Wear traces were produced while the sick- part on the fourth side; 10. using and covering it entire-
les teeth were shaped. The dents produced have ly with dents/hollows; 11. reshaping the side; 12. reus-
a length of 2-3 mm and were obtained by indirect ing; 13. abandoning. There are situations when prob-
striking with hammer with anarrow active part ably at least two active sides were prepared from the
the cutting edge of the sickles blade using an iron first stage of shaping; but this hypothesis, ethnographi-
chisel/poinon, probably one having a triangular cally supported, is difficult to argue (Esteban Nadal,
section. The rows of around 5-10 dents are parallel, Carbonell Roure 2004:640-644; Moreno-Garcia et al.
divergent, convergent or even crossed. 2005b:623-624; Rodet-Belarbi et al. 2007:160).
Repertoire
Hereinafter, we will present typological fiches of adistal part having probably atriangular section and
some representative bone and antler anvils discov- apointed end. The tool was reshaped by direct per-
ered at HST-BEM and HST-BFL. cussion/chopping. Total length 221; length of active
HST/2001-BEM 1 Fig. 1. Section I. Square 3. part 150-160.
-1.56 m. On the ground-level of the iron processing HST/2002-BEM 3 Fig. 1. Section I. Square 5.
workshop Quadruple anvil made of metapodial; un- -1.72 m. On the ground-level of the iron processing
broken; the active part was shaped on four sides; raw workshop Simple anvil made of metapodial; bro-
material: cattle metapodial (Bos taurus); faonnage/ ken in antiquity; detached epiphyses; proximal seg-
shaping: direct percussion/chopping on all sides; use ment; active part was shaped on posterior side; raw
wears: dents/triangular hollows successively gen- material: cattle metapodial (Bos taurus); faonnage/
erated, measuring about 1 mm in length, and deep shaping: direct percussion/chopping on posterior
about 1 mm, arranged in rectilinear or curved short side; without dents/triangular hollows or wear trac-
rows, almost parallels, placed transversal or oblique es; probably broken during the faonnage/shaping.
on the bones flat surface. This type of traces was Preserved length 125; length of active part 85-100.
generated by indirect and very precise percussion HST/2003-BEM 2 Fig. 1. Section I. Square 4.
using ahammer and asmall iron chisel/poinon with -2.15 m. From the rests of the furnace content (level
Skeletal technologies, metal-working and wheat harvesting: ancient bone and antler anvils...
181
of iron processing workshop) Double anvil made cussion using ahammer and asmall iron chisel with
of metapodial; unbroken; active part was shaped distal part having probably atriangular section. Pre-
on two sides (anterior and posterior); raw material: served length 137; length of active part 50-115.
cattle metapodial (Bos taurus); faonnage/shaping: HST/2008-BFL 1 Fig. 3. Section II. -1.13 1.38
direct percussion/chopping on all sides; use wears: m. Central nave, at the northern part of the brick
dents/triangular hollows successively generated, pavement, from a brown level mixed with shells,
measuring about 1-2 mm in length, and deep about rich in fragments of pottery Simple anvil made
1 mm, arranged in rectilinear or curved short lines, of metapodial; broken in Antiquity; active part was
almost parallels, placed transversal or oblique on shaped on posterior side; raw material: distal seg-
the bones flat surface. This type of trace had been ment of cattle metapodial (Bos taurus); faonnage/
generated by indirect, very precise percussion using shaping: direct percussion/chopping and axial scrap-
ahammer and asmall iron chisel with adistal part ping on posterior side; use wears: 5 rows of dents/tri-
having probably a triangular section and a pointed angular hollows successively generated. Preserved
end. Total length 215; length of active part 145-150. length 75; Length of active part 45. Probably dated
HST/2004-BEM 1 Fig. 2. Section I. Square 1. at about IInd century A.D.
-1.72 m. In the area of furnace 2 (7) Double an- HST/2002-BFL 6 Fig. 3. Section I. Squares 11-
vil made of metapodial; broken in antiquity; active 12. -1.15 1.45 m. Site inventory no. 031 Triple
part was shaped on two sides (anterior and poste- anvil made of red deer antler beam; secondary use
rior); raw material: cattle metapodial (Bos taurus); of an earlier piece that had perforations at the ends,
faonnage/shaping: direct percussion/chopping on probably shaped probably as yoke to fit across aper-
posterior side; use wears: dents/triangular hollows sons shoulder so that can be carried two equal loads;
successively generated, measuring about 1-2 mm in raw material: red deer (Cervus elaphus) antler basal
length, and deep about 1 mm, arranged in rectilinear segment of beam between the 2nd and the 3rd tines;
or curved short lines, almost parallels, placed trans- the basal parts of tines are preserved; anatomic sides
versal or oblique on the bones flat surface. This type were shaped during first phase of manufacture using
of trace had been generated by indirect very precise oblique chopping to remove the anatomical surface
percussion using ahammer and asmall iron chisel (perlure). In this way more planes were obtained, with
with adistal part having probably atriangular sec- smooth surfaces (multifaceted aspect). These sides
tion and apointed end. Preserved length 80; length were used in the second phase as anvils. Use wears:
of active part 75. on the posterior, medial and lateral side of the beam
HST/2006-BEM 3 Fig. 2. Section I. Square 5. segment we may distinguish rows of dents/triangular
-2.25 2.30 m. At the shaping of the South pro- hollows successively generated, arranged in rectilin-
file from the rests of furnace no. 8 content; cattle ear or curved short lines; this type of traces had been
metapodial; raw material; broken in Antiquity; su- generated by indirect very precise percussion using
perficial chopping at distal epiphysis at anterior side. a small iron chisel with distal part having probably
Preserved length 177. atriangular section and apointed end. Some surfaces
HST/2006-BEM 11 Fig. 2. Section I. Square 5. with dents/triangular hollows were reshaped using
-2.15 2.30 m. From the rests of the furnace no. 8 axial scraping and abrasion (secondary using). Total
Triple anvil made of metapodial; broken in antiq- length 295; length of active parts 140-150; proximal
uity; active part was shaped on posterior side; raw end at perforation level 61/30; middle part 41/32; dis-
material: cattle metapodial (Bos taurus); faonnage/ tal end at perforation level 62/32; diameter of perfora-
shaping: direct percussion/chopping on posterior tion 10. Dated probably at about IInd century A.D.
side; use wears: dents/triangular hollows successive-
ly generated, measuring about 1-2 mm in length, and 1 According to the preliminary available data, in pre-
deep about 1 mm, arranged in rectilinear or curved vious publications 2003 is the year mentioned for the dis-
short lines, almost parallels, placed transversal or covery of this artefact Beldiman, Sztancs 2009a. Ac-
oblique on the bones flat surface. This type of trace tually, the object was retrieved in the 2002 archaeological
had been generated by indirect very precisely per- season.
Analogies
Anvils made of cattle or horse metapodials, sites from Romania: Ostrov-Durostorum, Constana
tibias, mandibles, coxal bone etc. as well as those County (ancient Roman city; discoveries in an ad-
made of red deer antler were also discovered in other jacent site with carious workshops located near the
182 Corneliu Beldiman, Diana-Maria Sztancs, Viorica Rusu-Bolinde, Irina Adriana Achim
city; 4 artefacts: Beldiman, Elefterescu, Sztancs sulted. Red deer antler artefacts were initially manu-
2009; Beldiman, Elefterescu, Sztancs 2010); Chitila, factured and used like anvils and are also (but rarely)
Ilfov County (open-air small site belonging to Getic published in Romanian literature. There is another
autochtonous population from the Roman period; 13 piece made of asegment of an antlers beam in Ro-
artefacts: Boronean 2003; 2005; Blescu, Radu, mania at Durostorum (Beldiman et al. 2010, fig. 4
Nicolae 2003). These discoveries represent the anal- piece DRS 4) and in Republic of Moldavia at Sa-
ogies from Romania for the artefacts retrieved at harna Nou a piece made of a segment of antler
Histria which are presented on this occasion. tine (Arnut 2007:302, fig. 1, 3).
In this context, we should mention the unique ar- Wear traces that are preserved on these artefacts
tefact HST/2002-BFL 6, the biggest one until now are identical or very similar to those observed on the
(ayoke? reused as an anvil) which, so far, doesnt pieces from Histria because of their use as anvils for
have analogies in the archaeological literature con- shaping the sawing-toothed sickles.
Table 1. Istria/2001-2008 Sector Basilica extra muros (BEM) and Basilica with Crypt (Florescu) (BFL).
Bone and red deer anvils: distribution after raw materials and year of discovery
BEM
BEM
BEM
BEM
BEM
BEM
BFL
BFL
BFL
BFL
BFL
BFL
BFL
category
ITools
3 3 7 12 13 1 38 1
Bone anvils
ITools
Red deer 1 1
antler anvils
Total 3 3 1 7 12 13 1 38 2
Skeletal technologies, metal-working and wheat harvesting: ancient bone and antler anvils...
183
Table 2. Istria/2001-2008 Sector Basilica extra muros (BEM) and Basilica with Crypt (Florescu) (BFL).
Bone and red deer anvils: distribution after subtypes and year of discovery
HST Sectors
BEM
BEM
BEM
BEM
BEM
BEM
BFL
BFL
BFL
BFL
BFL
BFL
Subtype Total
Chart 1. Istria/2001-2008 Sector Basilica extra muros (BEM) and Basilica with Crypt (Florescu) (BFL).
Bone and red deer anvils: distribution after raw materials and year of discovery
Chart 2. Istria/2001-2008 Sector Basilica extra muros (BEM) and Basilica with Crypt (Florescu) (BFL).
Bone and red deer anvils: distribution of subtypes
Acknowledgements
During the last three decades, the remarkably dHistoire Naturelle, Paris. First author would like to
constant and successfully efforts to fully research express once again his warmest thanks to Dr. Poplin
the topic of ancient bone and antler anvils are due to for his kind support in giving the chance to study the
the efforts Dr. Franois Poplin Museum National hard-to-find literature relating to this specific prob-
184 Corneliu Beldiman, Diana-Maria Sztancs, Viorica Rusu-Bolinde, Irina Adriana Achim
lem and for the profitable exchange of opinions and part of Project ID-7706 (Invest in people!-The devel-
data). opment of doctoral studies and the PhD students
We wish also thank to Dr. Alice Choyke and Dr. competitiveness in the United Europe), Lucian
Lszl Bartosiewicz who gave us access to very Blaga University, Sibiu, project financed by Social
fresh articles dealing with discoveries from Italy and European Fund (SOP HRD).
Hungary. English version by Diana-Maria Sztancs and Cor-
The contributions of Diana-Maria Sztancs to the neliu Beldiman; translation revised by Andreea-Da-
present paper (database, artefact analysis etc.) form niela Hompoth.
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Katrin Struckmeyer
The site
Between 1955 and 1963, the Lower Saxony Insti- houses, which were up to 30 m long and 7 m wide, as
tute for Historical Coastal Research excavated the site many as 32 large animals, mainly cattle could be kept.
of Feddersen Wierde (Fig. 1). The settlement was es- The zoological analysis of the animal bones proves
tablished in the marshland of north-western Germany that cattle formed the highest percentage followed by
in the 1st century BC and ended in the 5th century sheep and horses. There are only afew pig remains.
AD. Initially, the houses were standing parallel to Such adistribution of animal bones is characteristic
each other at sea level. Increasing oceanic flooding of settlements along the coast of northwest Germany
led to the construction of an elevated village in the (Reichstein 1991).
1st century AD. This time the design was altered to Among the finds of Feddersen Wierde there are
acircular arrangement of houses. In the 3rd century a lot of imports such as millstones, Roman glass,
AD the dwelling mound reached its maximum size beads, fibulas, coins, and terra sigillata. Moreover,
of approximately 4 hectares and aheight of 4 metres an ophthalmologic instrument and an ivory handle of
(Haarnagel 1979; Schmid 2002). afolding fan were excavated. These imports prove the
The economic basis of the settlement consisted of intensive connections to both neighbouring and remote
agriculture, especially animal husbandry. In the farm Germanic settlements and to the Roman Empire.
The assemblage
Because of the humidity of subsequently added lay- Feddersen Wierde, such as the wooden foundations of
ers of flooring, the organic matter from the settlement the buildings, plant rests, textiles and animal bones,
188 Katrin Struckmeyer
Fig. 1: View
of Feddersen Wierde
during excavations
(photo: NIhK)
was outstandingly well preserved (Fig. 1). Among mals in the surroundings of the settlement, antler had
the artefacts there are about 1,400 bone, antler and to be imported. Probably only the antler was imported,
horn tools and 58% of these tools were made of cattle because there were nearly no bones of red and roe deer
bones. The remaining pieces are bones of sheep (16%) in the village. Finally there are some worked bones of
and horses (8%). Occasionally, also bones of pigs and sturgeons (Acipenser sturio) and one perforated verte-
dogs were found among the tools (Fig. 2). The worked bra of ameagre (Argyrosomus regius). In manufactur-
antlers of Feddersen Wierde were derived from red ing the different types of objects similar skeletal ele-
deer and roe deer. As there was no habitat for these ani- ments of only particular species were used.
Fig. 3: Experimental
wear traces.
a, b: bone used to smooth
clay for 120 minutes.
c: bone used to smooth
fresh cattle skin
for 140 minutes.
d: bone used for
debarking willow
for 90 minutes;
a-d: 500x magnification
bined with experiments which partly took place in which were available in the surroundings of Fed-
the Lejre Experimental Centre, Denmark. In the dersen Wierde, were worked with replicas of bone
course of these experiments different materials, tools (Fig. 3).
190 Katrin Struckmeyer
of the wear suggests that the object was used longi- one artefact with clearly visible impact marks on the
tudinally to the diaphysis, at asteep angle. proximal articular surface.
Some of these bone tools were probably involved Similar tools made of metapodia are known from
in woodworking activities within the settlement. equipments of the last decades (Herman 1902:238;
They may be used for peeling willow bark during the Boucard 2000:125 ff., fig. 12). These long bones have
manufacturing process of basketry. Also afunction as asplit and bevelled end like the objects of Feddersen
achisel cannot be excluded. However, there is only Wierde and were used for peeling oak bark for tanning.
192 Katrin Struckmeyer
Fig. 7: Metacarpus
with asmooth
surface (nr. 751);
a-b: 500x magnification.
Drawing by T. Peek
Fig. 9: Recent
metacarpus (left) used
for smoothing textiles
(Herman 1902:238)
and ametacarpus
from Feddersen Wierde
(nr. 748); a: 20x
magnification.
Drawing by T. Peek
the dull polish has spread in atransversal direction has a smooth structure, follows the irregulari-
following the contour of the bone surface. Very flat ties of the surface and also occurs in depressions.
and short striations may also be associated with the These features agree with the use wear of the an-
function of the tool. Finally, the rolls of the distal alyzed metacarpus of Feddersen Wierde. It can
epiphysis are smooth. be assumed that textiles, which were still at the
In order to identify the contact material, two loom, were rubbed with this bone tool perpendicu-
metapodia taken from cattle were analysed. These larly to its axis. In this way linen fabrics could be
were used for smoothing textiles at a loom in treated to smooth them and to give them a shiny
a museum (Fig. 8). The polish seen on these tools appearance.
194 Katrin Struckmeyer
There are many records of the past centuries Wierde there are two metacarpi known which have
which support the effectiveness of metapodia as an identical hole. One of these perforations has
weaving implements (Friedel 1874:156; Virchov asmooth bulge that was certainly caused by the fric-
1871:20; Schoneweg 1923:149). Among these ob- tion of a rope (Fig. 9). Accordingly, this bone was
jects one metacarpus taken from cattle has a per- also tied to arope and probably hung at the frame of
foration for hanging up the tool. From Feddersen aloom.
Conclusions
Due to the excellent state of preservation of the Furthermore the use-wear analyses show that
bone tools from Feddersen Wierde it was an oppor- a general determination of the tools functions can-
tunity to carry out extensive microscopic use-wear not be supported. The typological classifications of-
analyses. Involving morphological and technologi- ten consist of artefacts which were used for varied
cal factors the study reveals information about the purposes. This applies for example to the tools made
functions of different bone tools. from metapodia which were split lengthwise and have
It seems that alot of objects were primarily used abevelled edge. Although the objects have asimilar
for processing textiles. Working with fabrics it would appearance, they differ in their use-wear from each
have been very important that the implements had other. For this reason, results of use-wear analyses
rounded edges and asmooth surface, so that they did cannot be transferred without reservation to other ob-
not got caught on these sensitive materials and cause jects. But the wide range of various purposes of the
damage. The carefully rounded bone tools without tools becomes visible. In that way the study demon-
any sharp edges were perfectly suited for such apur- strates that bone tools were essential for asettlements
pose. workaday life during the first millennium AD.
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Marloes Rijkelijkhuizen
Introduction
Combs have been found all over the world, in al- until 15th century AD) bone and antler combs from
most all cultures and time periods. These function- Dutch archaeological collections and the current re-
al, decorative and ritual objects are found in many search questions that are being explored. Bone and
different archaeological contexts such as cesspits, antler combs are common finds but are often unpub-
graves, wells and ditches where they may have been lished, making comparison of combs between differ-
accidentally lost or deliberately deposited. Hard ani- ent regions difficult to undertake and much research
mal tissues are commonly used in their manufacture remains to be done. The aim of this paper is to pro-
including bone, antler, ivory, horn and tortoiseshell. vide asynthesis of Dutch finds and discuss the out-
The focus of this research paper is the medieval (5th standing research questions.
Research questions
Function the late medieval longbone comb, in particular, has
been questioned for many years. These combs were
It is not necessarily safe to assume that all combs originally described as wool carding combs, but are
were used just for untangling human head hair. Combs recently seen as regular hair combs (MacGregor
are used to reduce human head lice populations and 1985:110; Van Vilsteren 1987: 41; Schelvis 1992).
for grooming beards or moustaches. Combs are used Is it possible to assign these different uses to specific
in the grooming of other animals, such as horses, in combs with any confidence?
the preparation of plant and animal fibres, such as
wool for textile production, in ritual environments, Raw material
as hair decorations or to support complex arrange-
ments of the hair. Early medieval combs are often What does the decrease in the proportion of antler
found in rich cremation burials, whilst later finds combs through the 11th and 12th centuries indicate?
are found in settlements and towns. The function of From the 13th century onwards the longbone comb
198 Marloes Rijkelijkhuizen
replaced the composite comb entirely. Was antler in- combs show similarities in shape with others found
deed becoming more scarce? in many cultures across Europe. Was the spread of
these combs aresult of cultural influences and dif-
Trade & craft fusion of knowledge or the result of trading net-
works? Where the combmakers itinerant or set-
Finally, a key point of discussion is the circu- tled? Can we locate the production places of these
lation of combs throughout Europe. The Dutch combs?
Fig. 3. Longbone
combs excavated
in Amsterdam.
Collection: Office
for Monuments
& Archaeology, photo:
Marloes Rijkelijkhuizen
Method of production
The production method of composite combs, from
the solid outer tissues of the antler, is explained in
detail in other studies (Galloway, Newcomer 1981;
Fig. 4. Two small bone combs from Amsterdam,
MacGregor, Currey 1983). Due to the properties of
right undated, left 18th century.
the antler, the method of production was very spe- Collection: Office for Monuments & Archaeology,
cific. Its bending strength, and the work needed to photo: Anneke Dekker,
break it, is greater in the longitudinal direction than Amsterdam Archaeological Centre
the transverse direction. Therefore the comb teeth
had to be sawn in the longitudinal direction, i.e. par-
allel to the long axis of the antler beam. This result- the edges of two tooth plates between the connect-
ed in combs with tooth plates of relatively narrow ing plates) or acombination of both these methods
width, fixed together by two connecting plates, usu- were used. The endplates usually deviate from the
ally of split antler tine. The teeth were sawn after the overall pattern, which also occurs in England and
tooth plates and connecting plates were riveted to- Scandinavia (Ashby 2009). For example, the 7th
gether. Auniformity in production process however century comb from Oegstgeest (Fig. 5) has rivets
is questioned by Ashby and he shows that regional through the edges of the tooth plates, except for the
differences do exist in the method of manufacture end plates, which have rivets through the centre (Ri-
(Ashby, in press). jkelijkhuizen in press). In other combs both meth-
Dutch composite combs vary in shape, decora- ods were used interchangeably, and seem to have
tion and the riveting method. The rivets were either no standard method. Sometimes, the rivets were
placed through the centre of the tooth plates or at placed at the same distance from each other even
the ends of the tooth plates (so that one rivet secured when the tooth plates had unequal widths, result-
200 Marloes Rijkelijkhuizen
Fig. 8. Time line of Dutch medieval and post-medieval combs of bone, antler and ivory
Trade & Craft Travelling craftsmen, sedentary craft or long distance trade?
According to Ambrosiani and MacGregor crafts- production sites (Ambrosinai 1981; MacGregor
men working these materials were itinerant, as evi- 1989:109). But should we expect the workshops of
denced by the absence of identifiable, long-term antler or bone craftsmen to be easily recognisable? It
Fig. 12. Antler waste fragments from sieving samples. Photo: Joyce van Dijk (Archeoplan Eco)
204 Marloes Rijkelijkhuizen
is difficult to locate such craft centres because antler elling merchants than itinerant craftsmen. These, or
workshops probably did not produce much waste, ex- other merchants, might also have kept the craftsman
cept for the burr, the tips of the tines and small chips supplied with antlers. Gift exchange is another pos-
of antler, which are probably not always recognised sible factor in the distribution of combs and could
or recovered at the excavation site. For example, 92% be an explanation for some of the early or elaborate
of all antler waste fragments from a6th-8th century examples. Such gifts or traded combs could bring in
settlement Leidsche Rijn near Utrecht (Fig. 12) were new styles from distant regions that could be copied
discovered by the zooarchaeologists through the siev- by local craftsmen, and this might explain the appar-
ing of soil samples (Esser 2008). Waste fragments ent uniformity of composite combs across northern
need to be studied more thoroughly to obtain valuable Europe. Ashby (2005; in press) has stated that the
information on the organisation of this craft. previous assumed homogeneity is questionable, and
In the Netherlands, clear evidence for comb mak- that different stylistic characteristics can be detect-
ing has been detected at acouple of sites. The early ed, which perhaps speaks against travelling comb
medieval settlement near Utrecht (Esser 2008) pro- makers, and should at least lead us to question the
duced three skull fragments with sawn off antlers, widespread applicability of the model in its original,
five burrs, a few semi-manufactured tooth plates unmodified form. Indeed, regional differences in
and fragments of finished combs, in addition to the comb-making could also occur, and it is possible that
small antler chips mentioned above. 10th century some comb makers were travelling on asmall scale
Oost-Souburg has produced adiversity of compos- (Ashby in press). These subtle differences probably
ite combs as well as semi-manufactured tooth plates reflect cultural influences, as the diffusion of knowl-
(Lauwerier, Van Heeringen 1995). At Dorestad and edge and trading networks combined to spread com-
Deventer (Clason 1980; Prummel 1983; Rijkelijkhu- posite comb throughout northern Europe.
izen ongoing research), agreat number of composite Longbone combs seem unlikely to be goods trad-
combs have been excavated, along with fragments ed over long distances because of the ready avail-
from bone and antler working. At both these impor- ability of the raw material and their simple and un-
tant trading sites comb-making probably took place decorated nature. Yet, except for the British Isles,
because the waste fragments and raw material were longbone combs are spread throughout northern
characteristic for comb making. Europe. The similar appearance of all these combs
Almost all crafts are sedentary by nature and an probably reflects directly the properties of the raw
antler craftsman would need perhaps water for soak- material and their strictly utilitarian use for combing
ing the antler, his tools and asupply of raw material, hair. The production of these combs probably took
which are not as convenient to transport over long place in almost every town and their use would have
distances as the finished combs would be. It seems been spread by diffusion of knowledge as the antler
more likely that the combs were distributed by trav- became increasingly scarce.
Conclusions
Throughout the medieval period in the Nether- al differences, local traditions, diffusion of knowl-
lands, the use of antler in the production of combs is edge and trading networks. Their primary function
gradually replaced by bone, aless suitable material was grooming human hair, but the combs could also
for comb making. Composite combs with bone ele- have been decorative or used in rituals. Many exam-
ments or entirely in bone are found in deposits from ples of composite combs exhibit evidence of long
the 8th century onwards, but by the 13th century only use, indicating their value, perhaps both in terms of
single piece, longbone combs are being produced. replacement costs and as valued heirlooms. There is
This change is due to an increasing scarcity of antler also much to be learnt from considering the findspots
as araw material. This theory is supported by agen- of these objects. In particular, we can see achange in
eral reduction over time in antler as araw material for context for composite combs: early medieval combs
objects generally. There is increasing evidence that are found in rich cremation burials, whilst later finds
the skilled craftsmen who produced these composite are found in settlements and towns.
combs were not itinerant but that it was the finished Ashift from antler composite combs to compos-
combs that sometimes were traded, perhaps over ite combs partially made of bone shows the prelude
great distances and then copied by local craftsmen. of atransition towards the fully-fledged use of bone
The variations in style, decoration and size of as a raw material, wherein long bone combs seem
composite combs was probably influenced by cultur- to replace their composite predecessors. In contrast,
Dutch medieval bone and antler combs
205
the longbone combs that succeeded the composite ditions, and even attitudes towards craftmanship.
combs were simply used for combing hair and were Did the adoption of these simple longbone combs
quickly and locally made from acheap and readily mark the decline of craftmanship or the beginning of
available material. The uniformity in their shape athrow away mentality?
was, to agreat extent, dictated by the properties of The regional differences in antler and bone combs
the bone used, and their lack of decoration reflects and changes through time have been discussed for
their low cost, utilitarian nature and short life ex- many years and more research still needs to be done
pectancy. to understand the significance of these seemingly
However, although many of these longbone combs simple and common-place objects. Provenancing
had broken teeth when discarded, they were still of the antler and identifying trading routes and craft
serviceable. This, perhaps, is an indicator of the far workshops are key to this goal. The synthetic survey
reaching transformation produced by the increasing of combs and combmaking debris in the Netherlands
urbanisation of medieval society in the Netherlands. has shed some new light on the production, func-
Changing social and political factors, new cultural tion and cultural significance of medieval combs and
influences and trading routes, and the development has also helped to define the most pressing research
of a market economy could have transformed tra- questions.
Acknowledgements
Sonia OConnor (University of Bradford), Ste- Archaeological Department of Zutphen), Bart Ver-
ven Ashby (University of York), Annemarieke Wil- meulen and Emile Mittendorf (Municipial Archaeo-
lemsen (National Museum of Antiquities) Jerzy logical Department of Deventer), Kinie Esser and
Gawronski and Wiard Krook (Office for Monuments Joyce van Dijk (Archeoplan Eco), Anneke Dekker
and Archaeology), Michel Groothedde (Municipial (Amsterdam Archaeological Centre).
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Hans Christian Kchelmann
This article is apreliminary overview about acur- Large whale bone objects are often situated in re-
rent research in local history. One aim of this paper is to mote places on private ground and therefore they do
point the attention of scholars concerned with worked not fall in the responsibility of public administration.
bone artefacts to a peculiar class of objects made of They are not buried in the soil and hence are no
large whale bones. I am referring here to objects of subject for excavators and archaeologists.
large dimensions (mainly between one and seven me- As most of the oldest still existing examples are
ters) that have been used for different purposes either in not dating before the 18th century they are also too
building structures or in open-air situations which may young for the interest of most archaeologists.
be combined under the loose term architectural ele- They are no buildings in strict sense and hence
ments. Iam using the imprecise term object as Iam are not in the scope of the ancient monuments de-
not sure if artefact is the appropriate expression in this partments.
case. The bones are often not modified very much, at They are simply too large for most persons
least not fashioned in an elaborate planned way to ful- working with bone artefacts like archaeozoologists,
fil aspecific purpose (class Iartefacts in sensu Choyke archaeologists or conservators.
1997) like many small bone artefacts. They are also dif- They are often not documented in written form
ferent from artefacts defined as ad hoc or expediency and hence escape the scope of historians.
tools (class II in sensu Choyke 1997) as they are defi- Weathered whale bone can easily be confused
nitely not made from raw material readily available and with weathered wood by the untrained observer.
as they have been chosen with care for long time use. To conclude, large whale bones are aclass of ob-
They may better be characterised as used bones. jects caught between two stools. The reason for my
Strange enough, keeping in mind their sometimes concern here is that most of the still existing objects
impressive size, whale bone objects seem to escape are in ahighly endangered preservation status, many
the scope or interest or responsibility of people quite are about to vanish. The number of objects is dete-
often, even of those who are professionally concerned riorating rapidly due to weather, age, neglect, igno-
with related subjects. The reasons for this circum- rance, indifference, vandalism and even theft (Ahlers
stance are various: 1911[1988]:24; Barthelme 1989:261-262, Redman
208 Hans Christian Kchelmann
whales. In the year 1611 British ship owners firstly 2008)4. To give an impression of the economic im-
employed Basque whalers for whaling at Spitsber- portance: Between 1653 and 1709 during 300-350
gen. 1612 Dutch ships joined in the whale hunt at whaling voyages from Bremen 1,100-1,300 whales
Spitsbergen and were immediately subject to hostil- were caught (Kchelmann 2008:132-136; Meyer
ity by the British. This resulted in the establishment 1965). Between 1695 and 1868 1,554 ships caught
of aDutch whaling company in 1614, which sent out 3,749 whales plus more than 590.000 seals (Ahl-
armed ships to protect the national whalers. Until ers 1911[1988]:35). One whale would provide ap-
1615 Denmark and Norway were able to take part proximately 100-150 barrel of blubber plus 500-550
in the enterprise. Whaling was conducted on the tra- pieces of baleen. The price of train oil in Bremen
ditional Basque way with small rowboats and hand fluctuated from 1688 to 1799 between 5.5 and 28.0
harpoons. This method implied that only some spe- Reichsthaler per barrel (Meyer 1965). As an example
cies were in the range of the whalers, the ones who for baleen one ship brought 5,000 pounds from two
are swimming slow enough and do not sink when caught whales in 1692 which were sold for 3.000 Re-
killed, which resulted in their English name right ichsthaler (Koster 1700[2004]:375). Between 1813
whales. Hunted were almost exclusively Bowheads and 1830 the income of an average craftsman was
and Northern Right Whales in the sheltered bays of 150-200 Reichsthaler per year, ateacher earned 1000
Spitsbergen, Jan Mayen and Greenland, which were Reichsthaler per year (Schwarzwlder 1995:94).
their birth places. The dead whales were brought to The key data given above shall highlight some im-
stations at the coast, where the blubber was processed portant circumstances: Since 1611 European whaling
(bay fishery). Reacting to the hunting pressure the was an exclusively commercial enterprise with high
whales retreated from the coastline and probably al- business risks, enormous profit rates and alarge impact
ready mid of the 17th century the population has been on the related societies. Whaling was one of the main
significantly reduced. Consequently the whaling sta- motors of the industrial revolution. It changed the in-
tions became unprofitable and were all abandoned volved societies and economies completely and who
by the end of the 17th century. When the 1st German wonders resulted in national and international politi-
company from Hamburg joined the business in 1643, cal complications. And turning to the bone objects
whaling was already mainly an offshore activity (ice in question here it also left adirectly visible imprint
fishery, pelagic fishery). At the beginning of the 18th on the landscape. Applying the above outlined historic
century the whale populations had declined dramati- facts has implications on the species composition of
cally and consequently profits dropped rapidly. In the whale bone objects in the whalers home countries:
search for new sources of profit the Sperm Whale Between the beginning of the 17th and early 18th cen-
came into the fore since 1713. 1789 whaling was ex- tury only Bowheads and Northern Right Whales were
tended into the Pacific Ocean. The supply of ships in the reach of whalers and subsequently are the only
with steam engines and fire armed harpoons since the ones that could have been brought home from the Arc-
1860s allowed hunting of the fast swimming rorquals tic. From the early 18th century onwards Sperm Whale
for the first time. Between mid of the 17th and end bones can be found. Bones of rorquals cannot be used
of the 19th century more than 10.000 German whal- for monuments before the 1860s. Exceptions are some
ing voyages are documented, approximately 1,600 monuments consisting of bones of stranded individu-
of which were carried out from Bremen. Turning to- als. Few data exist for the European subspecies of the
wards local issues, the 1st whaling ship left Bremen Grey Whale, which almost certainly had been hunted to
for the North Atlantic in 1653. Bremen ships took part extinction already around 1700 (Barthelme 1992:50).
in pacific whaling activities from 1836 on. The last
classical whaling voyage from Bremen took place in 4There has been a short German whaling revival in
1872 (Ahlers 1911[1988]; Meyer 1965; Kchelmann the early 20th century, which is left out here.
Fig. 2. Woodcuts
from Magnus
(1555, book 21);
a) carpenters sawing
whale bones
for construction use;
b) hut built
from whalebones b
ACheardach Mhor, Drimore, South Uist, and sever- ent skeletal elements have been utilised for different
al objects of modified whale bone have been utilised functions depending on their shape and dimensions,
as stakes and supports at the broch of Scalloway, e. g. mandible, maxilla, scapula and ribs for frames
Mainland (Mulville 2002:40-41; Smith 1998). and roofs and compact elements like skull, radius,
For the Early Middle Ages archaeological evi- ulna and vertebrae for walls.
dence has been found again on the Shetland Islands at Other evidence can be extracted from historic
the Norse site of Kilpheder, North Uist, where aBlue documents. The probably oldest reference is a re-
Whale humerus has been built into awall (Mulville port of Nearchos, admiral of Alexander the Great.
2002:40-41). More regularly whale bones have been Nearchos, sailing from the mouth of the Indus to
used for house construction at sites of Arctic indig- the Euphrat in 327 BC, reports about his encounter
enous cultures like the Thule Inuit (ca. 1000-1600 with the Ichthyophagi, who use bones from stranded
AD) in Greenland and Canada (Clark 1989:107; Pax whales to build their houses. His report is lost but
1933:365-366; Savelle5 1997, 2000). Here large parts quoted in detail by Flavius Arrianus (2nd century AD)
of the skeleton of Bowheads have been used for the in his Anabasis Alexandri6. Further Strabo (63 BC
construction of different buildings like dwellings, cer-
emonial houses, burials, caches and boat rests. Differ- 6 This man returned and reported that he found some
19 AD) quotes the report in his Geography7, Plin- on church doors in Iceland made of whale bones10
ius (23-79 AD) in his Naturalis historia8. Much (Saeftel 1970:135).
later, in the 16th century, Olaus Magnus gives ade- At the Arctic Inuit sites it is obvious that the use
tailed description of the features of houses made by of whale bones is a necessity resulting out of the
the Scandinavien tribes from the bones of stranded lack of other appropriate construction materials. In
whales (Fig. 2)9. Finally, there are medieval reports remote Northern places like Iceland, the Shetlands
or the Orkneys construction materials like wood or
stone maybe not available in sufficient quantities and
bones of fishes were used to form the roofs. (Arrian,
whale bones may at least come in handy in certain
Anabasis, book 6b, chapter 23); The richest among them
circumstances. However, this precondition does cer-
have built huts; they collect the bones of any large fish
which the sea casts up, and use them in place of beams. tainly not hold true for the Central European home
Doors they make from any flat bones which they can pick countries of the commercial whalers where wood
up. But the greater part of them, and the poorer sort, have and other construction material is abundant. Carry-
huts made from the fishes backbones. (Arrian, Anabasis, ing whale bones from the Arctic to Central Europe
book 8b Indica, chapter 29); Some of these whales go as construction material does not make sense from
ashore at different parts of the coast; and when the ebb the economic point of view, which was the first pri-
comes, they are caught in the shallows; and some even ority of the ship owners. Nevertheless whale bones
were cast ashore high and dry; thus they would perish appear in significant quantities in Central Europe
and decay, and their flesh rotting off them would leave the with the begin of the Early Modern European large
bones convenient to be used by the natives for their huts. scale whaling in the 17th century, not only in coastal
Moreover, the bones in their ribs served for the larger
areas but also in the inland (Redman 2004, 2009,
beams for their dwellings; and the smaller for rafters; the
2010a, 2010b). In the following chapter different
jawbones were the doorposts, since many of these whales
reached a length of five-and-twenty fathoms. (Arrian, uses of large whale bones in Central Europe shall
Anabasis, book 8b Indica, chapter 30); see also Ellis be presented using mainly examples from the city of
(1993:43) and Saeftel (1970:139). Bremen. Reasons and motives shall be discussed.
7 Their dwellings are built with the bones of large
whales and shells, the ribs furnishing beams and sup- together. They look like alarge ship. When rain and air
ports, and the jaw-bones, door-ways. The vertebral bones has cleaned and whitened them, folks were ordered, who
serve as mortars in which fish, which have been previ- carry them to the place where they are wanted and erect
ously dried in the sun, are pounded. (Strabo, Geography, them like ahouse. At the top of the roof ridge or at the
book 15, chapter 2). sides smoke holes were included, the whole is divided up
8 The commanders of the fleets of Alexander the into convenient rooms. From the skin of this animal, which
Great have related that the Gedrosi, who dwell upon the has been treated and dried by the wind in advance, they
banks of the river Arabis, are in the habit of making the make doors. One also provides stables for cattle and pigs
doors of their houses with the jaw-bones of fishes, and therein for the livestock, like in other houses. Translated
raftering the roofs with their bones, many of which were from the German version (Magnus 1555/2006:331-332,
found as much as forty cubits in length. (Plinius, Natura- book 21, chapter 9) by the author.
lis historia, book 9, chapter 2). 10 Churches and other buildings are constructed
9 9. Of houses erected from whole whalefisch ribs. from fishbones, that is whale bones, and these are called
When the meat and the intestines of this monstrous ani- criptoporticus. Unfortunately Saeftel (1970:135) does
mal are consumed and decomposed, the bones remain al- not give asource for his quote.
jaw bone supports, but had to be removed due to 1911[1988]:25; Mohr 1935:369; Oesau 1937:308),
elevation of the dyke in 1906 (Redman 2009:31; which may have reduced the amount of care neces-
Saeftel 1970:130-134). A few kilometres beyond sary for the maintenance of the buildings. There is
another barn (Niederbren 2; Fig. 3:c) still ex- one other hypothesis that needs to be discussed here.
ists in good shape with two pieces of jaw bones In aspecific architectural type of roof-construction,
incorporated in the foundations (Redman 2009: the so-called bentwood or cruck-roofings, the ana-
36-38)12. tomic features of trees are applied as constructive el-
The question remaining is, why did the builders of ements. Trees sometimes have been especially cho-
these houses choose whale bones in the documented sen and shaped during their growth for alater desired
cases? As already stated above shortage of wood purpose as a specific constructive element in roof
is no reasonable argument neither for Bremen nor construction. In these cases trees are not sawn up into
for Whitby or any of the other mentioned locations. straight beams but the natural form of the tree is fit
For the two barns in Bremen astrong connection to into the roof construction (Fig. 4). Cruck houses can
the whaling business is evident: Both farmsteads, to be documented from the early Middle Ages onward
which the barns belong, were inhabited by families in North-West Europe (Saeftel 1970). If this hypoth-
of whaling ship captains in the 18th and early 19th esis holds true, Baleen Whale mandibles may have
century. This may account at least for the access
and availability of whale bones and one may think
of the purchase price in relation to wooden beams
as a possible argument. I will return to this thread
later on in the discussion. Another argument may
have been the different material properties of bone
and wood. Whale bones are more resistant to weath-
ering and fouling than most types of wood (Ahlers
b
Whale Bones as architectural elements in and around Bremen, Germany
215
Fig. 9. a) Minke
Whale (Balaenoptera
acutorostrata) shot
in the river Weser
in 1669, oil painting by
Franz Wulfhagen 1669;
b) chandelier of Common
Rorqual (Balaenoptera
physalus) jawbones
in the city hall 1921
(photo: collection
Barthelme, from
b
Redman 2009:39)
Whale Bones as architectural elements in and around Bremen, Germany
219
be of extraordinary fine quality slowly drips into the
barrels16. Even some notes on prices for jaws are con-
veyed: Apair of jaw bones was sold for 30-32 Shil-
ling in Hull, England, in the 1820s to 1830s. Other
sources from Hull are speaking of prices between 12
Shilling and 2 Pounds 4 Shilling per pair in 1844 de-
pending on the size with an average of 1 Pound per
pair. However, according to Captain William Barron
from Hull, talking about the late days of whaling in
1895 the price declined at the end of the 19th century:
they do not pay for the care and trouble of bring-
ing them home. The price used to be 30s per pair.
(Barthelme 1989:251-252; Redman 2004:xix-xxi).
The practice provides a convincing explanation for
the abundance of whale bones in Europe in general
and for the overrepresentation of jaw bones compared
to other skeletal elements in particular.
Signs
Another function less frequently recorded is the
use of whale bones as signs suspended at pubs,
guesthouses, shops, etc. to attract customers. For this
purpose in the majority of cases the scapula has been Fig. 10. Cattle rubbing post, Bremen-Lesum,
utilised, which offered alarge flat surface area to be Niederbren 2 (photo: L. G. ca. 1905;
painted and inscribed. For Bremen one extraordi- Focke-Museum Bremen, inv. no. B.477c)
nary specimen of this type of object is documented,
a painted right scapula of a Bowhead used as sign
for adistillery (Fig. 8)17.The painting shows glass- 1745. The exact location of the former distillery is
es, distillation devices and aBowhead. On the bot- not known. The sign entered the records for the first
tom an advertisement tells Here brandy is sold and time in 1884, when it was exhibited in an exposi-
distilled18. The painter has kindly added the year tion about whales and whaling. In 1919 it became
part of the collection of the Focke-Museum and
although not destroyed it got lost in the 2nd World
16 An example of alively description gives Friedrich
War.
Gottlieb Khler in 1820: Die Kinnlade wird gleich-
falls hinauf gewunden. Man hngt sie an die Wnde des
Schiffes und setzt ein Fa darunter, worein nach und nach Exhibition objects
ein feiner Thran trpfelt ... The jaw is wound up as
well. One suspends them in the shrouds of the ship and At least since the origin of the Early Modern
sets a barrel underneath, wherein by and by a fine train Wunderkammern in the 16th century whale bones
oil drips .... Quoted after Barthelme (1989:251). Other attracted attention as collectable items (Barthelme
sources quoted by Barthelme (1989:250-251) are Carl 1994:260-261) and during the whole period covered
Friedrich Posselt (1795) and William Scoresby (1820). in this paper from the 17th century until today
See also Redman (2004:xvii-xix) quoting Walter Scott there are numerous examples of whale skeletons and
(1821) and William Bell (1862). skeletal elements in museum collections and exhibi-
17 Barthelme (1994) gives a detailed description of
tions. For Bremen presently 19 items are recorded,
seven additional painted scapulae used as advertising 16 of which are still existing19. Only three objects of
media from other locations. In Hamburg the name of the
special interest shall be introduced here.
street Schulterblatt is said to have been derived from
On the 9th of May 1669 an unlucky Minke Whale
a scapula pub sign. For these and other whale bones as
signs in Germany see also Redman (2009:9-11, 15-16, 33- swam approximately 60 km up the river Weser until
34, 44-45, 53-54, 56-58, 87-88, 111, 117-118, 129-130, the city of Bremen, where he was shot with agun. Alife
133, 136-137, 150). Arib in front of apharmacy in Ve-
rona, Italy, may be mentioned here as example for other 19Two arches, one set of posts and the above men-
skeletal elements used for the same purpose. tioned sign, displayed in two museums have been counted
18 Hir vorkaufft und brenndt man Brhanndte Wein. also in the other categories.
220 Hans Christian Kchelmann
size painting was made of the whale (Fig. 9:a). Later Miscellaneous
on the whale was flensed and processed, the skeleton
was macerated and mounted in the city hall alongside Other utilisations of whale bones include fenc-
with the painting. 1809 the skeleton was transferred es, bridges, boundary stones, cattle rubbing posts,
to the museum, where it is still on display, being the draw wells, tomb slabs, seating devices (like chairs,
oldest mounted large whale skeleton at least in Europe stools, benches) and chopping blocks (Oesau 1937,
(Redman 2009:40-42). In 1884 a large exhibition on 1955; Redman 2004, 2009, 2010a, 2010b). Of all
whaling was held in the garden of the artists society these functions only two objects are recorded for
showing avariety of exhibits around the topic whales Bremen, achair made of avertebra in the Museum
and whaling. Today in the city hall achandelier con- Schloss Schnebeck (Redman 2009:36) and acattle
sisting of two 5.40 m long jaw bones of aCommon rubbing post (Redman 2009:38) once set in afield in
Rorqual is installed (Fig. 9:b). Bremen-Lesum (Fig. 10).
Summary
The city of Bremen stretches approximately 50 bones (Table 2)21. This is probably only the tip of the
km along the river Weser, it covers 325 km2 and has iceberg. There are still several objects that need to be
approximately 546,000 inhabitants20. For this rather clarified before they can be included in the statistic
small area at the present state of research 46 objects as confidently recorded. Most probably many objects
could be documented consisting of aminimum of 119 have long vanished without leaving any trace. Com-
Fig. 11. Map of Bremen with the location of historic and present distribution
of whale bone objects
Whale Bones as architectural elements in and around Bremen, Germany
221
paring the historic record with the situation today it merly independent villages in the countryside under
becomes evident that at least 41% of the objects once the administration of the senate of Bremen, not within
existing have been lost, counted by single bones this the city boundaries until 1921. Since the 17th centu-
number increases to 64% of lost bones. This is mainly ry both villages were a favoured settlement area of
due to the posts / post rows of which nearly all are gone wealthy citizens of Bremen, who built summer resi-
today. In contrast nearly all the items stored in muse- dences with large parks here (Stein 1967:92-94). Most
ums survived, a fact that can easily be attributed to of these citizens were involved in the trading business
curating and the lack of weathering in sheltered indoor and therefore several arches erected here seem to
conditions. To visualise this, the historic and present have been more a reflection of the felt affiliation to
distribution of the whale bone objects has been plotted seafaring of this clientele than an evidence of direct
on amap of the city (Fig. 11). What becomes readily practical involvement in whaling itself. In particular:
apparent here and needs to be explained are the three While in the Northern quarters of Lesum, Leuchten-
visible clusters. The cluster in the North-West is most burg, Vegesack and Schnebeck, the occurrences of
strongly related to the real whaling history. The har- whale bones are mainly related to the estates of fami-
bour of Bremen-Vegesack was built 1618-1623 and lies of whaling ship captains, often farmers, the bones
became the main whaling harbour of Bremen since in the quarters of Oberneuland and Rockwinkel are
the middle of the 17th century. In its vicinity many mainly related to large manors owned by persons of
whaling ship captains had their homesteads, which re- high social status, often ship-owners and merchants.
sulted in aconcentration of whale bone objects in this As Ihopefully was able to demonstrate, this is just
area. The cluster in the area of the city centre is prob- the beginning of an extensive research project. Lots
ably simply due to the fact that it was the main centre of questions waiting to be revealed and resolved. Ad-
of activity since the Early Middle Ages. Further, it is ditional facts and information is still very welcome.
the location of the two main museums. Less easily to And if you, dear reader, happen to find awhale bone
explain is the cluster in the East. These are the todays in acondition like the one in figure 5:d, please take
city quarters of Oberneuland and Rockwinkel, for- action!
Acknowledgements
Aresearch like this cannot be undertaken without and also to this paper. Klaus died unexpectedly in
the aid of many helpful persons. Iam first of all in- February 2011 while this article was in prepara-
debted to Nicholas Redman (Teddington, UK) with- tion. Iam further grateful to the following persons
out whom the large set of detailed data, of which for their contributions, interest, support, photos, pa-
this paper is only ashort summary, would not have tience, .... :
been as comprehensive as it is now. I would like to Satze Ariker (Bremen), Hannelore Bade (Focke-
dedicate this paper to Klaus Barthelme (Kln), who Museum Bremen), Peter-Ren Becker (bersee-
contributed valuable information for several years Museum Bremen), Ursula Beckrge (Stadtteilarchiv
222 Hans Christian Kchelmann
Oberneuland, Bremen), Egon Binder (Osnabrck), kanzlei Bremen), Angela Piplak (Bremen), Ursula
Dieter Bischop (Landesarchologie Bremen), Tobias Pohl (Leuchtenburg), Hinrich Schierenbeck & Anne-
Bckermann (Neue Osnabrcker Zeitung, Meppen), marie Schnieder (Arbeitskreis Arster Geschichte(n)
Wigmar Bressel (Koch & Bergfeld Bremen), Erika Bremen), Harry & Heike Schwarzwlder (Amt fr
Gal (Budapest), Friedrich Greve (Arbeitskreis Arster Straen- und Brckenbau Bremen), Simone & Volker
Geschichte(n) Bremen), Peter Hahn (Landesamt fr Strobel (Leuchtenburg), Marc Tienken (Gttingen),
Denkmalpflege Bremen), Susanne Henen (Palaeo- Alexander von der Decken (Weser-Kurier Bremen),
werkstatt Goch), Heinz-Gerd Hofschen (Focke-Mu- Klaus Wechsler (bersee-Museum Bremen), Man-
seum Bremen), Ludwig Koch, Hans Walter & Sigrid fred Wegner (Stadtgrn Bremen), Lena Whlke (Haus
Kchelmann (Bremen), Bernadeta Kufel (Wroclaw), der Wissenschaft Bremen), Ingrid & Rainer Whlke
Thomas Kuppel (Bremen), Hauke Nehring (Senats- (Bremen), Elfriede & Hinrich Wolf (Bremen).
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Barthelme, K. 1989. Walkinnladen in Wanten Mari- und ihr Einflu auf die bremische Wirtschaft, Bremisches
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Marloes Rijkelijkhuizen
Introduction
The Dutch ivory trade flourished in the 17th and ivory, whereas the earlier Dutch ivory trade was based
18th through the importation of tusks from the coast in West-Africa. Is our image of man-high tusks correct
of West-Africa. Some of these tusks were then re-ex- in the case of this Dutch ivory trade?
ported to other countries across Europe and to Asia but Using historical records and archaeological evi-
the majority was crafted into various objects by Dutch dence this paper focuses on determining the size range
ivory craftsmen. The popular conception of ivory trad- of the elephant tusks that were shipped from western
ing in the past is of great piles of enormous tusks being Africa to the Dutch Republic and examines the evi-
shipped all over the world, an image reinforced by 19th dence for selection on the basis of size for tusks that
and early 20th century photographs. Figure 1 shows were re-export or crafted into objects. In addition,
record breaking tusks that are larger than atall men or the term crevellen, which is used in the historical
even adoorpost from this later period. However, such sources to indicate aparticular type of small tusk, is
photographs generally represent trade in East-African investigated.
lated, as the original lengths of examples can not be tion to the ivory trade at the end of the 17th to the be-
estimated from the surviving evidence. ginning of the 18th century. Inventories and wills of
The National Archive holds the records of the craftsmen working in ivory and other materials can
West India Company, the major importer of ivory be found in the notarial archives at the Amsterdam
to the Dutch Republic in the 17th and 18th centuries. city archives. These records provide information that
Feinberg and Johnson (1982) and Den Heijer (1997) both complements the archaeological data and helps
have made athorough study of these records in rela- in its interpretation (Rijkelijkhuizen 2009).
Results
The calculated tusk circumferences from the lon- and 573 mm 10-20%. The three complete waste
gitudinal strips and base trimmings fall between 122 fragments from the base of the tusk have acircum-
Fig. 7. Calculated
circumferences
from the archaeological
waste fragments
Fig. 8. Number
and weight of tusks
recorded in the inventory
of knife maker
Menso Sadelaer in 1708
(Stadarchief Amsterdam,
Notarial Amsterdam 4711)
Large or small? African elephant tusk sizes and the Dutch ivory trade and craft
229
ferences of 123, 171 and 185 mm (Fig. 7). The com- are very large and tusks up to 100 kg are record-
plete tusk has acircumference of 150 mm at its base ed in the lists. Kok (1794:70) also mentions tusks
and 160 mm mid-way along the tusk, alength of 800 of these weights but both might possibly be exag-
mm along its outer curve and 710 mm along its inner gerations.
curve. Inventories are another important source that
Feinberg and Johnson (1982) have used West In- throws light on the Dutch elephant ivory trade and
dia Company cargo lists between the year 1699 and craft. The inventory of the knife maker Menso Sad-
1725 AD to calculate the average weight of the tusks, elaer (Stadarchief Amsterdam, Notarial Amsterdam
both crevellen and teeth, that were imported to the 4711) records the total amount of tusks present in
Dutch Republic (table 1). The weights are averages, his shop at aparticular point of time in 1708. This
because individual tusks were not weighed, but the inventory groups the tusks by weight, giving the
figures were calculated from the total mass of tusks number of tusks and total weight of ivory in each
in each category. Asmall proportion of these tusks weight category (Fig. 8).
Fig. 9. Complete tusk, excavated in Amsterdam (NZR2-PR4-2). Collection: BMA, photo: Marloes Rijkelijkhuizen
230 Marloes Rijkelijkhuizen
very much larger than those from the Ivory Coast (58
kg in weight, 280 cm outer curve length and 49 cm
circumference; Sikes 1971, 112) so it seems unlikely
that, without further testing and calibrations, Pilgram
and Westerns technique can be used to sex or age
western or central African elephant tusks with any
confidence. Another complication with the archaeo-
logical material is that although the place of shipment
is known to be West-Africa, the provenance of the
tusks is not certain. Some may have been traded over
vast distances, even from East Africa. However, if this
technique is applied to the one complete tusk from
Amsterdam (Fig. 9), it appears to be from a9.5 year
old female elephant. None of the other ivory work-
ing material from the excavations provides enough
information to attempt sex or age determination us-
ing Pilgram and Westerns technique. The small cir-
cumferences of the archaeological material and the
Fig. 10. Waste fragment from the base
weights recorded in the historical sources (Fig. 7-8)
of the tusk (NZR2-115-4). Collection: BMA,
all fall within the range of variation of both male or photo: Marloes Rijkelijkhuizen
female African elephant, as shown in Table 2, which
is based on data published by Pilgram and Western
(1986), Sikes (1971) and Parker (1979). comb and, therefore, in the case of the largest comb
with alength of 125 mm, acircumference of at least
Selection of tusks 314 mm. The smaller combs were formed from
shorter plaques also cut parallel to the diameter but
The large variation in tusk size recorded in the WIC from towards edge of atusk (Fig. 2:g). In contrast,
cargo lists suggests that no selection based on tusk knife makers could make knife handles from even
size took place in the case of acquisition and importa- the smallest of tusks, as these are invariably worked
tion. This does not mean, however, that there was no from longitudinal rods of ivory. In the inventory of
preference for large or small tusks but that this did not Menso Sadelaers shop, 996 out of 1077 tusks in
influence the available supply of tusks. The Dutch did stock were 4 kg or less in weight (Fig. 8); equivalent
not hunt elephants themselves, but were dependant on to the crevellen recorded on the WIC cargo lists
the African inhabitants to bring the tusks to the coastal (Table 1). The remainder were all quite small tusks
areas where they were traded. Very large tusks were and the heaviest, at 16.4 kg, are about the weight of
probably not often imported, or imported separately the standard teeth (16.8 kg) identified on the same
from the bulk of the tusks. In contrast, selection does cargo lists, whilst big tusks ware entirely absent.
seem to have been exercised at the stage of re-export. The calculated tusk circumferences, gained from
Elephant tusks were shipped from the Dutch Republic the waste material excavated in Amsterdam, also in-
by the East-India Company (Verenigde Oostindische dicate apredominance of very small tusks. Compar-
Compagnie, hereafter VOC) to Asia, including Persia, ing these with the typical circumferences of African
India and China, where large African elephant tusks Elephants in Table 2, they are around a1/3rd of the
were highly valued. Importers in Japan, especially size that male elephants can develop and even on the
requested long and perfect tusks (National Archives, small side for female elephants. The one complete
Archive of the VOC 13472). excavated tusk fits with this evidence, being only
Selection also seems to have been exercised by alittle over the maximum size of that observed in
Dutch craftsman who had different demands of the female African elephants. Although the smaller tusks
material. For instance, comb makers needed bigger seem to predominate, waste fragments and finished
tusks than knife makers. Ivory combs excavated in combs indicate that larger tusks with a circumfer-
Amsterdam have alength of 30 to 125 mm. Observa- ence of 314 to 573 mm 10-20% were also used.
tion of the structure of the ivory shows that the larger
combs were formed from alongitudinal plaque cut Crevellen
across the diameter of atusk (Fig. 2:g-h). The comb
teeth lie in the longitudinal direction of the tusk. It is clear from the historical sources that crevel-
A tusk would have had a diameter longer than the len were very small teeth, but this term seems to con-
Large or small? African elephant tusk sizes and the Dutch ivory trade and craft
231
vey something more than just size. As discussed, tusk Parker 1979:151). DNA studies have now shown
size is determined by anumber of factors including that savannah (or bush) and forest elephants are
age, sex and provenance. The affect of provenance is actually different species; Loxodonta africana and
acomplex issue and particularly in Africa were differ- Loxodonta cyclotis respectively (Roca et al. 2001).
ent populations of elephant may have very different One of the waste pieces excavated in Amsterdam is
diets and experience different climatic conditions. especially straight and slender and is quite possibly
The forest elephant lives in dense forests in West from aforest elephant tusk (Fig. 10). The different
and Central Africa and is smaller than the savannah properties of the ivories these species produce could
elephant of East Africa. The forest elephant also has have been of great importance to craftsmen in 17th
smaller and rounder ears, smaller, more slender and and 18th century Amsterdam. It is unknown from
straighter tusks that point downwards, and the ivory historical sources if the Dutch only grouped crevel-
from these tusks is said to be darker, harder and dens- len by size or classification was also based on other
er than savannah elephant ivory (Sykes 1971:14-15; aspects such as hardness and colour.
Conclusions
Despite the inaccuracies inherent in the circum- have had different needs. Comb makers would have
ference calculations, these results allow some con- needed relatively large tusks for their longest combs,
clusions to be drawn from the archaeological data and probably paid apremium for them, whilst knife
that both complements and supplements the histori- handle makers were clearly working with very small
cal records of the Dutch ivory trade and craft indus- tusks. Selection on the basis of ease of carving, colour,
try in the 17th and 18th centuries. strength or hardness could also have been important
The variation and range of the tusk sizes in the ships factors for other applications. It is possible that such
cargoes suggest that little selection was exercised in physical characteristics are what distinquished acrev-
the export trade from West Africa and that tusks of ellen from other small tusks. Perhaps acrevellen was
old and young, male and female individuals were in- specifically the small, straight, slender tusk of ayoung
cluded. The bulk of these tusks could have derived West African forest elephant that would provide harder
from forest elephant populations relatively close to the ivory than its East African equivalent.
ports, but the few very large tusks perhaps indicate that Questions still remain as to the provenance of the
some had been traded over longer distances, perhaps 17th and 18th century ivory found in the archaeologi-
from the savannahs of East Africa. Once imported cal sites of Amsterdam and in the definition of the
into the Netherlands, it is possible that the very largest term crevellen. It is possible that, through acombi-
tusks were selectively re-exported to Asia whilst the nation of new historical research, aDNA studies and
less valuable tusks were sold on to service the domes- stable isotope analysis, these questions could even-
tic craft industries. Specialist craft workshops would tually be answered.
Table 1. Average weight of three categories of tusks imported by the West India Company,
between 1699 and 1725, in Dutch pounds and kilograms, after Feinberg, Johnson (1982)
Table 2. The range of size and weight of male and female African elephant tusks
from data published by Pilgram and Western (1986), Sikes (1971), and Parker (1979)
Acknowledgements
Iwould like to thank Sonia OConnor (University of (University of Amsterdam), Louise van Wijngaarden-
Bradford), Jerzy Gawronski (BMA and University of Bakker (University of Amsterdam), Rik Maliepaard
Amsterdam), Peter Kranendonk (BMA), Wiard Krook (University of Amsterdam), Henk den Heijer (Univer-
(BMA), Gerard Graas (BMA) and Leo Noordegraaf sity of Leiden) and Josina Rijkelijkhuizen.
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Amsterdam: Johannes Allart. in Africa, Science 293, 1473-7.
Parker T.S.C. 1979. The ivory trade. Unpublished Re- Sikes, S.K. 1971. The natural history of the African
port of the United States Fish & Wildlife Service. elephant, London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson.
Bernadeta Kufel-Diakowska
The Hamburgian
Zinken perforators and burins
flint tools as evidence
of antler working
Antler finds dated back to the Final Palaeolithic are rare in the Middle European Lowlands due to unfavourable
depositional conditions. Moreover two important issues antler working and flint tool utilization are considered sepa-
rately in the Palaeolithic studies. Use-wear analysis of flint artifacts show traces of antler working mostly on burins
and Zinken perforators. Nevertheless microscopic studies give information concerning worked material but do not dis-
cuss neither what type of flint tools were engaged in particular stage of antler working nor if were they multifunctional
tools or acraftsman needed two or more types of tools in aparticular stage of work. Experimental method allows to
understand how flint tools were used and what kind of atool edge is required in aparticular activity. It also helps to
determine efficiency of hafted and unhafted tools. In this paper Iwould like to discuss the use of burins and Zinken
perforators in working antler. According to the general, morphological analysis of flint tools and antler artefacts, burins
were used for making grooves and Zinken perforators for obtaining antler blades. Experimental research and use-wear
analysis show that they were rather multifunctional tools.
Keywords: the Final Palaeolithic, Hamburgian, Zinken perforators, burins, use-wear analysis, antler working
Introduction
The Hamburgian culture represents the oldest 2006). Assemblages have been dated back to the
colonization of the West and the Middle European Blling Interstadial (14C years BP: 13,000-12,000)
Lowlands since the last glacial period. Settlements and the Older Dryas (14C years BP: 12,000-11,800),
have been identified in north-western Germany which correspond with the beginning of the Final
(Schleswig-Holstein, Lower Saxony) and the Neth- Palaeolithic (Burdukiewicz 1999). Faunal remains
erlands. A few sites are known from Denmark and pollen studies show that the European Lowlands
and southern Scandinavia (Larsson 1993; Eriksen were covered by tundra and birch park forest and
2002) as well as from Poland (Burdukiewicz 1987; that reindeer (Rangifer tarandus) were the most im-
Kabaciski et al. 2002; Kabaciski, Kobusiewicz portant prey (Bratlund 1994:60; Burdukiewicz et al.
2007). Note and the middle part of the Vistula are 2007:74). Together with shouldered points Zinken
believed to form the eastern border of the Hambur- perforators and burins were the most numerous flint
gian expansion (Bobrowski, Sobkowiak-Tabaka implements in the assemblages in question.
234 Bernadeta Kufel-Diakowska
Fig. 2. Burins
from Olbrachcice 8
236 Bernadeta Kufel-Diakowska
Fig. 3.
1 use-wear polish
on experimental
Zinken perforator
from scraping antler awl;
2-6 use-wear polish
on archaeological
Zinken perforators
from scraping antler;
7 use-wear polish
on experimental burin
from incising antler;
8 use-wear polish
on archaeological
Zinken perforator
from incising antler
amined separately (e.g. ajnerov-Dukov 2007; antler tools. I believe that some conclusions might
Petillion 2008). We do not know what types of stone be drawn from experiments combined with use-wear
implements were used for making particular bone or analysis of flint tools.
Microscopic analysis
A dozen complete Hamburgian concentrations of all retouched tools). Zinken perforators from Ol-
were excavated by J. Burdukiewicz in the Kopanica brachcice 8 were made from massive, mostly crested
valley, southern Poland (Burdukiewicz 1987, 1999; blades and blunt, slightly curved tips were mostly
Burdukiewicz et al. 2007). Site no. 8 at Olbrachcice formed in the proximal part of blades by abrupt or
(Burdukiewicz 1984) represents the richest scatter semi-abrupt retouch (Fig. 1:1-9). Flake and blade
and numbers over 5500 flint artefacts, including 53 burins were produced by removing at least one burin
burins and 49 Zinken perforators (together 26,7% spall (Fig. 2:1-6).
The Hamburgian Zinken perforators and burins flint tools as evidence of antler working
237
Fig. 4.
1-2 use-wear polish
on experimental
Zinken perforator
and blade from
sawing antler;
3 antler hafting
polish on archaeological
Zinken perforator;
4 use-wear polish
on archaeological burin
from scraping animal
hard material
Twenty one burins (on the unmodified end, with cate the working of unspecified hard animal materi-
truncation and dihedral burins) and 31 Zinken perfo- al. Traces of use (rounding and bright or matt polish)
rators were selected for the macroscopic and micro- concentrated on one, concave edge of atip (Fig. 3:2-
scopic observations in order to determine their func- 6, 8). There are also step fractures that could have
tion. The tools were examined using areflected-light resulted from use or retouching (re-sharpening?) and
microscope at magnifications up to 57 and ametal- it is not possible to differentiate between these two
lographic microscope at magnifications 100-500. activities. Hafting traces were recorded on 3 imple-
Microscopic use-wear traces were identified on ments (Fig. 4:3).
14 Zinken perforators (afurther 8 specimens could Microscopic traces of use were identified on 9
have been used), mostly on the very edge of their tips burins. Bright polish and scratches mostly appear on
or concave edges of tips, more rarely on the blades the tips and edges of burin facet, more seldom on
edges. Moreover, afew Zinken perforators are bro- the flake edges. Use-wear traces are characteristic
ken (as aresult of use?) and only curved tips were for the working of antler, bone or unspecified hard
found during excavations (Fig. 1:10-12). Microwear material (Fig. 4:4). No hafting traces were recorded,
traces are difficult to identify, but they mostly indi- only traces related to prehension on 1 implement.
Experiments
The main aim of the experimental program was to In our experiments we adopted amethod of antler
re-enact various methods of use of Zinken perforators working in the Final Palaeolithic described over 40
and burins in order to test their efficiency in the work- years ago by A. Rust (1943) and R. Feustel (1973)
ing of antler, as well as to examine use-wear traces, and improved by other scholars (for references see
their formation and dynamic. Since the working of e.g. Petillon 2008, Bokelmann 1988). They de-
antler was most probably done by men and required scribed groove and splinter technique amethod
many years of training, all experiments were carried of antler blades production. First of all abeam was
out by Marcin Diakowski, an archaeologist skilled in divided into several parts, depending on a kind of
bone and antler working. Red-deer (Cervus elephus) afinal product and tines were cut off (activities: saw-
and reindeer (Rangifer tarandus) antler and Zinken ing and breaking; tools: Zinken perforators, burins,
perforators, burins and blades knapped from erratic blades; Fig. 5:1). Then parallel grooves 5mm wide
flint from Poland (Lower Silesia) and Germany (R- and of various length were incised in abeam through
gen) were used in experiments. Antlers were softened compact layer along natural vessel canals (activity:
by soaking in water before and during work. incising; tools: burins, blades; Fig. 5:2-3) in order to
238 Bernadeta Kufel-Diakowska
Fig. 5. Experiments:
1 dividing antler beam
(using ablade);
2-3 groove and splinter
technique (using aflint
burin);
4 obtaining antler
blades;
5-8 use of Zinken
perforator;
5 obtaining antler
blades;
6 making aprojectile
(scraping);
7 making ahaft
(drilling);
8 making aharpoon
(drilling)
obtain antler blades (activity: wedging; tools: Zinken were too thick and incising wider grooves would
perforators; Fig. 5:4-5) semi-products for making have been wasteful. Zinken perforators were robust
projectiles and awls (activity: scraping; tools: Zinken long-life tools, but the concave edges of the tips
perforators, burins; Fig. 5:6). We also made hafts and used for scraping had to be re-sharpened from time
harpoons from antler beams (activity: drilling and to time. Microscopic traces of scraping and drilling
scraping; tools: Zinken perforators; Fig. 5:7-8). For are well observed on tips and are the most similar
microscopic analysis flint tools used in experiments to traces on archaeological artefacts from Olbrach-
were cleaned in ultrasonic tank. cice 8 (Fig. 3:1-6). Zinken perforators broke most
Replicas of Zinken perforators were the most often while holes were being drilled. It is worth
efficient tools for drilling holes (making hafts and to mention that using hafted Zinken perforators is
harpoons) and scraping antler blades (making pro- more comfortable than using unhafted tools. Fi-
jectiles and awls). To obtain antler blades acrafts- nally, we found Zinken perforators universal tools
man needed to have abone chisel or adifferent kind which can be used for various tasks when working
of wedge, because the tips of Zinken perforators with antler.
The Hamburgian Zinken perforators and burins flint tools as evidence of antler working
239
Burin tips are highly efficient for incising grooves are perfect for scraping antler blades (making pro-
(instead of sawing). Moreover they are much better jectiles). These two activities produce microscopic
than the edges of flint blades, because the tips do wear patterns that are almost identical to traces found
not get worn so quickly. The edges of burin facets on archaeological tools (Fig. 3:7-8; 4:4).
Acknowledgements
Iwould like to thank Prof. J. Burdukiewicz (Insti- and Marcin Diakowski (PhD candidate, Institute of
tute of Archaeology, Wrocaw University) for access Archaeology, Wrocaw University) for doing the ex-
to all the archaeological material used in this study perimental work.
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Social contexts
Heidi Luik, Mirja Ots, Liina Maldre
Introduction
The aim of the paper is to analyse and compare the gation because there are Neolithic sites where finds in-
bone artefacts among archaeological finds in Neolithic clude bone artefacts (Naakame and Loona) while the
and Bronze Age in Estonia and investigate which arte- overwhelming majority of Bronze Age bone artefacts
fact types were continually used and which new types in Estonia come from the fortified settlements of the
were introduced in the Bronze Age. Choices in raw Late Bronze Age on Saaremaa (mainly Asva, but also
material and working techniques in different periods Ridala and Kaali) (Fig. 1). In Estonian archaeology the
are also compared. The problem is that bone finds defi- periods of the Neolithic and the Bronze Age are divided
nitely belonging to the Early Bronze Age in Estonia are as follows: the Early Neolithic 49004200/4100 BC,
few. The island of Saaremaa was selected for investi- the Middle Neolithic 4200/41003200/3000 BC, the
244 Heidi Luik, Mirja Ots, Liina Maldre
Fig. 1. Neolithic (Naakame and Loona) and Bronze Age (Asva, Ridala and Kaali) sites on the island of Saaremaa,
mentioned in the analysis. (Figure by Kersti Siitan and Heidi Luik)
Fig. 2. Photos of sites: a archaeological excavations on the Neolithic Naakame site in 1961 or 1962;
b Neolithic Loona site and late Bronze Age stone grave in 1958; c fortified settlement of Asva in 1931.
(Photos from the Archives of Institute of History, Tallinn University: AI FK 10982, 10983, 2879)
From the Neolithic to the Bronze Age: continuity and changes in bone artefacts in Saaremaa, Estonia
245
Late Neolithic 3200/30001800 BC, the Early Bronze settlement site (Fig. 2:b; Jaanits et al. 1982:84, 149-
Age 18001100 BC, the Late Bronze Age 1100500 150, pl. VII; Lang 2007:21, 153, fig. 3, 87).
BC (Lang, Kriiska 2001). Asva (Fig. 2:c) and Ridala are fortified settle-
The composition and number of finds is undoubt- ment sites which were located on the coast, while
edly influenced by the type of site they are found on. Kaali, located beside ameteorite crater, is probably
Naakame (Fig. 2:a) and Loona are located on the an enclosed cult site. Asva and Ridala belong to the
coast where seal-hunting and fishing were the basic later phase of the Late Bronze Age 900-500 BC,
means of subsistence; their finds belong to the Mid- Kaali is slightly later, its 14C datings remain be-
dle and Late Neolithic (Lugas et al. 1996:408-409, tween 760-210 BC, i.e. Late Bronze Age and early
tables II-III; Kriiska 2002:48, table 2; Jussila, Kri- Pre-Roman Iron Age (Lang 2007:60 ff., 75-77, fig.
iska 2004:18, tables 1-2).1 As for Loona, it has been 21). Bronze casting and trade related with it was an
assumed that people lived there not only in the Late important occupation for the inhabitants of fortified
Neolithic but also in the Early Bronze Age. A late settlements; supposedly the emergence of fortified
Bronze Age stone grave2 was also found within the settlements was connected with the necessity of or-
ganizing bronze casting and bronze circulation and
1E.g. Naakame 2680210 14C cal BC and Loona control trade routes. Animal husbandry and cultiva-
2725375 14C cal BC (Jussila, Kriiska 2004: table 2:50, tion played an important part in daily life and peo-
57). ple practised seal hunting and fishing as well. Finds
2Human bone fragment from Loona is dated to the include, besides pottery and casting moulds, quite
Late Bronze Age: 909 (830) 802 14C cal BC (Lugas et al. a large number of bone and antler artefacts (Lang
1996:409, tables II, III, fig. 2). 2007:70-71, 95 ff.).
Fig. 3. Fishing spears and harpoon heads from the Neolithic sites of Loona (1-7, 12) and Naakame (8-11, 13). All
identified specimens are made from elk long bones. (AI 4210: 1116, 1169; 4129: 172; 4210: 933, 1146, 1486; 4129:
293; 4211: 1597, 1443, 1321, 1344; 4210: 666; 4211: 187) (Figures 3-18 by Heidi Luik)
246 Heidi Luik, Mirja Ots, Liina Maldre
ous among the finds from Loona over 8000 iden- Asva and Ridala (Lugas 1994; Lang 2007:110-111;
tifiable bones, the overwhelming majority of which Maldre 2008). Both Neolithic and Bronze Age finds
come from cod (Gadus morhua); in Naakame fish include harpoons related to seal hunting, but differ-
bones are less numerous with only about fifty iden- ences in shape and size can be observed in objects
tifiable bones (Lugas 1997a: table 2). Seal bones from different periods. Finds from the Neolithic
are abundant on both Neolithic sites (Lugas 1997b: sites of Naakame and Loona include harpoon frag-
table 1), as well as at the Bronze Age settlements of ments (Fig. 3:11-13; Jaanits et al. 1982: fig. 63:1),
From the Neolithic to the Bronze Age: continuity and changes in bone artefacts in Saaremaa, Estonia
247
but they are smaller than the later, late Bronze Age have not been found among the Bronze Age finds.
harpoons from Asva and Ridala (Fig. 4; Vassar 1955: Bone fishing hooks have been also found at Neo-
fig. 35:1-3; Luik in press: fig. 11). Fishing spears oc- lithic sites (e.g. Tamula and Valma in South Estonia:
cur only among the Neolithic finds. Most fishing Jaanits et al. 1982: Fig. 49:1-5, 54:1-7; L. Lugas
spears from Loona and Naakame are barbed on 1996: Fig. 8:1-5) although they are absent from the
one side although a few specimens have barbs on Neolithic bone tool assemblages from Loona and
both sides (Fig. 3:1-10; Jaanits et al. 1982: fig. 63:2- Naakame.
4, 5). Fishing spears were mostly made from bone. Arrowheads are found in settlements of both
Those that can be identified to the species level were periods. The Neolithic finds discussed in this pa-
made from elk bone diaphyses. Neolithic harpoons per include only one definite bone arrowhead from
are also made from bone while Bronze Age ones Naakame (Jaanits et al. 1982, fig. 63:6) along with
were usually made from elk antler (Fig. 4:1-5) with several arrowheads made from stone, e.g. from
the exception of some small harpoons still made quartz. The Neolithic arrowheads and some of the
from bone (Fig. 4:6; Vassar 1955: fig. 35:6; Luik Bronze Age ones were most likely mainly used in
in press: fig. 12). Undoubtedly fishing was prac- hunting. Bronze Age assemblages also contain pro-
tised on Bronze Age settlements as well although jectiles which, based on their shape, were apparently
in that period nets were probably used as suggest- weapons (Fig. 5:1-6; Luik 2006). Neolithic finds in-
ed by the presence on the site of Asva of probable clude some bone spearheads as well. The spearheads
stone netsinkers (Vassar 1955: pl. XXIII:6). Fishing found at Naakame were made from the limb bones
nets were already known in the Neolithic netsink- of elk (Fig. 5:9; Jaanits et al. 1982: fig. 63:11). Bone
ers have also come to light at Neolithic settlements spearheads are rare among Bronze Age finds from
(e.g. Kriiska 1997:10; Kriiska, Salur 2000:18, Estonia, one, at least, is known from Ridala (Fig.
table 1, fig. 4). Technical differences between the 5:7). Afragment of an artefact made from roe deer
two periods lie in the use of fishing spears, which or sheep/goat femur was found at the Neolithic site
248 Heidi Luik, Mirja Ots, Liina Maldre
of Loona (Fig. 5:8). It resembles the tip of the spear- fied settlements in Lithuania. This artefact class is
head from the Bronze Age site of Ridala, but because not so numerous in Latvia (e.g. Grigalaviien 1995:
it is so fragmented it is not possible to say whether fig. 58; Vasks 1994: pl. VIII:3-6). In the Late Bronze
that it is definitely a spearhead. A large number of Age this artefact type was characterised by extreme
bone spearheads has been found at Bronze Age forti- standardization in the eastern Baltic region: they
From the Neolithic to the Bronze Age: continuity and changes in bone artefacts in Saaremaa, Estonia
249
periods as well. Seal bones have been used for mak-
ing bone awls at the Neolithic sites of Loona and
Naakame. Finds from Naakame include at least
27 seal bone awls while there are 11 of them from
Loona (Fig. 6:1-4). In most cases, seal fibula was
used; only afew awls are made from tibia or meta-
tarsal bones. Awls from elk or wild boar bones have
been also found (Fig. 6:5, 7) with single specimens
each from roe deer, fox and marten bones (Fig. 6:8-
10). Some awls were also produced from bird bones:
finds from Naakame include two small specimens
made from the humerus and ulna of Anseriformes;
and finds from Loona include alarge awl made from
a swan tibiotarsus and another specimen made of
indeterminable bird bone (Fig. 6:6, 11-12).3 Some
of the Neolithic awls have very fine sharpened tips,
which allowed making very small holes (e.g. Fig.
6:9-12). In the Bronze Age sites of Asva and Ridala
awls made from goat/sheep metapodials are espe-
cially typical (Fig. 7:1-6; Luik 2009; in press: fig. 2).
One such awl is also known from the Neolithic site
Fig. 9. Hoes or ard points made from elk antler
of Naakame although this specimen was made from
from the Bronze Age site of Asva. (AI 4366: 1832, 1534)
roe deer bone (Fig. 6:8). In the Bronze Age, cattle
and horse bones were also used for making awls
were almost always made from tibiae of goat/sheep while some specimens made from bones of wild
so that their shape was always the same even to animals, e.g. rudimentary metapodial of elk, have
the point that an antler spearhead imitating the shape also been found (Fig. 7:7-12; Maldre, Luik 2009:43,
of bone ones has been found at Narknai in Lithua- fig. 8:2-8; Luik in press, fig. 3). Neolithic finds also
nia (Luik, Maldre 2007:13-14, 19-20, 31, fig. 13, include artefacts with chisel-shaped working edges
26, 27). made from wild boar tusks and elk bones (Fig. 8:4-
Various awls and points, probably used in leath- 8). Artefacts made from wild boar tusks have also
er-working and textile production, are artefact types been described as knives owing to their sharp edges;
that occur among find assemblages from both the their other end sometimes has asharp tip (Fig. 8:7;
Neolithic and Bronze Age. Differences can be ob-
served in their shape and material between these two 3 Identified by Teresa Tomek.
Jaanits et al. 1982: fig. 63:10). Artefacts with chisel- asickle (Fig. 10:3). Such artefacts are not found in
shaped working ends have also been found at Bronze Neolithic materials in Estonia.
Age settlements (Fig. 8:1-3). The appearance of antler cheek-pieces (Fig. 11:1-
New artefact types introduced in the Bronze Age 2) on Bronze Age sites suggests the use of horse for
include hoe blades or ard points made of antler con- riding, and the earliest definite finds of horse bones
nected to cultivation (Fig. 9; Lang 2007:107-108, also come from Bronze Age sites. Small quantities
fig. 48; Luik in press: fig. 7) as well as artefacts with of horse bones have been found on Neolithic sites
notched edges made from scapula (Fig. 10:1-2). Their of Southeast Estonia (Akali, Tamula) but these are
purpose is unknown although it has been suggested supposed to belong to wild horse (Maldre, Luik
that they were used in the processing of leather, pot- 2009:37). Other new, Bronze Age types of arte-
tery, straps or cords, and meat (Hsek 1966:266 ff.; facts include antler spoons, as well as handles made
Feustel 1980:7 ff.; Walter, Mbes 1988:245; Northe from antler and carefully finished (Fig. 11:3-8; Vas-
2001:179 ff.). It has been also supposed that the tools sar 1955: pl. XXIII:4; Luik 2011:42-43, fig. 7).
made from scapula were used as agricultural imple- Such finds may be also connected with anew life-
ments, e.g. hoes (Steppan 2001:88), tools for process- style, e.g. the appearance of antler spoons together
ing flax (Lehmann 1931:42; Indreko 1939:27-28), or with small and finely made bowls and dishes has
sickles for cutting crop (Kriiska et al. 2005:25; Lang been connected to an increased attention to table
2007:109, 111-112, fig. 51; Luik, Lang 2010). An ar- manners (Lang 2007:230-231; cf. e.g. Srensen
tefact made from apig mandible is apparently also 2000:112 ff.).
From the Neolithic to the Bronze Age: continuity and changes in bone artefacts in Saaremaa, Estonia
251
Fig. 12. Pendants and beads from the Neolithic sites of Loona (1-11) and Naakame (12-19).
1 pierced seal canines, 2 grooved seal canines, 3 fox canine, 4 canines of Mustelidae, 5 abear incisor,
6 elk incisors, 7 auroch incisors, 8 wild boar tusk, 9 unpierced dog or wolf canine,
10 small pierced plates from wild boar tusks; 11 tubular beads from bird radii, 12 elk incisors,
13 seal canines, 14 elk incisor with triangular cut; 15 dog canine, 16 wild boar incisor with unfinished hole,
17 pierced wild boar incisor, 18 grooved wild boar incisor, 19 pendants from bird bones (humerus of Anatidae sp.
and ulna of Anser sp.). (AI 4210: 185, 6, 1285, 615, 756, 478, 572, 998, 1172, 793, 620, 641, 1477, 1295,
710, 416, 1534, 1488; 4129: 1448; 4210: 476, 1302; 4129: 825, 966, 1074; 1037; 4210: 1005; 4129: 958 (2x);
4211: 371, 1072, 109, 267, 1524, 422, 1084, 1391, 1433, 284, 317, 355)
Small personal objects Finds from the Neolithic site of Loona include
alot of pendants made from animal teeth more than
Besides the aforementioned artefacts, which are 60 specimens. The largest number, 48 pendants, are
hunting weapons or household tools, the finds from made from seal canines (Fig. 12:1, 2). Seal canine
these sites include artefacts related to dress pen- pendants have been also found from the Neolithic
dants, buttons and decorative pins. settlements of ventoji in Lithuania and from the
252 Heidi Luik, Mirja Ots, Liina Maldre
Mesolithic and Neolithic cemetery of Zvejnieki in canines, 1 wolf canine and 1 fox canine: Lugas
Latvia (Rimantien 1996a:54, 76, fig. 40, 1996b:135, 1997a:16, appendix II.B). Most of the tooth pendants
169, fig. 51: 7-9; 56; Zagorska 2000:282, fig. 5: 3-10; were perforated although afew grooved specimens
Lugas 2006:88, fig. 7, 8, 11). They also occur in the have been also found (Fig. 12:2, 18). Apendant of
Neolithic burials on Gotland (Janzon 1974:132, pl. wild boar incisor from Naakame has an unfinished
13; Burenhult 1991: fig. 109, 112: 11; Martinsson- hole (Fig. 12:16) and one elk incisor pendant from
Wallin 2008:176, 178). Some elk teeth, mostly in- the same site has atriangular notch cut in the crown
cisors, as well as wild boar tusks are also used for (Fig. 12:14). Asimilar elk tooth pendant with atri-
pendants (Fig. 12:6, 8), two pendants are made from angular notch has been also found in the Neolithic
aurochs incisors (Fig. 12:7). Five pendants are made VII burial at Tamula (Jaanits 1954: fig. 12:5; Kriiska
from canines of Mustelidae (Fig. 12:4) and one from et al. 2007: fig. 8; Jonuks 2009:92). Tnno Jonuks
fox canine (Fig. 12:3). Arare find is apendant made (2009:111) considers it possible that cutting elk inci-
from a heavily worn bear incisor (Fig. 12:5). It is sors in this way was meant to leave an impression
unusual since bear canines were used for pendants of the sharp canines of acarnivore. But at the same
as arule (e.g. Jonuks 2009:92, 97). The finds include time, elk incisors were the most widespread pendants
also acanine of adog or awolf although it was not in North Europe, including Estonia, and evidently
pierced (Fig. 12:9). Tooth pendants have been found elk had a significant position in the mythology of
also from the Neolithic site of Naakame but in less- that period (Jonuks 2009:108, 124, and references
er numbers than at Loona. The total number of tooth cited there). In such acontext it does not seem very
pendants found at Naakame is 19. The teeth came likely that the aim was to imitate atooth from some
from the following species: elk (9 pendants), seal other species. It is also possible that the aim might be
(5 pendants) and wild boar (4 pendants), one pendant to conflate the characteristics of two species (Alice
is made from a dogs canine (Fig. 12:12-18). The Choyke pers. comm.).
same species in the above-mentioned settlements are Tooth pendants do not occur among the finds
also represented in tooth pendants at the Neolithic from the Bronze Age fortified settlements. In the ex-
site of Knnu on Saaremaa, where one grave con- cavations of the Bronze Age sites of Asva and Ridala
tained three skeletons two adults and achild. The about ten teeth and canines have been recovered, but
grave contained atotal of 69 tooth pendants (36 elk none of them is pierced or otherwise modified. Still,
incisors, 14 canines of grey seal, 8 wild boar inci- the bear canine found from Asva should be men-
sors, 6 aurochs incisors and 1 horse incisor, 2 dog tioned it is the only skeletal part of bear from the
From the Neolithic to the Bronze Age: continuity and changes in bone artefacts in Saaremaa, Estonia
253
site and consequently it can be presumed that it is made from the ulna of an Anser species.4 Beads and
not an incidental object. It evidently possessed some pendants made from bird bones as well as bird figu-
meaning (for comparison it could be mentioned that rines have been also found at other Neolithic sites.
one bear bone was found at the from Bronze Age site Such tubular beads are especially numerous in the
of Ridala and three, including one tooth, from the middle Neolithic burials at Tamula. Their location in
Neolithic site of Naakame (Paaver 1965, table 21); the graves suggests that they were decorations sewn
and the bear tooth pendant already mentioned from onto garments (Jaanits 1957:92-93). Similar tubu-
the Neolithic site of Loona). Thus, one may say that lar beads have also been found at Ajvide in Gotland
while tooth pendants are common among the Neo- while bird bone pendants have been discovered at
lithic finds, they disappear by the end of the period, Zvejnieki in Latvia; most of these beads are made
reappearing on Estonian sites only in the Viking Age. from the radius or ulna of waterfowl and the pendants
Using or not using tooth pendants could be related to are made from the humeri of medium-sized birds or
changes in beliefs (e.g. Jonuks 2009:146). small ducks (Mannermaa 2008a:209-210, fig. 7-8;
Two small trapezoid plates made from boar tusks 2008b:61). It has been suggested that waterfowl oc-
with two holes pierced in each were found at the cupied an important place in Stone Age mythology;
Neolithic site of Loona (Fig. 12:10) presumably according to the Finno-Ugric resp. Arctic North-Eu-
they were sewn to garments, either as a means for ropean creation myth, the world was born from mud
fastening or adecoration; they may also have pos- brought up by awaterfowl or from waterfowls egg
sessed some symbolic, magical or other meaning. (Jonuks 2009:88 ff. and references cited there).
Some small tubular beads and pendants made As mentioned already, the site of Loona is par-
from bird bones are also only found on Neolithic ticularly interesting because there two settlements
sites. Six tubular beads from bird bones have been are located one above the other astone grave was
found at Loona (Fig. 12:11) and one was found at erected in the Late Bronze Age upon the site where
Naakame. These beads were made from the radius a settlement had been in the Neolithic and which
of amedium-sized bird, the species of which could was probably still inhabited in the Early Bronze
not be determined; in one case it could be established Age. A spade-headed bone pin, three trapezoidal
that the bird was alarger species, probably Anseri- bone pendants and two pierced bone discs were
formes. Four bird bone pendants have been found at found in the area of the late Bronze Age stone grave
the Neolithic site of Naakame (Fig. 12:19) made
from humeri of Anatidae while one pendant was 4 Identified by Teresa Tomek.
254 Heidi Luik, Mirja Ots, Liina Maldre
(Fig.13:1-6; Luik 2007: fig. 10). It was possible to (the latter sometimes also made of amber) occur also
identify the material only for two of the artefacts: among the finds from Latvian and Lithuanian Bronze
one disc-shaped plaque with ahole was made from Age sites (Luik, Ots 2007; Luik, Maldre 2007:33-34,
an elk mandible (Fig. 13:6) and one trapezoidal fig. 9, 31; Luik 2007:51-53, fig. 2-4; in press: fig. 16-
pendant was made from elk antler (Fig. 13:4). The 18; and references cited there). Double buttons may
pin (Fig. 13:1), based on comparison with analo- reflect a sun cult, which was wide spread in Scan-
gous finds, definitely dates to the Bronze Age (Lang dinavia and which presumably played an important
1992). The pierced bone discs may date to the Bronze role in Estonian Bronze Age religious practice as
Age although some similar artefacts are also found well (Jonuks 2005:90, 2009:191 ff.). The formation
in Neolithic material in Latvia (Loze 1979:46, fig. of the sun cult has been related to the spread of culti-
42). The pendants have parallels in Neolithic mate- vation and in Estonia the connection of Bronze Age
rial from Lithuania, e.g. Kretuonas, where they were stone-cist graves with sun symbolism has been sug-
made from bone as well as from amber (Girininkas gested (V. Lugas 1996:101 ff.; Lang 2007:180-181;
1990: fig. 115:3, 4). Similar pendants also occur in Luik, Ots 2007:133).
Latvia among the finds of the Abora Isettlement site, Alice Choyke (2008) has suggested that small
located in Lubna Valley, and dated to the Neolithic items, designed for individual use e.g. ornaments
(Loze 1979:46, fig. 43). Hence, the trapezoidal pen- were meant to be worn and thus were also displayed
dants may be, after all, finds from the earlier Neo- by their owners. They may have reflected differenc-
lithic settlement site. Here, two rib fragments from es in status, gender, age or profession. Among such
the Neolithic site of Naakame should also be men- items she mentions decorative pins made from bone
tioned they may be fragments of asingle artefact and imitating copper pins which were characteristic
(Fig. 13:10). Although the artefact is not trapezoidal, for the Late Neolithic of Central Europe. Choyke ac-
one fragment has ahole in it suggesting it was used centuates that imitations seem to be primarily char-
as a pendant while its sides display similar inden- acteristic in periods when social changes were taking
tations to the pendants from Loona. A fragment of place and new territorial and/or social limits being
one other oblong pendant is known from Naakame shaped. In Central Europe, the end of the Neolithic
(Fig. 13:9). marked aperiod when social structures became more
Asmall fragment of apierced bone plate has been hierarchical and complex, social differentiation in-
found at Loona (Fig. 13:7). Asimilar artefact came to creased, metalworking technology was introduced
light in aBronze Age stone grave at Kurevere (Fig. and together with it new materials, which could be
13:8). Thus, the plate may belong to the assemblage related to high status (Choyke 2008: pl. 1:1ab). On
of finds from the Bronze Age grave. The plate from the eastern shore of the Baltic, including Saaremaa,
Kurevere, with more than 10 holes in it, has a di- the situation was similar in the Bronze Age, when
ameter of about 50 mm. The fragment from Loona social changes are indicated by the appearance of
is small and its diameter and the number of holes is stone graves (as burial places for the elite) as well as
not known. Analogies to these plates can be found fortified settlements.
in Germany, e.g. at Wallersdorf and Lupberghhle. Apparently the differences in the kinds of small
These objects were made from human skull and are personal items among archaeological finds from the
regarded by scholars as amulets. In terms of its size, Neolithic and the Bronze Age reflect the changes
the plate from Lupberghhle is about the same as that were taking place in the beliefs and mythology,
the plate from Kurevere (with adiameter of 58 mm), and social structures of the region.
but the number of holes is considerably greater 64
holes altogether. The bone plate from Wallersdorf Faunal remains and material
has nine holes (Probst 1999:287-288).
Anew group of Bronze Age artefacts consists of used for making artefacts
bone pins and antler double buttons, imitating for-
eign bronze objects (Fig. 14; Luik, Ots 2007; Luik, The greater part of the animal bones in the fau-
Lang in press). The introduction of bone pins may nal material from the Neolithic site of Naakame
have been connected with anew style of dress which come from seal (the most numerous are the bones of
required pins for fastening. But their occurrence harp seal, but ringed seal and grey seal are also rep-
may also reflect the distribution of the ideologies resented: Lugas 1997b: table 1). Wild boar bones
and symbolic meanings connected with them on the are most numerous among the remains of terrestrial
eastern shore of the Baltic Sea, as well as the exist- animals. At the Neolithic site of Loona, seal and
ence of asocial group or rank whose requirements wild boar bones are also numerous but the amount
these artefacts met. Similar pins and double buttons of fish bones is also remarkable (Lugas 1997a: ta-
From the Neolithic to the Bronze Age: continuity and changes in bone artefacts in Saaremaa, Estonia
255
ble 2; 1997b: table 1). Fragments of fishing spears from unidentifiable pieces of long bone also came
and harpoon heads among the finds suggest fishing from auroch. Seal bones were used quite often, and
and seal hunting were critical subsistence activi- they also constitute the majority of the unworked
ties. At both sites, other species are represented by faunal remains. Seal bones were mostly used for
single bones, e.g. fox, marten, elk, bear, hare, bea- making awls and seal canines were used as pendants,
ver (Paaver 1965; Lugas 1997a; Kriiska 2002:48). they are particularly numerous in Loona. Wild boar
Some of the pig bones from Loona could have come bones and canines were also used for making arte-
from domesticated individuals (Paaver 1965; Lu- facts while a few objects were made from marten,
gas et al. 1996:415-416, table 1). In the Bronze Age fox, roe deer and bird bones. The latter come from
sites of Asva, Ridala and Kaali, the majority of the waterfowl (Anseriformes, Anatidae).
faunal remains comes from domestic animals: 58% In the Bronze Age, artefacts were quite often
at Asva and up to 78% at Ridala. Goat/sheep bones made from elk antler (e.g. hoe blades or ard points,
are most numerous, followed by cattle, pig and cheek-pieces, spoons, handles, double buttons: Luik
horse. Seal bones are also numerous, 39% at Asva 2011). Artefacts made from the bones of wild ani-
and 19% at Ridala; terrestrial wild animals are rep- mals are few in number; still, awls produced from
resented by afew bones, about 3% at each site: e.g. the rudimentary metapodials of elk should be men-
elk, wild boar, bear, fox, marten, hare, beaver (Paav- tioned. The relative frequency of elk among worked
er 1965; Lugas 1994; Lang 2007:110-111; Maldre material is surely remarkable, but concerning antler
2008). it should be remembered that shed antlers were also
Changes in subsistence also influenced the choice used, not only those from hunted animals (Maldre
of material used for making artefacts. The Neolith- 2008:271).
ic artefacts are made from bones of wild animals. Bones of domestic animals were mainly used
Alarge proportion of the bone artefacts consists of for making artefacts in the Bronze Age. For sever-
tooth pendants. The material from the Neolithic site al artefact types, bones of small domestic animals,
of Loona contains apiece of elk antler with working mainly goat/sheep, were also exploited. As men-
traces although artefacts made from elk antler are tioned already, goat/sheep bones are also most nu-
very few. Artefacts were made from elk bones and merous among the faunal remains; the environmen-
elk incisors were used as pendants. Mainly elk long tal conditions of the region particularly favoured
bones were used, especially metacarpal and metatar- goat and sheep breeding. Artefacts were also made
sal bones; afew artefacts were also made from elk from horse and cattle bones although artefacts defi-
femur, tibia and radius and in some cases elk mandi- nitely made from horse bones are still relatively few
ble was also used. Compared with the number of elk (Maldre, Luik 2009; Luik in press). It is remarkable
bones in the unworked material, artefacts made from that although seal bones are numerous among the
elk bone are relatively numerous. Besides acouple faunal remains from the Bronze Age sites of Asva
of aurochs incisors there may also be afragment of and Ridala, they were not used for making artefacts
auroch tibia with working traces on it from Loona in this later period. At Neolithic settlements, skeletal
the identification is based on the thickness of the elements of seal were used for making two artefact
cortical bone. It is possible that some artefacts made types tooth pendants and awls. Canine pendants
256 Heidi Luik, Mirja Ots, Liina Maldre
To make an artefact from the compacta of a dia- Longitudinal splitting left similar grooving traces
physis, the bone had to be cut into pieces first. For on Neolithic bone working refuse as well as on the
that purpose grooving was used: agroove was cut into compact part of the only piece of antler in the Neo-
abone with aflint blade or sawn with asharp-edged lithic finds. Bronze Age material contains more ant-
sandstone plate and then the bone was broken or split ler working refuse. Cutting up antler was performed
at the grooves. Grooving helped to avoid the bone by cutting or chopping around the compact part so
breaking in the wrong place; the fracture could then that the spongiosa within the antler could then just
be scraped with aflint blade or ground on agrinding- be broken off (Fig. 17; Luik in press: fig. 19). Some
stone (Choyke 1997: 67). Among the material from the of the antler fragments also bear traces of further
Neolithic sites of Naakame and Loona, fragments of working removal of the rough antler surface was
split diaphyses can be found bearing the characteris- started and the antler was scraped thus producing
tic longitudinal working traces. Usually the bone was facets (Luik in press: fig. 20). Chopping and cut-
grooved into the medullary cavity, but sometimes the ting traces can be observed also on unfinished antler
last part of the diaphysis was broken (Fig. 15; compare artefacts (Vassar 1955: pl. XXIII:7), as well as on
e.g. Christidou 2005: fig. 4, 10). Pieces of diaphysis tools where it was considered unnecessary to hide
produced by this method were used for making fishing the manufacturing marks such as on the shafts of
spears, harpoons and, spearheads but also some awls. antler harpoon heads (e.g. Fig. 4:4) and ard points or
Grooving can also be observed on bone artefacts from hoes.
the Bronze Age settlements of Ridala and Asva; groov- Chatter-marks represent a special type of work-
ing was used to produce longitudinal as well as trans- ing-trace on Bronze Age bone and antler artefacts in
verse dissecting of bones (Fig. 16). Among the Bronze the Baltic countries. Among the finds from Asva and
Age finds, arrowheads, some of the harpoon heads and Ridala such traces can be found e.g. on bone arrow-
decorative pins should be mentioned as artefacts that heads, harpoon heads, some ard points or hoes, etc.
were made from long bone diaphyses. (Fig. 18:1-3; Luik 2006:138, fig. 6). Such chatter-
258 Heidi Luik, Mirja Ots, Liina Maldre
marks can be seen on the surface of the replica of fishing spears (Fig. 3:1-10) were mostly cut with
an arrowhead from Asva, made by Jaana Ratas and a sharp-edged flint or quartz tool, but in one case,
Jaak Mll. In the course of their work they discov- ahole was drilled into the bone and then shaped into
ered that when cutting a rather hard material like abarb (Fig. 3:13; compare e.g. Sidra 2005: fig. 2).
bone powerfully and with steady force, the blade Barbs of the Bronze Age arrowheads (Fig. 5:1-3,
may begin to vibrate, thus leaving small transverse 5-6) were probably made by abrading/sawing with
lines at equal intervals chatter-marks on the sur- small sandstone plates this method was success-
face of bone. By the opinion of Ratas and Mll the fully used by Jaana Ratas and Jaak Mll for making
chatter-marks are probably the result of working the areplica of an arrowhead from Asva. First they tried
artefact surface with a flint blade, which has been to cut the barb into the bone but unsuccessfully the
inserted into some sort of handle (Luik 2006:138- barb broke (Luik 2006:141).
140, fig. 7-8), but they may have appeared also in Holes were made in artefacts, aprocess requiring
using a bronze tool (e.g. Cristiani, Alhaique 2005; augers. In Bronze Age artefacts the holes are usually
Christidou 2008). On bone artefacts from Naakame cylindrical (e.g. Figs 11:6; 14:10-13), drilled through
and Loona, the Neolithic settlement sites on Saare- the bone in one direction; biconical holes bored from
maa, working traces are not quite the same. Slightly two sides are common in Neolithic artefacts (Fig.
more irregular transverse lines can be observed on 12). The same distinction biconical holes typical
the edge of aspearhead from Naakame and on an- of Neolithic artefacts and cylindrical holes charac-
other artefact fragment (Fig. 18:4). teristic of Bronze Age ones can be also observed
Barbs of Neolithic fishing spears and Bronze Age e.g. in amber artefacts from the Baltic countries (Ots
arrowheads were made in different ways. Barbs of 2006:29, 34, 74).
Conclusions
Artefact types which occurred both in the Neo- Neolithic, it was still not omnipresent in the Late
lithic and the Bronze Age were those connected with Neolithic yet; it has been assumed that hunting and
activities practised in the settlements in both peri- fishing were combined with small-scale animal hus-
ods such as seal hunting (harpoons) and hide and bandry and tillage. Cultivation became the main form
leather working, textile and basketry making (awls). of subsistence on Estonian coasts and islands only
But changes can be also observed in the shapes of in the Late Bronze Age (Lang 2007:19, 95 ff.). The
tools connected with these activities, as well as in character of the settlements must also be taken into
the materials used for making them. The choice of consideration the Neolithic sites of Naakame and
raw material is, in its turn, connected with subsist- Loona were settlement sites of seal hunters and fish-
ence and related possibilities of using certain raw ers; tools from these sites are mainly connected with
materials: e.g. Neolithic awls from seal bone vs awls related activities. Bone artefacts were also made, if
from domestic goat/sheep bones in the Bronze Age necessary, in such seasonal settlements as indicated
(Figs 6:1-4, 7:1-6). Concerning the choice of raw by bone working refuse and the unfinished artefacts
material, it seems that both in the Neolithic and the found there.
Bronze Age, the percentage of elk skeletal elements So-called personal objects connected to various
in the worked bone finds is considerably higher than aspects of dress are completely different in the two
in the unworked faunal remains. Evidently elk bone periods. In the Neolithic they comprised mostly
and antler were preferred as raw material due to pendants, especially tooth pendants (Fig. 12) while
their size and other properties. Seal bones were fre- in the Bronze Age, decorative pins and double but-
quently used as raw material in the Neolithic when tons (Fig. 14) imitating foreign metal types, pre-
they constituted the majority of the bones in the vailed. Besides changes in the economy, shifts also
unworked faunal assemblage. Although seal bones evidently took place in social relations and beliefs,
occupy an important place among the faunal re- finding indirect expression in artefacts which, along
mains in the Bronze Age settlements on Saaremaa as with their obvious function of fastening and deco-
well, they were not used for making artefacts in that rating clothes, probably possessed some symbolic
period. meaning as well. Artefacts such as bridle cheek-
New artefact types among the Bronze Age finds pieces and probably also the carefully finished han-
include objects connected with farming (e.g. hoe dles and spoons or arrowheads used in warfare may
blades or ard points). Although the beginning of also reflect the changes in social relations and life-
cultivation in Estonia has been dated to the Middle styles.
From the Neolithic to the Bronze Age: continuity and changes in bone artefacts in Saaremaa, Estonia
259
Acknowledgements
The study was funded by the Estonian Ministry of also thank Teresa Tomek for identifying the bird bones,
Education and Research (SF0130012s08), Estonian Liis Soon for translating the text, and Alice Choyke for
Science Foundation (grant no 6898) and the European revising the English text. We would like to thank Alice
Regional Development Fund of the European Union Choyke and Arkadiusz Marciniak for their comments
(Centre of Excellence in Cultural Theory). The authors on the preliminary version of the manuscript.
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Florentina Oleniuc, Luminia Bejenaru
Preliminary Data
Concerning the Manufacturing
of Animal Raw Materials
in the Chalcolithic Cucuteni B Settlement
of Poduri-Dealul Ghindaru, Romania
The archaeological research of the Chalcolithic settlement of Poduri, belonged to the Cucuteni culture, aims
to research subsistence practices including the manufacturing of animal raw materials as reflected by archaeo-
zoological analyses. The animal remains studied in the present paper represent bone, antler, tooth and shell arte-
facts, belonging to phase B of the Cucuteni culture, recovered from the archaeological excavations carries out in
2007-2008.
Among the finds, bone and antler artefacts are quite numerous, but we also identified pieces made of teeth and
shells. The discussed artefacts include tools, ornaments (pendants) and probably gaming pieces (knucklebones). The
mammal species identified are both wild and domestic: red deer (Cervus elaphus), roe deer (Capreolus capreolus),
wild boar (Sus scrofa ferus), aurochs (Bos primigenius), cattle (Bos taurus), sheep/goat (Ovis aries/Capra hircus) and
pig (Sus scrofa domesticus).
The artefacts have been identified in different stages of manufacturing and also having different wear levels. Our
study emphasizes an important diversity in the typology of artefacts and also in the anatomical and taxonomical selec-
tion of raw materials.
Key words: bone, antler and tooth artefacts, Chalcolithic, Cucuteni culture, Poduri-Dealul Ghindaru, Romania
Introduction
The Cucuteni culture appeared and spread in the North latitude and 26o30029 East longitude, with
Eastern Romania, evolving in three chronological an absolute altitude of 429 m. The Tell is situated on
phases (A, A-B and B), between 4,600-3,500 cal BC afragment of the terrace of 30 m on the right bank of
(Mantu 1998:166). Over 125 years of research sev- the Tazlau Sarat river and it currently has asurface
eral settlements have been excavated, some of them of around 1.2 ha. The high level of complexity of
integrally, and several hundred habitations have been the stratigraphy was emphasized in the 28 archaeo-
studied (Monah, Cucos 1985:101-103). logical excavations campaigns that have taken place
The Tell of Poduri-Dealul Ghindaru, Bacau coun- so far. Levels were reported belonging to the Precu-
ty (Fig. 1), has the following position: 45o28953 cuteni and Cucuteni Chalcolithic cultures and to the
264 Florentina Oleniuc, Luminia Bejenaru
Bronze Age (Monah et al. 2003:33-42). The animal Dumitroaia et al. 2008:230-231). The artefacts (rep-
remains studied in the present paper represent bone, resented by tools and jewels) belonged to cultural
antler, tooth and shell artefacts, belonging to phase complexes, as well as to tells layers. The cultural
B of the Cucuteni Culture, recovered from the ar- complexes of Cucuteni phase B level, represented by
chaeological excavations carried out in 2007-2008. six dwellings (L1-L6), two clays platforms (4 and
The artefacts were dated by the archaeologists ac- 5), and several pits (4-6 and 8-12) revealed archaeo-
cording to the pottery (Monah et al. 2007:274-275; logical and archaeozoological materials.
Fig. 2. Smoothers
and scrapers on cattle ribs
266 Florentina Oleniuc, Luminia Bejenaru
Fig. 6. Polished
astragals of sheep/goat
268 Florentina Oleniuc, Luminia Bejenaru
Poduri, 15 (representing 1,06%) had been manufac- Cervus elaphus. Of the 359 faunal remains of deer,
tured in tools and less as pendants. The cranial ele- only 36 were manufactured only in tools (represent-
ments (lower jaws and teeth), long and short bones ing 10,02%). As animal raw materials prehistoric
of pig had been used as animal raw material used community used antlers as well as long and short
in manufacturing of the smoothers, chiesels, cutting bones. Only the deers antler provided raw material
blades, needles awls and pendants. Two astragali of for 16 soft-hammers, 8 planters and one handle; in
pig were flattened on the medio-lateral surfaces. The association with long and short bones, the antler had
pigs knucklebones could be used in games or in rit- been used in achieving of 8 tips and scrapers, six
ual ceremonies related to futures prediction. Adia- smoothers and achiesel. Ahandle had been manufac-
physal fragment of atibia belonging to pig had been tured from afragment of adeers beam. The external
split on the caudal surface, then rounded and flat- surface of the beam was pearled, only its edges had
tened from the cranial to caudal surface.The piece been polished. The content of the beam was slightly
had been intensly used as achiesel. Four diaphysal emptied. The soft hammers (16), identified in the
fragments of fibula belonging to mature individuals level B Cucuteni of the tell of Poduri had been manu-
of pig had the cranial and caudal surfaces flattened. factured from the brow- tine, beam and crow-tine of
These pieces could be used as spatulas (Fig. 7). Five the deer. There were identified eight soft-hammers
tusks belonging to mature individuals of pig had made from brow-tines, another five from the beam,
been manufactured as cutting blades. The teeth had and one from the deers crow-tine. Two of the eight
been broken on the longitudinal ax and then flattened soft- hammers made of brow-tines had been calci-
from their top to base (Fig. 8). If in level ACucuteni nated, burnt and chopped (Fig. 9:a-b). Almost all the
of the tell of Poduri, atooth was used as pendants, in soft-hammers had been perforated and intensly used.
the studied sample, two proximal phalanges of pig Eight bay-tines of deer were intensly used as plant-
had been manufactured in jewels. The phalanges had ers. These pieces were broken away from the beam
been in the first third as well as in the middle of the and then each piece flattened and rounded on the top
caudal surface perforated. and on its base. The tips were made of the diaphysis
The wild mammals material raw revealed the of the metapodials, and deers ulnae. A part of the
prevalence in manufacturing of sharpen tools as: beam had been cut on the longitudinal axis, then both
soft-hammers, planters, tips, awls, needles, cutting edges intensly flattened in the V shape. The external
blades, which were used in plat cultivation, perfo- surface of the beam hadnt been polished. The dia-
rating the wild animals hides. Less faunal remains physis of two metatarsi of the deer were split along
belonging to wild mammals were manufactured as the internanonial ridge and then flattened mainly on
chiesel, scrapers, smoothers and spatulas , used in the medio-lateral and less on the cranial-caudal su-
wood-processing, removing grease. Apendant made faces. The metapodials were intensly used as tips.
of one phalanx of roe-deer had been discovered in Six diaphysal fragments of ulna of the red-deer had
level Cucuteni B of the studied tell. been split on their caudal faces and slightly flattened
Fig. 7. Artefacts from pig bones (astragal and fibulae) Fig. 8. Split lower canines of wild boar
Preliminary Data Concerning the Manufacturing of Animal Raw Materials in the Chalcolithic...
269
carpus (one distal and another proximal) of the roe- needles, smoothers and spatulae. There four tusks of
deer, which had been split on the cranial face and wild boar were manufactured as cutting blades. The
then the intercanonial ridge polished and widened, pieces were broken on the longitudinal ax and then
represented the animal raw material in manufactur- flattened from the root to their top. Also, there was
ing needles. Two proximal fragments of ametacar- found aright-side, lower incisor of wild boar used as
pus and ametatarsus, belonging to roe-deer had been needle. Their manufacturing process is opposite than
in V shape flatened: the first on the cranial and the that used in boars tusks. Adiaphysis and two proxi-
second on the caudal surface, in manufacturing the mal fragments of wild boars ulna had been flattened
tips. Four proximal fragments of ulna belonging to on the cranial-caudal surfaces. These pieces could
roe-deer had been intensly flattened on the cranial- be used as smoothers. Adistal fragment of afibula
caudal surfaces and used as spatulas; one of them of wild boar had been slightly flattened. The piece
had the active part broken. In the level B Cucuteni could be used as aspatula.
of the tell of Poduri had been identified a medium Bos primigenius. In the level B Cucuteni of the
phalanx of roe-deer, manufactured as pendant. The tell Poduri was identified along bone worked of au-
piece had been complete perforated on the medio- rochs (representing 1,31%) of the total of 76 iden-
lateral surfaces. tified. An astragalus of had been smoothed on the
Sus scrofa ferus. Of the 304 skeletal elements cranial-caudal surfaces. The piece was intensly used
belonging to wild boar in the level B Cucuteni of as smoother.
the tell Poduri, nine had been worked (represen- Unio pictorum. In the studied sample, there were
ting 2,96%) in tools. Boars animal raw material identified faunal remains assigned to invertebrates.
used in manufacturing process was represented by Ashell valve, mostly entire had acentral perforation
long bone and tusks. The faunal remains of wild on the longitudinal ax. The piece could be used as
boar were monstly manufactured as cutting blades, pendant (Fig. 11).
Conclusions
The examination of the artefacts from Cucuteni B The mammalian bones attest to the concern of
level of Poduri-Dealul Ghindaru tell reveals differ- Chalcolithic community to produce mostly tools,
ent stages of manufacture and shows adiversity of which were used in weaving, removing grease,
products obtained by simple and laborious manufac- wood processing, pottery finishing and plant culti-
turing methods. Raw material selection in this studied vation. Phalanges and long bones of domestic and
assemblage follows practical considerations mainly wild mammals as well as the exoskeleton shells
relating to material strength, shape and size. The arte- fragments were raw materials in manufacturing of
facts have been identified in different stages of manu- jewels and ritual objects.
facturing and they also have different wear levels.
Preliminary Data Concerning the Manufacturing of Animal Raw Materials in the Chalcolithic...
271
Table 1. Frequency of refuse remains compared with artefacts
(NISP=number of identified specimens, N tools = number of tools)
Acknowledgements
We wish to thank archaeologists Dr. Dan Monah This study was supported by the Romanian re-
(Archaeological Institute of Iasi) and Dr. Gheorghe search programs CNCSIS-BD 304/2008-2010, and
Dumitroaia (International Centre of Cucuteni Cul- CNCSIS - PN II Idei_2116/2008.
ture Research, Piatra Neamt) for providing us with
the animal remains they excavated and important
data used in this study.
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subsistence patterns associated with Cucuteni-phase B cuteni din Romania, Iai: Editura Junimea.
level, Analele stiintifice ale Universitatii Alexandru Ioan Monah, D., Gh. Dumitroaia, F. Monah, C. Preuteasa,
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astragali at the Copper Age tell of Poduri-Dealul Ghindaru, Constantin Matasa.
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Arheologice din Romnia. Campania 2006, 230-231. cere in arheozoologie, Iasi: Editura Corson.
Manuel Altamirano Garca
Fig. 2. Different
areas and structures
of the fortified settlement
of La Motilla del Azuer
(Dept. of Prehistory
and Archaeology.
Univ. of Granada)
is awell to obtain underground water, which is 16 m with stone foundations and organic walls (wood and
deep); and finally, two concentric spaces separated mud). The necropolis is located within the settlement
by awall with an inner and an outer part. The inner area which was the common pattern in the Bronze
part has been used for different purposes which have Age on the Iberian Peninsula. The funerary ritual
changed over time, such as apen for animals and for consisted of inhumation (Fig. 3), with the bodies be-
storing cereals. In the outer part several ovens and ing placed in aflexed position inside pits, sometimes
rectangular store pits for cereals have been discov- covered with stonework or slabs, which appear ei-
ered (Molina et al. 2005). ther near dwellings walls or next to the outer line of
The settlement area is located around the fortifi- fortification. Children were buried in either pits or
cation, with anumber of areas to carry out different pottery vessels. Funerary goods were usually poor
activities as well as oval and rectangular dwellings and scarce (Njera et al. 2006:151).
Bone industry from the Bronze Age in Central Iberia. The Settlement of La Motilla Del Azuer
275
ies to this work (Driesch, Boessneck 1980). There and afibula of an undetermined carnivorous animal
is a remarkable predominance of long bones from whose function could have been needle-related.
which the bone elements have been manufactured,
especially for development of medium and large size b) the typological study
artefacts. The typological study has been organized taking
Ovicaprid skeletons are undoubtedly the most into account morphological and functional criteria
important for manufacturing alarge number of ob- for ornaments only. Some aspects related to the raw
jects, especially the bones from their limbs, such as material have also been taken into account as there is
the tibia, metapodia (metacarpals and metatarsals), aclear relationship between the desired tool and the
radius, fibula and ulna, which have the right length bone chosen to obtain it.
and hardness to make resistant artefacts. Goat horn- The result is the establishment of two groups,
cores (Capra hircus) also show cut marks and their tools and ornaments. These are divided into sub-
proximal part is faceted so that they could be pre- groups, types and subtypes. The subgroups are or-
pared for a particular function, perhaps for use as ganized, in turn, according to the morphology of
handles. the active or distal end: pointed and bevelled edges.
The use of deer antlers (Cervus elaphus) is also Within these subgroups we have identified anumber
relatively common in the manufacture of short com- of types that obey morphological criteria, in which
pact points, and these were very frequently, chosen several subtypes have been distinguished taking into
for the manufacture of arrowheads. Swine fibulae consideration the kind of bone from which they have
(Sus domesticus/Sus scrofa) is another bone that been manufactured.
was used systematically to manufacture awls with
very specific morphological features, preserving The typology is reflected in the following out-
the proximal epiphysis and aflat distal section. The line:
use of wild boar tusks (Sus scrofa) has also been
observed for the production of ornaments such as I) TOOLS
pendants. I.1. POINTS:
As regards the other species documented, there I.1.1. Epiphyseal base: Tibia; Metapodia;
are isolated elements which did not appear with sig- Fibula; Ulna.
nificant frequency within the studied group - some I.1.2. Non-epiphyseal base: Splinter; Shaft.
of them have special features. Two artefacts of in- I.1.3. Bipoints.
terest were avery stylized pointed item from adog I.1.4. Arrowheads.
fibula (Canis familiaris) found in afunerary context, I.1.5. Undetermined.
Bone industry from the Bronze Age in Central Iberia. The Settlement of La Motilla Del Azuer
277
I.2. BEVELLED apointed end (Fig. 6:3). Alternatively, alongitudinal
I.2.1. Double Bevelled. groove was created along the bone shaft providing
I.3. UNDETERMINED two halves with the corresponding half of epiphysis
II) ORNAMENTS (Fig. 8:3). Only one item has been manufactured on
II.1. BEADS aradius, using direct percussion to fracture the bone
II.1.1. Discoidal. and remove one of the epiphysis (Fig. 8:4).
II.1.2. Tubular. Except for two items, most pointed tools did not
II.2. PENDANTS receive an overly careful treatment to their surface,
II.2.1. Wild boar tusk. with apolish that in some cases surpasses the meta-
II.2.2. Perforated plate. physis of the bones, affecting the lower side of the
II.2.3. Decorated. epiphysis (condyles), which can be observed in two
II.3. BUTTONS cases, D-16.379 and D-4.650 (Fig. 8:1,2). This one
II.3.1. V-Perforated. (D-4.650) has asmooth, shiny and highly polished
II.4. BRACELETS surface, though it has been affected by postdeposi-
II.5. SEPARATORS tional processes, it is the only case in which treat-
III) OTHERS ment shows a clear polish, having eliminated the
III.1 FRAGMENTS macroscopic traces of manufacture.
On the other hand, epiphyseal-base items manu-
factured with bones without amedullary cavity: fib-
c) bone artefacts: description and technologi- ula and ulna, most swine bones (domestic or wild)
cal aspects and some from ovicaprids (sheep/goat). The first
group of tools (fibula) has avery characteristic mor-
Tools: phology, preserving the natural proximal epiphysis
Points make up the most abundant group. It in- and eliminating the distal one -which receives fine
cludes all the bone elements whose main feature is grain abrasion to achieve asharp edge with acircu-
having one pointed active end. It is possible to dif- lar section. (Fig. 6:5, 8:6). It is possible to observe
ferentiate between those with a proximal end that ageneral polish in the distal-mesial and distal parts
retains the natural bone epiphysis, and those in of all these types of tools, together with many longi-
which the proximal end has been completely modi- tudinal traces on both top and bottom faces that could
fied. be directly related to the specific function that was
Epiphyseal-base points (I.1.1), are defined as such given to them. However, there is one case of afibula
because they preserve the natural bone epiphysis which, in contrast with previous ones, preserves the
completely or with only slight modifications (Lpez natural distal epiphysis, showing the sharpest end in
Padilla 1992:14). Other scholars have dubbed them the proximun.
pointe epiphyse (Voruz 1982), punzn de base Within this group, we must point out two pieces
articular (Rodans 1987), or poinon pris sur os whose formal features make them special. First, an
ayant conserv une epiphyse entire (Camps-Fab- object manufactured from a dog fibula (D-10.113;
rer et al. 1990). Fig. 8:5) extremely thin and elongated, whose di-
Within this group we have been able to make mensions are 102 mm in length, 3 mm wide and 2
a clear division between those which have been mm thick. This object has a finish which has been
made from bones with amedullary cavity, tibia and completed with care, with the added interesting fact
metapodia, and those without a medullary cavity, of having been documented in a funerary context
fibula and ulna. (grave 1). Its formal attributes suggest akind of ele-
The first category is characterized by the pres- ment whose function could be clothing-related, such
ence of a very marked medullary canal, with per- as apin, but we can not test this hypothesis until use-
pendicular and oblique traces to the longitudinal axis wear analysis and contextual studies have been car-
of the object. This indicated amanufacturing proc- ried out in depth in future work.
ess which involved sawing the bone longitudinally The other element (D-10.245), manufactured
(tibia of ovicaprids generally), creating abevel, then from the fibula of acarnivore, has much smaller di-
smoothing the medullary cavity edges to make them mensions, a length of 48 mm, 1 mm wide and 0.4
uniform and providing asharpened distal end (Fig. mm thick. Its morphology resembles that of apin or
6:1,2). needle used in textile work, which should also be
Metapodia, however, receive two different treat- contrasted with use-wear analysis and experimenta-
ments. An oblique cut on the distal end was made to tion. The head is not marked and does not present
obtain abevel that was fashioned by abrasion to create any evidence of drilling, having eliminated almost
278 Manuel Altamirano Garca
Fig. 6. 1: transversal
marks produced
by the longitudinal sawing
of asheep tibia;
2, 3: epiphyseal base
points made from sheep
tibia and metapodia;
4, 5: epiphyseal base
points made from
ulna and fibula
entirely the natural form of bone used as the raw ma- proximal end is normally preserved, removing the
terial (Fig. 8:7). distal end and wearing down the surface to obtain
Three pointed items have been made from ulna, ashort point, which is highly resistant thanks to the
using very similar manufacturing processes. It is rel- bones compactness (Fig. 6:4).
atively easy to obtain one pointed end with this type The next group is composed of those pointed el-
of bone due to their natural morphology, provided ements without an epiphyseal base (I.1.2). In this
they are from skeletons of young specimens whose group it is possible to distinguish two types. In the
bone has not yet fused with the radius. The natural first group bone splinters are the most abundant and
Bone industry from the Bronze Age in Central Iberia. The Settlement of La Motilla Del Azuer
279
Fig. 7. 1: point
artefact made from
abone splinter;
2: bipoint; 3: arrowhead;
4: pendant made
from wild boar tusk;
5: bevelled artefact:
a) upper face,
b) lateral view;
6: tubular bead
are morphologically defined as a narrow, irregular resistant items are created using this method. Unlike
portion of long bone shaft that has not been modified splinters, their shape has been carefully formed with
but has been worn down on one of the ends forming a flat or slightly circular base at the proximal end,
atip, while there is no evidence of any modification and asquare section around the stem except for the
to the rest of the tool. In some cases, traces of the distal part, which tends to be circular (Fig. 8:8).
medullary canal and many edges which provide the Continuing with pointed objects, we now turn to
bone with a totally irregular profile have been ob- analyse bipoints (I.1.3), areally interesting category,
served (Fig. 7:1). Their dimensions are more or less of which there are nine examples. In the typological
constant, with amaximum length of between 40-70 specifications developed by French studies (Camps-
mm, amaximum width of 3-10 mm and amaximum Fabrer et al. 1990), these kinds of picks are defined
thickness of 1-3 mm. (type 15) as adevice whose surface is completely or
In the second group a type also lacking an epi- partially treated, with both ends pointed can be sym-
physeal base makes up aset, very small in number metrical or asymmetrical in shape.
but with an impeccable finish. They are compact As the name bipoints suggests, they have amor-
portions of long bone shaft whose surface has been phology in which both the distal and the proximal
smoothed carefully by fine grain abrasion so they ends (if in this case we can use this distinction), are
become polished and have the desired shape. Very sharp and fairly regular. They have aplane or plane-
280 Manuel Altamirano Garca
Fig. 8.
1-7: pointed artifacts I;
8-16: pointed artifacts II;
17-19: undetermined
artefacts;
20-27: ornaments
convex section on both sides, although on some of Arrowheads (I.1.4) are undoubtedly very striking
them there is slight proof of the medullary canal and beautiful type of artefacts, whose manufacture
that gives aconcave section on the inner face. With using bone as araw material is aphenomenon that,
regards to their size, they range from 63-75 mm in while it has been present in previous stages, definitely
length, with awidth of between 5-6 mm and athick- seems to be of great importance within Bronze Age
ness of between 3-5 mm (Fig. 7:2; 8:9; 8:10). societies on the Iberian Peninsula. Registered in ever
We can observe avery careful treatment of their greater numbers on archaeological sites, they have
surfaces, which, together with marks on some of aformal diversity much higher than metal arrowheads
them on their mesial part, could be related to per- (Fernndez 1998:169; Lpez Padilla 2001:253).
sonal use, perhaps as hair or clothing pins, although In the development of the archaeological seasons
this must be verified with use-wear studies. at La Motilla del Azuer, atotal of five completed ar-
Bone industry from the Bronze Age in Central Iberia. The Settlement of La Motilla Del Azuer
281
rowheads have been recorded four of which are un- bra with some cuts and strong thermal alteration, and
finished. Five new arrowheads have been document- an astragalus with acentral perforation.
ed between 2006 and 2009, but they will be studied
in future work. Ornaments:
The main problem we had when studying these The key feature that separates this group from
elements has been the fact that some of these are lo- tools, apart from its morphological features, is that
cated in the Archaeological Museum of Ciudad Real none of them is directly involved in the production
(D-10.120 and D-30.015, documented in the exca- process of other goods, leading many researchers to
vation campaigns of 1976 and 1981, respectively), define them as non-productive elements (Lpez Pa-
so they have only been studied through drawings dilla 2001), except that they can be traded. Moreover,
and photographs. One of these objects (D-10.120: their main function is that of personal ornaments, to
Fig. 8:11) shows a morphology that is defined by be displayed, being in some cases authentic elements
a triangular shaped blade with two barbs and stem of prestige, and can be worn continuously without
(tang), but it is not possible to say more, for now, being held, although some exceptions could be made
about the treatment of their surfaces, the raw mate- (Pascual Benito 1993:87; Salvatierra 1980:44). They
rial or the manufacturing process. Moreover, there is are, therefore, items created with an utilitarian end
another arrowhead (D-34.199) that is unfinished and being symbolic in nature and for personal use, in-
that seems to be of adifferent type to that described tended primarily to maintain and reproduce the ide-
above, but unfortunately it is fractured. ology of aparticular group (Barciela 2004:559).
Five other arrowheads were discovered between Firstly, the beads documented in the Motilla del
2000 and 2005 - three of these are unfinished. These Azuer can be divided into two very distinct types,
are elements with two barbs skillfully manufactured both in terms of morphology and of the raw material
from bone or deer antler (Fig. 7:3, 8:12, 8:13). We used for their production: discoidal and tubular.
find good parallels in others motillas in the eastern We have documented atotal of twelve discoidal
area of La Mancha (Peuela I), and the more east- beads (II.1.1) and, as their name implies, they are
ern settlements of Argar Culture (Cabezo Redondo) disc-shaped and are made from shell, possibly from
(Najera et al. 1979:36). bivalve molluscs which have not been identified at
To finish with the pointed objects group, atotal the present time. Their diameter does not exceed 15
of sixty-one pieces originally belonging to different mm in any case, and they have aperforation that in
types of devices have been grouped together. They many cases is slightly off the central axis of the piece
were defined as indeterminate points (I.1.5), distal (Fig. 8:20).
and distal-mesial portions whose common charac- Secondly, we find agroup of nine tubular beads
teristic is having a sharpened end and a proximal (II.1.2) of different sizes and whose diameter varies
fracture that does not allow them to be included in with the size of the bone used for their manufacture
any of the types defined above (Fig. 8:14-16). (Fig. 7:6; 8:21). These tubular beads are manufac-
Only one object has been able to be defined as tured through cutting transversally the diaphysis
part of this subgroup of bevelled elements (I.2). of long bones, possibly metapodia, emptying the
This is afragment of antler (D-25.019-2), possibly medullary canal and polishing the bead edges with
deer, whose active end has been bevelled on both a fine-grained abrasive. At least one specimen was
sides, providing adouble bevelled edge (Billamboz manufactured using abird bone, with extremely thin
1977), with astraight or perpendicular edge to the cortical walls and whose diaphysis is naturally hol-
tool axis for use as achisel (Salvatierra 1982:154). low. On the other hand, items to be highlighted are
Its upper and lower face has been treated very spar- atubular bead made not from bone but from shell,
ingly by means of abrasion, while we can observe the tubular shell of dentalium, amarine scaphopod
the spongy tissue on both right and left sides (Fig. mollusc, having been used in this case.
7:5a,b). Pendants are defined as those elements which
The last group within all the tools (I.3) is com- can be considered as personal ornaments that can
posed of all those bone elements whose special mor- be adapted to allow them to be suspended using
phology does not fit into any of the parameters that aleather cord or vegetable fibre, with aperforation
define the types outlined above, and in the absence of or a marked head. First, we found three wild boar
use-wear studies we have not assigned them for the tusks (Sus scrofa) that received different finish in
time being (Fig. 8:17-19). There are eighteen pieces their manufacture (II.2.1). On one of them (Fig.7:4;
in total, such as acattle horncores, with several trac- 8:22) the outer surface has been polished and some
es and cuts at its base, agoat horncores, which has longitudinal cuts have been made on the inner sur-
ablunt tip and transverse traces on its base, averte- face, creating asort of enlarged or marked head on
282 Manuel Altamirano Garca
the tusks natural proximal extremity to allow it to for its longest side and 8 mm for the shortest, with
be used as apendant. This object was documented a height of 8 mm, showing a worn vertex whether
during the excavation process together with another due to the manufacturing process or because of con-
wild boar tusk, but this one does not seem to have stant rubbing which it has suffered while it was in
been modified. use. This button has been preserved very well, with
The other two tusks were also found together on no apparent signs of exfoliation or other postdeposi-
the site and there is no evidence of cutting or pol- tional alterations, besides being able to observe the
ishing of the surface of their faces, although some nutrient foramen in both its base and top.
notches with adeep V-profile can be observed on the Continuing with ivory, two more fragments have
distal end in order to attach some kind of string to been documented, surely belonging to bracelets
suspend it. (II.4). One of them is exhibited at the Archaeologi-
Moreover, there is asmall piece of shell (II.2.2), cal Museum of Ciudad Real, and it is a fragment
perhaps marine given its morphological character- (D-15.063) of an ivory bracelet, with a wide semi-
istics, with a perforation near the edge made with lenticular section and adiameter of about 6 cm (Fig.
the rotational movement of asharp object from the 8:26). The other object is probably another piece of
outside toward the inside (Fig. 8:27). bracelet, with awide flat section from aslice of ivory,
Second, the only decorated element (II.2.3), has as it clearly shows the grid that can be observed on
apointed end and asquare section, with deep inci- its surface.
sions and oblique angles on all sides (Fig. 8:24). The Only asingle piece of bone has been defined as
proximal end, however, shows a section that tends a separator (II.5), an object whose function would
to be circular and, although it is fragmented, might have been to separate the threads that held the beads
have been akind of marked head to allow its use as on the various necklace threads (Carrasco et al.
apendant. However, due to this fragmentation of the 2009:10). It is afragmented piece 44 mm in length
proximal end, it could be any other type of personal and 12 mm wide of a flat and slightly curved sec-
ornament, which could only be determined more ac- tion of bone, and whose end has a rounded shape.
curately with use-wear analyses. Its upper surface tends to be convex, with plenty of
During the excavation season in summer 2008, oblique traces resulting from a fine grain abrasive,
the only V-perforated button that has been discov- while the lower surface has aslightly concave mor-
ered in La Motilla del Azuer was documented in area phology. Two circular perforations of 4 mm in di-
5, and was recovered by flotation of the sediment ameter were made during the manufacturing process
(Fig. 8:25). It is asmall piece of ivory whose manu- (Fig. 8:23).
facturing process is similar to that observed in other Finally, items defined as others (III), agroup in
V-perforated buttons (II.3.1) with similar chronolo- which we have included all the elements that in the
gies, cutting/sawing apiece of ivory which was later absence of adistal and/or proximal end, we are not
scraped to obtain the desired shape, then polished able to assign them to any group or particular type
with fine grain to obtain a smooth and shiny sur- (fragments). They belong to a set of seventy-eight
face, and at whose base two conical section perfora- pieces. These fragments, mostly mesial-parts, show
tions of amillimetre in diameter were made (Mrida in many cases the presence of the medullary canal,
1997:8). According to different typological studies possibly indicating cutting along bone longitudinal-
about V-perforated buttons (Fonseca 1988; Uscates- ly. In this group, other skeletal remains which have
cu 1992), it would correspond to the prismatic type been notably damaged by different postdepositional
with rectangular base. Its dimensions are 11 mm processes have also been included.
III. Conclusions
1. There is a general pattern that can be ob- minimal transformation from the original bone,
served in the manufacture of the objects which re- which retains some of its distinctive anatomical
flects the intention of investing the minimum pos- features (diaphysis, medullary canal, condyles, epi-
sible amount of work to obtain the final product, as physis etc.).
in other contexts of the same chronology (Lpez 2. On the other hand, there is another group of
Padilla 1992, 1994, 2001; Fonseca 1985, 1988). bone objects which are completely different to the
This is a significant aspect for most of the items group described above. These are characterized by
documented on La Motilla del Azuer, where alarge the importance of investing time in their manufac-
percentage of the bone tools have only undergone ture, with afine polish and agood finish for both their
Bone industry from the Bronze Age in Central Iberia. The Settlement of La Motilla Del Azuer
283
shape and surfaces. Perhaps amore personal usage of istence of trade with the Argaric area (South East of
these objects emerges from this observation, mostly Iberia), where the ivory from North Africa would ar-
in the case of ornaments, except for the arrowheads rive (Molina et al. 1979; Njera 1984; Najera et al.
and some other tools defined as non-epiphyseal base 1981). However, recent research raises the possibil-
points. In general, these objects have afinish which ity of an influx of Asian ivory via the Mediterranean
has been obtained very carefully, changing signifi- Sea, as was proposed at the Elephant Ivory in the
cantly the natural morphology of the selected bone Iberian Peninsula and the Mediterranean Congress
to obtain the desired shape and polishing the surfaces (held in Alicante in November 2008). However,
with fine grain to remove all traces of manufacture Bronze Age ivory documented in the region of La
and to achieve avery smooth surface. Mancha mostly belongs to African elephants (Loxo-
3. The animal species that have been identified in donta africana) as indicated by the analysis that has
their use for the manufacture of the artefacts show been carried out.
there is aexistence of aclose relationship with spe- 6. Technological processes have not been ad-
cies documented in the faunal analysis (Driesch, dressed in depth in this article. The manufacturing
Boessneck 1980). This analysis showed that alarge process of some of the typological groups has been
percentage of domestic species belonged to the live- determined through the use-wear analyses. Thus,
stock of the settlement where animal husbandry it was found that the epiphyseal base points made
also constituted an important basis for subsistence. from sheep tibia have deep oblique marks over the
The most common bones selected to manufacture diaphysis of the bone, made by sawing or cutting
tools were usually those belonging to domestic ani- longitudinally the diaphysis, although in most cases
mals such as sheep, goats and pigs, and - in much these traces have been removed using coarse and
smaller quantity the raw material provided by fine grain abrasives. Another technological proce-
wildlife such as deer, wild boar and birds. dure that has been documented is the transversal cut
4. There is aclear relationship between the type of the diaphysis of long bones, usually metapodia
of tool and the type of bone from which it was made, (metacarpals or metatarsals), softening the edges
given that the same manufacturing processes were through abrasion and eliminating the spongy bone
observed for the same type of bone. This could lead so that it is hollow to make tubular beads. Flexion
us to consider standardisation, at least for some of and percussion could have been used in the manu-
the types of tools that have been defined. The selec- facture of some tools, specifically for epiphyseal
tion of those bones from front or rear limbs is strik- base points made from swine fibula and ulna, retain-
ing, especially sheep/goat tibia and metapodia and ing only the distal epiphysis (fibula) or the proximal
swine fibula, bones which were systematically used epiphysis (ulna), eliminating the other epiphysis by
to manufacture most of the artefacts. one of the two previous procedures and employing
5. Evidence of the use of elephant ivory is widely abrasives to obtain the point. Finally, perforation has
found since times before the beginning of the Bronze been clearly observed in discoidal beads made from
Age (Pascual Benito 1993, 1995), appearing as araw mollusc shells.
material for the first time in Chalcolithic contexts 7. Finally, we should mention that all the worked
and increasing its presence with the Campaniforme bones documented on the archaeological site of La
(the Bell Beaker). It has been documented in con- Motilla del Azuer, are closely related - in shape,
texts of the second millennium BC in the Iberian Pe- technology and the raw material employed in their
ninsula, with an important increase in its demand as manufacture -to other bone artifacts from Bronze
the archaeological record shows, such as the slices Age contexts in the regions of La Mancha and Le-
of ivory found in some archaeological sites (Fonseca vante (Fonseca 1985; Lpez Padilla 1992, 1998) and
1985; Lpez Padilla 2001). The use of ivory and its also the Argaric area (although the number of bone
relative abundance in these contexts reveals the ex- artefacts here is usually smaller).
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Justyna Baron
Introduction
The last two decades have demonstrated an in- are seen as part of daily life and not as being sep-
creased interest in ritual and religion studies. As arated from domestic life. T. Insoll argues that the
aresult he traditional division of sacred and profane archeology of religion can encompass all aspects
areas of human activity has been rejected. Ritual of material culture: all can be influenced by reli-
(including, for example, such aspects as storage gion. They are today, why not in the past? (Insoll
patterns, diet, refuse management and technology) 2004:22).
Methods
In this study Iapplied a functional definition of cial relations. Ritual activity and collective activity
ritual. Iunderstand ritual as aprocess including both in particular, communicates something about social
performative and communicative aspects which is relations, often in a relatively dramatic or formal
regarded as asymbolical-expressive behaviour mode manner (Wuthnow 1987:109). The characteristics
used to communicate and consolidate particular so- of ritual understood in this way, include formalism,
286 Justyna Baron
The site
As it was mentioned above, the paper presents pits most of which were dated to the Roman period
the initial results of studies on animal bone deposits (in this case from the second half of the first century
discovered at aRoman Iron Age settlement at Mag- up to the second half of the fourth century). The pits
nice near Wrocaw. The site at Magnice is located show typical settlement features such as pit houses,
1km northwest from the contemporary village of storage pits, fireplaces, post holes, pottery kilns and
Magnice, 5 km south from Wrocaw (SW Poland). wells (Baron et al. 2011).
Rescue excavations were carried out in advance of One main point of interest is the spatial organisa-
construction works associated with a planned by- tion of the settlement. There are at least three groups
pass (Fig. 1). The excavation was performed in 2007 of pit and semi-pit buildings surrounding an empty
and covered an area of 1.1 ha which produced 330 square in which only common features such as wells
288 Justyna Baron
or fireplaces were situated (Fig. 2). The pit houses in (47,52%), followed by pigs (32,31%), small rumi-
each cluster were not of the same chronology and thus nants (8,6%), horses (7,87%) and dogs (3,67%). One
they are not remains of farmsteads consisting of sever- bone belonged to acat (Fig. 3). In the case of cat-
al buildings but instead they reflect constant and long tle, pig and small ruminants all parts of the skeleton
lasting settlement tradition. Such bonds with the area were identified (Romanow 2011).
might have resulted from a fact that a large indus- In the pits situated in what may be called the com-
trial settlement with dozens of lime kilns, bloomeries mon space of the settlement, several bone deposits
and ore-roasting pits was discovered just about 200 were discovered (Fig. 4).
hundred meters northwest from the discussed site. Two horse skulls without mandibles were found:
In course of the excavations 4738 animal bones one in ashallow pit house and one in awell. In both
and teeth were recovered, mainly from storage pits cases they were recorded in the bottom layers of the
and wells, that were apparently re-used for rubbish pits while in the well, apart from the skull, one quern
disposal. Most of the remains represent a high de- stone was recovered. Both skulls belonged to indi-
gree of fragmentation and come from domestic ani- viduals aged 5-6. The skull from the house was ar-
mals (97,85%) among which cattle bones prevailed ranged upside down (Fig. 5).
Fig. 3. Percentages
of the domestic animal
remains
(after Romanow 2011)
Ritual contexts of animal bones deposits from the Roman Iron Age settlement at Magnice, SW Poland
289
Fig. 6. Sections
of the pits containing
piglet skeletons.
Photo: J. Baron
In the pits situated in the central part of the set- in pit 93 and 9 in 48) were recovered. In one case
tlement acattle skull (including mandible and frag- (pit 48) these were accompanied by dog limb bones.
ments of cervical vertebrae) and two dog skulls Bone distribution within the narrow and deep pits
(both from individuals aged 5-6) and horse limbs suggest they were thrown rather than carefully de-
were found. posited (Fig. 6). No anatomical order was noticed
In two relatively deep pits, determined previously which rather excludes aburial of dead animals re-
as having been dug for storage purposes, the com- sulting from their natural death (e.g. caused by adis-
plete skeletons of 11 piglets (at least 2 individuals ease).
Discussion
If we apply the criteria of structured deposits pro- 1. The presence of whole, unbutchered animals or
posed by L.K. Horwitz and T. Wgrzynowicz, these articulated portions of animals.
pits seem to contain remains relating to various rit- An overall comparison of animal bone fragmen-
ual activities performed at the site. tation in the mentioned pits and the site in general
Ritual contexts of animal bones deposits from the Roman Iron Age settlement at Magnice, SW Poland
291
shows that the deposit pits contained ahigher number is extensive bibliography (e.g. in Wgrzynowicz
of complete animal bones. Relatively speedy depo- 1982, 241).
sition in the pits protected the bones from weather, The deposits from Magnice may be thus inter-
trampling and scavenging animals as happens in preted as the remains of ritual activities which, were
the case of household refuse. On the other hand, if incorporated into the daily life of the site inhabitants
they are waste these complete bones demonstrated based on their spatial distribution.
completely various consumption model (they were What kind of rituals were performed at the dis-
not crushed for marrow for instance). Taphonomic cussed site?
analysis carried out proved that none of these bones Based on the distribution of the deposits Ibelieve
bore butchering marks. they reflect at least several types of rituals.
2. Selection of specific parts of animal body. Iwould like to start with foundation sacrifices. As
The bones from these pits contained skulls and anthropologists argue, building rituals belong to the
limbs, only the piglet skeletons were complete. One activities which reflect the transformation of nature
interesting question is where are the elements of post into culture and wild into tamed. Many scholars dem-
cranial skeletons (comp. table 1)? Usually bone de- onstrate that rituals constitute an inherent essence of
posits contain skulls and limbs which are considered technology and thus cannot be separate from daily
as non meat parts offered during or after feasts and life activities (Bajburin 1990:62; Bradley 2005).
ritual meat consumption. This is ritual what endows an object with meaning
3. Selection of aparticular and rare taxa. and, finally, connects it with an area of senses which
Among the animal bones considered as remains are comprehensible for agiven community. Founda-
of ritual activities, pigs, horses, cattle and dogs pre- tion offerings, recognised as the material remains of
dominate. These start in the Mesolithic with record- building rituals, are recorded worldwide in various
ed dog burials (e.g. Larsson 1990 with further ref- cultural traditions. Despite the enormous variety of
erences) and horse bones deposits from the Bronze the symbols and procedures offering the basic sense
Age onwards. Also at many sites beginning from the of the rite remains the same. The offering values the
Bronze Age, the majority of bones of these animals space, distinguishes the area of highest sacral signifi-
(dogs and horses) are relatively rare in comparison cance, purifies it and allows to initiate the construc-
with the occurrence of the bones of cattle and sheep tion. Thus erection of ahouse is directly connected
for instance. Moreover, they are very often found with the offering that was made. The horse skull in
together. Dogs and pigs, present in ritual context one of the pit house is atypical example of such of-
at Magnice are commonly interpreted as the most fering. Similarly arranged horse skulls are known for
frequent type of offered animals (e.g. Choyke et al. instance from the Roman period settlement dated to
2004; Galik 2004; Hamilakis, Konsolaki 2004). the 3rd cent. at Feddersen Wierde in Germany (Haar-
In the early Iron Age and Roman period dogs are nagel 1979:226).
seen as being traditionally associated with the heal- Another type of ritual reflected in archaeologi-
ing and protection of humans. This is shown both by cal evidence are the closing rituals which were per-
finds of dog skeletons in offering shafts and pits at formed for example when changing the some pit
the settlements and by dog figurines (e.g. de Grossi functions. Unbroken quern stones and animal skulls
Mazzorin, Minniti 2004; Woodward, Woodward found in the bottom layers of wells have been inter-
2004:77-79). The latter authors in their paper on preted as offerings made to close or change the pit
Romano-British urban centres argue that the shafts function from awell to arubbish pit. The presence of
containing dog bones are often situated in the central complete quern stones in deep pits such as wells and
parts of the sites (Woodward, Woodward 2004:78). storage pits is known from many prehistoric sites
Similar functions for such deposits has been pro- (por. Malmer 2002:41; Bradley 2005:130). Horse
posed in the Polish literature by authors who argue skulls in deep wells are also interpreted as the re-
the dogs buried at settlement space were guardians mains of regularly deposited offerings. In this case
of humans or foundation sacrifices (Makiewicz we are not dealing with wells but rather sacrifice
1987; Wgrzynowicz 1982:249; Andraoj 1986, shafts. The site of Kasterbrunnen in Lower Saxony,
1992). despite its later chronology, might be agood exam-
Horses are considered to play a special role for ple of such ashaft. In the deep pit, selected parts of
whole Indo-European world. Horse sacrifice starting animal bodies including horse skulls and limbs were
from Indian Avamedha is seen as being necessary found (Mller-Wille 1972:180). On the other hand,
to keep the cosmic balance (e.g. Puhvel 1978). The analyses done for some Scandinavian sites from
echoes of this sacrifice can be easily observed both in the early Iron Age demonstrated that the remains
archaeological and ethnological evidence and there of horse skeletons are mostly discovered at sites of
292 Justyna Baron
relatively higher status or/and ritual character (Pe- in which foods were consumed. Common feasting,
tersson 2006, Fig. 18) highly ritualized and initiated on various occasions
In the case of the Magnice site, the well was just are seen as being essential in creating relationships
filled after making the deposit, and there was no from alliances and the manifestation of prestige to
stratigraphical evidence of the pit remaining open. the confirmation of marriages and compensation for
The fact that the horse skull was found together with transgressions (Hayden 2001:30). According to B.
aquern stone at the bottom of the well seems to sup- Hayden, the archaeological evidence for feasts in-
port the idea of closing offerings. clude both the food remains and the various distinc-
Finally, there were rituals performed in the open tive types of vessels localised among others in the
common area which are reflected in the presence of central community spaces (2001:table 2.1).
pits containing cattle and dog skulls and limbs and It has been argued that for most farming socie-
piglet skeletons. There are several possible interpre- ties, meat was an expensive commodity to produce
tations, however obviously the bones (both selected and the offering a part of the animals body oper-
parts and complete skeletons) were deposited de- ates as a purification ritual and represents the con-
liberately in small pits and thus are preserved much sumption of avaluable commodity as an experience
better than rest of the bone collection from the site. shared with powers the offer was dedicated to. Thus,
In case of piglets one cannot exclude adeposition of the sacrifice is often connected with feasting, when
complete animal bodies. No bones from the deposits the animals were consumed. In my opinion the de-
bear traces of cutting and crushing while dog skulls, posits of complete skulls or limb bones reflect very
as they have no mandibles, must have been depos- meaningful feasts because there are many crushed
ited after the soft tissue had been removed. Skull skull bones at the site but only some of them were
and limbs deposits are very often interpreted as the deposited in a deliberately way (Hamilakis, Kon-
remains of feasts including ritual feasts. Feasts are solaki 2004:145).
events essentially constituted by the communal con- The example of Magnice site demonstrates not
sumption of food and/or drink which is entirely dif- only animal bones as ritual consumption remains
ferent from everyday domestic meals including food but also shows animals being situated within amuch
preparation, consumption, social and spatial context wider ritually constructed view of the world.
Table 1. Body part representation for each major taxon (after Romanow 2011)
SHEEP/
CATTLE PIG HORSE DOG
GOAT
pedicle 39 - 6 - -
maxilla 23 40 1 1 6
mandible 189 68 23 18 11
teeth 191 56 26 44 15
sacrum 2 6 - - -
scapula 95 39 8 8 4
humerus 50 40 16 1 8
radius 55 23 10 2 3
ulna 8 15 - 1 2
carpal bones 9 21 1 - -
metacarpus 47 2 1 8 -
Ritual contexts of animal bones deposits from the Roman Iron Age settlement at Magnice, SW Poland
293
SHEEP/
CATTLE PIG HORSE DOG
GOAT
pelvis 39 21 6 1 -
femur 34 39 12 1 2
patella 1 1 - -
tibia 70 40 27 4 9
fibula - 10 - - 5
tarsus 23 14 4 8 -
metatarsus 36 1 6 3 -
metapodium 111 42 63 1 5
phalangae 44 17 2 4 -
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Felix Lang
The paper deals with the professions in which 1981; Obmann 1997:85-86; Moosbauer 1999:219-
bone workers were engaged in Roman times. The 220). The archaeological evidence will be inter-
considerations are only concerned with profes- preted based on written sources. This leads to certain
sional crafting not with bone working undertaken implications for archaeological terminology of bone
as home work or for mere subsistence (cf. Schlesier crafting.
Fig. 1. Iuvavum Salzburg: areas of depositing bone refuse including half fabrics of antler handles;
workshop areas with bone and iron working activities
lichen sich auch gemeinsame Fertigungstechniken hrends 1981:143 fn. 6; Kneil 1983:73; Schlipp-
vor allem in der Verarbeitung luxuriser Werkstoffe. schuh 1987:4-7; Frezouls 1991:59-60; Richardson
Ineinander verzahnte Arbeitsvorgnge, bei denen 1992:346; Andreau 2000:783-785). Therefore it is
zwar unterschiedliche Materialien verwendet, jedo- quite possible that this people traded with these raw
ch an einem Werkstck zusammengebaut wurden, materials, not worked with them.
lassen eine getrennte endgltige Montage unwahr- Truly there are eborarii known who are clearly
scheinlich werden (Obmann 1997:85; also Mikler identified as craftsmen by terms like faber or opifex.
1997:114). However, there is no connection with citriarii (Lang
However it is highly suspicious that the ebo- 2008b). Additionally there is no proof that these ebo-
rarii and citriarii mentioned in the inscription are rarii also worked in normal bone not just in ivory
indeed craftsmen, because the added term nego- (cf. Mikler 1997:113-114). Therefore it is quite im-
tiatores is normally not used for workers but high probable that this professional term covered all bone
scale merchants (Kornemann 1899:397-399; Be- working activities.
the professions it is crucial to make adistinction building (especially public one), where anumber of
between two types of specialization, horizontal and professions are working under the direction of archi-
vertical (Harris 2001:70): tects. Also the textile industry shows alarge degree
Horizontal specialization means that the crafts- of specialization. In large workshops akind of verti-
man is specialized in terms of the product. The same cal organisation can also be assumed and even tested
worker carries out everything that is necessary to (Petrikovits 1981:72-73; Harris 2001:71; Ruffing
make it. 2008:212-214, 370-371, 374-375).
Vertical specialization means that the craftsman is Apassage by Demosthenes is very enlightening
specialized in terms of the work. The product is made for this case (orationes 27. 9-10):
based on division of labour by different craftsmen. My father, men of the jury, left two factories, both
In antiquity horizontal specialization was usual doing alarge business. One was asword-manufacto-
(Harris 2001:71; cf. Ruffing 2008:108-109). There ry, employing thirty-two or thirty-three slaves, most
are indications of vertical specialization but they are of them worth five or six minae each and none worth
sparse. One major exception to this general rule is less than three minae. From these my father received
298 Felix Lang
aclear income of thirty minae each year. The other In the first manufactory/workshop also knives
was a sofa-manufactory, employing twenty slaves could have been produced. Anyhow, the important
given to my father as security for adebt of forty mi- fact is; even though the workshops possessed by De-
nae. Besides this, he left ivory and iron, used in mosthenes father are quite big, there is no differen-
the factory, and wood for sofas, worth about eighty tiation of the workers employed in them. Addition-
minae; and gall and copper, which he had bought for ally different raw materials have been used (Harris
seventy minae (translated by A.T. Murray). 2001:71, 81-82; Schneider 2008:12).
the handles have been made (cf. Crummy 2001:101- luses have been made just until the 1st c. AD, at least
102). They were possibly specialized in knife making in the north-western provinces (Gostennik 2005:42,
but this can not be attested due to the lack of evidence 102-103). Also in Samarobriva/Amiens there are two
concerning the range of produced iron objects. workshops dating 70 to 90 AD (maybe until 130 AD)
In Colchester waste pieces (Fig. 3 and 4) have and from the mid of the 2nd to the mid of the 3rd c. AD
been found probably intended as applied ornament that seem to be specialized in the production of bone
on wooden furniture (Crummy 1981; MacGregor hairpins (Thuet 2008:38-41; Fig.5).
1985:45, Figs. 29:h-j; Crummy 2001:99). Quite Again in Alexandria in afilling of the 6th c. AD
likely this as well as debris from the production of there have been found mostly by-products from the
hinges of bone in Limoges (Vallet 1994) and bone elaboration of pyxides and spindle-whorls or so-
refuse from aworkshop in Amiens (Thuet 2008:41) called tesserae, which in my opinion could be refuse
indicates aworkshop of afurniture maker. from the production of bottoms or lids of pyxides
This does not mean that it is impossible that bone (Rodziewicz 1998:146-147, Fig. 16-17). This could
was the only raw material acraftsman dealt with. Es- be aworkshop specialized in bone pyxides, although
pecially hairpins are predominantly made of this ma- maybe also wooden ones have been produced (cf.
terial (cf. Riha 1990:96-97; Deschler-Erb 1998:159). Pugsley 2001:113-115). Actually it is possible that
Therefore it could have been the only one. This could further objects have been made; therefore this could
be the case in Alexandria in Egypt. There half fabrics be aturners workshop.
of bone have been found in ahouse dating from the Of course it is possible that the archaeological ev-
5th to the beginning of the 7th c. AD interpreted as idence indicates vertical specialization. In Glouces-
production waste of pins, needles, styluses or some- ter 1,709 pieces of bone box veneer of the late 4th
thing similar (Rodziewicz 1998:143-146, Fig. 12-15). to early 5th c. AD have been found. The absence
Quite likely there was apin maker, because so called of raw material, partially-worked pieces, or offcuts
bone needles are most likely hairpins and bone sty- suggests that this was the workshop of acraftsman
300 Felix Lang
Fig. 6. Workshop
of aknife maker
in Amsterdam, 18th c.;
after Rijkelijkhuizen
2009:423, Fig. 10 right
in wood, who bought in the veneer pieces from of specialization but it is not certain. In both cases
a bone-worker (Crummy 2001:100; also Hassal just apart of the whole area is excavated (cf. Hassal
and Rhodes 1974:72-73 fig. 28.36). Also in Flavia and Rhodes 1974:26-30, Fig. 4). Therefore it is pos-
Solva, as suggested quite optimistically by myself, sible that the bone working took place just nearby.
handles of antler have possibly been made in adif- Anyhow, if the bone objects really have been made
ferent place than the iron-knives they were destined by a different craftsman, it is impossible to say if
for (Lang 2008c). he was a specialized bone carver or another furni-
To postulate this careful contextual analysis is ture resp. knife maker with a surplus of bone raw
necessary. These examples could indicate this kind material.
Conclusion
Isuppose that the usual model of Roman crafts- remains as ovens and waste products as slag, but it is
manship is influenced too strongly by modern meth- quite often impossible to determine which products
ods of investigation based on the raw material. More have been produced in an iron workshop. Further
likely is a definition of different crafts in relation professional specialization in terms of the product
to the products. Therefore it is quite probable that does not exclude that acraftsman occasionally made
acraftsman or aworkshop worked with different ma- other products (cf. Burford 1985:118-121).
terials. This should be reflected in the archaeological Anyway, we should rather use the ancient termi-
record. What we need are careful contextual analyses. nology of professions than one constructed by the
There is of course aproblem concerning the survival division of the material in archaeological investiga-
of different materials. For bone working the strongest tion. Clearly, there are many bone working activities
association exists with wood working (cf. Obmann in Roman times but this does not implicate that the
1997:85). Objects of wood are normally not repre- profession of bone working existed. And this is the
sented in the archaeological record. Iron working is explanation why written and pictorial sources about
somehow better to recognize through architectural this craft are almost lacking in Roman times.
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Magdalena Konczewska
During the Middle Ages, awide range of artefacts and antler (MacGregor 2001:367). The choice of
were made of skeletal materials (Fig. 1). Medieval material was determined by the taste, preferences,
bone, horn and antler items excavated in Wrocaw and means of the consumer. Progressive urbanisa-
include but are not limited to the follow- tion and limited forest access played a certain role
ing: toilet and textile combs, playing pieces (dice, in moving away from antler as a major raw mate-
counters, and chessmen), beads, buttons, buckles, rial (Ulbricht 1984:73; MacGregor 2001:366-367).
knife handles, pins, saddle fittings, crossbow nuts, With this in mind, it is significant that in Wrocaw
needles, styli, sledge runners, and skates (Jaworski the quantity of bone artefacts always seems to have
1990; 1995:145-154; 1999:70-92; 2007: 511-522; surpassed the number of antler articles. For instance,
Winiewski 1993:319-337; Winiewski, Tymciw, only 20% of the all faunal items discovered in early
aciuk 1994:379-381; Jastrzbski 1999:89-99; 2004: medieval Ostrw Tumski were made of antler (Ja-
245-267; Wachowski 1999:184, Fig. 1:4; Konczew worski 1990:19, 22).
ska 2010a:245-252, Fig. 164, 166). Bone and horn were available as by-products of
It is worth emphasizing that the raw materials meat consumption, and of the skinners and tan-
used by Wrocaws late-medieval craftsmen were ners trades. Thus, to the late-medieval craftsmen,
not determined on a purely arbitrary or expedient bone was potentially a more accessible raw mate-
basis. Rather, these artisans intentionally selected rial than antler (see Mller 1992; Grzak, Kurach
sources of raw material according to task, and one 1996). Cattle bone was preferred for its year-round
may perceive aparticular focus on cattle metapodial availability, for its (probable) low price, and for its
bones, cattle horn and occasionally antler. They rare- aesthetic and physical properties: colour, shape, size
ly used bones of other species of animals (Jaworski and thickness (Krysiak 1987:230; Jaworski 1998:81-
1998:73-81; 1999:71-88). Moreover, their industries 84). In particular, cattle metapodials, (both metatar-
were defined in terms of the products they produced, sus and metacarpus) were used in the manufacture
rather than the raw materials they consumed. Thus, of awide range of objects, including combs, beads,
the combmaker made combs of bone, horn, wood buttons, and dice. In addition, cattle horn (the ke-
306 Magdalena Konczewska
ratinous sheath itself) was suitable for the produc- The remains of workshops and concentrations
tion of combs, but our knowledge of hornworking is of waste material were discovered at more than
confounded by the materials poor survival potential ten archaeological sites in Wrocaw, dated between
under normal burial conditions. the 13th and 15th centuries (Jaworski 2007:511-512,
The development of medieval Wrocaw as com- 519, Fig. 4, 521-522). This evidence appears in the
plicated and multipart urban structure is the subject form of detached horncores with traces of sheath-
of detailed studies of both archaeologists and histo- removal, lower limb bones (generally of cattle, and
rians1. Large-scale excavations in the Old Town pro- particularly discarded proximal and distal ends of
vide valuable material for understanding the mate- metapodials), by-products, semi-manufactures, and
rial culture of the inhabitants of Wroclaw and enable unfinished wares. The results of archaeological exca-
identification of the possible location of workshops, vations were compared with written sources (Tab.1,
including those involved in the processing of bone, Fig. 2, 3). It is difficult to identify in the historical
horn and antler. records the craftsmen who may have carried out
this sort of work, and for that reason archaeological
1Results of the archaeological research on medieval studies are very important. According to documen-
Wrocaw are published cyclically in the Wratislavia An- tary and archaeological evidences the workshops of
tiqua series. combmakers, needlemakers, rosary and dicemakers
Bone, horn and antler working in medieval Wrocaw
307
Fig. 2. Plan of Wrocaw. Archaeological sites at which bone, horn and antler waste were found,
and interpreted by K. Jaworski as workshops (after Jaworski 2007)
Fig. 3. Plan of Wrocaw. Historically attested locations of comb and rosary-makers in 1403 (after Goliski 1997)
308 Magdalena Konczewska
were located in the Butchers Quarter, in the area Large quantities of cattle bone and horn waste
to the north of the Market Square (Rynek), and its (130 metapodials and 148 horncores) come from
north-western part (Jaworski 2007). Bone, horn cultural layers and rubbish pits discovered at 18
and antler could also be used by a range of other Igielna (Needle Street). It is interesting that any un-
professions, including crossbow-makers, turners, finished articles and semi-manufactures were noted.
belt-makers, saddlers, cutlers, and joiners. Alist of Four textile combs and one double-sided toilet comb
lower-class tax payers working in Wrocaw in the were excavated from the site, as well as four play-
year 1403 mentions: 4 combmakers, 9 rosarymakers ing pieces made of sheep/goat phalanges. Krzysztof
(paternosterer), 21 needlemakers, 60 cutlers, 7 sad- Jaworski supposes that this site housed aworkshop
dlers, 33 belt-makers, 4 turners, 3 crossbow-makers, to produce combs. Interestingly, on the basis of ar-
and 9 joiners (Goliski 1997:370-380; 477-480, chival documents medieval Igielna Street was in
maps 26-30). habited by combmakers as well as producers of nee-
At 6-8 Sukiennice (the Cloth Hall) two pits (no 12, dles and needle-cases (Goliski 1990: 268; Jaworski
13) dated to the half of the 13th and 13/14th centuries 2002:213-214).
were interpreted by explorers as workshops. Their At 14 Igielna, 47 fragments of bone and horn
chief outputs appear to have been dice and (prob- waste had accumulated in the oldest stratigraphic lay-
ably) textile combs. The 1,500 artefacts recovered in ers, associated with awooden construction dated to
this pits and in their neighbourhood included bone the beginning of the 14th century. Most of the waste
waste from dice-making, as well as semi-manufac- fragments relate to the production of toilet combs,
tures, unfinished and completed dice. Also present but the manufacture of dice and beads was also evi-
were a lead-filled first Bos phalanx, and several denced (Buko et al. 1996:261-275). At 8 Igielna,
fragmentary textile combs (Winiewski 1993:325, acollection of antler blanks which have been drilled
332, 337; Winiewski et al. 1994:379-381). In the with holes attests to the production of prayer beads
younger pits no 13, implements identified included (Piekalski 1991:151).
astone plate and stone polisher (Winiewski 1993: Waste material at Biskupia Street shows evidence
325, 337, Fig. 12:7-9). The oldest documentary refer- of the production of dice and rosaries in vicinity of
ence to Wrocaws Cloth Hall dates to 1242. Archae- this area (Borkowski, Gierczak 1995:221-227; Ja-
ological investigation in the middle of the Market worski 2007:518-519), while, according to Krzysz-
Square indicates that initially the Cloth Hall simply tof Jaworski (1999:92), at 10-11 Wizienna there
consisted of anumber of temporary wooden struc- were probably three workshops active in the produc-
tures. These served as the main market, and were ac- tion of toilet combs (one existed in the 2nd half of
companied by workshops producing dice and other the 13th century and the second in 14th century)
goods (see above). The brick-built Cloth Hall was and rosary beads (in 15th century). It is thus notable
constructed in the second half of the 13th century that from this area come two horn double-sided sim-
(Goliski1991:19-25; 1997:24). ple (i.e. one-piece) combs (Jaworski 1999: Fig. 22).
Aquantity of cattle scapulae, semi-manufactures, Such finds are very rare, as keratinous objects rap-
and bone-working debris (over 1,800 bones in to- idly decay in the soil. Finally, acertain quantity of
tal) were found in the north-western part of the Mar- bone and horn waste material was also discovered
ket Square. These have been interpreted as saddle in cultural layers during the excavations under the
fittings, and associated with the workshops of sad- pavement of the Szewska and aciarska Streets
dlers. Tellingly, the stalls of saddlers in this area are (Konczewska 2010b:265-267, 378-380).
recorded in written sources from the 14th century The oldest evidence of the craftsmans activity in
(Goliski 1997:25; Jastrzbski 1999:89-90, 96-99; Wrocaw come from the 1st half of the 13th century
Jaworski 2007:517-518). (6-8 Sukiennice and 8 Igielna), and the youngest
A certain amount of handles, horn- and bone- from 15th century (10-11 Wizienna, 3 Wierzbowa,
working waste uncovered at Nicolaus Street and as well as Mikoaja and Biskupia Streets). Archaeo-
dated between the 14th and 15th centuries should logical studies confirm the presence of workshops
presumably be connected with cutlers (Tab. 1). In specializing in the processing of bone, horn and antler
England, the medieval Cutlers Company of Lon- in the places mentioned in written sources from the
don included not only the cutlers who assembled 14th and early 15th century. Chronology of the dis-
and marketed the finished products, but also blade covered artifacts indicates that some of them existed
smiths, sheathers, and most importantly for us much earlier in the 13th century, what may suggest
hafters. These last made handles of every material, long-duration of workshops in discussed area. Prob-
combining work in bone, horn and ivory with metal- ably their location were influenced by neighborhood
work (McGregor 2001:367). of slaughterhouses and butcher stalls, which were the
Bone, horn and antler working in medieval Wrocaw
309
main source of raw material supply for craftsmen.
The range of products manufactured in Wrocaw
does not differ from other well-known urban cent-
ers of the Western Europe. This is probably due
to the standardization of production in this cultural
tradition.
The oldest and most complete list of the guilds or-
ganizations in Wrocaw are iura omnium mechanico-
rum et operariorum ciuitati Wratizlauie dating back
to around the year 1300, and contained in a wider
statute book known as the charters of Wrocaw craft
(Goliski 1991:62-63). The first references to the
needle-case makers the producers of bone, antler
and wood containers designed to hold needles oc-
cur in this register. Mateusz Goliski suggests that
at the time of this edition of the guilds act, the term
needle-case makers also encompassed combmakers
and manufacturers of a range of other articles: the
styli used in writing on wax tablets, knife and tool
handles, pins, playing pieces, and pendants (Goliski
1991:98-99). Presumably then, the production of
needle-cases and combs had a pedigree as part of
one of the oldest of the craft specialisms involving
Fig. 4. Coffin cartouche of the comb,
the processing of bone, horn and antler. The evidence
rosary and needlemakers guild from Wrocaw, 1603
for bone, horn and antler working at the Nowy Targ (after Marcisz 2002)
(New Market) between the 12th century and the first
half of the 13th is testimony to domestic handicraft
(producing toggles, pins, sledge runners, skates, and and 1420 lists of guilds we know that combmakers
simple combs) and to the manufacture of items by and needlemakers organized themselves as parts of
and for the use of craftsmen of other specialities (e.g. a single guild (Fig. 4), while in 1420 both profes-
awls, needles, and handles). In the late Middle Ages, sions are mentioned together with rosary-makers
producers of needle-cases were recorded together (paternosterer), wire-makers, hook and eye-makers
with combmakers, and their workshops were located and melters of tin (Goliski1997:462, Tab. 120). We
in the present Igielna (Needle Street). In 1390, this should also remember the importance of domestic
street appears in historical sources as Nadelnergasse handicraft, which in 13th-15th century Wrocaw,
(Needle Street), and in 1398 as Kemmergasse (Comb was responsible for the production of sledges, skates,
Street) (Goliski 1990:268, 1997:373, tab. 47, 53). toggles, pins and other simple articles, according to
On the basis of archival documents, such as the 1389 the makers own needs.
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Kamilla Pawowska
Material
Alongside pottery and artefacts such as saw such as sheep (Ovis aries), horse (Equus cabal-
blades and the discs from lathes, animal bone con- lus), moose (Alces alces), pig (Sus domestica), roe
stitutes asignificant component of the finds assem- deer (Capreolus capreolus), bear (Ursus sp.), and
blage. In total, about 7,800 animal bones were re- aurochs (Bos primigenius) occurred in smaller
covered, though this includes material relating to the proportions.
consumption of food, as well as that which clearly Anatomically, the elements consist primarily
evidences manufacturing. This paper is concerned of horncores (n=125), antlers (n=90), metatarsals
with the latter group. (n=56), and metacarpals (n=22). Other elements
There are approximately 350 fragments of worked (n=54) such as scapulae, ribs, phalanges, radii,
horncore, antler, and bone, and most of this material tibiae, femora, teeth, skull bones, and mandibles
comes from domestic mammals (60%, n=218). Wild are found with frequencies between 0.3% and 3%
mammals account for 30% (n=96). The elements are (Fig. 3).
derived mainly from goats (Capra hircus) (n=88), Taphonomic evidence indicates that food remains
cattle (Bos taurus) (n=84), and red deer (Cervus ela- were also used in craft: there are cuts and chops marks
phus) (n=69) (each constituting about 20% of the on the surfaces of certain elements (17% of the total
remains) (Fig. 2). Bones from other animals (n=73) material). The left horncore of an aurochs (in which
Fig. 4. Horncore of an aurochs with marks of skinning (a) and chopping (b).
Photo K. Pawowska
Fig. 5. Preworked
material for crafting.
Metatarsal of cattle.
Photo K. Pawowska
a fragment of the frontal bone is retained) provides Spatial analysis of the worked-bone findspots
anice example of an element bearing visible indica- failed to reveal concentrations of any one category
tions of anthropogenic intervention. The horncore fea- of find (e.g. raw materials, semi-manufactures, com-
tures two types of anthropogenic mark: chopmarks, plete products, or waste) as the spatial organization
and cuts related to skinning (Fig. 4a and 4b). of the workshop on this site.
Results
The remains from the Inowrocaw site may be defective facings and clothing toggles; unfinished or
sorted into the following groups, corresponding to discarded pieces of textile combs) (Fig. 10).
the three stages of manufacture outlined above: Of the remains of raw materials suitable for work-
a) those bone, horn, or antler elements that rep- ing (bone, antler, and horn) horn is the most well rep-
resent raw materials intended for use in craft, but resented (in the form of horncores). It is interesting
which were subsequently unworked (though some that in the finds material there are neither products
examples may have been preworked) (Fig. 5); made from horn (such as combs), nor any evidence
b) the semi-manufactures and unfinished prod- that this material was used for making glue, despite
ucts produced using the above materials (such the fact that two ways are recorded for separating the
as the knuckle bone in figure 6 and textile combs
Fig. 8). Debris was found from first and second
groups.
Some products in studied material may be readily
assigned to one of the following classes of objects,
as categorized by Lasota-Moskalewska (1997) with
modifications:
Decorative objects (e.g. beads)
Tools (e.g. pottery combs Fig. 7)
Domestic equipment (e.g. handles and bipartite
facings to cover knife handle
Items associated with dress/ appearance (e.g.
combs, toggles or buttons for clothing Fig. 9)
Items connected with entertainment (e.g. whis-
tles? pipes?)
The analysed elements in material, in most cases
(about 60%) are waste (for example: goat and sheep
horncores with their ends cut off; branching seg-
ments and coronets from red deer antlers; proximal Fig. 10. Typological distribution
and distal ends of cattle metacarpals and metatarsals; of modified animal bones by NISP (n=342)
The remains of alate medieval workshop in Inowroclaw (Kuyavia, Poland): horncores, antlers and bone
317
Fig. 11. Cattle horncore with marks of separating Fig. 12. Cattle horncore with marks of separating
the sheath by extraction (central part). the sheath by cutting off the ends.
Photo K. Pawowska Photo K. Pawowska
sheath from the horncore by extraction (Fig. 11) Examination of the material from Inowrocaw
and by cutting off the ends (Fig. 12). It is associ- also allowed the identification of several stages of
ated with very rare cases the preserve of horn on comb manufacture (the process undertaken in medi-
the archaeological sites. Only a few tertiary-phase eval Poland is well understood; see Cnotliwy 1973).
items (those regarded as finished) can be recognised; Once again, elements belonging to primary, second-
these are clothing toggles, a comb, and perforated ary, and tertiary phased were recovered. The primary
phalanges). stage is represented in the form of pre-worked raw
There is evidence to suggest that all stages of material (cut lengths of antler), while there is diverse
manufacture from preliminary processing of mate- evidence for the secondary stage of manufacture:
rial to the final stages of production took place on- pieces of antler preworked with groove and splinter
site. This is particularly clear in the material related technique; antler plates for which the porous core
to the production of facings, for which primary, material has been removed; and semi-finished prod-
secondary, and tertiary stages of manufacture are ucts such as composite comb plates formed from
evidenced (Fig. 13: a-b). According to Jastrzbski hard outer layer of antler (substantia compacta)
(1999), the production of facings from scapulae be- (Fig. 14). In the tertiary stage, there are some final
gins with the trimming of the spinous process. This products the riveted comb elements (Fig. 15).
is followed by tracing and incising, using knives, The degree of preservation and processing of
chisels, and compasses. The use of compasses is in- the material allows differences to be inferred in the
dicated by semicircular marks left on waste from the production of objects made from antlers and objects
Inowrocaw site. However, the character of edges of made from long bones.
semicircular marks suggests that the bone fragment Horn cores which display the marks of differ-
was first incised and then snapped off. The proce- ent methods of separating the sheath have been de-
dure was thus similar to that evidenced in the second scribed above. The base and tip of horn cores are
half of the 13th century and in the 14th century in the preserved in various lengths. The horn core was cut
market in Wrocaw (Jastrzbski 1999). from the skull using athick saw, what left cut marks
318 Kamilla Pawowska
References
Ashby, S. 2005. Craft and Industries: Bone, antler and wieczny IV, Gdask: Gdaskie Towarzystwo Naukowe,
horn-working, In: C.A. Spall and N.J. Toop (eds.) Blue 41-144.
Bridge Lane & Fishergate House, York Report on Excava- Jastrzbski, A. 1999. Produkcja rogownicza na wroc-
tions, July 2000 to July 2002, online: http://archaeologi- awskim rynku w2 po. XIII iwXIV wieku, Mediaevalia
calplanningconsultancy.co.uk/mono/001. Archaeologica 1, 89-99.
Cnotliwy, E. 1956. Zbada nad rzemiosem zajmuj- Lasota-Moskalewska, A. 1997. Podstawy archeozoolo-
cym si obrbk rogu ikoci na Pomorzu Zachodnim we gii, Warszawa: Pastwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe.
wczesnym redniowieczu, Materiay Zachodniopomorskie Rbkowski, M. 1996. Wyroby zrogu ikoci, burszty-
II, 151-79. nu, kamienia, szka oraz gliny, In: M. Rbkowski (ed.)
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wieku, In: J. Kamiska (ed.) Gdask wczesnorednio- iEtnologii Polskiej Akademii Nauk, 235-42.
Authors Adresses
Irina Adriana Achim
Vasile Prvan Archaeological Institute of the Romanian Academy,
11 Henri Coand St., Sector 1 010667 Bucharest
Romania
achimirina@yahoo.com
Esteban lvarez-Fernndez
Departamento de Prehistoria, Facultad de Geografa e Historia, Universidad de Salamanca,
C. Cerrada de Serranos S/N
37002 Salamanca
Spain
epanik@usal.es
Steven P. Ashby
Department of Archaeology, University of York, Kings Manor
York YO1 7EP
UK
steve.ashby@york.ac.uk
Aline Averbouh
CNRS, TRACES
Maison de la recherch, universit Toulouse 2
5, alles A. Machado
F-31058 Toulouse cedex 9
France
averbouh@univ-tlse2.fr
322 Authors Adresses
Justyna Baron
Instytut Archeologii Uniwersytetu Wrocawskiego
ul. Szewska 48
50-139 Wrocaw
Poland
justyna.baron@gmail.com
Luminia Bejenaru
Alexandru Ioan Cuza University, Faculty of Biology, Bd. Carol, nr. 20 A
700506, Iasi
Romania
lumib@uaic.ro
Corneliu Beldiman
Dimitrie Cantemir Christian University, Faculty of History
176 Splaiul Unirii, Sector 4
040042 Bucharest 53
Romania
cbeldiman58@yahoo.com
Marcin Diakowski
Instytut Archeologii Uniwersytetu Wrocawskiego
ul. Szewska 48
50-139 Wrocaw
Poland
m.diakowski@gmail.com
Erika Gl
Archaeological Institute of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences
1014 Budapest, ri u. 49
Hungary
gal_erika@yahoo.com
Magdalena Konczewska
Instytut Archeologii Uniwersytetu Wrocawskiego
ul. Szewska 48
50-139 Wrocaw
Poland
magdalena.konczewska.@archeo.uni.wroc.pl
Authors Adresses
323
Bernadeta Kufel-Diakowska
Instytut Archeologii Uniwersytetu Wrocawskiego
ul. Szewska 48
50-139 Wrocaw
Poland
bernadeta.kufel@gmail.com
Felix Lang
University of Salzburg, Archaeology
Residenzplatz 1
A-5020 Salzburg
Austria
felix.lang@sbg.ac.at
Heidi Luik
Institute of History, Tallinn University
Rtli 6, 10130 Tallinn
Estonia
heidi.luik@mail.ee
Liina Maldre
Institute of History, Tallinn University
Rtli 6, 10130 Tallinn
Estonia
liina.maldre@mail.ee
Benjamin Marquebielle
Laboratoire TRACES UMR5608
Universit de Toulouse 2 le Mirail
Maison de la Recherche Bt 26
5, alle Antonio Machado
31058 Toulouse Cedex 9
France
benja.mar@wanadoo.fr
Peggy Morgenstern
Eichenstrae 5
13156 Berlin
Germany
peggy_morgenstern@web.de
Florentina Oleniuc
Alexandru Ioan Cuza University, Faculty of Biology,
Bd. Carol, nr. 20 A
700506, Iasi
Romania
carmen_oleniuc@yahoo.com
324 Authors Adresses
Mirja Ots
Institute of History, Tallinn University
Rtli 6, 10130 Tallinn
Estonia
mirja.ots@mail.ee
Kamilla Pawowska
Institute of Geology, Faculty of Geographical and Geological Sciences
Adam Mickiewicz University
ul. Makw Polnych 16
61-606 Pozna
Poland
koka@amu.edu.pl
Jean-Marc Ptillon
CNRS, TRACES
Maison de la recherch, universit Toulouse 2
5, alles A. Machado, F-31058 Toulouse cedex 9
France
petillon@univ-tlse2.fr
Stefan Pratsch
Wollestrae 4
D-14482 Postdam
Germany
stefan.pratsch@teltow-flaeming.de
Marloes Rijkelijkhuizen
University of Amsterdam
Amsterdam Archaeological Centre
Turfdraagsterpad 9
1012 XT Amsterdam
The Netherlands
marloesrijkelijkhuizen@hotmail.com
Viorica Rusu-Bolinde
National History Museum of Transylvania, 2 Constantin Daicoviciu St.
400020 Cluj-Napoca, Cluj County
Romania
viorusu1@yahoo.com
Elisabeth A. Stone
Department of Anthropology
MSC01-1040, Anthropology 1
University of New Mexico
Albuquerque, NM 87131
USA
elisabethastone@gmail.com
Katrin Struckmeyer
Lower Saxony Institute for Historical Coastal Research
Viktoriastr. 26/28
26382 Wilhelmshaven
Germany
struckmeyer@nihk.de
Authors Adresses
325
Diana-Maria Sztancs
Lucian Blaga University, Sibiu, Doctoral Program
Romania
beldiana22@yahoo.com
Selena Vitezovi
Archaeological Institute
Kneza Mihaila 35/IV
11 000 Beograd
Serbia
selenavitezovic@gmail.com