Antioch and Rome

ANTIOCH AND ROME
NEW TESTAMENT CRADLES

OF CATHOLIC CHRISTIANITY
Raymond E. Brown, S. S.
John P. Meier
PAULIST PRESS
New York/Ramsey
Cover by Ragna Tischler Goddard.
Nihil Obstat:
Edward J. Ciuba
Censor librorum
Imprimatur:
Peter L. Gerety, D.O.
Archbishop of Newark
Date:
December 14, 1982
The Nihil Obstat and Imprimatur are official declarations that a book or pamphlet is
free of doctrinal or moral error. No implication is contained therein that those who
have granted the Nihil Obstat and Imprimatur agree with the contents, opinions or
statements expressed.
Copyright 1983 by
Raymond E. Brown, S.S. and Rev. John P. Meier
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any
form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying. recording or
by any information storage and retrieval system without permission in writing from
the Publisher.
Library of Congress
Catalog Card Number: 82-063171
ISBN: 0-8091-0339-7 (cloth)

0-8091-2532-3 (paper)
Published by Paulist Press

545 Island Road, Ramsey, N.J. 07446
Printed and bound in the

United States of America
With admiration, affection, and gratitude
to
MONSIGNOR MYLES M. BOURKE
Scholar, Professor, Pastor, Ecumenist, Liturgist

on the occasion of his
I sixty-fifth birthday
and
fortieth anniversary in the priesthood
PREFACE
HE NEW TEST AMENT (NT) gives indications of very diverse

T views within Christianity, as well as references to Christian
groups regarded as radically deviant by NT writers. Sometimes the
views are espoused by different groups coexisting within the same
city as, for instance, the four affiliations described in I Cor 1: 12 or
the dispute at Antioch (Gal 2:11-14). Sometimes one form of Chris-
tian outlook may have been prominent in one area and another in a
different area, as we can deduce from comparing very different NT
works that show no knowledge of each other. Nevertheless, the im-
age of a totally homogeneous Christianity in the first Christian cen-
tury is hard to erase.
Within some modern reconstructions of a nuanced character
simple homogeneity is dismissed, but the thought of Paul is still as-
sumed to be the dominant factor in the Christian mainstream, espe-
cially as regards freedom over against the Mosaic Law. It is
recognized, of course, that within the first Christian century faith in
Jesus spread east from Palestine as well as to the west; and that this
eastern thrust (about which the NT is totally silent) would have had
little or no contact with Paul's thought. Acts 18:24-25 seems to im-
-I ply that Christianity of a distinctively non-Pauline hue had reached
Alexandria by the mid-50s (when Paul came to Ephesus). Neverthe-
less, it is often assumed that in the areas of NT Mediterranean Chris-
tianity which really came to matter in subsequent western church
history (Syria, Asia Minor, Greece, and Italy) Paul's thought "won
vii
viii PREFACE
out." That assumption will be severely tested by the independent

work of the two authors of this volume.
Coincidentally each of us was studying the origins of Christian-
ity in NT times at an influential center in the Mediterranean area,
Meier working on Antioch in Syria, and Brown on Rome. In conver-
sation, we discovered that our analyses of the origins of such
churches were somewhat alike in both method and results. These
were two cities where Paul featured alongside another very promi-
nent early Christian, Peter; and we were convinced that in both cases
it was not the Pauline view about the Law and Judaism that pre-
vailed but a moderate view that could be associated with Peter-
even though ultimately some of the Pauline strains were domesticat-
ed and incorporated into that Petrine strain. Ignatius of Antioch
wrote ca. A.D. 110 about the church catholic (he katholike ekklesia),
a church more widespread geographically than the churches in any
one city or area, but also a church that had managed to blend togeth-
er diverse strains of thought so that the resultant koinonia, "commu-
nion," among Christians involved common views on important
issues. We are convinced that the somewhat-right-of-Paul strains of
Christianity that emerged at Antioch and Rome in association with
Peter were a key factor in the emerging church catholic. Such an
analysis does not detract from the enormous power and challenge of
Paul's letters and thought; but it warns that a purely Pauline Chris-
tianity was not dominant in NT times or afterwards. To some, the
failure of Paul to dominate represents the loss of Christian vitality.
Others of us believe that the only Christianity that can do justice to a
NT containing diversity is one that resists sectarian purism in favor
of constructively holding together tensions. Blending Paul into a
wider mix, therefore, is what made the Pauline Epistles biblical, i.e.,
part of a Bible meant to guide, serve, and challenge the church cath-
olic.
In joining the two studies on Antioch and Rome that constitute
the two main parts of this volume, we have made an effort to take
into account each other's work so that a unified book would result.
Nevertheless, we must issue some cautions about how to read our
joint book. First, each author is responsible for only what he wrote
(which is clearly indicated). Reviewers who applaud or disagree
should be precise whether they are referring to one author or both.
I PREFACE ix
Second, there is an element of speculation in this work, and so con-

structive disagreement is expected and hoped for. We invite scholars
to add to and modify our historical pictures of the two churches. We
are aware that, in a way, we are breaking new ground; and our goal
is to attract interest so that the investigation will be carried on by
many others. Third, in mentioning the speculative, we know that be-
cause of the very nature of the material discussed, some parts of our
hypotheses are less verifiable than others. For instance, Meier must
depend on the Gospel of Matthew for reconstructing the middle peri-
od ("second generation") of his survey of Antioch. Most scholars
would agree that Matthew was written at Antioch but may disagree
as to what percentage of the Matthean Gospel reflects the situation
existing at Antioch when the author wrote and what percentage rep-
resents an earlier period of tradition-perhaps tradition preserved
elsewhere and representing the conditions of that other time and
place. Certainly the evidence in Matthew is more speculative in re-
constructing Antiochene history than Paul's description of what
happened at Antioch in the Letter to the Galatians. Brown must de-
pend not only on letters to Rome (which reflect on the Roman situa-
tion) but also on letters from Rome to other Christian communities.
Descriptions in the latter may reflect either the customs and
thoughts of the Roman senders or problems that exist among the re-
cipients or both; and one must read such documents with caution.
We are willing to be evaluated on whether we have shown good judg-
ment in observing the methodological cautions we have emphasized,
but we cannot agree with those who would rather say nothing about
Antioch and Rome than proceed with the likelihood of making some
mistakes. To study the NT as if it could tell us no major historical
facts about Jesus or about the early Christians and their emerging
churches is, in our judgment, an overreaction to an earlier scholar-
ship that took everything in the NT as history. Exegetes and church
historians must and do operate on the basis of reconstructions that
fill in gaps left by evidence. If our reconstructions are found wanting,
we shall be happy if at least we have prodded others to replace them
with more adequate reconstructions. That would be a more satisfac-
tory reaction than insisting on certitude and thus being content with
silence.
If coincidence brought our independent studies together, an
x PREFACE
even more fortunate set of coincidences is involved in the dedication

of this volume. John Meier was a student at St. Joseph's Seminary
(New York Archdiocese) during the twenty-year period when Myles
Bourke served there as a distinguished Professor of Sacred Scripture
and later sat in his class at the Pontifical Biblical Institute in Rome
where Msgr. Bourke taught as visiting professor. Interest aroused by
the teacher and encouragement received from him contributed to
Meier's doctoral studies and subsequent scholarly career. Raymond
Brown knew and respected Myles Bourke as a fellow scholar for
years before Brown became Auburn Professor of Biblical Studies at
Union Theological Seminary in New York City in 1971. But, as fate
would have it, Msgr. Bourke had been serving since 1966 as pastor of
Corpus Christi Church, the parish across the street from Union, so
that now for a decade he has been Brown's host for daily celebration
of the Eucharist. Thus we two authors can join enthusiastically in
dedicating our combined volume to a dear and appreciated friend
who has helped us differently as professor and pastor, as scholarly
and priestly advisor. His two anniversaries in 1982 prompt us to wish
him ad multos annos in a life and priesthood that has served so many
so well.
September 30, 1982

Feast of St. Jerome
Raymond E. Brown, s.s. John P. Meier

Auburn Distinguished Professor Professor of New Testament
of Biblical Studies and Chairman of the
Scripture Department
Union Theological Seminary St. Joseph's Seminary
3041 Broadway (Dunwoodie)
New York City 10027 Yonkers, NY 10704
TABLE OF CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION (Brown) 1-9
PART ONE: ANTIOCH (Meier) 11-86

Chapter I: Locating Matthew's Church in Time and Space 15-27
-[ Chapter II: The Antiochene Church of the First Christian
Generation (A.D. 40-70-Galatians 2; Acts 11-15) 28-44
Chapter III: The Antiochene Church of the Second
Christian Generation (A.D. 70-100-Matthew) 45-72
Chapter IV: The Antiochene Church of the Third
Christian Generation (after A.D. 100) 73-84
A. Ignatius of Antioch 74
B. The Didache 81
Chapter V: Summary: Peter, Matthew, Ignatius, and the
Struggle for a Middle Position 85-86
PART TWO: ROME (Brown) 87-216

Chapter VI: The Beginnings of Christianity at Rome 92-104
Chapter VII: The Roman Church Near the End of the First
Christian Generation (A.D. 58-Paul to the Romans) 105-127
xi
xii TABLE OF CONTENTS
Chapter VIII: The Roman Church in the Second

Christian Generation (A.D. 65-95) 128-158
A. The First Epistle of Peter 128
B. The Epistle to the Hebrews 139
Chapter IX: The Roman Church at the Beginning of
the Third Christian Generation (A.D. 96-1 Clement) 159-183
Chapter X: Possible Supplements to Our Knowledge of
Early Roman Christianity 184-210
A. Paul to the Philippians 185
B. The Epistle to the Ephesians 188
C. The Gospel of Mark 191
D. Ignatius to the Romans 202
E. The Shepherd of Hermas 203
F. Legends of Peter and Simon Magus at Rome 205
G. II Peter 208
CONCLUSION (Brown & Meier) 211-216
List of Abbreviations 217
Bibliography 218-232
Bibliographic Index 233
Subject Index 237

INTRODUCTION*
were among the largest cities in the Roman

A NTIOCH AND ROME
Empire, I dominantly Gentile in population but with major Jew-
ish settlements. It is not surprising, then, that the story of the rise of
Christianity in these two cities involves both Jews and Gentiles. As a
preliminary the reader must have an idea of the complexity of the
relations between Jews and Gentiles in the early Christian mission-
ary activity. An older generation of scholars spoke of the Jew and the
Gentile (or of Jewish culture and Hellenistic culture) as if they exist-
ed in different or separate worlds. However, since the time of Alex-
ander of Macedon in the late fourth century B.C. the main Jewish
populations known to us had been living under kings descended from
the Macedonians and under Roman puppet kings and prefects, and
thus in a world where the dominant culture was Hellenistic. Obvi-
ously pockets of Jews resisted acculturation while others embraced it
willingly, but that diversity makes it all the more difficult to speak of
Jewish and Hellenistic cultures as two distinct entities. The interrela-
tion becomes even more complicated when we consider the spread of
Christianity.
Since Jesus lived in Galilee and Judea, most of the people to
*This introduction was written by Raymond E. Brown.

1. Grant, Augustus, 10: "A significant feature of life in the Roman Empire was
the important role played by the big cities." Strabo (Geography 16.2.5), writing about
the time of Jesus' birth, listed the three largest cities in the East as Alexandria, Anti-
och, and Seleucia.
1
2 INTRODUCTION
whom he spoke were Jews; and inevitably the earliest preaching by

his Jewish followers was to fellow Jews, first in Jerusalem and then
in the cities of the diaspora. Later (in steps that will be discussed in
this book) preachers began also to convert Gentiles to belief in Jesus.
Paul thinks of himself as an "apostle to the Gentiles" or uncircum-
cised (Gal 2:8; Rom 1:13; 15:16). However, despite the attention giv-
en in the NT to Paul's role among the Gentiles, we must adamantly
resist the notion that there was only one theological approach
(Paul's) adopted in preaching to the Gentiles, and that therefore all
Gentile converts shared in the same outlook (Paul's). In terms of
what faith in Jesus implied by way of Jewish observances, there were
differences among the Jews who came to believe in Jesus; and every
different type of Jewish-Christian outlook won adherence among
Gentile converts to Christianity. Therefore, one should not speak of
Jewish Christianity and Gentile Christianity but of varying types of
"Jewish/Gentile Christianity." The NT shows at least the following
diversities: 2
Group One, consisting of Jewish Christians and their Gentile
converts, who insisted on full observance of the Mosaic Law, includ-
ing circumcision, for those who believed in Jesus. In short, these ul-
traconservatives insisted that Gentiles had to become Jews to receive
the messianic blessings brought by Jesus. Such a demand was advo-
cated by the Jewish Christians at Jerusalem whom Acts calls "of the
circumcision" (11 :2) and describes as "of the sect [hairesis] of the
Pharisees" (15:5), and whom Paul, less diplomatic than Luke, speaks
of as "false brothers who slipped in to spy out our freedom" (Gal
2:4). Since these people were at Jerusalem and presumably were not
2. In whal follows T am presenTing only th e SJJ11p tesT form of diverstlie~ based

on Tho relaTions of Cilristians to Judaism. Surely lhe si Ul ation WTl~ more comp lex with
further subdivisions based on christology nnd other faclOrs. Furthermore. within the
"Groups" spoken of, inevitably there would have been 11 spec trum , so that, for in-
stalloe, the more conservative of Group TIYO (James) mighl III ti mes be el l se 10 Group
Onc, and the more liberal (Peter) clos~ to Group Three. Also, some who associn~~d
themselves with James may have been more conservative than James (see pp. 42-43
below). At different moments in their career various NT personalities may have
moved from one Group to another (or within a Group, from one end of the spectrum
to another). A haIting step in recognizing this diversity was made by Michaelis, "Ju-
daistische," who distinguished at least two classes of Gentile Christians (in addition to
Jewish Christians): those who allowed themselves to be circumcised and those who
did not. See R. E. Brown. "Not Jewish Christianity."
INTRODUCTION 3
enthusiastic about Gentile converts, many scholars have ignored

their views in speaking about the (single) Christian mission to the
Gentiles. However, the whole of Paul's letter to the Galatians shows
that Jewish Christians of similar persuasion had made inroads
among his Gentile converts in Galatia in distant Asia Minor. (Pro-
fessor J. Louis Martyn of Union Theological Seminary in his com-
mentary on Galatians in the Anchor Bible most plausibly
reconstructs the argumentation used by such Jewish Christian mis-
sionaries of the strict observance and explains why such teaching
would be attractive.) Chapter 3 of Philippians shows a fear of similar
Jewish Christian propaganda among Gentile converts in Greece,
while 1: 15-17 hints at such preaching where Paul is imprisoned
(Rome? Ephesus?). Therefore, we must speak of a mission to the
Gentiles that was quite antagonistic to Paul and resulted in the exis-
tence of a Jewish/Gentile Christianity of the strictest Law obser-
vance, not only in Palestine but in some of the cities of Asia Minor
and Greece, at least.
Group Two, consisting of Jewish Christians and their Gentile
converts, who did not insist on circumcision but did require convert-
ed Gentiles to keep some Jewish observances. One may speak of this
as a moderately conservative Jewish/Gentile Christianity. According
to Acts 15 and Galatians 2, James (brother of the Lord and head of
the Jerusalem church) and Peter (Cephas, the first among the
Twelve), whom Paul deprecates as "so-called pillars" (Gal 2:9),
agreed with Paul that circumcision was not to be imposed on Gentile
converts. But according to Acts 15:20 James insisted on certain Jew-
ish observances, particularly food laws;3 and according to Gal 2:12
"men from James" created embarrassment at Antioch over the ques-
tion of Jewish Christians eating with Gentiles and thus presumably
3. Scholars dispute what is imposed by the demands on the Gentiles in Acts

15:20,29. Probably there are four prohibitions: from food dedicated to idols, from sex-
ual relations and marriages within the forbidden degrees of kindred (porneia, some-
times vaguely translated as "unchastity, impurity"), from meat of an animal that was
strangled with its blood still inside, and from animal blood. The prohibitions echo in
part Lev 17 - 18 where certain actions were forbidden even to non-Israelite strangers,
e.g., a non-Yahwistic and hence idolatrous sacrifice (17:8-9), eating blood (17:12), eat-
ing the flesh of an animal that was strangled with its blood inside (17:14-15), and sex-
ual relations with near of kin (18:16-18), something that I Cor 5:1 described as
porneia.
4 INTRODUCTION
not keeping the food laws. Acts 15 (14-15, 19-21, 22-29) suggests
that, while such a demand associated with James was not originally
Peter's idea, he went along with it peaceably as did other Jerusalem
notables; but Gal 2:11-14 makes it clear that Peter's acquiescence
was only under pressure. The facts that "men of James" came to An-
tioch with demands about certain law observances (Gal 2:11-12),
that a letter embodying James' position was sent to Gentile Chris-
tians (brothers) in "Antioch, Syria, and Cilicia" (Acts 15:23), and
that Paul has to debate against the imposition of Jewish food sensibil-
ities at Corinth (I Cor 8) suggest once again that we are dealing with
a missionary thrust that produced another style of Jewish/Gentile
Christianity, less rigid than that described in Group One above, but
less liberal toward the Law than that in Group Three to be described
below. One can speak of this as a mediating view, inclined to see a
value in openness (no demand of circumcision) but preserving some
of the wealth of the Jewish Law as part of the Christian heritage.
This Jewish/Gentile Christianity would have been particularly asso-
ciated with the Jerusalem apostles. The Gospel of Matthew, which
speaks of a church founded on Peter, gives the Eleven Apostles a
mission to all nations (28:16-20). (See also Acts 1:2,8.) Didache,
written in part ca. A.D. 100 and close in many ways to Matthew, is
entitled: "The teaching of the Lord to the Gentiles through the
Twelve Apostles."
Group Three, consisting of Jewish Christians and their Gentile
converts, who did not insist on circumcision and did not require ob-
servance of the Jewish ("kosher") food laws. Despite the evidence in
Acts 15:22 implying Paul's and Barnabas' acceptance of James' posi-
tion, Gal 2:11-14 makes it clear that, while Barnabas yielded, Paul
vigorously resisted the views advocated by the men from James in
reference to the Gentiles. Paul did not require Christians to abstain
from food dedicated to idols (I Cor 8), a requirement imposed by
James according to Acts 15:20,29. While Paul is the main NT
spokesman for this liberal attitude, we can be sure that the Jewish
Christians with whom he associated in missionary activities, espe-
cially after 50 (the approximate date of the dispute with the men
from James), would have shared his views. Having opposed Cephas/
Peter face to face (Gal 2:11) and having ceased to work with Barna-
bas (Gal 2:13; Acts 15:39) over this issue, Paul would scarcely have
INTRODUCTION 5
tolerated diversity about it among his missionary companions. Thus,

we may speak of a Pauline (and perhaps more widespread) type of
Jewish/Gentile Christianity, more liberal than that of James and of
Peter in regard to certain obligations of the Law.
Paul states that Christ delivered us from the Law's curse against
those who do not observe all things written in the Law (Gal 3:10-13)
and that now because of faith in Christ we are no longer under the
custodianship of the Law (3:24-25). This rhetoric has caused many
to classify him at the liberal extreme of the early Christian spectrum
of possible relationship to the Law. I shall argue in Part Two below
that Paul was not systematic theologically and that his view in Ro-
mans is more nuanced and modified than that in Galatians. But even
if we leave that observation aside, there are ambiguities in Paul's atti-
tude. His admonitions or imperatives in the second parts of many of
his letters show that clearly he expected all Christians to live by the
Ten Commandments and by the high morality of Judaism. Acts
20:6,16 suggests that he kept Jewish feasts, such as Unleavened
Bread and Weeks (Pentecost), mandated in the Law; and Acts 21 :26
has Paul worshiping in the Jerusalem Temple even as did the Jewish
Christian leaders who lived in Jerusalem.' The evidence in Acts
16: 1-3 that Paul had Timothy (an uncircumcised Christian born of a
Jewish mother and hence Jewish) circumcised l raises the issue that I
facetiously call " the problem of Paul's son." Paul is clear that cir-
4. Interpreters, skeptical of the historicity of Acts, have called into doubt

Paul's observance of Jewish cultic practices because it is not attested in the Pauline
correspondence (even though such correspondence might have little reason to m~ntioD
such practices). However, few doubt that there was a division between H ebrew Chris-
tian and Hellenist Christian as described in Acts 6:1-6 or tha I Hellenist. were anli-
Temple (7 :47- 5 I- see Bruce, Peter 49- 85). AcL~ 9:29 portrays Paul as lI.n tl-UclJcnisl.
and his own correspondence has him on two occasions (II Cor I I :22; Philip 3:5) clear-
ly identi fying him self as 11 R ebrew (of l.he Hebrews). when be is c m p h a.~ i'Lillg 111s pu re
Jewish status. Thus the thesis thaL Panl might not be anti-Temple hos some I'auline
confirmation. Moreover, Paul's desire that his collection of money be acceptable in
Jerusalem is surely historical. Could Paul have hoped for acceptance by such a Tem-
ple-observer as James if he had totally abandoned Jewish ritual? Finally, the obser-
vance of feasts is so logically worked into the travel narrative of Acts 20 that it is
difficult to dispense with one and not with the other-and there is no reason to doubt
the substantial historicity of the return to Jerusalem described there.
S. While this cannot be verified in Paul's letters, it is not contradicted by his
statement in Gal 2:3 that Titus was not compelled to be circumcised, for Titus was a
Gentile.
6 INTRODUCTION
cumcision was not necessary for justification and that Gentiles did
not have to be circumcised, but what would he have done if he were
married (to a Jewess, of course) and had a son? Would he have had
this Jewish son circumcised? Such a question dramatizes that we
cannot be sure that Paul's insistence on the non-necessity of circum-
cision would have led him to suggest that Jewish Christians should
not be circumcised. A memory is preserved in Acts 21 :20-21 that
Paul's opponents among the Jewish Christians at Jerusalem charged
him on this score: "You teach all the Jews who are among the Gen-
tiles to forsake Moses, telling them not to circumcise their children
or observe the customs." Possibly in reaction to such a charge
(which could find some substantiation in the heated rhetoric of Gala-
tians), Paul's oratory about Jewish privileges in Rom 9:4-5 suggests
that circumcision and faith in Christ together would have made
Paul's hypothetical son a child of Abraham on both accounts (Rom
4: 11-12), benefiting from the faithfulness of God manifested both to
Israel and in Jesus, so long as the boy understood that the two gifts
were not at all equal in value and only one was truly necessary.
Group Four, consisting of Jewish Christians and their Gentile
converts, who did not insist on circumcision or observance of the
Jewish food laws and who saw no abiding significance in Jewish cult
and feasts. The reason I discussed Paul in the last paragraph is be-
cause I believe that one can detect in the NT a considerable body of
Jewish Christians more radical in their attitudes toward Judaism
than he (a group with whom his opponents in Acts 21:20-21 would
associate him). In Part One, Chapter II below, there will be a discus-
sion of the "Hellenists" of Acts 6:1-6 who made Gentile converts
(11:19-20). The best explanation of the name is that they were Jews
(in this instance Jews who believed in Jesus) who had been raised
with heavy Greek acculturation,6 perhaps often to the point of being
able to speak only Greek, not a Semitic language. We can only sur-
6. That the Hellenists were Christian Jews and not Gen lfles is shown by the
fact that one of them is described M II proselyte or convc;rl to Judaism WiUI the impli-
cation Lhat Ihe oHlers were born Jews. Their accultUntfion is shown by the pure Gre-
co-Romnn names they bore (Acts 6:5), quite unlike the names borne by mONt of Jesus'
Twelve (whom Acts counts among the Hebrews, i.e., among the group it has distal-
guished from the Hellen ists).
INTRODUCTION 7
mise about their attitude toward circumcision and the food laws,' but
Stephen's speech indicates a disdain for the Temple where God does
not dwell-an attitude quite unlike that attributed by Acts to Paul
who is kept distinct from them. (See Acts 9:29; yet Luke is not clear
about Christian and non-Christian Hellenists, so that scholars are in
disagreement about the relationship of the early Paul and of Barna-
bas to the Hellenists, as stressed in footnote 79 below.) A later and
more radical expression of Hellenist thought may be found in the
Gospel of JohnS where the law pertains only to the Jews and not to
the followers of Jesus (10:34; 15:25: "your Law"; "their Law"), and
where the Sabbath, Passover, and Tabernacles are alien feasts "of the
Jews" (5:1,9b; 6:4; 7:2).9 The Temple is to be destroyed and replaced
by the temple of Jesus' body (2:19-21); and the hour is coming when
God will not be worshiped in Jerusalem (4:21).10 Similarly the Epistle
I. to the Hebrews would see Jesus as replacing the Jewish high priest-
hood and sacrifices, and would place the Christian altar in heaven. 11
There is every reason to think that John and Hebrews were written
by Jewish Christians, and clearly John envisions Gentile converts
(12:20-24). Neither work could conceivably think of Gentiles as a
wild olive branch grafted on the tree of Israel, as does Paul in Rom
11 :24. And granted Luke's admiration of the Hellenist Stephen, it is
not surprising to find that the Lucan Paul's last words in Acts 28:25-
28 despair of the conversion of Jews l2 -unlike what may have been
7. Michaelis, "Judaische" 87, argues that the Hellenist mission to the Gentiles
insisted on circumcision. That can scarcely have been a lasting policy if we judge from
later works that scholars have associated with the Hellenists (e.g., Hebrews, John).
8. For similarities between the Johannine Community and the Hellenists, see
R. E. Brown, Community 38-39, 48-49.
9. See R. E. Brown, Gospel 1.201-4 for the theme of replacement of the feasts.
10. An even more radical attitude would be displayed in the post-NT period by
Marcion, a Christian who rejected the Jewish Scriptures and demoted the Jewish God
to a demiurge.
II. Stephen seems favorable to the Tabernacle, the sacred meeting place of Isra-
el in the desert (Acts 7:44), but Hebrews would regard the earthly Tabernacle as hav-
ing been replaced through Christ. After the NT period, such works as the Epistle of
Barnabas. the Epistle to Diognetus. and the apologist Aristides represent a further
hardening in the rejection of Jewish cult.
12. Because the earlier part of Acts is not overly hostile towards Judaism, some
scholars (e.g . J. Jervell) doubt that the ending of the book can be so definitively nega-
tive about the likelihood of Jewish conversion. But Luke is describing a progressive
8 INTRODUCTION
the genuine last words that Paul himself wrote on the subject in Rom
11:11-12 where the full inclusion of Israel is envisioned once the
conversion of the Gentiles has made the Jews envious. Thus there is
sufficient evidence in the NT of a Jewish/Gentile Christianity that
had broken with Judaism in a radical way and so, in a sense, had be-
come a new religion, fulfilling Jesus' saying in Mark 2:22 that new
wine cannot be put into old wineskins since it causes them to burst. 13
* * *
In the spectrum of Jewish/Gentile Christianity in the NT peri-
od there may have been more varieties in regard to the Law than the
four detected above, but at least those are solidly verifiable. In de-
scribing each group I have insisted that the respective Jewish Chris-
tians were carrying on an active mission to convert Gentiles. That
means that the four groups would have been disseminated through
the Mediterranean area which past scholarship has sometimes paint-
ed monochromatically as Pauline in its Christianity. True, where
Paul preached, since he disliked building on anyone else's Christian-
ity (Rom 15:20; II Cor 10:15-16), his form of Jewish/Gentile Chris-
tianity would have been exclusive for a while, but often others
(particularly from Groups One and Two) arrived on the scene to
challenge it. The Ephesus region was evangelized by Priscilla and
Aquila (friends of Paul) and then for about three years by Paul him-
self in the mid-50s (Acts 18-19:41). Yet drawing on the Book of Rev-
elation (Apocalypse), on the locale usually assigned to the Johannine
Gospel and Epistles, and on an analysis of the opponents in Ignatius'
Ephesians, we have good reason for thinking that by the end of the
century the four groups described above (and perhaps more) would
have had house churches in the capital of the province of Asia. The
hardening of Christian attitudes, so that the final situation as he knows it is not what
it was in the earlier days of the mission. For instance, there is a kindly IlLlitude toward
Temple worship III Luke 1-2 and Luke 24:53. Bul in the 80s Luke may well have
judged lhat afLer all Stephen's Hellenist outlook hnd been. proved correct in rejecting
the eentrol feuture of the Jewish cult, for the future of the Christian movemcnt IllY
with the Gentiles.
13. For the possibility that Mark was more radical than Paul, see p. 199 below.
INTRODUCTION 9
situation would have been even more complicated where Paul did
not begin the Christian mission; and the two cities discussed in this
book, Antioch and Rome, are precisely in that situation. Inevitably
the first missionaries in Antioch and Rome would have been Jews
who believed in Jesus. In both cities there was eventually a large
number of Gentile converts, so that probably by the last third of the
first century the majority among the Christians was ethnically Gen-
tile. But it is meaningless to speak of the Jewish Christianity or the
Gentile Christianity at either city without specifying which type or
types of Jewish/Gentile Christianity and without challenging the
supposition that, because Paul visited each city, Pauline Christianity
was dominant.
PART ONE
ANTIOCH
by
John P. Meier
,'IT WAS at Antioch that the disciples were first called Chris-
tians" (Acts 11 :26). What may thus be called the cradle of
Christianity was, according to Josephus, the third greatest city in the
Roman Empire. 14 Situated on the Orontes River and capital of the
Roman province of Syria, Antioch was the first important urban cen-
ter of the Christian movement outside Jerusalem. From Ignatius, the
bishop of Antioch in the early second century, to John Chrysostom,
priest of that church in the late fourth century, Antioch was the
home of great theologians and strong bishops (recognized later as pa-
triarchs), the seat of a celebrated school of exegesis, and a hotbed of
heretical tendencies as well. Anyone interested in the development of
Christianity from NT communities of the first century to the church
catholic (Ignatius' he katholike ekklesia) of the second and third cen-
turies 1s must pay special attention to Antioch. Founded before A .D .
40, the church at Antioch quickly became the battleground of the
most important apostles known to us: Paul, Peter, and James. At the
beginning of the second century, Antioch is the first church known
14. War 3.2.4; #29; he means third, after Rome and Alexandria. Meeks, Jews
I, prefers the more general statement that Antioch was "one of the three or four most
important cities in the Roman Empire."
15. Origen (Adv. Celsum 5.59) knows of "the Great Church"; today some use "the
ancient church." For the methodological problems involved in distinguishing "primi-
tive Christianity" from the church, see Paulsen, "Zur Wissenschaft"; see also Lohse,
"Entstehung"; and the various essays in Sanders, Jewish and Chris/ian Se~r
De/ini/ion. vol. I.
12
ANTIOCH 13
to have articulated a rationale for authoritative church structure cen-

tered on a single bishop surrounded by a group of presbyters and
deacons (the so-called "monarchical" episcopate, or more accurately
monepiscopate). Such a trend-setting center is of vital importance for
understanding the transition from the NT to the patristic period.
The NT supplies some clear information about the beginnings of
the church at Antioch. From the first Christian generation we have
the eyewitness account of Paul in his letter to the Galatians
(2:11-21), written in the middle or late 50s, only a few years after the
Antiochene incident he narrates. (This can be supplemented with in-
formation gleaned from the Acts of the Apostles written some 20 or
30 years later, provided Acts is used with caution.) More than a half-
century after Paul wrote about Antioch to the Galatians we have let-
ters written by Ignatius of Antioch between A.D. 108 and 117, also
giving us first-hand information. What seems to be lacking in the
eyes of many scholars is reliable information about the period in-be-
tween. Part One of this book will contend that Matthew wrote his
Gospel at Antioch around A.D. 80-90 and that this Gospel may be
used to fill in our knowledge of Christianity in that city. Thus, if we
use the language of generations,16 we may speak of literature about
the first generation of Christians at Antioch in the years 40-70 (Ga-
latians supplemented by Acts; Chapter II below), literature about the
second generation in the years 70-100 (Matthew; Chapter III), and
literature about the third generation in the years after 100 (Ignatius;
Chapter IV).
A pressing question pursued throughout the investigation of this
literature will be: Can one give a reasonable explanation of how such
apparently different churches as the church of Paul and Peter, the
church of Matthew, and the church of Ignatius could all be progres-
sive developments of one and the same local church? Would it not be
16. In this volume the first generation covers the Christian lifespan of the better
known apostles or companions of Jesus. Since Peter, Paul, and James (the brother of
the Lord) all died in the 60s, the first generation covers the 30s through the 60s. The
second generation covers the estimated period of influence of the immediate disciples
of the apostles, and thus roughly the last third of the first century. The third genera-
tion covers the ministry of those who knew those disciples and reaches from the end of
the first century into the second century. Sometimes this third generation is described
as immediately post-NT or subapostolic, although the latter term is more correctly
applied to the second generation.
14 ANTIOCH
easier to assume that different churches existed side by side at Anti-

och? Appealing as that suggestion may at first seem, we shall see that
there is no reason to assume that different churches grew alongside
each other at Antioch in the first three generations. Rather, the con-
catenation of PaullPeter-Matthew-Ignatius does make eminent
sense, once the internal dynamics of the Antiochene church are un-
derstood. And we may find that understanding the internal dynam-
ics of the Antiochene church may help us to understand better the
dynamics of church life today, at a time when the church seems
threatened again by "the disappearance of the middle." Moreover,
while no formal sociological analysis is attempted in this study, the
results may prove of use for those pursuing a sociological analysis of
NT churches.17 Such analysis, while risky, may aid us in grasping the
sociological problems of the present-day church.
17. Such as can be found, e.g., in Holmberg's Paul. Holmberg's book is one of
the few satisfying sociological studies of the NT yet to appear. The problem with so-
ciological analyses of NT data is twofold. (1) The data are often insufficient to serve as
a basis for sociological analysis. In particular, statistics, so important for sociological
study, are almost entirely lacking. (2) The analyses have at times been attempted by
exegetes without adequate knowledge of the diversity of sociological schools. To pre-
sent a full-blown sociological analysis of the NT is to adopt, at least implicitly, one
specific school of sociological thought. The option, however, is sometimes neither ex-
pressly stated nor explained.
CHAPTER I
Locating Matthew's Church

in Time and Space
s I have just indicated, it is vital from the beginning to show

A that the Gospel of Matthew was written ca. A.D. 80-90, most
probably in Antioch of Syria.
THE TIME OF THE COMPOSITION OF MATTHEW'S GOSPEL
With regard to the time of composition, a wide variety of critics

place the gospel after A.D. 70. 18 This view is almost axiomatic for
those who hold that Matthew depends on Mark,19 since most critics
would place Mark's gospel ca. A.D. 70. 20 Further considerations
make it likely that Matthew wrote at a relatively late period in NT
formation. Matthew's gospel represents the end-term of a complicat-
ed literary process. Before Matthew began to write, a number of
18. Scholars who hold this view (with various nuances) include Bonnard, Bran-
don, R. E. Brown, Davies, Fenton, Filson, Goulder, Grundmann, Kingsbury, Kiim-
mel, Perrin, Rigaux, Schmid, Schniewind, Schweizer, and Strecker.
19. Marcan priority has again come under attack in recent years, most notably
from W. Farmer, Synoptic Problem; idem. "Modern Developments of Griesbach's Hy-
pothesis," NTS 23 (1976-77) 275-95. See Also H.-H. Stoldt, Geschichte. By way of
contrast, see Meier, Law 2-6, and the explanatory note in Meier, "John the Baptist in
Matthew's Gospel," JBL 99 (1980) 386, n. 13. A solid statistical basis for Marcan pri-
ority has been offered by R. Morgenthaler, Statistische Synopse (Zurich: Gotthelf,
1971). A good summary of the arguments for the two-source hypothesis is given by
Fitzmyer, "The Priority of Mark and the 'Q' Source in Luke" in To Advance the Gos-
pel (N.Y.: Crossroad, 1981) 3-40. It should be noted that the position on dating de-
fended in the text appeals primarily to Marcan priority, not necessarily to the
two-source hypothesis in its full form.
20. So, e.g., Gnilka, Grundmann, Kiimmel, Perrin, and Pesch.
15
16 ANTIOCH-Chapter I
sources-Mark, Q (a collection of Jesus' sayings), and the special

Matthean source(s) [M], each with its own tradition history-were
woven together, both in oral and written stages. Similarly, Matthew's
gospel also reflects a complicated historical process whereby a strin-
gently Jewish-Christian community opened itself up to a Gentile
mission (see Matt 10:5-6; 15:24; 28:16-20).21 This Gentile mission is
apparently free from disputes about circumcision (28:16-20, with
"trinitarian" baptism as the initiation rite) and food laws (15:11), Le.,
free from disputes that marked Paul's lifetime in the first genera-
tion. 22 The gospel displays mature theological reflection on the ques-
tions of history and eschatology. A view of salvation history has been
developed that looks back on the life of Jesus as a sacred past event,
not to be repeated. 23 The first Christian generation agonized over the
imminent second coming or parousia, but Matthew has come to
terms with the so-called "delay of the parousia" by a type of realized
eschatology that stresses the presence of the risen Lord in his church
for the foreseeable, and indefinite future (28:20: "And behold, I am
with you all days until the end of the age").
Matthew's version of the parable of the great supper (22:1-14,
contrast Luke 14:15-24) does seem to contain an allusion to the de-
struction of Jerusalem in A.D. 70. 24 Yet Matthew's gospel does not
strike one as obsessed with the problem of the Jewish War and the
destruction of Jerusalem. Hence, composition immediately after A.D.
70 is unlikely. Ifwe grant that Matthew's church has already broken
with the synagogue-a hypothesis which D. Hare's work has made
quite probable2S-then a date around or after A.D. 85 should be fa-
21. Meier, "Salvation-History."

22. Barth, "Matthew's Understanding" 90, and Carlston, "Things" 88, try to
avoid seeing a revocation of the food laws in Mat! 15: 11. For a refutation of this view,
see Broer, Freiheit 114-22; and Meier, Vision 100-4.
23. See Strecker, Weg 86-118, for this tendency, which he calls "historicizing."
24. To the contrary, Rengstorf, "Stadt," argues that the destruction of the city
in the parable is simply a fixed motif used in the OT to portray punitive expeditions.
One must still ask, however, why Matthew went to the trouble of inserting this sepa-
rate narrative into a parable in which it does not fit (see the delay of the prepared
supper while the city is destroyed, and also the absence of the theme in the Lucan
parallel). The simplest explanation for this awkward intrusion is a reference to the de-
struction of Jerusalem.
25 . Hare, Theme; it is only around or after A.D. 85 that we get clear references
in Jewish and Christian literature to a break with the synagogue.
Locating Matthew's Church 17
vored. On the other hand, the fact that the letters of Ignatius of Anti-
och use material from Matthew's gospel prevents a date far into the
second century, for Ignatius died no later than A.D. 117.26 Conse-
quently, the period between A.D. 80-90 is the best choice.
Most critics would accordingly agree with a dating after 70,
though there have always been those who favored an earlier date.
Notable in recent years is J.A.T. Robinson, who tries to fix the writ-
ing of all the books of the NT canon before 70. 27 Robinson's work
does offer a healthy reaction to a dogmatism which takes for granted
that almost all the NT writings beyond the undisputed epistles of
Paul are to be dated after 70. His treatment of Matthew, however,
suffers from vagueness and logical leaps. Robinson expresses grave
doubts about the two-source hypothesis-a hypothesis which cer-
tainly makes a pre-70 date for Matthew very dubious-yet his
counter-suggestion remains nebulous. Robinson posits a proto-Mat-
thew, whose extent is never clearly delineated. Robinson is aware of
the lengthy history lying behind our Matthew,28 but he fails to draw
the proper methodological conclusion: namely, given so many differ-
ent strata of traditions, one must attend to the material stemming
from the final redaction to determine the date of final composition.
Robinson, instead stresses the material of primitive, Jewish-Chris-
tian coloration, while ignoring some salient additions by the final re-
dactor.
For example, Robinson appeals to chapter 24 of the apocalyptic
discourse, which, he claims, shows no indication of an interval be-
tween the fall of Jerusalem and the parousia. 29 He fails to notice that
most of Matthew 24 takes over Mark 13 with few editorial changes,
while Matthew chooses to express his own outlook on eschatology at
the end of Matthew 24 and through the whole of Matthew 25. Thus,
Robinson neglects the important Matthean theme-song of delay. In
24:48, the wicked servant thinks his master is delaying (chronizeI). In
26. The use of Matthew by Ignatius will be discussed below, under the question
of the place of composition.
27. Robinson, Redating. On pp. 86-117 he mentions other authors who prefer a
pre-70 dating for Matthew.
28. Idem 102: "But it is Matthew that gives evidence of the longest formation
history."
29. Idem 103.
25:5, the bridegroom is delaying (chronizontos). And in 25:19, the

master comes after a long time (meta de polyn chronon). Moreover,
Robinson never comes to grips with the redactional elements, point-
ed out by Hare, which suggest that Matthew's church has already
separated from the synagogue. In short, for all their insight and wit,
Robinson's arguments fail.l Consequently, we may safely continue
to uphold the scholarly consensus which places Matthew after 70.
THE PLACE OF THE COMPOSITION OF MATTHEW'S GOSPEL

If the post-70 dating of Matthew's gospel has met with relative-
ly little disagreement, the same cannot be said of anyone theory con-
cerning the place of composition. A number of sites have been
proposed.
(1) Jerusalem. M. Albertz, appealing to the gospel's conserva-
tive tone and the stress on praxis, suggested the church of Jerusalem
as the place of origin. ll But if we have already decided on a date after
70 for the composition of the gospel, Jerusalem (or any other Jewish
settlement in Palestine) is extremely unlikely. As Brandon has point-
ed out, the Jewish War caused major disruptions in both Jewish and
Jewish-Christian communities throughout Palestine.12 That, in the
wake of such a disaster, a Palestinian Christian community would
have the time, energy, and financial resources to undertake a major
work like Matthew's gospel is highly improbable. l3
Added to this consideration is the problem of the language in
which the gospel is written. All agree that Matthew is the ecclesiasti-
cal gospel par excellence, both in its treatment of church topics and
in its intention to serve the church in all its activities (liturgy, cate-
chesis, advanced instruction for church leaders, apologetics, polem-
30. For a critique of Robinson's whole project, see the review by Grant, who
emphasizes Robinson'S inconsistent use of the patristic evidence. See also Fitzmyer's
review.
31. Albertz, Botschaft 1/1, 223; others who have proposed Palestine as the place
of origin have usually been older, conservative authors.
32. Brandon, Fall, passim.
33. The precise fate of the church at Jerusalem after A.D. 70 is shrouded in un-
certainty. Whether we can trust stories recounted by Fathers like Hegesippus and Eu-
sebius is still debated among scholars. See von Campenhausen, Jerusalem 3-19; and
Liidemann, "Successors."
ics).34 Consequently, it is only reasonable to suppose that Matthew

wrote his gospel in the language which was the ordinary, common
language of the members of his church. Clearly, then, the ordinary,
common language of Matthew's church is Greek. This seems to ex-
clude an origin in Jerusalem Or Palestine, where the commonly used
language of the ordinary peopJe was Aramaic. Jl This is not to deny
what Hengel, following many other scholars, has shown abundantly,
namely that Greek was used widely in certain areas of Palestine dur-
ing the Hellenistic period. 36 Indeed, as Acts 6: 1 tells us, the early
church in Jerusalem included Greek-speaking Jews, the Hellenists. 37
But, unless we wish to restrict Matthew's audience to some intellec-
tual elite in Jerusalem-an elite whose "liberal" theology seems quite
different from the "conservative" tone of much of the M tradition-
we must look to the diaspora. 38
(2) Alexandria. Brandon tried to make a case for the Egyptian
capital, but a major problem inherent in such a position is our almost
total ignorance of the origin and growth of Christianity in Alexan-
dria during the first century A.D. The rapid diffusion and acceptance
of Matthew's gospel would rather argue for a church which had al-
ready achieved a good deal of prestige and influence by the end of
the first century.39
(3) Caesarea Maritima. This seat of the prefect or procurator of
34. Trilling, Israel 220--21, is especially good on the varied functions of Mat-
thew's gospel within Matthew's church.
35. See Fitzmyer, "Languages" 38, where he reaffirms the view that Aramaic
was the most commonly used language in Palestine in the first century A.D., though
both Greek and Hebrew were used as well.
36. Hengel, .Judaism, especiall y 1.58--65. Likewil,e, Freyne, Galil!!!! 139-45. re-
lying on Sevenster. Greek. who perl18ps pushes a good elise 100 far. For 1111 hi s empha-
sis on Greek. however. Freyne do accept Fitzmyer's view that Aramaic remained
Ihe most commonly spoken language of lhe vast' majority.
37. Fitzmyer. "Languages" 37. thinks that lh e Hellenists were lho,.~e Jews or
Jewish Christians who habitually spoke only Greek. See above p. 6, and below p. 34.
38. Hengel, Judaism. 1.105. asks whether the go 'pel of Matt.hew might 1101
come from Greek-speaking Jewj ~ h-Chrislian circles ;/1 Palestine. [11 li ghl of whal htls
been said above, thc llll~wer i no. Freyne. Gamel! '1,04. notes thut Mark seems better
acquainted wilh Palest.inian geography than either Mnllhew or Luke (although some
find mistakes in M.aJ'k's geography as well). On p. 364. be expJiciLJy rejects Galilee as
the place of composi tion of Matthew's gospel and leans toward SYTia.
39. See Brandon, Fa1/22 1. 226. 232, 242-43. The attempl of van TUbors, Ll!otl-
II/'S ln, to revive Brandon's choice of Alexandria has not met with wide acceptance.
Judea has been suggested recently by B. Viviano. The difficulties fac-

ing his theory are formidable. Josephus records a massacre of Jews in
Caesarea Maritima in A.D. 66; surviving Jews fled from Caesarea. Vi-
viano cannot prove any large resettlement by Jews in the following
decade. Hence, the composition at Caesarea Maritima of a gospel
which displays some narrow Jewish-Christian roots, and which pre-
supposes lengthy growth out of a Jewish-Christian matrix, is difficult
to maintain. 40 Moreover, if one holds that some sort of historical
event lies behind the narrative of the conversion of Cornelius in Acts
10, then the church at Caesarea Maritima arose partly through the
conversion of a pagan centurion and his household. This early state
of Caesarean Christianity is difficult to reconcile with some of the
early strata of the Matthean tradition, which are stringently and nar-
rowly Jewish. One should also recall the activity and extended pres-
ence of one of the "liberal" or "Hellenist" Seven at Caesarea, namely
Philip (8:40; 21:8). Finally, Viviano's positive arguments are drawn
almost entirely from patristic citations of the second and subsequent
centuries. They prove little about the composition of Matthew's gos-
pel in the first century.
(4) Syrian countryside or Edessa. Another area which has prov-
en more popular among Matthean scholars is what is called, with
distressing vagueness, the "North Syrian hinterland"4l or, farther
south, "the border area between Syria and Palestine."42 Goulder sug-
gests that Matthew was a "humble provincial copyist-schoolmaster"
in some town in Syria. 43 These suggestions run up against the same
problem which the suggestion of Jerusalem had to face: the most
commonly used language of the ordinary people. While the city of
40. Viviano, "Where." The relevant texts are found in Josephus' War 2.13.7;
#266--270; and 2.14.4-5; #284-292; and Antiquities 20.8.7,9; #173-178; 182-184.
Foerster, "Caesarea," states on p. 14 that at the outbreak of the Jewish War, "nearly
the entire Jewry of Caesarea, some 20,000 in number, comprising a considerable por-
tion of its population, was butchered." On p. 17 he says: " ... following the First Re-
volt ... the city [Caesarea) contained very few, if any Jews at all." Viviano does
supply a useful history of the whole question of the place of composition of Matthew's
gospel; the opinions of many other authors are listed there and need not be repeated
here. Another good summary of opinions can be found in Hill, Matthew 50-52.
41. Kennard, "Place" 245.
42. So, as one possibility among others, Grundmann, Matthiius 43; so also
Kiisemann, "Anfange" 83,91.
43. Goulder, Midrash 13, 11, 9.
Antioch was, for Syria, the center of Hellenistic learning and the
Greek language, Greek did not triumph among the common people
of the countryside. 44 Moreover, it must be explained how a gospel
composed in the hinterlands of Syria became so quickly and widely
known. 4s Even if one chose the hinterlands of Syria as the place of
composition, one would almost have to posit dissemination from An-
tioch, as indeed Kennard does.
It is likewise surprising to see cities to the east or northeast like
Edessa mentioned as candidates for the place of composition. 46 As
far as we can ascertain, the Christianity of Edessa always used Ara-
maic or Syriac. Almost all inscriptions in Edessa from the first three
centuries A.D. are in Syriac. The earliest full literary texts preserved
from Edessa are in Christian Syriac, and references and fragments
indicate that pre-Christian literature was also written in Syriac. 47 As
for Damascus, it was important to Jews as a center of commerce, not
as a center of rabbinic learning and Scriptural study. It is therefore
ill-suited as a matrix for the learned Jewish-Christian debate behind
Matthew's gospel. Moreover, except for the early history of Paul,
Damascus remains for us an unknown quantity during the NT peri-
od. And Greek does not seem to have been widely used in Damas-
CUS. 48
(5) Phoenicia. Kilpatrick suggested a commercial coastal city
such as Berytus, Tyre, or Sidon. 49 While one cannot positively ex-
clude such a possibility, one must remember that the gospel of Mat-
thew mirrors the various stages in the lengthy history of some
44. In his Early Versions 5, Metzger states flatly: "Outside the gates of Antioch,
Syriac was the language of the people." See also Priimm, Handbuch 653-54; Pfeiffer,
History 96; and Bietenhard, "Die syrische Dekapolis" 251.
45. The observation of Streeter, Gospels 486, remains true: The church from
which Matthew's gospel came "must have been one of great influence, or the gospel
would not have secured universal acceptance so soon."
46. For cities of eastern Syria and/or Edessa, see Kennard, "Place" 245; and
Green, Matthew 21, depending on Bacon, Matthew 15-16, 35-36. In a similar vein,
McNeile, Matthew xxviii.
47. For references to Old Syriac inscriptions of the first three centuries A.D.-
inscriptions antedating Christian Syriac-see Fitzmyer, "Phases" 83, n. 108; Drijvers,
"Hatra" 799-906.
48. See W. McCullough, A Short History of Syriac Christianity to the Rise of Is-
lam (Chico, Ca.: Scholars Press, 1982) 9.
49. Kilpatrick, Origins 133-34. Blair, Matthew 43, speaks of either Syria or
Phoenicia.
Christian church, a church important and lively enough to produce a

gospel that was successful in being accepted by the Christian church
at large in the second century (see below, p. 86).50 We know next to
nothing about the Christian communities on the Phoenician coast in
the NT period, and there is no indication that they exercised great
influence on other early Christian churches. Of Berytus the NT
speaks not a word. One passage in Acts indicates that Christians
lived in Tyre (Acts 21:3-7); the same is true of Sidon (Acts 27:3). We
hear nothing further of these Christian communities in the NT peri-
od, and very little about them in the early patristic period.
(6) Antioch. In contrast to such silence is the abundant informa-
tion about the most likely candidate for the place of composition of
Matthew's gospel, Antioch, the capital of Syria. 51 To demonstrate
this point, we must anticipate material to be examined at greater
length later on. Antioch was a predominantly Greek-speaking me-
tropolis, a natural site for a gospel written in Greek. It had a large
Jewish population, probably the largest in Syria. 52 It also had one of
the earliest Christian communities outside Palestine. The church
there was founded probably in the late 30s 5 ) by Jewish Christians
from the Hellenist group who began a circumcision-free mission at
Antioch. This mission was hobbled for a while by the strict policies
imposed by the James party from Jerusalem (see footnote 2 above).
However, well before the time of Ignatius of Antioch (ca. 100), the
circumcision-free mission won out and proceeded unabated.
These facts would explain satisfactorily the tensions among the
50. As Massaux has shown in his book Influence, Matthew is the gospel that
the second-century Fathers most often quote or allude to.
51. The magisterial work on Antioch, a work to which this essay is greatly in-
debted, is Downey's History; for a short summary of his views on the biblical period,
see his article on Antioch in lOB 1.145-48. More specialized studies on Jewish and
Christian aspects of Antiochene history include Krauss, "Antioche"; Kraeling, "Anti-
och"; and Meeks, Jews; for a recent archaeological report, see Lassus, "La ville." In
the twentieth century, the great champion of Antioch as the place of the final redac-
tion of Matthew is Streeter, Gospels 500-7; Streeter's views will be discussed below. It
should be clear from the start that espousing Antioch as tlie place of composition of
Matthew does not necessarily mean embracing all of Streeter's theories. Kiimmel, In-
troduction 119, considers Antioch to be the common view today; likewise, R. E.
Brown, Birth 47. Kingsbury, Matthew 93, states: "Scholars generally associate Mat-
thew's Gospel with the city of Antioch in Syria."
52. See Stem, "Diaspora" 138.
53. See Downey, History 187,275.
various strata of tradition that we find in Matthew's gospel. The ear-

lier strata would reflect the period of domination by the James party,
with a very strong tie to Judaism. The large Jewish population at An-
tioch would explain the Jewish tone of the gospel, with its echoes of
Semitic usage, its interest in Jewish customs and rites, its Jewish
mode of argumentation, its great concern over the Mosaic Law, its
heavy emphasis on the fulfillment of prophecy, and its disputes with
Pharisaic Judaism. At the same time, one gets a sense of a gospel
written on the borderline between Jewish and Gentile areas. Mat-
thew's gospel is written in better Greek than Mark's, with some fa-
miliar Greek plays on words inserted. More importantly, Matthew
ends his gospel with a resounding legitimation of a mission to all na-
tions, a mission foreshadowed in the stories about the Magi (2: 1-12),
the centurion with the sick slave (8:5-13), the Canaanite woman
(15:21-28), and the centurion and his companions at the cross
(27:54). As a whole, therefore, Matthew's gospel reflects a meeting
place and melting pot of Jewish and Gentile influences. Antioch is a
perfect location for this encounter and clash.
Since the church at Antioch had arisen in the late 30s, it enjoyed
the lengthy, continued existence of a Jewish-Christian church neces-
sary to explain the composition of Matthew's gospel. The gospel has
behind it a developed scribal tradition and even perhaps a scribal
school in which the various forms of the OT texts-including the
Septuagint or Old Greek version (see 1:23; 12:21)-were studied and
appropriated for proof texts. 54 In such a scholarly milieu, the adapta-
tion and combination of Mark and Q (a collection of Jesus' sayings)
may have begun before Matthew set to work. The composition of
this lengthy gospel would demand great financial resources as well as
great learning. Indeed, some have claimed that internal evidence in-
dicates that Matthew's church was a relatively affluent urban
church. 55 The well-established church of Antioch could easily fulfill
this description by the 80s of the first century. A particular point in
favor of Antioch is the special Petrine traditions preserved in the
gospel and the special place Matthew gives Peter in his redaction.
54. In this context of learning and scholarship, it might be recalled that Antioch
was noted for its library; see Downey, History 94, 132.
55. So, e.g., Kingsbury, Matthew 97-98.
That Peter was active at Antioch, indeed, was at the center of a cause
cele'bre. is clear from Gal 2:11-14, where Paul describes his confron-
tation with Peter. So strong was Peter's influence that even Barnabas
sided with him against Paul. Paul soon found it expedient to leave
Antioch on mission to Asia Minor-without Barnabas. Paul rarely
returned to Antioch (see Acts 18:22-23), not mentioning Antioch
again in his letters after Gal 2:11-14. Paul went on to imprint his vi-
sion of Christianity on Asia Minor and Greece, while James stayed
in Jerusalem. But Peter, having won out over Paul at Antioch, may
have remained the dominant figure there for some time. This may be
the historical basis of the later, anachronistic tradition that Peter was
the first bishop of Antioch. It is hardly surprising, therefore, that
such an authority on Antioch as Downey thinks that Matt 16: 18 rep-
resents the tradition of Antioch concerning the foundation of the
church there. S6
The Antiochene origin of the gospel is confirmed by the fact
that Ignatius of Antioch is the first father of the church to use Mat-
thew. At least three times he alludes to material found only in Mat-
thew. (1) In Matt 3:15, Jesus says to the Baptist: "It is fitting for us
to fulfill all justice." Ignatius echoes this in Smyrneans 1: 1: "The
Lord Jesus Christ ... [was] baptized by John, in order that all justice
might be fulfilled by him." The words of Matt 3:15, "to fulfill all jus-
tice" (plerosai pasan dikaiosynen), are peculiar to Matthew's account
of the baptism and are probably his redactional creation. "To fulfill"
(pleroo) and "justice" (dikaiosyne) are key Matthean words, and the
colloquy between the Baptist and Jesus in Matt 3:14-15 seems to be
the result of the theological reflection of the evangelist, inserted into
what is basically a Marcan pericope. S7 We may therefore conclude
56. Downey, History 283 .

57. See Meier, Law 73-80; idem, Matthew (Glazier commentary series) 26-27.
Koster, Uberliejerung 24-61, attempts to deny all direct dependence of Ignatius on
Matthew's gospel. Yet he admits that the frequent similarities between Ignatius and
Matthew are striking and even that Smyrneans 1:1 does show that Matthew's gospel
had already been written, since Matt 3:15, alluded to there, is redactional. Not being
able to deny the Matthean origin of the passage, Koster is reduced to making Ignatius'
dependence on Matthew indirect. Smyrneans 1: 1 is declared to contain a kerygmatic
formula which had already incorporated Matt 3:15; but no proof for this assertion is
given. Koster thus avoids the simple and natural explanation: Ignatius knew Matt
3:15 from Matthew's gospel. Once this point is granted, the other Matthean allusions
that Ignatius is alluding not to stray oral tradition but to the written
gospel of Matthew. (2) Matt 1O:16b ("Be therefore as prudent as the
serpents and as innocent as the doves") is alluded to in Poiycarp 2:2:
"In all things be as prudent as the serpent and always as innocent as
the dove." Now, although most of the missionary discourse in Matt
10 comes from the sermons in Mark and Q, 10: 16b is found only in
the Matthean version and is likely a redactional insertion. (3) Mat-
thew's story of the Magi and the star is developed by Ignatius in a
lyrical passage, Ephesians 19:2-3. This poetic expansion may indi-
cate that Ignatius had meditated on, preached upon, and reworked
Matt 1-2 for some time. 58 Ignatius contains no corresponding abun-
dance of allusions to Mark or Luke, though some traces of Lucan
tradition may be discernible. The written gospel known to Ignatius is
the gospel of Matthew, to which at times he may be referring when
he uses the word "gospel" (euaggelion).59 Even if one were to hold
that Matthew's gospel was not written at Antioch, certainly it soon
became known there and thence was diffused to the churches at
large. Consequently, it seems a useless complication of theories to
posit composition in some unknowable and uncontrollable locale,
only to shift adoption, use, and diffusion of the gospel to Antioch.
One final objection that might be raised against the Antiochene
provenance of Matthew's gospel is the Matthean form of the eucha-
ristic words at the Last Supper (Matt 26:26-29) as opposed to the
form found in Paul (I Cor 11 :23-26) and echoed in Luke (22: 17-20).
If Paul's form represents the form used in Antioch in the 40s, as J.
Jeremias claims, why is it that in the 80s Matthew copies, with modi-
are most easily explained as coming directly from Matthew's gospel. Also in favor of
Ignatius' knowledge of Matthew's gospel is Corwin, Ignatius 66-68.
58. Some would see in Ignatius' Ephesians 19:2-3 a reference to the gnostic
theme of the secret descent and the public ascent of the Redeemer; so Schlier, Unter-
suchungen 29; Koster, Uberliejerung 31-32. Opposed to this opinion is Bartsch, Gut
140--54. The Matthean context seems to be Ignatius' starting point, even though he
may be widening the reference.
59. So Streeter, Gospels 506-7, referring to Philadelphians 8:2 and 5:1-2. Need-
less to say, Koster, Uberliejerung 8-9, 25, disagrees. In his view, euagge/ion ("gospel")
in Ignatius always means the oral kerygma. Nevertheless, in the view of the present
writer, the euaggelio in Philadelphians 8:2, opposed as it is to the archeiois ("ar-
chives") of the Jews (probably the written OT), may indeed mean a written gospel. If
it does, that written gospel is Matthew's.
fications, the form found in Mark?6<l In answer, one should first note
that Jeremias himself makes a distinction in his theory: Paul received
the eucharistic tradition at his conversion, but the precise formula-
tion quoted in I Corinthians 11 was learned by Paul later, at Anti-
och. 61 Still, even granted this distinction, one might ask whether
things were this simple. Paul was converted at Damascus; he trav-
eled to Jerusalem to meet Peter; he spent some years in Tarsus; and
then ministered in the church at Antioch. The possibility must be al-
lowed that both the Damascus and the Jerusalem Christian commu-
nities-of Tarsus we cannot speak-had their effect on the
formulation preserved by Paul in I Corinthians 11. Indeed, Paul's in-
sistence that he received this tradition "from the Lord" (I Cor 11:23)
might argue better for either the place of his conversion or the moth-
er church in Jerusalem than for the church at Antioch, which Paul
joined only at a later date. Moreover, it is questionable whether we
should suppose that in the second decade of Christianity (the 4Os)
the Antiochene church or any other Christian group knew and used
one and only one formulation of the words of institution. A number
of forms might well have circulated in the missionary church at An-
tioch during the first generation. It may have been precisely the re-
ception of Mark's gospel in the Antiochene community which led to
the predominance of the Marcan formulation enshrined with modifi-
cations in Matthew's gospel. But even in Matthew's church we prob-
ably should not suppose that the prophets and teachers-still
charismatic figures!-always used exactly the same formulation of
the words of institution. Hence, the difference between the Pauline
and Matthean formulations is no obstacle to placing Matthew's gos-
pel at Antioch. 62
60. See Jeremias, Words 188.

61. Ibid.
62. If Fitzmyer (Luke 1.41-47) is correct in suggesting that Luke comes from
Syrian Antioch, one might also ask why Luke's formulation of the eucharistic words
differs from Matthew's. In answer I should first note that I do not find Fitzmyer's
arguments for Luke's origins in Syrian Antioch convincing. I would not be as confi-
dent as he is of the value of the patristic evidence. It should be noted, however, that
Fitzmyer does not claim that Luke wrote Jor the church at Syrian Antioch. Indeed,
Fitzmyer's description of Luke's readers (p. 59: "Gentile Christians in a predominant-
ly Gentile setting") would seem to argue against Antioch. This leads me to my second
point: Luke is probably writing for a church which stands in the Pauline tradition, be
In sum, the most viable hypothesis is that Matthew's gospel was

written at Antioch ca. 80-90. But this conclusion immediately gives
rise to a further question, the question this study seeks to address.
Antioch is well-known to us as a Christian center both in the 30s and
40s of the first century (from NT documents) and again in the early
decades of the second century (from the letters of Ignatius)-a span
of almost 100 years. At one end of this span stand Barnabas, Paul,
Peter, and (at a distance) James; close to the other end stands Igna-
tius. Needless to say, towards the end of the span the Antiochene
church looks very different from the way it appeared at the begin-
ning. And somewhere in between, we have concluded, stand Mat-
thew, his gospel, and his church, serving in some way as a link
between the Antioch of Paul and Peter and the Antioch of Ignatius. 63
We spoke above of a three-stage history: the first generation, the
church of Barnabas, Paul, Peter, and James (roughly A.D. 40-70);
the second generation, the church of Matthew (roughly 70-100); and
the third generation, the church of Ignatius (after 100). How are we
to explain the development from one stage to the next? This is the
problem we must wrestle with in the next three chapters.
it located in Asia Minor or in Greece. It is hardly surprising, then, that Luke uses a
modified Pauline formulation, even though he has the text of Mark in front of him.
All this says nothing against the origin of Matthew's gospel at Antioch.
63. Perhaps the greatest weakness of Downey's treatment of the church at Anti-
och is the gaping hole he allows to stand during the Antiochene church's second gen-
eration (A.D. 70-100). The period is filled in only with vague statements about the
development of the "Nicolaitan heresy" and gnosticism, without a critical eye being
cast on the patristic sources of our knowledge; see Downey, History 288-92.
CHAPTER II
The Antiochene Church

of the
First Christian Generation
(A.D. 40-70-Galatians 2; Acts 11-15)
SOURCES
sources for the history of the Antiochene church in the

R ELIABLE
first Christian generation are limited principally to two sections
of two documents: Paul's Epistle to the Galatians (2:11-21, or per-
haps only 2: 11-14) and the Acts of the Apostles (notably chapters
11-15). While the account in Galatians must be preferred to that in
Acts because the former represents a first-hand witness, Paul's testi-
mony is not without its problems. Galatians 2:11-21 treats of only
one incident at Antioch; indeed, it is the only time Antioch in Syria
is mentioned in the whole body of Paul's writings. Moreover, Gal
2:11-21 is a highly apologetic and polemical passage, and so Paul's
personal bias must be taken into account when evaluating his infor-
mation. 64 Nevertheless, Gal 2:11-21 is the single most important
piece of information we have about the first Christian generation at
Antioch. It is the only literary source which is autobiographical,
coming as it does from a Christian who took part in the incident nar-
64. The limited space of this study does not permit a complete exegesis of Gal 2.
Fortunately, our problematic is concerned primarily with ascertaining the objective
course of historical events, not with Paul's theological positions. For exegesis and bib-
liography for Gal 2, see the standard commentaries, especially Lightfoot, Galatians
102-32; Burton, Galatians 66-142; Lagrange, Ga/ates 22-55; Schlier, Galater 64-117;
Beyer-Althaus, "Galater" 14-22; Mussner, Galaterbrief90--204; Betz, Galatians 57-
127.
28
First Generation (Galatians, Acts) 29
rated and who writes the letter to the Galatians only a few years after
the event. 65
The author of Acts writes at a later date; also, he has a noted
tendency to smooth over fierce battles in the early church. To what
extent his peaceful vision molded his narrative and, indeed, to what
extent he enjoyed reliable sources for early Christianity, is still dis-
puted among Lucan scholars. The history of the debate can be found
in Gasque's A History of the Criticism of the Acts of the Apostles. 66 A
problem surfaces even in Gasque's survey: one could easily receive
the impression that the believing British are to be preferred to the
skeptical Germans. While Gasque himself shows that the front is not
so clearly drawn along national lines, it can be said with a certain
amount of truth that the majority of Germans (e.g., Haenchen, Con-
zelmann, Vielhauer, and, to a certain degree, Dibelius) have proven
more reserved towards the historical reliability of Acts than the Brit-
ish and Americans, especially those from the evangelical tradition
(e.g., Bruce, Mattill, and Gasque himself). Hengel and Munck on the
more trusting side, and C. Talbert on the more cautious side, serve to
remind us that these geographical or national distinctions can be tak-
en only as vague generalities. Faced with this disagreement, not to
say disarray, among Acts-scholars, we would do well to pursue a
middle course in which Acts is neither dismissed lightly as pure the-
ologizing nor accepted naively as pure history. Each text must be
judged on its own merits and on available information from other
sources (notably Gal 2). Here at least we can agree with Gasque:
speculative hypotheses must give way to and be based upon careful
exegesis. 67
Fortunately, most scholars accept Luke's narrative of the early
65. Jewett, in his Chronology, places the conflict at Antioch in early 52 and the
writing of Galatians ca. 53-54 (see the chart at the end of his volume). Other writers
would allow a somewhat longer interval: e.g., Hengel, Acts 136, places the conflict ca.
48; Fitzmyer, "Life" 2, 219, places it in 49. The standard dating of Galatians is the
mid 50s (e.g., Kiimmel, Introduction 304, says ca. 54-55).
66. Full bibliography on the authors mentioned in this paragraph can be found
in Gasque's work. For the more precise question of the reliability of Acts as a source
of our knowledge of Paul, see the various positions outlined in Mattill's "Value" 76-
98; also Richard, Acts 1-31; Miiller, "Paulinismus" 157-201; Loning, "Paulinismus"
202-34.
67. Gasque, History 308.
30 ANTIOCH-Chapter II
days of the Antiochene church as reliable at least in its basic outline.

Such is the case especially with recent works on Antioch like those of
Downey and Meeks-Wilken. 68 Even the more skeptical authors like
Haenchen and Conzelmann are willing to accept some elements from
the basic narrative of the origins of the Antiochene church. 69 Starting
from this consensus, we shall try to assemble the data necessary to
reconstruct the early history of Christians at Antioch.
Besides the major sources of Galatians and Acts, various other
ancient sources offer a few rays of light, at least indirectly.7o While
archaeology offers no direct information on first-century Christians,
the ancient historians offer a few glimmers. I and II Maccabees, Phi-
lo, Josephus, and rabbinic material give some passing information on
Jewish life at Antioch-as do John Chrysostom and John Malalas at
a later date (fourth and sixth centuries respectively). It is to this in-
formation we must turn, with due caution, for the immediate back-
ground of the Christian community at Antioch.
THE JEWISH COMMUNITY AT ANTIOCH 71

Jews inhabited Antioch from the time of its foundation by Se-
leucus Nicator (300 B.C.). At least by the middle of the second centu-
ry B.C., the Jews enjoyed the right to observe their own customs as a
distinct group within Antioch, though it is doubtful that they all en-
joyed full citizenship. No doubt the anti-Jewish measures of Antio-
chus Epiphanes (175 B.C.) meant hardship for the Jews living on his
----i
68. While acknowledging Luke's own point of view, Meeks, Jews 13, says that
there is "no reason to doubt the accuracy" of the singling out of Antioch in Acts
11: 19-26 as the scene of the first mission to the Gentiles.
69. The limitation implied in the phrase "some elements from the basic narra-
tive" should be noted. Haenchen, for instance, warns against accepting Luke's succes-
sion of events at this point. Haenchen also suggests that Barnabas was not sent at a
later date by the Jerusalem authorities to Antioch, but was rather one of the Hellenists
who had to flee from Jerusalem. According to Haenchen, Barnabas may have been the
first to make the decisive step of converting Gentiles without circumcision (see his
Acts 370-72); similarly, Conzelmann, History 59, 66.
70. All the available sources for our knowledge of ancient Antioch are listed by
Downey, History 24-45. See the notes to the opening essay in Meeks, Jews 37-52.
71. The sources for the following statements can be found in the works cited
above in footnote 51. References to the ancient sources relating the events treated in
this section can be found in the notes of the opening essay of Meeks, Jews 37-52.
very doorstep. Antiochus Epiphanes' successors, however, seem to

have given back what the Antiochene Jews had lost during the "re-
form" of the persecutor. With the exception of Antiochus Epiphanes'
persecution, the Antiochene Jews lived peaceably and prosperously
under the Seleucid monarchs. Indeed, they probably constituted the
largest single Jewish community in Syria. Kraeling conjectures that
they numbered about 45,000 during the reign of Augustus, though
Meeks-Wilken prefer a modest 22,000.72 The Jews were no doubt
spread among all classes: wealthy leaders, shopkeepers and artisans,
many poor, and some slaves. The Jewish community at Antioch
seems to have been presided over by some chief officer, whom Jose-
phus calls the "ruler" (archon) of the Antiochene Jews.71 Meeks-Wil-
ken suggest that he was the head of the council of elders
(gerousiarchos). The elders, in turn, were the representatives of the
various synagogues in the city and in the suburb of Daphne. The
council of elders (gerousia) would thus be the governing body for all
Antiochene Jews. 74 One wonders whether the structure of one ruler
presiding over a body of elders might have provided a remote model
for the one bishop (episkopos) presiding over a council of elders
(presbyterion) in Christian Antioch at the time of Ignatius.
Josephus claims that the religious ceremonies of the Jews con-
stantly attracted multitudes of Greeks 7 '-an intriguing precedent for
the first outreach to the Gentiles by Christian Jews at Antioch. The
Roman conquest of Syria in 64-63 B.C. meant no great change for
the Jewish community. Now incorporated into the Roman province
of Syria, they were allowed to enjoy their traditional privileges, in-
cluding the use of the Mosaic Law for internal questions of the Jew-
ish community, the maintenance of close relations with the Holy
Land, and the contribution of money to Jerusalem-again an intrigu-
ing model for the close connections between the Christians in Anti-
och and the Christians in Jerusalem in the first generation.
Prior to the first Jewish War, Jews enjoyed relative peace at An-
tioch, the one exception being the uproar over Caligula's order that a
statue of himself be placed in the Jerusalem Temple, in the winter of
72. Kraeling, "Antioch" 136; Meeks, Jews 8.

73. Josephus, War 7.3.3; #47.
74. Meeks, Jews 6-7.
75. Josephus, War 7.3.3; #45 .
A.D. 39-40. Perhaps connected with this is the attack on Jews in A.D.
40, recorded in a highly embellished narrative of Malalas; the kernel
of truth in the story is difficult to extract. Downey suspects the
Christian outreach to the Gentiles played a part in the disturbance. 76
The first Jewish War (A.D. 66-73) occasioned massacres of Jews
in many places in Syria, but in the beginning the Jews at Antioch
were spared. After Vespasian's arrival in Syria, however, a Jewish
apostate called Antiochus stirred up the pagan populace with rumors
of Jewish plots. Riots and murders followed (A.D. 66-67), only to be
repeated four years later. When Vespasian's son Titus arrived at An-
tioch, the Gentiles asked him to expel the Jews or at least to revoke
their rights and privileges. Titus refused both requests, though he did
set up on the city gate leading to Daphne (a heavily Jewish suburb)
some of the spoils from Jerusalem as a memorial of the Jews' humili-
ation. Since there was no major dislocation of Jews at Antioch, the
Christian church at Antioch had a constant and largely unperturbed
matrix out of which to grow and against which to define itself.
THE BEGINNINGS OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH AT ANTIOCH

The origin of the Antiochene church is narrated in Acts 11: 19-
20:
Now those scattered on account of the persecution which

broke out because of Stephen journeyed as far as Phoenicia,
Cyprus, and Antioch, speaking the [Christian] message to
no one except Jews. But there were some of them, men
from Cyprus and Cyrene, who, when they came to Anti-
och, spoke [the Christian message] to Gentiles as well, pro-
claiming [to them] the good news of the Lord Jesus.
The words "those scattered" in Acts 11: 19 refer back to the state-
ment that "all were scattered" in 8: 1 (which ends the narrative of
Stephen's martyrdom with a general reference to a "great persecu-
tion") and to 8:4, which is picked up almost word-for-word in 11: 19-
20. Despite the "all" in 8: 1, the larger context of Acts suggests that
76. Downey, History 190--95.

only the Stephen party, the "Hellenists," were actually scattered.

They included men from Cyprus and Cyrene, who at Antioch began
to convert Gentiles (the Hellenas of 11:20).77 Perhaps in their num-
ber were Lucius ofCyrene and Symeon Niger (13:1). Since one of the
Jerusalem Seven was Nicolaus, an Antiochene Gentile who had con-
verted to Judaism (6:5), it was natural enough for some of the dis-
persed Hellenists to go to Antioch and seek Gentile converts there.
As we have already noted, Josephus claims that many Antiochene
Gentiles were attracted to Jewish rites. The Lucan narrative is, there-
fore, quite plausible; and most critics agree that the first determined
mission to Gentiles with no requirement of circumcision did take
place at Antioch. 78
More problematic is the exact role of Barnabas in all of this.
Acts 11 :22-23 claims that the church at Jerusalem, hearing of the
success of the Antiochene mission, sent Barnabas to Antioch to en-
courage and guide the endeavor-and no doubt bring it under the su-
pervision of the Jerusalem community. Haenchen is skeptical about
this order of events. He sees here Luke's tendency to bring various
missionary endeavors under the aegis of Jerusalem. According to
Haenchen, since Luke knew that Barnabas was originally a well-
known member of the Jerusalem church (4:36) and later was a leader
of the Antiochene church (13:1), Luke deduced that Jerusalem sent
Barnabas to Antioch. But, claims Haenchen, Barnabas, being himself
a Cypriot (4:36), could have been among the scattered Cypriot and
Cyrenean Hellenists who began the Gentile mission at Antioch.
Thus, Barnabas would have gone there as an independent missionary
77. Here I accept the reading Hellenas, "Greeks," "Gentiles," witnessed by P 74

a later correction of Sinaiticus, Alexandrinus, the original text of Bezae, and certain
Fathers, as the correct reading. Vaticanus, later correction of Bezae, Laudianus, Len-
ingrad (P), and other manuscripts read Hellenistas, "Hellenists." Haenchen, Acts 365,
n. 5, rightly holds that "Hellenists," standing in opposition to Ioudaiois ("to the
Jews") in verse 19, makes no sense. My choice agrees with the first edition of The
Greek New Testament (ed. Aland, 1966), and not the third edition (1975).
78. So, e.g., Haenchen and Meeks (Acts 355-63,368-72; Jews 14). Note, in this
regard, the whole thrust of chapters 11-15 in Acts, and especially the relationship be-
tween 11:19-26 and 15:1-2. Paul gives independent confirmation of the situation at
Antioch in Gal 2:1-14. Haenchen and Meeks think that Luke purposely interposes the
conversion of Paul and Peter's conversion of Cornelius between 8:1 and 11:19 to pre-
vent the Hellenists from being directly and independently responsible for the begin-
ning of the Gentile mission.
and not as an agent of the Jerusalem church under the Twelve.

Haenchen (Acts 370-72) suggests that Barnabas was the one who
made the fateful decision to convert Gentiles without circumcision.
Haenchen's reconstruction is certainly possible, and is followed
in the main by Meeks-Wilken (Jews 14-15). A problem, however,
arises: if Barnabas was such an independent Hellenist missionary,19
the very founder of a circumcision-free mission to the Gentiles at
Antioch, how does one explain his capitulation to Peter and James
and his desertion of Paul during the conflict recorded in Gal 2: 11-
14? His submission to the Jerusalem authorities and his abandon-
ment of Paul at such a critical juncture are more easily explained if
Barnabas' activity at Antioch was from the beginning dependent on
those same Jerusalem authorities. Therefore, while Haenchen's re-
construction remains a possibility, it seems more advisable to hold to
the presentation of Acts 11 :22-23. This need not prevent us from
seeing Barnabas as a Hellenist and a follower of Stephen, though a
more moderate Hellenist who remained in Jerusalem after the perse-
cution and was acceptable to the Twelve. His delicate middle-man
role between the Jerusalem authorities and the Hellenists at Antioch
79. Hengel, Acts 101-2, prefers to see Barnabas as a member of the "Hebrews"
directed by the Twelve---one of the "Hebrews" sympathetic to the developments out-
side Palestine. Hengel does not think of Barnabas as simply an "inspector" sent from
Jerusalem, but as one who moved to Antioch for theological and personal reasons. Of
key importance is the definition of "Hellenists" whom Acts 6 distinguishes from the
"Hebrews." Dictionaries interpret Bellenistes (an adjective peculiar to Acts and relat-
ed to Bellas, "Greece," and Bellen. "a Greek") as "Greek-speaking." Drawing on
Acts, exegetes would add various qualifications in defining a Hellenist: (I) a Jew from
the Diaspora; (2) resident in Jerusalem; (3) [in the case of a Jewish Christian] open to
a circumcision-free mission to the Gentiles; (4) speaking only Greek, not Semitic; (5)
heavily Greek-acculturated; (6) having an anti-Temple theology. Above, in discussing
Group Four, the Introduction pointed to disagreement among scholars about these
qualifications, and indeed the two authors of this volume disagree on the meaning of
"Hellenist." I hold that Barnabas is a Hellenist; Brown is inclined to agree with Hen-
gel. I accept the first three qualifications as well as the fifth, but have doubts about the
others. As for (4), some Hellenists in Jerusalem may well have been bilingual; as for
(6), whether or not Acts 7 represents the thought of the historical Stephen, I do not
consider it proved that all Hellenists held anti-Temple vielVs--especially when so
much of the literary evidence comes from the post-70 era. Brown (pp. 6-7 above), ar-
guing that Paul was not a Hellenist, places little emphasis on the first three qualifica-
tions, all of which apply to Paul. The last two are regarded by Brown as the most
distinctively Hellenist.
may have prepared the way for his embarrassing position in the An-
tiochene clash of Gal 2.80
The church at Antioch soon grew large enough and, because of
its Gentile converts, distinctive enough to receive a new designation
from the Gentiles: Christians (Christianoi, Acts 11 :26).81 Interesting-
ly, it is Ignatius of Antioch who is the only Apostolic Father to use
the noun Christianos (though it also occurs in the Martyrdom of
Polycarp).82
The next reliable piece of information 8 ) is the list of "prophets
and teachers" at Antioch in Acts 13:1. 84 The five named are Barna-
bas (note his position at the head of the list), Lucius of Cyrene,
Manaen (Menahem), who was a childhood companion of the te-
trarch Herod Antipas, and Saul (placed at the end). That a child-
hood companion (syntrophos) of Herod should be a leader in the
early days of the Antiochene church serves as a reminder that Chris-
tianity did not start out as a "slave" religion and did not entirely lack
members from the higher strata of society. Given a leadership made
80. We cannot verify the information that Barnabas brought Saul from Tarsus
to Antioch (Acts II :25-26). Not surprisingly, Hengel, Acts 101-2, accepts its historic-
ity, placing it "probably before the end of the thirties" (Acts 91). The event is in itself
plausible, though Haenchen, Acts 367, suggests that Luke deduced it from the pres-
ence of the two men at Antioch in 13: 1. The best we can say is that Barnabas and Paul
were early leaders in the Antiochene church.
81. Christianoi, "followers or supporters of Christ," is best explained as a Latin
title given to the disciples by Gentiles, perhaps the Roman authorities, who took
Christus to be a proper name, not a title. The very fact of a special name indicates that
the Gentiles perceived the Christians to be something more than merely a group of
Jews, no doubt because of the Gentiles admitted to full membership without circumci-
sion or full observance of the Mosaic Law. For other interpretations of the name, see
Haenchen, Acts 367, n. 3; Downey, History 275, n. 19.
82. See Meeks, Jews 43, n. 80. Ignatius is also the first patristic writer to use the
term "Christianity" (Christianismos), in Magnesians 10:1,3 (twice); Romans 3:3; Phil-
adelphians 6: 1.
83. The historicity of the famine collection (Acts 11:27-30), or at least its chro-
nological placement by Luke, is called into question by many critics (see Haenchen,
Acts 375-79; Funk, "Enigma" 130-36; and Jewett, Chronology 34). For unconvincing
attempts to save something of Luke's order of events, see Jeremias, "Sabbathjahr"
233-38; Bruce, Acts 241; and Hengel, Acts 111-12.
84. On the question of the definition and function of NT prophets, see Hill,
Prophecy, esp. 94-109 for the usage of Acts; also Dautzenberg, Prophetie, esp. 214, 53.
The more natural reading of Acts 13:1 suggests that the persons named are both
prophets and teachers; see Lemaire, Les ministeres 58-59.
up of prophets and teachers, it is interesting to note that, when Peter

comes to Antioch, what results is a structure of apostle(s), prophets,
and teachers, a pattern also seen in I Cor 12:28 ("first apostles, sec-
ond prophets, third teachers"). The Christian document called the
Didache, reflecting perhaps some Syrian (or Egyptian?) church at a
later date, also knows of itinerant teachers (Didache 11: 1-2), apostles
(11:3-6), and prophets (11:7-12). One should notice that, while the
prophets and teachers of Acts 13:1 are attached to or associated with
the "mission center" at Antioch, a number of them (at the very least)
do not come from Antioch and are quick to go out on mission. Thus,
while they may not be as "itinerant" as the teachers, apostles, and
prophets of the Didache, they are not on the other hand necessarily
"resident" leaders.85 We shall have to ask later how the Didache ma-
terial may fit into the development of the Antiochene church.
THE CLASH BETWEEN PETER AND PAUL

It is impossible, within the scope of this study, to give a detailed
treatment of all the disputed points surrounding (1) the "Council of
Jerusalem" described in Acts 15 and Gal 2:1-10 and (2) the clash at
Antioch narrated in Gal 2:11-14, the latter being passed over in si-
lence by Luke. With regard to methodological questions, almost all
exegetes would agree that Paul's presentation in Galatians 2, while
not free of a polemical bias, must be our primary source. Luke is in-
terested in presenting a basically harmonious situation, with Antioch
submitting readily to Jerusalem, with Jerusalem defending the mis-
sion to the Gentiles without circumcision, and with James as the
chief and climactic spokesman for the circumcision-free mission.
As for settling the historical questions that concern us, Meeks-
Wilken rightly point out that, for all the differences between them,
the accounts of Paul and Acts do agree on certain key issues. 86 I list
85. Ibid. 58-6\. Note that in the context of a mission out of Antioch, Luke,
contrary to his usual terminology and perhaps because of his source, calls Barnabas
and Paul "apostles" (14:4, 14). Since Barnabas and Paul have already been called
prophets and teachers (13:1), this gives us the Didache's designations of teachers,
apostles, and prophets-all verified in Acts in the same persons.
86. The presentation that follows depends on the summary drawn up by Meeks,
Jews 16-18, with some judgments changed and certain observations added. Note that
briefly both the main agreements and the accompanying disagree-

ments.
(1) Representatives of the church at Antioch travel to Jerusa-
lem for a meeting that has as its focal point the question of the con-
version of the Gentiles to faith in Christ without circumcision. Even
Paul, for all his defense of his independence, cannot mask the fact
that the question is being brought to Jerusalem for a decision. His-
torically, Jerusalem did have a preeminent position and did enjoy
special authority vis-a-vis Antioch. 81
(2) The chief representatives of Antioch were Paul and Barna-
bas (if we may use the order of Acts 15:2). Galatians and Acts agree
that Paul and Barnabas were not the only Antiochenes who went to
I Jerusalem. Luke speaks vaguely of "some others" (Acts 15:2), while
I 1
Paul says specifically that the uncircumcised Titus, who turned out
to be a test case (Gal 2:1,3), accompanied them. In Acts, the reason
for the journey is that some unspecified "Judaizing" Christian Jews
had upset the "integrated" congregation at Antioch by insisting that
the Gentiles had to be circumcised as a condition for salvation. In
the face of the resulting uproar the church appointed delegates to go
to Jerusalem. 88 By contrast, Paul underscores his independence and
initiative by affirming that he went up to Jerusalem "on account of a
revelation" (Gal 2:2).89
(3) In neither account are the Christian Jews who were urging
circumcision at the Jerusalem meeting identified with "the pillar
apostles" or James in particular. It should be emphasized that no NT
source ever claims that James demanded that Gentile converts be cir-
cumcised. Paul speaks vaguely of "false brothers, who sneaked in to
I do not accept the view of those who see in Acts IS and Galatians 2 two different
meetings in Jerusalem; for this opinion, see Dix, Jew 19-60.
87. See Holmberg, Paul 16-33. He emphasizes the need to distinguish between
Paul's theological affirmations about his authority and historical events that indicate
who actually wielded authority. Haenchen, Acts 464--65, makes similar observations;
but he denies (wrongly, I think) that Paul recognized the Jerusalem apostles as arbi-
ters or a court of appeal.
88. The verb etaxan ("appointed") probably has an official ring to it, though a
milder translation, "it was arranged that ... ," is also possible.
89. These two reasons are not necessarily mutually exclusive; for instance, the
decision might have been reached by the prophetic leaders of Antioch, (see Acts 13:1-
3); so even Haenchen, Acts 464. Jeremias' attempt to explain Gal 2:2 through Acts
II :27-30 is not convincing; see footnote 83 above.
spy on our freedom" (Gal 2:4)-hardly the same group as the three
"pillars" (James, Cephas, and John) who lead the Jerusalem church
and who are introduced by name in verse 9 of Galatians 2. Acts iden-
tifies the Judaizers as Christian Jews from the Pharisee movement. 90
(4) In any case, at a meeting the Jerusalem church issues the
decision. Paul singles out James, Cephas, and John for special men-
tion, implying perhaps a special meeting with them, though the three
seem to have taken part in a larger meeting as well (Gal 2:1,4,6).
Luke speaks of a formal assembly of the apostles and elders, in which
Peter and James both speak. The final decision is reached by the
apostles and elders in the name of the whole Jerusalem church.
(5) The decision reached is that the Gentiles do not have to be
circumcised. Acts' placing of a decisive speech in the mouth of James
probably reflects Luke's tendency to smooth over past differences in
order to present a church united on basic theological questions. 91 The
Antiochene missionaries are allowed to continue their circumcision-
free mission to the Gentiles, while, according to Galatians, Peter
continues the mission to the Jews.92 It should be noted that, as far as
we know, neither Peter nor James ever expressly repudiated the
agreement about circumcision, though Paul feared that Peter's in-
consistency at Antioch might effectively lead Gentile converts to ac-
cept circumcision. Both Acts and Paul also agree that "kosher" laws
were an issue that was raised after circumcision. Acts has the issue
raised at Jerusalem; Paul, at Antioch. Most exegetes agree that the
"kosher" observances from Lev 17-18, imposed on Gentile converts
in Acts 15:20,29, do not belong historically to the Jerusalem agree-
ment between the pillars and Paul. Still, both Luke and Paul connect
James with imposing kosher laws on Gentiles.
(6) Some time after their return to Antioch, Paul and Barnabas
had a fierce disagreement which ended their partnership as mission-
aries. According to Galatians, Barnabas joins in the hypocrisy of
90. Hllcnchcn. ACfS 443-44, 458. sees the two distinct Judaizing groups (Acts
15: 1.5) as the work of Luke. On lhe difficulty of identifying the "false brothers" (Gal
2:4) v!s-!I-vis "those who came from James" and "the circumcision party" (Gal 2:12),
SL'C R. B. Drown, Peter 26. including n. 58.
91. So Jervell. Luke. esp. 185-207.
92. On the precise meaning of "we to the Gentiles, they to the circumcised"
(Gal 2:9), see Haenchen, Acts 466--67; Holmberg, Paul 29-32. This is the text that in-
spired the mosaics used as art on the jacket of this book.
Peter, who has withdrawn from table fellowship with Gentile Chris-
tians at Antioch because of pressure from members of the James par-
ty, who have recently arrived from Jerusalem. Paul rebukes Peter to
his face. We are not directly informed as to the upshot of this, but
certain subsequent events in Paul's career give us clues. Paul soon
undertakes a lengthy mission into Asia Minor and Europe without
Barnabas. He returns to Antioch only once for a brief visit (Acts
18:22). He never mentions Syrian Antioch again in his letters. What-
ever relations he does have are with Jerusalem rather than with Anti-
och. Most glaringly, in Galatians 2 he is silent about who won the
debate. We can reasonably infer from these facts that Paul lost the
argument, found himself isolated at Antioch, separated himself from
Barnabas, and undertook a wide-ranging mission with new cowork-
ers.93 Luke, as is his wont, mentions as a reason for the split only a
personal dispute about taking along John Mark (Acts 15:36-41). Ac-
cordingly, Acts omits any reference to Peter's visit to Antioch, the
pressure from the James party, and the resulting clash-perhaps de-
liberately, perhaps because Luke was confused about how all these
events were related.
Treating the Jerusalem Council and its aftermath at Antioch, J.
Schlitz speaks of Antioch and Jerusalem as "two independent centers
of Christianity."94 That assessment may be too strong, if one consid-
ers which center had the decisive word when it came to a confronta-
tion. A critical reading of the data in both Acts and Paul suggests
that Jerusalem had a certain authority over Antioch and indeed, for
all his protestations, even over Paul. 95 One cannot therefore agree to-
tally with the judgment of Meeks-Wilken about Paul's course of ac-
tion after the Antioch dispute: "Paul made himself independent of
93. So, following many others, Bornkamm, Paul 43-48; Haenchen, Acts 475-
76. For a list of scholars who think Paul won the conflict with Peter at Antioch and of
those who think Paul lost, see Holmberg, Paul 34, n. 117.
94. Schiitz, Paul 138. Yet Schiitz goes on to say that Jerusalem could nullify
Paul's efforts, though not his gospel (p. 139-Schiitz is treating the question of au-
thority from Paul's point of view). Schiitz admits that both Jerusalem and some Chris-
tians at Antioch thought Jerusalem's reasons for extending its discipline into Antioch
must have been pressing (p. 152). But, if that be the case, is it exact to speak of "two
independent centers of Christianity"?
\
95. So Holmberg, Paul 19-20. He summarizes on p. 35; "Up to and including
1 the Apostolic Council and the Antioch Incident Paul has to receive authoritative
I
words from the leadership of the Jerusalem church, which enjoys undisputed superior-
ity of status." See Haenchen, "Petrus-Probleme" 55-67, esp. 63.
Antioch as well as of Jerusalem."96 Antioch, yes; Jerusalem, no.97

Throughout his later missionary journeys, Paul is concerned with
collecting money for the Jerusalem church (see p. 110 below). Paul's
churches also had poor people, but the Jerusalem church does not
take up a collection for them. The relationship, while certainly bilat-
eral, is not one of complete equality.98
The state of the Antiochene church after the departure of Paul
must remain largely a matter of conjecture, though the portraits of
the church we get decades later, first at the time of Matthew's gospel
and then at the time of Ignatius, may offer some clues. Both Mat-
thew and Ignatius depict one Christian community made up of Jews
and Gentiles, defined over against both the Jewish synagogue and
various dissident Christians (e.g., false prophets in Matthew, doce-
tists and Judaizers in Ignatius).99 One does not get the impression
from either Matthew or Ignatius that there are a number of different,
organized churches existing side by side in the same place. Unlike
the NT epistles of John, for example, the gospel of Matthew does not
suggest the existence of organized opposition by a group of schismat-
ic Christians. Indeed, even at the time of Ignatius, we do not hear of
any rival bishop (episkopos) or council of elders (presbyterion) among
the dissidents or "heretics." It does not seem likely, then, that, after
the departure of Paul, the Antiochene church broke into two totally
separate groups of Jewish Christians and Gentile Christians. After
Paul's departure, some Gentile Christians may have actually accept-
ed circumcision; but the most likely outcome is that Gentile and Jew-
ish Christians abided by the wishes of the James party by holding
meals (and therefore probably eucharists) separately. Provided these
restrictions were observed, neither James nor, ajortiori, Peter would
demand circumcision. Therefore, some sort of fellowship (koin-
onia)-however tenuous and uneasy-could be maintained. Indeed,
96. Meeks, Jews 17.

97. See Holmberg, Paul 56: Paul "and his work are still [even after the clash at
Antioch] dependent on the recognition of the church which is the source and centre,
not only of the Palestine Jewish Christian church but of all churches."
98. Berger, "Almosen" 197-98, rightly sees the collection as a sociological as
well as theological expression of unity and community among the churches, but he
denies any expression of Jerusalem's privileged position.
99. Some hold that, at the time ofIgnatius, the docetists and Judaizers were the
same people; see below pp. 79-80.
First Generation (Galatians. Acts) 41
Paul's departure may have been precipitated by his desire to avoid an

open schism. In the face of these divisions and tensions within the
Christian community, Peter may have played a moderating role,
helping to keep the compromise solution from degenerating into
complete schism. loo Peter's pivotal role at Antioch, holding the two
groups of Antiochene Christians together, may be reflected in the
prominence given Peter later in Matthew's gospel. In the Antioch of
the late 40s and early 50s, the figure of Peter could (even in his phys-
ical absence) serve as a rallying point for Christians who felt antago-
nism toward either the "liberalism" of Paul or the "conservatism" of
James.
No doubt it was not always easy to keep peace between the two
groups with their conflicting viewpoints and programs. On the "left
wing," the pro-Paul Gentile Christians would have preserved among
themselves the desire for an unhindered universal mission, with bap-
tism instead of circumcision as the initiation rite that made all equal
members in the one people of God, and with Jesus rather than the
Mosaic Law as the ethical touchstone of Christian conduct-in
short, the type of missionary program outlined later in Matt 28:16-
20. The various universalistic traditions enshrined in Matthew prob-
ably found their impulse and their incubator among this Antiochene
group of Gentile Christians, to whom Peter would not be entirely un-
sympathetic. lol These Gentiles would not be unaware of the fact that
100. Scholars of very different viewpoints agree on this mediating role of Peter,
especially during and after the clash at Antioch. For instance, Holmberg, Paul 22,
places Peter in the "middle" position, between the rigorism of Paul's Judaistic oppo-
nents and the liberalism of Paul. (One might question, though, whether James should
be lumped together with Peter and Barnabas in the "middle," as Holmberg thinks. At
least, pressure from the James party had impelled Peter and Barnabas to a course of
action they would not have espoused on their own.) Similarly, Streeter, Gospels 504:
"Antioch follows Peter and stands for the via media between the Judaistic intolerance
of those who called James master and the all but antinomian liberty claimed by some
of the followers of Paul." See footnotes 2 above and 446 below.
101. Despite some Lucan composition as to details and centrality, the basic story
of Peter's conversion of a Gentile early in the 30s is probably historical, contra Haen-
chen, Acts 462-64. It occasions a dispute in Jerusalem which Luke would not be likely
to have invented. Moreover, there was no reason fer the Jerusalem Christians to see
this extraordinary conversion, precipitated by charismatic phenomena, as a norm or
program for a future universal mission without circumcision. In defense of the histori-
cal event, occurring before the Jerusalem Council, see Dibelius, "Conversion" 109-22;
and Wilckens, Missionsreden 63. In I Cor 1:12 one party within the predominantly
Peter had modified his table practice not of his own accord, but un-
der pressure from the James party.
On the other hand, the universalistic program harbored by the
Gentile Christians would in practice be difficult to undertake with
any great success as long as the James party on the "right" held the
upper hand in the Jewish-Christian group and in the Antiochene
church as a whole. While James himself, as far as we can know, nev-
er repudiated the agreement on circumcision, his party would have
supplied the most comfortable haven for those who had opposed any
circumcision-free mission. If these "right-wing extremists" of
Group One (see Introduction above) could find shelter anywhere in
the church, it would be under the Jamesian wing (roughly, Group
Two), although ultimately they may have broken away entirely and
become Ebionites and other marginal Jewish-Christian heretics. Per-
haps these Antiochene Jewish Christians were the creators or bearers
of the narrow, particularistic statements on mission found in Matt
10:5-6 and 15:24.
Such extremists did not, however, gain the upper hand at Anti-
och. Sometime after the departure of Paul, either Peter or perhaps
even the Jamesian group, in a gesture of moderation, made closer fel-
lowship between Jews and Gentiles possible. The price of the new
compromise was the imposition of certain "kosher" observances on
the Gentile Christians, observances now enshrined in the so-called
"letter" of Acts 15:20,29 (repeated pointedly by James to Paul in
21 :25). 102 The prohibitions against eating food sacrificed to idols,
Gentile Corinthian church (which in I Corinthians shows no particular tendency to

Judaize) appeals to Cephas as their leader. Conducting missionary work in the diaspo-
ra, Peter would have been the member of the Jerusalem Twelve best known to Gentile
Christians. Is it accidental that in Matt 15:15 Jesus explains to Peter that food does not
render a person unclean (contrast Mark 7:17)7
102. Most critics rightly deduce from Gal 2:6, 10, that the four prohibitions in the
so-called "Apostolic Decree" come from a historical context other than the Jerusalem
Council. Suggested by James and directly addressed to the Christians of Antioch, Syr-
ia, and Cilicia, the prohibitions may represent a more moderate policy developed by
the James party after the departure of Paul from Antioch. Dibelius, "Council" 98~99,
thinks that Luke knew of an actual document addressed to Antioch, Syria, and Cilicia.
Haenchen (Acts 471) is vague on their origin: "These prohibitions must have come
into force in a strongly mixed community of the diaspora, where Jewish claims were
more moderate .... " This picture can be satisfied by an Antiochene church seeking to
overcome the split occasioned by the quarrel of Paul, Peter, and James. Here we may
drinking blood from animals, eating meat from strangled animals,

and maintaining incestuous unions (porneia), all come from Leviti-
cus 17-18, in that precise order (footnote 3 above). They enunciate
obligations which the Pentateuch considers binding on resident
aliens-hardly a complimentary classification for Gentile Christians.
Yet, despite the implicit insult, these provisions did aim at making
some sort of common life possible for a church divided into ethnic
groups. The very fact that the Gentile Christians would receive and
obey these prohibitions indicates that a total split into two hostile
churches had not occurred. It is quite probably from this imposition
of Levitical prohibitions that the exceptive clause concerning incestu-
ous unions (porneia) enters into the Matthean teaching of divorce
(Matt 5:32; 19:9, where porneia is often translated as "fornication"
or "unchastity").!03 Such a theory provides the kind of tradition his-
tory and "setting in life" that explains why the exceptive clause took
shape only in the Matthean form of the teaching on divorce, as op-
posed to Mark, Q, the Lucan redaction, and Paul.
It is, however, somewhat simplistic to think of the Antiochene
church after Paul's departure only in terms of left and right wings.
Besides the moderating influence of Peter and the strengthened bond
of fellowship represented by the Gentiles' acceptance of the four ko-
sher rules, what helped keep the two wings of the Antiochene church
together was probably the influence of another group, those Hellenist
Jewish Christians who had taken part in the initial work of convert-
ing the Gentiles at Antioch. They had preceded Paul in this work;
and, if we may take Stephen's speech in Acts 7 as a reflection of their
theology, some of them were more radical in their critique of Juda-
have a shift in praxis leading from the church of Galatians 2 to the church of Mat-
thew. For a recent summary of the question with full bibliography, see Catchpole,
"Paul," who rightly sees that the Decree must come from a time when Paul was ab-
sent from the decision-making body in Jerusalem and that it presupposes that the deci-
sion about not demanding circumcision of Gentiles has already been made. But then
Catchpole goes on to suggest that the Decree was not a mediating but a conservative
proposal, and was the direct cause of the clash between Paul and Peter at Antioch.
Catchpole's insights are better served if we see the Decree as a mediating position aris-
ing after the clash and Paul's departure from Antioch.
103. For the question of the Apostolic Decree's relation to the exceptive clause in
Matthew, see Meier, Law 140-50, with the bibliography cited there; and Vision 248-
57.
ism than was Paul. There is no reason to think that Paul's departure
from Antioch caused all of these Hellenists either to leave the city or
to change their theoretical stance vis-a-vis a Gentile mission. After
both Paul and Barnabas left Antioch on mission, at least some of
these more "liberal" members of the Hellenist group may have re-
mained in the city. If so, they would have been basically in agree-
ment with the Gentile-Christian group, even though they would
technically be part of the Jewish-Christian group. What impeded
them from openly joining forces with the Gentile-Christian group
was the ascendancy of the James party, which Peter had not been
able to resist and Paul had not been able to defeat. But what the
apostles of the first generation could not do the Roman legions, the
destruction of Jerusalem, the Jamnia movement, and the inner dy-
namics of Christian development finally conspired to achieve. For
this we must move to our treatment of the second Christian genera-
tion at Antioch.
CHAPTER III

of the
Second Christian Generation
(A.D.70-100-Matthew)
at the state of affairs in Antioch after the departure of

L OOKING
Paul and looking at the situation reflected in Matthew's gospel
(written in Antioch ca. 80-90), we are forced to the conclusion that
the Antiochene church underwent some notable modifications be-
tween the 50s and the 80s of the first century.104 It is essential to our
purpose to inquire into the reasons for these changes and the results
of the shift in existence the church experienced.
In what follows we shall try to sketch a viable hypothesis that
takes into account: (1) the external factors that influenced the Antio-
chene church; (2) the factors internal to the church that made for
change and tension; (3) the crystallization of individual streams of
Christian tradition at Antioch, traditions that sometimes stood in
tension with one another; (4) the gospel of Matthew as the evange-
list's reply to all these factors and tensions; (5) the institutional
means that Matthew's church had developed for teaching and insur-
ing discipline, as reflected in the gospel.
104. Downey, History 288-92, appeals to reports of later Fathers like Justin,
Irenaeus, and Eusebius in order to justify placing the Nicolaitans, Saturninus, and
Menander at Antioch in the blank period between A.D. 70 and Ignatius. Since, howev-
er, the gospel of Matthew displays no great anti-gnostic tendency, one must place the
rise of gnosticizing tendencies at Antioch close to 100. It was this threat in particular
that precipitated the rise of the single-bishop at Antioch. Meeks-Wilken remain silent
on the period, except for noting the break with the synagogue (Jews 18-19).
45
46 ANTIOCH-Chapter III
EXTERNAL FACTORS INFLUENCING CHANGE

IN THE ANTIOCH ENE CHURCH
The single most important external event that influenced the

course of the church at Antioch was the first Jewish War, along with
the incidents preceding and following it.l05 Decisive for the future
course of the Antiochene church were the death of James in Jerusa-
lem in the 60Sl0 6 and the destruction of Jerusalem in 70. The reason
why these events should have had an impact on the Antiochene
church is clear. Looking at Galatians and Acts, we notice a pattern:
the problems at Antioch did not arise simply from within the com-
munity, but were largely occasioned by the opposition of at least
some of the more conservative Jerusalem Christians. Luke claims
that the disturbing teaching of some Christians from Judea/Jerusa-
lem (see Acts 15:1,24) called forth the Jerusalem Council. From Gal
2:12 we know that the influence of men coming from James in Jeru-
salem precipitated the clash between Paul and Peter, made it expedi-
ent for Paul to leave Antioch, and moved Peter, Barnabas, and no
doubt other Jewish Christians to separate themselves from table fel-
lowship with Gentile Christians.
As has been suggested already, the fact that the James party
gained the upper hand in Antioch as a result of the clash did not ex-
tinguish all liberal sentiment among the other groups. Once James
was martyred by the Jewish authorities, and once the mother church
in Jerusalem either fled into exile or was destroyed by the Romans,
the decisive umbilical cord that had tied the Antiochene church to its
Jewish identity and its Jewish past was severed. From that point on-
105. See Farmer, "Character." For the question of the fate of the Christian
church at Jerusalem before and after A.D. 70, see von Campenhausen, Jerusalem; and
Liidemann, "Successors." The only clear fact about the Jerusalem church is that,
whatever its precise fate during and after the Jewish War, it did not regain its former
prominence in the decades immediately following the catastrophe of 70.
106. Diverse accounts are given in Josephus (Antiquities, 20.9.1; #200-203,
though some claim this is a Christian insertion) and in Hegesippus' more legendary
account, as recorded by Eusebius, Hist. 2:23.4-18. The date varies according to
whether one follows Josephus (A.D. 62) or Hegesippus (ca. 66). On Hegisippus' pre-
sentation of James, see Zuckschwerdt, "Naziriiat." It should be noted that legends
about James' martyrdom pass (by way of Syrian Jewish-Christian heretics?) into
Christian gnosticism; see "The Second Apocalypse of James" in Robinson, Nag Ham-
madi 254-55).
Second Generation (Matthew) 47
l wards, the Jewish/Gentile groups of Pauline and Hellenist persua-
sion (Groups Three and Four in the Introduction above) could hope
to make headway against the conservative elements on the "right,"
which had looked to James and Jerusalem for support. Yet even the
conservative group at Antioch was not monolithic, for it contained
members of Groups Two and One (see Introduction). The Jewish
Christians of Group Two, having already compromised through the
"Apostolic Decree" of Acts 15:23-29, might be willing to go farther
to satisfy the Gentile Christians in this new situation. On the other
hand, the extreme right-wing (Group One), finding itself unable to
accept the post-A.D. 70 modifications, may have eventually left the
Antiochene church to preserve in a Jewish-Christian sect what they
considered to be the true heritage of James. Here we may have one
source of the Ebionites, though the group may also have drawn sup-
porters from remnants of Palestinian Jewish-Christian communities
or perhaps even from Essenes attracted to Christianity. \07 Here also
we may have part of the explanation why later Jewish-Christian he-
retical writings (e.g., the Clementine Homilies and Recognitions, the
Ascents of James) champion James, exalting him over Peter and ex-
tolling him over against the enemy Paup08_-a rather accurate picture
of how the extreme right-wing would have interpreted the clash of
Gal 2.109 One wonders whether some of Matthew's attacks on the
Jewish leaders may also have these proto-Ebionites in view.
Another external factor which could not be ignored by the An-
tiochene church after 70 was that, on the whole, the mission to the
Jews had proved a failure, while the mission to the Gentiles was
proving to be a relative success. Faced with this glaring fact, even
107. If the Ebionites come in part out of the church at Antioch, it is no accident
that their own gospel, "The Gospel of the Ebionites," shows close resemblances to
Matthew's gospel; see Vielhauer, "Jewish-Christian Gospels," esp. 153-55.
108. See Chapter X, section F below; and Martyn, Gospel 55-89, treating the
PseUdo-Clementine literature and the Ascents of James.
109. It seems that through these Syrian Jewish-Christian heretics James also be-
came a hero for certain Christian gnostic groups; see "The Apocryphon of James,"
"The First Apocalypse of James," and "The Second Apocalypse of James," in Robin-
son, Nag Hammadi 29-36, 242-48, 249-55. The judgment of Perkins is well founded:
"The James Apocalypses draw heavily on Jewish Christian material and seem to have
originated in a Syrian milieu ... " ("Gnostic Christologies" 606, n. 48). See also the
privileged place of James in "The Gospel of Thomas," logion 12, in Nag Hammadi
119.
conservative Jewish Christians at Antioch and elsewhere would find

it more and more difficult to put obstacles in the way of a full-scale
circumcision-free mission to the Gentiles. Increasingly, the Gentiles
appeared to be the church's main if not only future, especially after
the Jewish War.
The Jewish War would have also sharpened the tensions be-
tween Jewish Christians and Jews at Antioch. The debacle of the
Jewish War led the surviving Jewish leaders, who were mostly of the
Pharisaic persuasion, to reorganize, to codify, and to close ranks
against common enemies. The beginnings of the Jamnia (Yabneh)
movement, with its desire to impose a certain amount of uniformity
on Judaism, would naturally put pressure on Jewish Christians to
leave either the synagogue or the church. 110 Matthew's gospel cer-
tainly looks back to a past when Christians had experienced persecu-
tion from the synagogue. In this regard the birkat ha-minim, the
cursing of Christians in the Eighteen Benedictions of the synagogue
liturgy, is often mentioned. But there is no need to suppose that such
a formal measure was necessary to bring about separation between
Jewish Christians and the synagogue. III The fact that both entities,
church and synagogue, were in a process of self-definition, consolida-
tion, and codification of traditions is enough to explain the growing
tensions, the persecution, and finally the separation. Especially at
Antioch, where Jews had been harassed and even murdered by Gen-
tiles during the time of the Jewish War-indeed, under the impulse
of the Jewish apostate Antiochus-it is no wonder that Jews would
110. The prime example of the attempt to interpret Matthew's gospel as the
Christian reply to Jamnia is Davies' Setting. In recent years, though, the work of such
scholars as Neusner has made many researchers more cautious about what can be said
with certainty of the early years of the Jamnia movement. For a short example of his
voluminous labors, see Neusner, "Formation."
Ill. On the whole question of the persecution experienced by Matthean Chris-
tians, see Hare, Theme 54-56, treating the role of the birkat ha-minim in the exclusion
of Christians from the synagogue. The birkat ha-minim was a curse directed against
heretics (probably including Christian Jews). It was inserted into a key synagogal
prayer, the Eighteen Benedictions, and had the effect of driving Christian Jews out of
the synagogue. Hare thinks it unlikely that Matthew was written after the birkat ha-
minim had been introduced into the Eighteen Benedictions; see p. 127. The unlikeli-
hood would be greatly increased if the birkat ha-minim were to be dated not ca. 85 but
rather around the beginning of the second century, since it is associated with Samuel
the Younger who was active about the year 100. For a treatment of the recent litera-
ture, see the somewhat tendentious article by Kimelman, "Birkat Ha-Minim."
have had little patience with non-conformist Jewish Christians who

associated with Gentile Christians. It was simply a matter of time be-
fore the break with the synagogue came.
Perhaps some conservative Jewish Christians struggled valiantly
to keep the bond with the synagogue alive, citing such logia as Matt
23:2-3: "The scribes and the Pharisees have succeeded Moses as
teachers [literally, 'they sat in the chair of Moses']; therefore, what-
ever they tell you, do and observe." But the tide was against them.
As Hare has ably argued, the break with the synagogue probably
came before the writing of Matthew's gospel, a document that views
the synagogue as an alien institution ("their synagogue" as opposed
to "my church").1l2 The break therefore would have taken place at
some time between 70-85. Not only had the umbilical cord with
James and Jerusalem been cut. By the mid-80s, the one remaining
organizational link with Judaism, the connection with the local syna-
gogue, disappeared for the Jewish Christians of Antioch. They were
now adrift in a Gentile sea, heading towards a Gentile future.
We should not think that the Gentile Christians were free from
harassment and persecution, simply because they had no connection
with the Jewish synagogue. It was at Antioch that the disciples were
first called Christians (Acts 11 :26); this indicates that even in the 40s
the Christian community was a well-defined group, clearly distin-
guishable from Jews who did not believe in Jesus. (At this early date,
of course, Christian Jews and non-Christian Jews could sometimes
find themselves in the same synagogue.) The new danger which arose
after the break with the synagogue was that Christians could lose the
protection of the category of a legal religion (religio licita), a protec-
tion that Judaism enjoyed and provided. The missionary and apoca-
lyptic discourses in Matthew (10:5-42; chaps. 24-25) speak of
opposition not only from synagogues but also from governors and
kings, from both Jews and Gentiles (note the "to them [the Jews] and
to the Gentiles" in 10: 18; the "all the nations" in 24:9 and the "to all
the nations" in 24: 14).113 The opposition from civil authorities would
touch both Jewish and Gentile Christians and would naturally drive
the two groups closer together.
112. Hare, Theme, esp. 104--5 and 151-58.

113. cr. Meier, "Nations" 95, n. 3; and Thompson, "Perspective."
INTERNAL FACTORS FAVORING CHANGE

IN THE ANTIOCH ENE CHURCH
The changed circumstances outside the church naturally called

for changes within the church. By now, the Antiochene church had
learned to live with a series of changes: the initial acceptance of a cir-
cumcision-free mission, the objection to such a mission (Acts 15:1,5),
the acceptance of the mission (Acts 15:6-121GaI2:1-10), the restric-
tion of the mission by refusal of table fellowship (Gal 2:11-14), and
the compromise allowing table fellowship by observance of the four
kosher rules (Acts 15:20,29). This compromise meant that for some
time Jewish and Gentile Christians had been able to enjoy once again
the full fellowship they had had in the church's earliest days. All
could meet together for meals, eucharists, and other religious assem-
blies. This resumed fellowship created the natural stage for a slow
process of mutual assimilation. Symbiosis gradually became osmosis.
Persecution from the synagogue and the civil authorities only served
to drive one group of Christians more firmly into the arms of the
other. It was perhaps at this point that the extreme right-wing
(Group One), no longer finding a home either in the synagogue or in
the church, went its own way.1l4
The groups left in the Antiochene church in the 80s were thus
the Gentile Christians (in ever increasing numbers), liberal Jewish
Christians who preserved the ideals of Paul and the Hellenists, and
the more conservative Jewish Christians who did not wish to break
the bond of Christian fellowship and take the path leading to Ebioni-
tism. These more conservative Jewish Christians found themselves in
a unique plight. They had formerly had the upper hand; now they
were definitely in the minority. They were too Christian to go back
114. It must be stressed, however, that no certain date can be assigned to the de-
parture of the extreme right wing. It could have taken place after the composition of
Matthew's gospel, for Ignatius still contends with a Judaizing group (see below in
Chapter IV). The leave-taking could have been gradual or in a number of spurts. Yet,
since by "extreme right wing" I understand those Jewish Christians who still opposed
a circumcision-free Gentile mission, it is difficult to conceive of their remaining in the
Antiochene church once Matthew became the gospel of the local church; see Farmer,
"Character" 244. Of course, the theory and praxis of religious persons do not always
exactly coincide-a possible situation for some time among the extreme right wing of
the Matthean church.
to the synagogue and too much in the mainstream of Christianity to

follow the extreme right-wing out of the church. They had shown
themselves willing to compromise by agreeing to the "Apostolic De-
cree," but they were determined to hold on to their particular tradi-
tions. No doubt they viewed with some misgivings the large number
of pagans now streaming into the church. Cut off from Jerusalem,
cut off from the synagogue, how could they maintain monotheism,
morality, and all the other aspects of their Jewish heritage which, in
their view, made Christianity the true fulfillment of God's promise to
Israel, and not another pagan religion? Despite all the changes after
A.D. 70, or rather because of them, the church at Antioch still need-
ed some way of synthesizing the various tendencies and groups
which created tension within the community. This was the theologi-
cal and pastoral problem Matthew had to face when he came to write
his gospel.
I.
DIffERENT STREAMS OF GOSPEL TRADITION
IN THE ANTIOCHENE CHURCH
In the post-A.D. 70 period, the various viewpoints within the

Antiochene church crystallized in different streams of gospel tradi-
tion, some written, some oral. Reflecting the theological tensions of
the community, these various traditions presented Matthew with his
gravest theological problem, yet also offered the elements of a solu-
tion. Matthew emerged as the "liberal conservative" who creatively
redacted his sources in order to meet the identity-crisis of the Antio-
chene church. In order to appreciate Matthew's achievement, we
must first examine his variegated, conflicting sources. IlS
(1) The gospel of Mark forms the backbone of Matthew's gos-
pel. Written a little before or after A.D. 70, it seems to have been re-
ceived quickly in the Matthean church. This is quite understandable
if Mark's gospel came from Rome;1l6 communications between the
capital of the Empire and the capital of Syria were excellent. Espe-
cially after the destruction of Jerusalem, it was only natural for the
115. On the reconciliation of conflicting sources in Matthew, see Streeter, Gos-

pels 512-15; Farmer, "Character" 245-47.
116. See the discussion in Chapter X, section C; also Pesch, Markusevangelium
1.12-14.
large Antiochene church to turn towards the church in the capital of

the Empire, where the two significant figures of Antioch's early days,
Paul and Peter, had both died martyrs. In the next generation, Igna-
tius will witness to the respect the Antiochene church felt for the Ro-
man community.ll7 If the tradition connecting the gospel of Mark
with Peter was already known in the first century, this too would
have aided the acceptance of Mark's gospel at Antioch. Some schol-
ars, however, prefer a Palestinian or Syrian provenance for Mark's
gospel,llS While this seems less likely, it would certainly explain the
rapid reception of Mark's gospel by Antioch.
In any event, at some date after 70, it seems likely that Mark
became the written gospel used in the liturgy, catechesis, apologetics,
and polemics of Matthew's church. As far as we know, it had at the
time no competitor. Its sympathy for Gentiles and its critique of the
Mosaic Law would make it especially acceptable to the Gentile
Christians and the Hellenists. As time passed, however, it was only
natural that the rough Greek, the even rougher theology, and the
limited scope of the material would call forth a revision and expan-
sion. Even before Matthew, corrections and additions may have been
made as the text was read in public-not unlike the "targumic" or
"midrashic" expansions of the rabbis. In this early period of Chris-
tianity, the written text was still very much enveloped in an evolving
oral tradition.
(2) The Q document, of its nature hypothetical, is more difficult
to deal with.1l9 Whether or not the Q material can be traced to itiner-
ant charismatics from Palestine,120 much of the material seems very
primitive and probably stems from an early attempt in Palestine to
117. Ignatius, Romans 3:1; 4:3, see below, pp. 182,202.

118. Besides such authors as Marxsen and Kiimmel, see Miiller, "Rezeption."
119. By definition, Q is that material common to Matthew and Luke, but not
found in Mark. The "Q document" is thus a hypothetical reconstruction accepted by
many, though not all, NT scholars. Basically a collection of Jesus' sayings plus a few
narratives, Q was a rudimentary document which may have circulated in the early
church in various forms. See in particular Liihrmann, Redaktion; Schulz, Q: Hoff-
mann, Studien; Edwards, Theology,' Worden, "Redaction Criticism of Q"; Polag,
Christologie; Vassiliadis, "Nature." On the symbol Q, see Neirynck, "Symbol"; Silber-
man, "Whence."
120. See the work on the sociology of the NT done by Theissen (now convenient-
ly available in his Studien), esp. his "Wanderradikalismus" 79-105. For a more popu-
lar presentation, see his Sociology.
collect the logia of Jesus. Since Q never assumed the form of a fin-
ished gospel, its boundaries and content remained fluid; probably
various recensions circulated. The eclectic nature of the Q collection
would have facilitated its acceptance at Antioch; various groups
could find in the words of Jesus something to bolster their position. 121
At the same time, it would be difficult for any group to reject what
claimed to be nothing more than a catena of Jesus' sayings, present-
ing the radical moral demands, the eschatological prophecy, and the
apocalyptic wisdom of Jesus. Whether a particular recension was
brought to Antioch from Palestine, or whether Q itself was first re-
dacted at Antioch, cannot be said. No doubt, even more than Mark,
Q was by its very nature open to editorial changes in oral presenta-
tion.
I
(3) The so-called M material is simply an umbrella-term for all
the traditions in Matthew's gospel not derived from Mark or Q. At
times it is extremely difficult to separate M traditions from Matthean
redaction. 122 There is not sufficient reason for positing an "M docu-
ment," more rudimentary than Q.12l The M material embraces tradi-
tions of the most varied sort, each strand reflecting a different
viewpoint in the Antiochene church. 124 We may distinguish the fol-
lowing:
(a) The inheritance of the extreme Judaizers of Group One
would be represented by the sayings rejecting a Gentile mission.
Matt 10:5-6 reads: "Do not go to the Gentiles and do not enter a
Samaritan city; go rather to the lost sheep of the house of Israel."
And Matt 15:24 gives the prohibition a christological foundation: "I
was not sent except to the lost sheep of the house of Israel." Such
121. Although Q manifests certain basic concerns (radical moral demands in the
light of the apocalyptic crisis, the fate of the rejected prophets, the fusion of apocalyp-
tic and wisdom, etc.), it seems doubtful that one can speak of a consistent redactional
theology or of a "Q-community" which knew no other theological tradition (e.g., a
passion-resurrection narrative). Equally doubtful is the attempt to assign logia to vari-
ous stages of redaction.
122. For such an attempt in the key pericope of Matt 28:16--20, see Meier,
"Questions"; Lange, Erscheinen (with full bibliography on 513-36); and Hubbard, Re-
daction.
123. As does Kilpatrick, Origins 36; to the contrary, see Schweizer, "Sondertra-
dition."
124. Streeter, Gospels 512, unduly restricts M to a strain of ludaistic reaction
against the Petro-Pauline liberalism in the matter of a Gentile mission and the obser-
vance of the Law. This is one strand in M, but not M as a whole.
sayings would mesh nicely with the primitive Q statement behind

Matt 5:18/Luke 16:17: "Until heaven and earth pass away, not one
yod or decorative flourish will pass away from the Law."125
(b) The James group (Group Two) that remained in the church
would have stressed stringent observance of the Mosaic Law accord-
ing to the teaching of Jesus. Hence, the moral material in the Sermon
on the Mount that does not run counter to the Mosaic Law (e.g.,
5:21-24, forbidding anger as well as murder; 5:27-29, forbidding
mental as well as physical adultery; and the catechesis criticizing pa-
gan prayer in 6:7-8) and the exhortation to remain subject to the au-
thorities of the Jewish synagogue (23:2-3) might come from or have
been preserved by the James group within the Antiochene church.
Such an insistence on moral demands and moral authority could
have been meant, in their eyes, to counter the danger posed by so
many Gentiles entering the church.
(c) Traditions favoring the Gentile mission and opposing Phari-
saic devotion to the Law might have been fostered by the "leftist"
Hellenists allied with the Gentile Christians: e.g., the traditions be-
hind the mandate for a universal mission in 28:16-20; the Magi sto-
ry, representing the coming of the Gentiles to Christ, while the Jews
fail to come; the rejection of the Pharisees in 15:12-14, which tells
the disciples to "leave them [the Pharisees] alone; they are blind
guides"; the M material in chap. 23 that criticizes the scribes and the
Pharisees; and the critique of Jewish piety concerning alms, prayer,
and fasting, in 6:1-6, 16-18. The Hellenists may also have been re-
sponsible for fostering the stringent moral demands that revoked the
letter of the Mosaic Law: e.g., 5:33-37, prohibiting all oaths and
vows; 5:38-39a, prohibiting all legal retaliation. 126 By handing on
125. Strained is the attempt by Farmer. "Character" 240-41. to read Matt 10:5-
6 as a benign sanclion of the division of labor between Peter and Paul, restricting the
mission of the Twelve to Israel, while all owing others, like Paul, to go to the Gentiles.
But this is to read somelhing of Ma tthew' redactional setting (Matt 1O:5a)--and in-
deed, a greal deal mor~inlo the isolatcd logion, whicn originally wou ld have ci rcu-
lated independently. In itself the logion (10;5b- 6) hardly suggests the benign
limitation Farmer reads into it. As for Ma(thew's redaction, UJe same group that re>
ceives the limit.ntion in chap. 10 also receives Ihe universal m(tndutc in 28: 16-20. See
Meier, Law 46-65, for the hypothetical original form of Matt 5: 18.
126. Meier. Law 125-61. treats the Matthean antitheses with full bibliography up
to 1975; see also Hiibner, Gesetz; Hoffmann-Eid, Jesus; Piper, 'Love'; Strecker. "An-
tithesen"; Dietzfelbinger, "Antithesen"; Dumbrell, "Logic."
such teaching they could answer the qualms of the James party
about immorality and at the same time make a point about the im-
perfection of the Mosaic Law. Consequently, both the Jamesian and
the Hellenist groups would be actively concerned about developing
moral catechesis, a pressing need in a missionary church which so
many pagans were entering. The final form of Matthew's gospel re-
flects this practical, pastoral need of the Antiochene church. All the
different groups at Antioch would likewise be interested in preserv-
ing Petrine traditions, since historically the figure of Peter had
proved to be a rallying point for the diverse wings of the community.
As time went on, the growing strain and final break with the syna-
gogue would impart an increasingly strong anti-Jewish tone to many
of these M traditions.
It would be a mistake to think of Mark, Q, and M as three sepa-
rate blocks of tradition which were combined for the first time by
Matthew. The three main streams of tradition would have interacted
regularly in liturgy, catechesis, and other church activities. M was
the living sea of oral tradition in which Mark and Q floated and were
steeped. 127 It may be that certain passages of Mark and Q had been
altered by oral church tradition before Matthew ever wrote a word of
his gospel. Particularly in the case of Q there is a strong possibility
that a certain amount of M material was conflated with Q in written
form. Hence, Matthew would have been working with this conflated,
pre-Matthean form of Q.128
The development of traditions does not happen in a vacuum.
With so many complicated strands of tradition circulating and grow-
ing in the Antiochene church, it was only natural that a group of
teachers or scribes should arise to formulate, study, comment on,
and teach the expanding Christian tradition. Acts 13:1 states that the
earliest leaders of the Antiochene church were prophets and teachers
(prophetai kai didaskaloz), who also conducted public worship (lei-
tourgounton in verse 2). This interaction between powerful, charis-
127. One must leave open the possibility that M contained stray variant forms of
traditions also contained in Mark and Q. Some of the "minor agreements" of Matthew
and Luke may be explained in this way.
128. So J. Brown, "The Form of 'Q' Known to Matthew," NTS 8 (1961-62) 27-
42; Walter, "Bearbeitung" 246, n. 1; Schweizer, Matthew 12-14; Liihrmann, Redak-
tion 11-23, esp. 18 and 21, n. 2; Hare, Theme 81.
matic preaching (prophecy) and Spirit-filled study of Scripture and

catechesis (teaching), all in the context of liturgical celebration,
would be the perfect matrix for what Stendahl has dubbed "The
School of St. Matthew." One need not agree with all of Stendahl's
thesis about Matthew's use of OT citations and the parallels with the
Qumran literature to assent to his basic insight that Matthew's gos-
pel comes out of a lengthy Jewish-Christian scribal tradition in Mat-
thew's church. 129 Matthew may indeed be giving us a thumbnail
self-portrait in the picture of the "scribe who has become a disciple
of the Kingdom of heaven" (Matt 13:52). If Luke 11 :49 preserves the
original form of a Q saying which spoke of "prophets and apostles"
(prophetas kai apostolous), it is significant that Matt 23:34 changes
the reading to "prophets and wisemen and scribes" (prophetas kai so-
phous kai grammateis), almost an alternate version of Acts 13:1.130
Matthew or the M tradition would not have had to warn Antio-
chene Christians not to covet the titles rabbi, teacher (didaskalos),
and master (kathegetes) unless there were Christians at Antioch who
might claim-or were claiming-these titles for themselves because
of their prominent teaching position in the community (Matt 23:7-
10).
It would be in this group of Christian scribes that the OT
prophecies in their varied textual forms would have been studied
and applied to Christian catechesis, apologetics, and polemics. When
one considers the wide knowledge of different text-forms represented
in the Matthean citations of the OT, it seems almost impossible that
one man, starting on his own, could have enjoyed such a vast knowl-
edge and command of textual variants. If one instead sees Matthew
as coming at the end of and inheriting the work of a whole Christian
129. For a critique of the position of Stendahl (School) and further work on for-
mula quotations (Rej1exionszitate), see Giirtner, "Commentary"; Nepper-Christensen,
Matthiiusevangelium; Metzger, "Formulas"; Baumstark, "Zitate"; Fitzmyer, "Use of
Explicit Old Testament"; Smith, "The Use of the Old Testament in the New";
Gundry, The Use; McConnell, Law and Prophecy,' Rothfuchs, Erjiillungszitate; van
Segbroeck, "Citations"; Cope, Matthew; R. E. Brown, Birth.
130. As Hummel points out (Auseinandersetzung 17), while Pharisees are totally
rejected, Matthew does not think there is anything wrong with a scribe qua scribe.
Rather, the Jewish scribes are enemies because they are Pharisees. This distinction
may reflect the presence of scribes in Matthew's church, while the Pharisees are com-
pletely identified with the Jewish synagogue.
scribal school, which in turn drew upon Jewish learning filtered

through Jewish Christians in the community, his achievement be-
comes more intelligible. The formula quotations of Matthew have
their origin and home in the scribal school at Antioch. The prophets
in the community, perhaps partly identifiable with the teachers or
scribes, would proclaim and apply this learned reflection on Scrip-
ture in liturgical and other homiletic situations.131 The formula quo-
tations would be especially welcomed by the Jewish Christians in the
Antiochene church, since such citations would help to anchor both
the life and preaching of Jesus and the life and preaching of the
church in the sacred writings and traditions of the Jews.
In a larger sense, of course, Matthew inherits not just the work
of the scribal school but of all the bearers of tradition at Antioch. As
his church faced a crisis of identity and unity, as the various groups
within the church struggled to accept one another while pressure in-
creased from the Jewish and Gentile worlds without, it was Mat-
thew's task to embrace, reinterpret, and synthesize the competing
traditions of Christian Antioch, to make them speak to a new day. It
is now time for us to turn to Matthew's own work, a work of "inclu-
sive synthesis."
MATTHEW'S GOSPEL AS A REPLY TO PROBLEMS

FACING THE ANTIOCHENE CHURCH
Matthew's gospel must be seen as a theological and pastoral re-

sponse to a crisis of self-identity and function in the Antiochene
church, a crisis that was social and structural as well as theological
in nature. A Christian community formerly under strict Jewish
Christian control had suffered a traumatic break with some of the
most vital religious symbols and institutional structures of Judaism:
131. Thus, the picture we get of the prophets and teachers at Antioch in Mat-
thew's day would be somewhat different from the picture of the wandering teachers,
prophets, and apostles in the Didache 11 - 13. The deep and intense study of the OT
as well as of Christian traditions reflected by the work of the "School of St. Matthew"
would demand a somewhat stable, sedentary group-something that the large urban
setting of Antioch would make likely in any case. Of course, this would not exclude
far-flung missionary work by individual prophets and teachers, after the manner of
Paul and Barnabas.
the Temple, the holy city Jerusalem, and the local synagogue. Con-
comitant with this loss had been the loss of the revered mother
church in Jerusalem, which had provided close ties with the Jewish
past and Christian origins. Liberals and moderates had likewise lost
their heroes, Paul and Peter. These major changes, all occurring in a
relatively short time-span, created a crisis of identity: what is the
church and how does it define itself over against both Jews and pa-
gans?
Closely tied to this crisis was the crisis of authority within the
church. As long as the church was tied to the synagogue, the author-
ity of the Mosaic Law and the authority of the Jewish teachers in the
synagogue could act as a support for moral teaching among Jewish
Christians as well. Consequently, the question of authority, especial-
ly in moral matters, was not at first acute for Christians who be-
longed to a church with a markedly Jewish coloration. But, at the
very time when the church saw an increasing number of Gentiles at
her door seeking entrance, she also saw herself cut off from the syna-
gogue, the bastion of traditional morality. How were moral teaching
and the authority to teach morality in the church to receive a theo-
logical justification and basis?
That the problem is not a purely theoretical one for Matthew is
indicated by references to the false prophets whose outward appear-
ance is fine but whose deeds are evil (Matt 7:15-20), and to the char-
ismatics who invoke the Lord Jesus, perform miraculous deeds of
power, but do not perform the simple deeds of conforming to the will
of the Father and the words of Jesus (7:21-27). The false prophets
are mentioned again in the apocalyptic discourse, where the pointed
remark is made that, because of the increase of immorality (ana-
mia),132 the love of the bulk of Christians will grow cold (24:11-12).
132. Here Matthew is fighting moral laxity, a practical, pastoral coru:ern, Ill)!
antinomianism, which is a theoretical denial of the validity of Law or moral obliga-
tion; so correctly Rohde, Rediscovering 58-59, contra Barth, "Ma tthew's Understand-
ing" 74-15, 159-64. That anomia ("lawlessness") in Matthew need not mean
antinomianism is clear from Jesus' accusation against the scribes and Pharisees in
Matt 23:28: "Inwardly you are filled with hypocrisy and lawlessness [anomia]." Ano-
mia. of which charismatic Clil'islians lind legalistic Pharisees can be equally guilty, is
that inner rebellion against the will or God which the professionally religious hide by a
flourish of pious or enthusiastic Ilcuon~. See the usc of anomia in the LXX to translate
Obviously, the crisis in institutional moral authority was being felt in

Matthew's church in this period of transition.
It was to address the double crisis of church-identity and moral
authority in the church that Matthew welded together the various
traditions of Antiochene Christianity to form his gospel. His was a
systematic attempt to "retrieve the tradition," to formulate a new
Christian synthesis out of traditional materials, a synthesis which
would provide his church with an adequate explanation of its origin
and nature, as it tried to bridge the gap between a predominantly
Jewish past and an increasingly Gentile future. III Matthew's ap-
proach is truly synthetic. Being a true "liberal conservative," he does
not throwaway the various strands of the old Jewish-Christian tradi-
tion. Rather, he absorbs them into a higher theological viewpoint, a
higher synthesis. His aim is depicted clearly in the parable of the
scribe who has become a disciple of the Kingdom of heaven: he is
like a householder who brings forth from his storeroom things "new
and old" (kaina kai paiaia, 13:52). The all-inclusive approach is
striking, but even more striking is the order. We would naturally ex-
pect "old and new." Matthew, the Christian scribe, understands the
old order by the criterion of the new order, which is accordingly
mentioned first. Such a hermeneutic is displayed perfectly in the for-
mula quotations, where at times the OT text is manipulated accord-
ing to the measuring rod ("canon") of the Christ-event. For example,
in 2:6 Matthew adds the phrase "by no means" (oudamos) to his ci-
tation of Micah 5:2-thus reversing the whole meaning of the OT
passage!
Yet, while Matthew is intent on understanding the old by the
norm of the new, he is equally firm on the need of preserving the old.
While Mark 2:22 simply stresses that new wine is incompatible with
old wine skins and must be poured into new skins, Matt 9: 17 adds
with broad-minded inclusiveness that, if this is done, then both types
of skins will be preserved. That is his theological program: to pre-
such general Hebrew terms as 'owen (evil, wickedness), 'awiin (transgression, sin), and
pesa' (rebellion, revolt).
133. For the idea of "retrieving the tradition," see Tracy, Blessed Rage and Ana-
logical Imagination; for the idea of Matthew's gospel as "foundation myth," see Per-
rin, New Testament 164.
serve both the new and the old, from the proper hermeneutical per-
spective of the new. One can readily see how this program takes into
account the needs of both Gentile and Jewish Christians within the
Antiochene church. Let us examine briefly some elements in Mat-
thew's hermeneutical program of synthesizing new and old.
(1) Matthew develops his own vision of salvation history in or-
der to embrace both new and 0Id.134 Salvation history is divided into
three periods: the time of prophecy in the aT, the time of fulfillment
by the earthly Jesus, and the time of the universal mission by the
church. This division enables Matthew to keep such stringent Jew-
ish-Christian material as 10:5-6 and 15:24, which prohibit a Gentile
mission. The prohibition of a universal mission is indeed affirmed by
Jesus in Matthew's gospel-but only for the period of his public min-
istry. At the end ofthe gospel (28:16-20), the same Jesus, now risen,
gives the same group of disciples the opposite command-a com-
mand to undertake a universal mission.
Matthew explains this turn-about by presenting the death-resur-
rection of Jesus as one powerful apocalyptic event, "the turning of
the ages." To emphasize this theme, Matthew mUltiplies the apoca-
lyptic motifs at both the cross, 27:51-54, and the empty tomb,
28:2-4.135 At the cross an earthquake (the sign of God intervening in
the end-time) opens the tombs and the holy ones of old are raised. At
the tomb of Jesus on Easter Sunday, another earthquake (linking Up
with the death of Jesus) introduces the dazzling angel of the Lord
who opens the tomb and announces the Easter message. The death of
Jesus is the end of the old world; the resurrection of Jesus is the be-
ginning of the new world.
This outline of salvation history allows Matthew to include nar-
row Jewish-Christian material in his gospel, although he presumably
does not think that such material states the norm for his own day.
He feels free, for example, to include the injunction to obey the
scribes and Pharisees as the successors of Moses (23:2-3); this simply
134. For what follows, see Meier, "Salvation-History"; for other approaches, see
Strecker, Weg 86-123; Trilling, Israel 102-5 and 137-39; Walker, Heilsgeschichte
111-13; Fischer, "Bemerkungen" 109-28; Frankemolle, Jahwebund 222; Hummel,
Auseinandersetzung 168; Conzelmann, "Present and Future" 34, n. 34; Kingsbury,
"Structure"; Thompson, "Perspective."
135. See Trilling, "Tod," and "Auferstehung"; Senior, "Death."
expresses for Matthew Jesus' willing acceptance of the restriction of

his earthly mission to the land and people of Israel. Matthew's own
view of the synagogue authorities, a view which seemingly indicates
that a break has already taken place, is clear from such passages as
Matt 16: 12, "beware of the doctrine of the Pharisees and Sadducees"
(contrast Mark 8:21); Matt 15:12-14, the Pharisees are "a plant ...
[which] my Father has not planted, [which] shall be uprooted; leave
them" (contrast Mark 7: 17); and Matt 21 :43, "the Kingdom of God
shall be taken from you and given to a people bearing its fruits" (con-
trast Mark 12:11-12).
These last citations also indicate another important function of
Matthew's schema of salvation history: it portrays when and why Is-
rael ceased to be the people of God and the church took its place.
During his public ministry, Jesus addresses himself in principle only
to the people of Israel, though certain exceptions (e.g., the healing of
the centurion's servant in 8:5-13, the healing of the Canaanite wom-
an's daughter in 15:21-28) point ahead to what will happen after the
death-resurrection. The transferral of the Kingdom is promised in a
Q logion that Matthew inserts into the story of the centurion's ser-
vant: "Many will come from the east and the west and will recline
with Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob in the Kingdom of heaven. But the
sons of the Kingdom will be expelled into the outer darkness" (Matt
8:11-12). The praise of the centurion's faith has been turned into a
warning of the definitive rejection of Israel.
The tension between Jesus and Israel increases, especially from
chap. 11 onwards. The threat of total rejection and the promise of a
new people to take Israel's place is enunciated clearly in Matthew's
addition to Mark's parable of the evil tenants of the vineyard: "The
Kingdom of God will be taken from you and will be given to a peo-
ple bearing its fruits" (21 :43). In the passion the Jews unwittingly
fulfill this prophecy, as no longer just the priests or the crowds but
all the people (pas ho laos) cry out to a Pilate protesting his inno-
cence: "His blood be upon us and upon our children" (27 :25). IJ6 The
.\ transfer of the Kingdom takes place symbolically at the cross, where
all the groups making up the Sanhedrin mock Jesus (27:41), while
the centurion and those standing guard with him (Matthew'S addition
136. Trilling, Israel 55-96, esp. 66--74.

to Mark in Matt 27:54, symbolizing the whole Gentile community)

see the apocalyptic events and proclaim the crucified Jesus to be the
Son of God, in the very words used by the disciples (cf. 14:33, "Truly
you are God's Son"). At the conclusion of the gospel (28:16-20),
the risen Jesus gives the missionary mandate to make disciples of "all
the nations," with baptism instead of circumcision as the initiation
rite into the people of God. The privileged place of Israel ends with
the end of the time of the earthly Jesus. 131 The new period of the risen
Jesus inaugurates the new time of the universal church.
As should be clear from this sketch, Matthew's view of salvation
history and, in general, Matthew's theological problematic are not
those of Paul. This is not surprising, considering that Matthew is
writing at Antioch a generation after Paul and is facing the problems
of a post-A.D. 70 church. One should therefore not attempt a false
harmonization of Pauline and Matthean theology. By the same to-
ken, however, one should not too facilely posit opposition. Mat-
thew's approach to the Law is certainly less abrasive and speculative
than Paul's, and clearly lacks Paul's astounding claim that the Law
is the occasion of sin. Yet, for all the theoretical differences, the prac-
tical results of Paul's theology and Matthew's theology are sur-
prisingly similar. Both advocate a universal mission without
circumcision imposed on the Gentiles. Both make radical moral de-
mands centered on radical love. Both advocate the need for some
church order while disliking any hint of tyrannical domination. Even
in theological views there is some general agreement. Both see the
death-resurrection of Jesus as the pivotal eschatological event of sal-
vation history. Both hold on to the revelation of God in Jewish his-
tory and the Jewish Scriptures, while exalting the definitive
revelation brought by Jesus Christ. Both advocate a relatively high
christology, which has its impact on their view of the church. If Paul
and Matthew cannot be simplistically harmonized, neither can they
be played off against each other. As for missionary praxis as opposed
137. This need not mean that the Jews are not included in the missionary man-
date to panta fa ethne in Matt 28:19; see Meier, "Gentiles," in reply to Hare-Harring-
ton, "Make Disciples." It may be significant that Matthew himself in 28:15 no longer
speaks of Israel but only of "the Jews." After the death-resurrection, there is no cho-
sen people Israel, only Jews, one people or nation (cf. 24:7) among many.
to a theory of Law, Paul and Matthew could probably have worked

together in a mission to the Gentiles. Indirectly, therefore, Paul's
heritage at Antioch was not completely lost. Matthew's inclusiveness
was able to take in the practical if not the speculative aspects of
Paul's vision.
(2) Closely allied to Matthew's hermeneutical tool of salvation
history is the connection Matthew forges between the person of Jesus
Christ, the church he founds, and the morality both teach. Indeed,
this nexus between Christ, church, and morality could be called the
specific characteristic of Matthew's gospel. 138
Matthew constantly heightens the dignity, power, knowledge,
and authority of Jesus as compared with the christology of Mark.
For example, when Jesus comes home to Nazareth to preach in the
synagogue, Matthew avoids all the Marcan statements which could
impugn the power, knowledge, or status of Jesus (cf. Matt 13:53-58
with Mark 6:1-6a). In Mark 10:18, Jesus says to a flattering would-
be disciple: "Why do you call me good? One alone is good, God."
Matt 19:17 instead has Jesus reply: "Why do you ask me about what
is good?" Similarly Matthew heightens the majesty of Jesus in the
story of the stilling of the storm (cf. Matt 8:23-27 with Mark 4:35-
41). Matthew's high christology is bolstered by the careful use of his
two key christological titles, Son of God and Son of Man. The
unique transcendent status of Jesus the Son receives perfect expres-
sion in his unique authority to teach (emphasized, e.g., by the aston-
ishment of the crowds at the end of the Sermon on the Mount, 7:28-
29). It is no accident that the object of this teaching is often moral
instruction and general parenesis (especially in the five great dis-
courses in chaps. 5-7; 10; 13; 18; 24-25; see also chaps. 11-12; 15:1-
20; li:24-27; 19; and 23). Christ becomes in Matthew the ground,
the norm, the teacher, and the exemplar of morality.
Throughout his gospel, Matthew is intent on joining an ecclesio-
logical motif to his central christo logical motif. Matthew will often
take a Marcan or Q peri cope which has a christological thrust; and,
while heightening the christology he will also link to the christology
138. This is the main thesis of Meier, Vision.

an ecclesiological point. 139 The same christological-ecclesiological in-

terest can be seen in the M material and Matthew's redactional com-
positions (1:21-23; the whole of chap. 18, esp. 18:15-20; and 28:16-
20).
Obviously the church is tied to Christ insofar as Christ founds
or builds his church (16: 18). But, in the context of moral teaching, it
is important to notice that Christ shares with his church his author-
ity to teach, to make decisions, and to forgive sins. At the end of the
healing of the paralytic, which vindicates the authority (exousia) of
the Son of Man to forgive sins, Matthew reworks the Marean conclu-
sion to indicate that men in the church share this authority: "The
crowds ... glorified God, who gives such authority to men" (9:8).140
The phrase "to men," which does not make too much sense in the
narrative, is used by Matthew to stress that people in the church
share the Son of Man's power to forgive sins. Similarly, Simon is not
only made the rock of stability in the church (16:18) and the major-
domo in the palace of Christ (16:19a). He is also given the rabbinic
power to bind and loose, to declare certain acts licit or illicit, to de-
clare them in keeping with or contrary to the teaching of Jesus
(16: 19b). 141 Peter is thus constituted, in Streeter's famous phrase,
"the supreme Rabbi" of the church. 142 The local church in chap. 18
is likewise empowered to bind and loose, though the phrase here
seems to refer more to disciplinary power, the power to admit to or
exclude from the church. 143
139. E.g., Matt 9:1-8, compared with Mark 2:1-12; Matt 16:13-20, compared
with Mark 8:27-30; Matt 21:33-46, compared with Mark 12:1-12; Matt 22:1-14, the
parable of the royal wedding banquet, compared with the Q parable preserved in its
mor~ original form in Luke 14:15-24, the parable of the great supper; Matt 27:24-26,
compared with Mark 15:15.
140. See Held, "Matthew," esp. 175-78,248-49.
141. For a full bibliography on Matt 16:17-19, see Burgess, History.
142. Streeter, Gospels 515. Notice how this bestowal of teaching authority on Pe-
ter follows immediately upon the rejection of the teaching authority of the "united
front" of Judaism (Pharisees and Sadducees) in 16:1-12, esp. verse 12: "Beware of the
teaching of the Pharisees and Sadducees."
143. On the difference between 16:18 and 18:18, see Bornkamm, "Authority"
46-48. Bornkamm rightly warns against viewing 18:15-18 as a rival tradition to
16:17-19; there is no rivalry, "not even in the sense ofa historical sequence as though
the congregation had replaced Peter" (p. 48). Contrast Schweizer, "Kirche," 159, who
claims that the successor of Peter in the office of binding and loosing is the (local)
community. This is to ignore the many differences between the two passages.
The concern with the church's power to teach reaches its climax
in the final pericope of the gospel (28:16-20). In the missionary dis-
course of chap. 10, aimed at the limited mission to Israel during the
public ministry, Jesus gave his disciples the authority to imitate him
in proclaiming the Kingdom and working miracles-but teaching
was notable by its absence (10:1-8). Only after the death-resurrec-
tion, in the great commission that extends the disciples' mandate to
"all the nations," does Jesus give them the authority to teach all
whatsoever he commanded during his earthly life (28:20).144 This
linking of Christ-church-and-morality, and the interweaving of these
motifs with a particular vision of salvation history, all serve to pro-
vide a rationale for the origin and nature of Matthew's church. It is a
rationale that defines the church's identity as the people of God and
legitimizes its authoritative role in teaching morality to "all the na-
tions." Just as God has transferred the Kingdom from Israel to a
people bearing its fruits (21:43), so too He has transferred the teach-
ing function from the synagogue to the church. Matthew's gospel
thus helps his church to a new understanding of itself and its role
which overcomes the traumas, crises, and divisions of the seventies
and eighties.
(3) It is only natural that a group which is experiencing both
rapid growth and a crisis of identity and function, and which more-
over is interacting dialectically with other organized groups, should
develop institutional organs of its own. It comes as no surprise then
that the church at Antioch, as it grapples with its identity and role,
as it engages in apologetic, polemic, and proselytizing activity among
both Jews and Gentiles, and as it feels pressure from both the organi-
zations of the synagogue and civil government, should find institu-
tional ways of responding to its problems. Institutions may either
betray or preserve the charismatic spirit of the group's origins, and
no value judgment should be made before the facts are examined. 145
In the case of the Antiochene church, a number of institutional mo-
144. Matt 28:16-20 pulls together magnificently the three concerns of Christ,
church, and morality. As Michel observed in "Abschluss" 21, this pericope is the key
to the understanding of the whole of the gospel; see also Lohmeyer, "Mir"; Viigtle,
"Anliegen"; Malina, "Literary Structure"; Kingsbury, "Composition."
145. See Holmberg, Paul 161-92.
tifs and concrete organs of authority are reflected in Matthew's gos-

pel.
(a) The very fact that the gospel uses the word "church" (ekkle-
sia) three times is significant. 146 The first-century Christians used the
word to express their group-consciousness both early (2 times in I
Thessalonians; 3 times in Galatians; 22 times in I Corinthians) and
late (23 times in Acts; 3 times in I Timothy; 20 times in Revelation).
The usage covered both the local church (e.g., I Thess 1:1) and the
universal church (perhaps already in I Cor 10:32; I Cor 12:28; cer-
tainly in ColI: 18). The gospels, however, respect the archaic nature
of their traditions. They do not use the word ekk/esia-the one ex-
ception being Matthew. Matthew uses ekklesia once of the universal
church (16:18) and twice of the local church (18:17). More signifi-
cant still is the fact that the two passages involved speak of the au-
thoritative act of binding and loosing, either by some official or by
the whole local church. The term ekklesia certainly means for Mat-
thew the church as a visible structure and society, having authorita-
tive officials and authoritative functions.
(b) Matt 16: 18-19 has given rise to an endless flood of literature
because of its use in later church doctrine and polemics. 147 At the
same time, biblical scholars have often focused on the question of
pre-Matthean tradition. All too often the problematic of the evange-
list in his own time and place, the redactional question, is over-
looked. Matthew, writing to meet the problems of a church in Syrian
Antioch around A.D. 85, is certainly not concerned with the problem
of whether a single-bishop in Rome is the successor of Simon Peter,
especially since both Rome and Antioch around 85 do not seem to
have known the single-bishop structure. 14 ! Rather, Matthew is pre-
146. For ekklesia (church) in Matthew, see Schmidt, "ekklesia"; Trilling, Israel
143-63; Frankemiille, Jahwebund 191-256.
147. See footnote 141 above.
148. The first epistle of Clement, written from Rome to Corinth ca. A.D. 96, en-
visions in Corinth a two-tier hierarchy of bishops/elders (episkopoi/presbyterO/) and
deacons (diakonO/). Since the epistle takes this state of affairs for granted and sees it as
willed by God, the natural presumption is that the same state of affairs prevailed in
the Roman church; see von Campenhausen, Ecclesiastical Authority, 84-95, esp. n. 40.
It is most significant that, while Ignatius (writing between 108 and 117) presupposes
the presence of a monarchical bishop in the local church in all of his other letters, he is
silent on the subject when addressing the church of Rome. Notice how usually the
senting Peter as the chief Rabbi of the universal church, with power
to make "halakic" decisions (i.e., decisions on conduct) in the light
of the teaching of Jesus. As Bornkamm points out, while the idea of
admitting and excluding from the church (the main point of 18:17-
18) may also be present in 16:18-19, the main thrust of 16:18-19 is
Peter's teaching authority, his power to declare acts licit or illicit ac-
cording to Jesus' teaching. Furthermore, this power extends to the
whole of "my church," the whole church Jesus will build on Peter,
not just some local assembly. 149
Such, at least, is the meaning of this programmatic text in the
present context of Matthew's gospel. It may well be that this Petrine
tradition, preserved at Antioch, once referred to Peter's important
function of giving stability and unity to the Antiochene church,
strained as it was by the various tendencies of the 40s and 50S.1 50 But,
in the Matthean redaction, the sense is general and universal: Peter is
I the rock on which Jesus builds his church, period. lSI Matthew exalts
the figure of Peter as the human authority for the church as a whole.
Matthew thus proclaims the Antiochene tradition of Peter as the
bridge-figure, the moderate center, to be the norm for the whole
church, as opposed to those local churches, dissident groups, or sects
which would appeal to a one-sided interpretation of the Pauline or
Jamesian tradition as normative for the whole church.152
But does Matthew see anyone individual in his own day func-
tioning in this Petrine role, either at Antioch or elsewhere? Or does
he understand Matt 16: 18-19 as referring simply to the unique, sa-
cred past? Is this vision of the one authoritative leader of the whole
church just a fossil in the tradition, or could it be a hint that the mo-
narchical episcopate is arising or will soon arise at Antioch? It is dif-
general salutation to the local church is soon followed by a mention of the church's
bishop. There is no such sequence in Ignatius' letter to the Romans. On all this, see
pp. 162-64 below.
149. Bornkamm, "Authority" 46; see Stendahl, School 28.
150. Downey, History 283, see~ Mull 16:18 as expressing "the tradition of Anti-
och concerning the foundation of the church there. Thus Ihe words in Matthew could
form a basis for the claim of the church at Amioch to supremacy over Jerusalem."
Perhaps Downey does not distinguish sufficiently between the sense of the isolated 10-
gion in the oral tradition and the sense it acquires in Matthew's redaction.
151. So rightly, R. E. Brown, Peter 100, n. 231.
152. See footnotes 100 above and 446 below.
ficult to reach any certitude on this point. To seek some further light
on this structural question, we turn to the second text using the word
ekktesia, 18: 17. I5l
(c) In theological disputes, Matt 18:17 has often been played off
against 16:18, but this procedure is wrong on a number of grounds.
First, it ignores the different contexts of the two sayings in Mat-
thew's redaction: Matthew 16 contains the narrative of Peter's con-
fession of faith near Caesarea Philippi, while Matthew 18 presents
Jesus' discourse on church life and order. Second, it ignores the dif-
ference in the meaning of ekklesia: the church as a whole, over which
Peter is placed as "supreme Rabbi" in 16: 18; the local church called
together by a member's appeal for adjudication and discipline in
18: 17. Third, it ignores the difference in nuance 154 between "binding
and loosing" in 16:19 (chiefly the power to interpret the moral teach-
ing of Jesus authoritatively) and "binding and loosing" in 18:18
(chiefly the power to admit to or exclude from the local church).155
What is especially intriguing about 18:15-20 is that we have a pic-
ture of a local church, presumably Matthew's church, engaging in
formal disciplinary action. 156 The problem of sin in the church is to
be settled in private, if possible. If the sinner refuses to correct his
ways, even when confronted with one or two witnesses, the local
church is called together to hear the case and act (presumably the
153. For a full treatment of Matthew 18, see Thompson, Matthew's Advice; also
W. Pesch, Matthiius der Seelsorger (Stuttgart: KBW, 1966).
154. As Bornkamm ("Authority" 46) points out, this is a difference in nuance
and emphasis; to a certain degree both meanings may be present in both texts.
155. Likewise oneil ignored is the secondary conn.ection between 18:15-17 (in
the second person singular) and 18: 18 (in the second person plural).
156. Commentators often point out the parallel to Qumran's discipliJlary proce-
dure; e.g., Gnilka, "Kircbe" 51, 57, treats the inner structure of rhe Delld Sea Scroll
community, comparing Matt 18:15-17 with, notably, 1 QS 5:24 - 6:1 and CD 7:2-3;
9:2-3. Gnilka suggests that in the Christian assembly described in Matt 18:15-17 cer-
tain leaders would have had ~he filial word. Wh ile thllt seems 8 commonsense ap-
proach, what is nor.ewonhy is Matthew's si lenceabo\l( this aspecl of the j udicial
process. Imerestingly, Corwin, IgTlOlilis 83, suggests rhut. we have the episcopal-pres.
byteral form of the discipline of Malt 18: 17 described later in Ignatius, Philadelpltians
8: I : "Therefore the Lord pardons all who repenl, provided tJleic repentance Ie'dds
thcm to union wlth God and the council of the bishop." Concerning Mall 18:15-17.
Tbiering, "Mebaqqer" 70, arguing from the testing process in Delli 19: 18, st.ates; "The
involvement of L11 C bishOp cannot definitely be precluded." However, her general hy-
pothesis su'fTers from queslionable interprctalions ofborh the Qumran and the NT evi-
dence.
one or two witnesses of 18:16 would give testimony at the meeting, in

keeping with Deut 19:15). The local church renders a decision; and,
if the sinner refuses to abide by the decision, he is excommunicated
(18:17).m
Of key importance here is the fact that no local leader or leaders
are mentioned; the local church acts and decides as a whole. One
might appeal to the presence of Peter in 17:24-27, just before the dis-
course on church life and order begins, and his reappearance right
after this section on discipline in 18:21. However, Peter has a unique
position vis-a-vis any other disciples in 17:24-27. Just enough money
is provided for the payment of the tax for Jesus and Peter ("for me
and for you [second person singular!] in 17:27). This argues for the
conception of Peter not as a local leader but as the unique leader of
the whole church, as in 16:18-19. Left with 18:15-20, the reader
might be tempted to conclude that there are no local leaders in Mat-
thew's church. Yet our survey of the gospel and of its antecedents at
Antioch has indicated that this is not the case. Moreover, Peter is
brought back in 18:21 to introduce the exhortation to forgiveness
which acts as a restraint on the mechanism of discipline in the local
church. 158
Perhaps no leaders are mentioned in 18:15-20 because Matthew
is intent on making sure that all members of the church share in im-
portant decisions, especially disciplinary decisions involving excom-
munication. If the grave step of excluding someone from the
brotherhood has to be taken, all the members should be involved. Be-
157. The harsh "Let him be unto you as a pagan [ethnikosJ and a taxcollector"
(Matt 18: 17) may indicate that the discipline stems from the days when the strict Jew-
ish Christians had the upper hand. Notice the parallel in 5:46-47: "The taxcollectors
... the pagans [ethnikOlJ" Matthew's hand, however, may be seen in the use of the
relatively rare ethnikos, "pagan" (only four times in the NT) instead of ethne, "na-
tions," "peoples," "Gentiles." For Matthew, the ethne, the uncircumcised, can be
members of the church, but the ethnikoi are uncircumcised pagans who are not (yet)
members of the church; so too Matt 6:7, which envisages pagan prayer practices as
opposed to Jewish practices in 6:5. With three of the four NT uses of ethnikos, Mat-
thew indicates his view of the church as a tertium genus, a third race, neither Jewish
nor pagan (see Matt 21:43). The fourth NT appearance of ethnikos likewise refers to
-\ pagans as opposed to Christians; see the comment on III John 7 in R. Bultmann, The
Johannine Epistles (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1973) 99, n. 12.
158. See Barth, "Auseinandersetzungen"; he suggests that Matt 13:24-30 and
18:21-35 act as a critique of the church's tendency to anticipate the final judgment in
her discipline.
sides more theoretical reasons of ecclesiology, a practical reason

would demand full participation in making the decision: the disci-
pline of "shunning" a fellow Christian would not be effective unless
all the other members agreed to implement the decision. At the same
time, Matthew's theological perspective is certainly at work here: the
local church is a family community of fellow servants (see 18:31a,
35;23:8c,11), all of whom must share in the authority and responsi-
bility of decision-making. Of course, as often in NT documents, we
must reckon with the possibility that Matthew is giving not so much
a precise picture of what does happen in his church but rather what
he wishes to see happen. Instead of being a sober, sociological de-
scription of how Matthew's church usually acts, Matt 18:15-20 may
be a "performative" utterance telling all the members of the church
how they should act. But why should such an exhortation be neces-
sary?
(d) Matthew is obviously concerned about a type of nascent
"clericalism" that is threatening his church. It would make no sense
for him to warn his fellow Christians at Antioch to avoid ostenta-
tious religious clothing and paraphernalia (23:5), the desire for the
first seats at religious meetings (protokathedrias in 23:6), and the de-
sire to be addressed with special titles (23:7-10), unless such prac-
tices were a real possibility or an actual reality in the Antiochene
church. [59 Who might have assumed these airs? The ostensible tar-
gets of Matthew's tirade are the Jewish scribes and Pharisees, pre-
cisely in their function as authoritative teachers of the people (23:2,
they sat on the chair of Moses, i.e., they succeeded to his teaching
position; and 23:3, their teaching is to be obeyed). This emphasis on
authoritative teaching is clear from the titles to be avoided: rabbi,
teacher, father, and master (verses 7-10). As we have seen, from its
earliest days, the Antiochene church seems to have been led by a
group of prophets and teachers (Acts 13:1). And such a college of
prophets and teachers (alias scribes or wise men) seems to form the
leadership in the Antioch of Matthew's day (13:52; 23:34). This col-
lege may also be identifiable with the "School of St. Matthew" sug-
159. For details on the complicated tradition history of Matt 23:1-12, see Gar-
land, Intention 34--63; also Haenchen, "Matthiius 23"; Frankemiille, "Amtskritik";
Schweizer, "Kirche" 160.
- I
gested by Stendahl. 160 Such powerful preachers and Spirit-led teach-

ers and exegetes would tend to become the natural officiants at the
church's liturgy. Indeed, the Antiochene prophets and teachers are
said to engage in formal worship (leitourgounton) in Acts 13:2. (One
is reminded of the liturgical role of prophets and teachers, to which
resident bishops and deacons are succeeding, in Didache 15:1-2, as
well as the liturgical role of prophets in Didache 10:7; 13:3. Didache
11; 13: 1-2 also mention the close connection between teachers, apos-
tles, and prophets.) Matthew may see in all these tendencies the dan-
ger that a good and necessary leadership role will turn into
domination, monopoly, and "clericalism." It is against such excesses
and trappings arising among the official teachers in the church, and
not against church leadership and teaching in itself, that Matthew di-
rects his attack in 23:1-12.
And yet, looking at all of Matthew's "institutional" statements,
one must admit a certain ambivalence in his approach. He extols the
figure of the unique authoritative leader, Peter, the rock for the
whole church. He presupposes a group of prophets and teachers in
the Antiochene church, to whom he attributes real authority, as the
parallel with Jewish scribes and Pharisees suggests. Yet he is ex-
tremely wary of the almost inevitable external trappings that leaders
attract, and he exhorts his church to act and decide as a whole on
disciplinary matters. 161 The ambivalence of Matthew's approach to
160. The "School" context, the threat Matthew sees of clerical domination, and
the needs of a relatively large, expanding urban church like Antioch would all argue
for a somewhat stable or resident group of leaders. That does not mean, however, that
the more itinerant type of prophet has died out. On the contrary, Matt 10:41 seems to
presuppose such a prophet. One might even see in Matt 10:41-42 a primitive church
order: itinerant prophets (1O:4Ia), just men, i.e., members or leaders of the local com-
munity who are distinguished by their zealous observance of the commandments
(l0:4Ib), and the little ones, i.e., the ordinary members of the community (10:42). Yet
the sayings seem to be traditional, with many variations on the theme; cf. Mark 9:41;
Luke 10:16; John 13:20; also Mark 9:37; Matt 18:5; Luke 9:48. This should make us
cautious about drawing conclusions about church order in Matthew's own communi-
ty, esp. from 10:41-42. Matthew may have gathered these logia at the end of his mis-
sionary discourse simply because of similarity of theme, as is his wont. On all this, see
Schweizer, "Kirche," 138-70, esp. 156-59.
161. Garland (Intention, esp. 210-15) points out that the attacks on the scribes
and Pharisees may actually be aimed at Christians falling into similar errors. Howev-
er, in a desire to avoid anything "sub-Christian" in the gospel, Garland may minimize
the lively, even fiery polemic between Matthew's church and the synagogue. As
church authority may be explained partly by the various traditions

with which Matthew must work, partly by the fact that his church is
a church in transition, a transition which has by no means ended,162
but perhaps most of all by Matthew's own indecisiveness about how
much authoritative leadership is good for his church. He admires the
rock of 16:18-19 but seems unable or unwilling to have a local coun-
terpart to this figure of universal ecclesiastical stability. Matthew's
ambivalent treatment of church leadership may serve as a healthy re-
minder that we cannot expect the evangelist to have provided a per-
fect solution to each and every problem that the crises of Antioch
put before him. Church history at Antioch did not end at A.D. 85.
Matthew was to be a bridge, however unwittingly, to the emerging
church catholic of the second century.
Meeks, Jews 19-36, shows, strained and polemical relations between Jews and Chris-
tians continued in Antioch, not only under Ignatius, but even into the fourth century.
162. See Thompson, "New Testament Communities."
CHAPTER IV

of the
Third Christian Generation
(After A.D. tOO-Ignatius)
to the third Christian generation at Antioch, we have

C OMING
two possible witnesses: the seven letters of Ignatius of Anti-
och,163 and a document called the (more formally, "Teach-
Didache
ing of the Twelve Apostles"), which sets forth rules for Christian
morality and church order. Since Ignatius of Antioch obviously re-
flects Christianity in that city at the beginning of the second century
A.D., we naturally turn to his letters first. Whether the Didache real-
ly comes from Antioch and belongs to Christianity'S third generation
is disputed, and so we shall treat the Didache separately, at the end
of this chapter.
163. This study presupposes the authenticity of the seven letters of the so-called
"middle recension," a position accepted by the vast majority of scholars today. We
therefore accept as authentic the letters to the Ephesians, Magnesians, Trallians, Ro-
mans, Philadelphians, Smyrneans, and to Polycarp. As in the past, though, so too to-
day there are those who claim that all or part of the middle recension is spurious. The
most notable recent skeptics are Weijenborg, Les lettres; Joly, Le dossier; and Rius-
Camps, The Four Authentic Letters. A review and critique of these works has been
supplied by Schoedel, "Are the Letters of Ignatius of Antioch Authentic?" As for the
date of the letters, Corwin, Ignatius 3, places them between A.D. 108 and 117 and lists
other opinions in note 1 on the same page. Most authors are in general agreement with
Corwin's dating.
73
74 ANTIOCH-Chapter IV
A. Ignatius of Antioch
When we move from the church of Matthew to the church of

Ignatius, we may be inclined to ask ourselves whether the latter
could possibly be the descendant of the former. The vast differences
between the church and theology of Matthew on the one hand and
the church and theology of Ignatius on the other are so obvious that
one wonders whether there are any connections whatever.
CHURCH STRUCTURE
The difference in church structure is especially striking. Instead
of a group of prophets and teachers, who also probably led th~ litur-
gy, we find a clearly delineated three-tier hierarchy of one bishop, a
group of presbyters (the council of elders or presbyterian), and a
group of deacons (e.g., Magnesians 2_3).164
Clearly the bishop is the leader. Without him, nothing is to be
done, no rite is to be celebrated, including baptism and the eucharist.
We read in Smyrneans 8:1-2: "No one is to do anything with refer-
ence to the church without the bishop. That Eucharist is to be con-
sidered valid which is [celebrated] by the bishop or by a person he
permits [to celebrate]. Wherever the bishop appears, there the assem-
bly is to be, just as wherever Jesus Christ is, there is the catholic
church. Apart from the bishop it is not lawful either to baptize or to
hold the sacred meal [agape]. But whatever he approves is likewise
acceptable to God. . .. " The bishop is also the chief teacher in the
church,165 guaranteeing the unity of faith and the unity of the church.
Significantly, nothing is said about a special group of prophets and
teachers, probably because Ignatius has absorbed these charismatic
164. For a summary of Ignatius' statements about the members of the triple hier-
archy in each of his letters, see Lemaire, Les ministe'res 163-78. For a summary of
Ignatius' ecclesiology, especially in reference to the eucharist, see Paulsen, Studien
145-57.
165. And yet, as von Campenhausen notes (Ecclesiastical Authority 101), it is re-
markable how little Ignatius actually says about the activity of teaching. Perhaps he is
too busy doing it to make it an object of direct reflection. Certainly, it is presupposed
in everything he says about the unity of faith and the danger of false teaching.
Third Generation (Ignatius) 75
functions into himself as bishop-though in union with his council of

elders.
How is one to conceive of the transition from the relatively
loose structure of Matthew's church around A.D. 85 to the three-part
hierarchy of Ignatius, which seems to be a fait accompli, at least at
Antioch, by the second decade of the second century?166 It seems that
some further crisis or crises at Antioch had demanded a tightening
up of church structures so that a united church could meet a com-
mon enemy. The most likely candidate for the role of catalytic crisis
is the rise of gnosticism, especially in its docetic tendencies. 167 Since
gnosticism posed a threat precisely on the level of teaching, it was
only natural that the college of Christian teachers and prophets at
Antioch should try to reorganize and unify itself to counter the gnos-
tic doctrine more effectively.
If punitive measures against Christians under Domitian (81-96)
reached as far as Syrian Antioch, civil persecution may have been an-
other reason for consolidation of leadership in the face of crisis. Ad-
mittedly, we cannot be sure about persecution during the reign of
Domitian (see footnotes 265, 338 below). But Ignatius' martyrdom
does give definite proof that punitive measures did reach Antioch lat-
er in the reign of Trajan (98-117). Even apart from official imperial
policy, local sporadic outbursts against Christians may have pushed
the church towards increasing consolidation of authority.
166. Ignatius' letters presuppose the existence of the three-tier hierarchy in Eph-
esus, Magnesia. Tralles, Philadelphia, and Smyrna. Nevertheless, his incessant exhor-
tations to be submissive to the bishop seem to indicate that the role of the
single-bishop is relatively new in these churches. We should remember that we are see-
ing the hierarchies of the churches of Asia Minor through the eyes and vocabulary of
Ignatius. The conceptions and vocabulary of some of the local leaders may have been
different, as the letter of Polycarp to the Philippians suggests, esp. in its opening greet-
ing; cf. Lemaire Les ministe'res 174-78.
167. "Gnosticism" is used here in a very general sense. It may well be that what
Ignatius is battling should be labeled "proto-gnostic"; so Corwin. Ignatius viii, 11-14,
who criticizes Schlier, Untersuchungen. and Bartsch, Gut. for supposing that there
was a full -blown gnostic Redeemer myth which influenced Ignatius. Corwin is willing
to admillhat Ignatius was influenced by gnostic thought on revelation, but she claims
that Ignatius does not show any awareness of the doctrine of an evil Creator God and
the radical evil of matter. For references to docetic tendencies in Ignatius' opponents,
see especially Ephesians 7: 1-2; 16-19; Magnesians II; Trallians 8-11; Smyrnaeans 2-7;
Polycarp 3.
At any rate, ca. 100, one particularly gifted prophet-teacher

came forth from the Antiochene college of prophets and teachers to
take the "first seat" (protokathedria) so deprecated by Matthew
(Matt 23:6; the evangelist was more a prophet than he knew).168 This
chief teacher and prophet (preacher), presiding over the college from
which he emerged, received the designation "bishop" or "overseer"
(episkopos). The remaining teachers and prophets were called "el-
ders" or "presbyters" (presbyteroz), and their group or college was
called a presbyterion (Magnesians 13:1; it is also called a synedrion in
Magnesians 6:1 and Philadelphians 8:1). Ironically, the term Mat-
thew wanted to mark the greatest leader in the church, "servant"
(diakonos, Matt 23:11), was relegated to the assistants (deacons) who
stood on the third and lowest rung of the hierarchical ladder-
though bishop Ignatius does not hesitate to refer to them as "my fel-
low servants" in Philadelphians 4.
In the midst of all these distinctions, however, we should keep
in mind that Ignatius is not depicting the faceless bureaucracy of
some huge organization, with an all-powerful monarch secluded on a
lofty pinnacle and jealous of his rights. It is of the essence of his vi-
sion of the church that all officials and members of the church coop-
erate in a living unity of reciprocal love. 169 Ignatius does not view his
office as un-charismatic. Rather, in Ignatius we find a peculiar fusion
of oftice and charism, perhaps because Ignatius has come forth from
the college of prophets and teachers and still considers himself very
much a man of the Spirit.170 Moreover, when we read Ignatius' de-
168. Ignatius uses the participle prokathemenou (presiding) of the bishop in

Magnesians 6:1; yet he also uses it in the plural, prokathemenois, presumably of the
presbyters, in Magnesians 6:2. For Ignatius, the single-bishop presides in a collegial
manner. The word protokathedria ("first seat") does not occur in Ignatius.
169. See von Campenhausen, Ecclesiastical Authority 102-6. On the central place
of the ideal of unity in Ignatius, see Camelot, Ignace 20-55; Bartsch, Gut 77; and
Paulsen, Studien 132--44. Von Campenhausen (97) suggests that the position of Anti-
och as the civil capital of Syria may have had some influence on the development of
the Christian polity at Antioch; similarly, Corwin, Ignatius 44--45. Yet von Campen-
hausen (97-98) also stresses that Ignatius conceives of the church not as a legal-consti-
tutional entity but rather as a living mystery.
170. For Ignatius as "a man of the Spirit," see Schlier, Untersuchungen 125-74;
however, he ties Ignatius' pneumatic tendencies too exclusively to his theology of mar-
tyrdom. More balanced are von Campenhausen, Ecclesiastical Authority 102-6; and
Bommes, Weizen Gottes 165-81. Ignatius' pneumatic character is already seen in his
mands that nothing be done without the bishop's approval, we

should remember that the whole church at Antioch might be the size
of a present-day parish, the bishop playing much the same role as a
pastor.
To sum up, then: the presiding teacher-prophet at Antioch be-
came the one bishop, the other teachers and prophets became the
college of elders, and the other church workers became the deacons.
Writing between A.D. 108-117, Ignatius can take this structure for
granted in his own church as he attempts to shore up the position of
the bishop in the churches of Asia Minor. The system of the monar-
chical episcopate has no doubt been operative at Antioch for a while
before his letters are written. Hence we are forced to choose some
date ca. A.D. 100 for the rise of the triple hierarchy at Antioch. The
date has to be sufficiently before 108-117 to allow the new structure
to become customary, and sufficiently after Matthew's gospel to al-
low for the development of one head presiding over the college.
Whether Ignatius was the first monarchical bishop at Antioch can-
not be known with certitude, but his silence about any predecessor
would point in that direction.
THEOLOGY
The difference between Matthew and Ignatius is also clear in

the area of theology, or, to restrict our consideration to a narrow fo-
cus, the area of theological sources.171 Ignatius has imbibed a good
deal of Pauline and Johannine thought, while alluding only infre-
quently to the QT.172 It could be, of course, that, especially in the
second name, Theophorus ("God-bearer"), which von Campenhausen thinks Ignatius

gave himself; the word is not found as a proper name before Ignatius. Ignatius stresses
his own special spiritual knowledge in Trallians 5; cf. Ephesians 20. In Philadelphians
7:2, he states that the Spirit himself preaches through the bishop; see also his instruc-
tion to Polycarp on being spiritual in Polycarp 1:3; 2:2; 3:2. Interestingly, von Cam-
penhausen, Ecclesiastical Authority 106, claims that one source of Ignatius' idea of the
bishop as a "spiritual man" is the enthusiasm of the teachers and prophets who appear
at the beginning of the history of the Antiochene church; cf. also Rathke, Ignatius 81;
Paulsen, Studien 122-29.
171. Space does not permit a full treatment of Ignatius' theology; see Corwin,
Ignatius 89-217; and the whole of Paulsen's Studien.
172. For Paul, see Rathke, Ignatius, passim; Corwin, Ignatius 66.
case of Johannine thought, it was Ignatius' gnostic or docetic oppo-

nents who introduced him to the thought-world of John, which Igna-
tius then turned against his adversaries. 173 What is most significant,
though, is that Ignatius combines Pauline and Johannine thought
with the Synoptic tradition, especially as represented by Matthew. 174
The result is a new theological synthesis at the service of mainstream
Christianity. Ignatius represents the first attested attempt to blend
the major streams of NT thought into a coherent viewpoint that ar-
ticulates the faith of the church catholic (he katholike ekklesia) as
opposed to the gnostics (Smyrneans 8:2).175 In this, the bishop-theo-
logian Ignatius, in the first quarter of the second century, foreshad-
ows the much greater synthesis of Irenaeus of Lyons, another
bishop-theologian, in the last quarter of the same century.
At the same time, however, while Ignatius may be a theological
predecessor of Irenaeus, from another vantage point he may be con-
sidered a theological successor of Matthew. For all their differences,
Ignatius was moved by a theological crisis to take a direction similar
to that of Matthew: to draw together venerable Christian traditions
from different, even divergent streams, all in the service of the unity
of the church as it entered a new period and faced a new crisis.176 In
173. Corwin, Ignatius 68-70, thinks it is reasonable to suppose that Ignatius

knew John at least in outline, even if it cannot be proved. For arguments that Ignatius
knew John (but did not understand him), see Maurer, Ignatius esp. 100-2. Less con-
vincingly, Corwin also thinks it likely that Ignatius knew the Odes of Solomon, the
dating of which (first or second century?) remains problematic. Note Corwin's sugges-
tion (102-3) that Ignatius was more aware of docetic dangers in emphasizing Christ's
divinity than were the Odes or John. Certainly one can say that Ignatius knew Johan-
nine tradition, whether or not he knew the Fourth Gospel in written form; similarly,
Richardson, Christianity 261-71 and 275-80; see Schlier, Untersuchungen 176-77.
174. For Ignatius' knowledge and use of Matthew, see Chapter I above, esp. foot-
notes 57- 58. All commentators agree that Ignatius stands closer to Matthew than to
any other gospel. The dispute is whether he used our written gospel, Matthew's gospel
in some other form, or Matthean oral tradition; see Schlier, Untersuchungen 178; and
Paulsen, Studien 37-39, who hesitates. Corwin, Ignatius 94-95, lists all the events of
Jesus' earthly life that Ignatius knew either from Matthew or from the general Synop-
tic tradition.
175. On the problem of the meaning of katholike in Smyrneans 8:2, see von Cam-
penhausen, Ecclesiastical 101. Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers II 2.310-12, argues force-
fully for the sense of "the general or universal Church, as opposed to a particular body
of Christians"; similarly Funk, Patres Apostolici 1:282-83; Kleist, St. Clement 141-42.
176. Intriguingly, Corwin's description of Ignatius applies equally to the theolog-
ical symbol of Peter and to the approach in Matthew's gospel: "Ignatius himself is
this at least, Ignatius of Antioch carried forward Matthew's theologi-

cal program for the Antiochene church of the 80s. Even in Ignatius'
particular theological emphasis, Matthew's gospel and the Synoptic
tradition in general had a contribution to make. Faced with the doce-
tic tendency of the gnostics, Ignatius had to emphasize the unity of
the divine and human in Jesus Christ and especially the reality of Je-
sus' humanity. Here the Johannine traditions might not have been of
the greatest help; the gnostics were quite comfortable with their
brand of Johannine thought, as their subsequent history shows.
While Matthew might lack the Johannine emphasis on preexistence
and Logos, his concentration on the earthly life of Jesus provided a
healthy counterbalance and so probably contributed more to Igna-
tius' thought than the small number of clear allusions to Matthew in
Ignatius' letters might indicate.
DIVERSE GROUPS
Ignatius may also have inherited Matthew's theological prob-

lematic in that he had to deal with both a "left wing" and a "right
wing" in his church. The "left wing" was made up of the docetists,
among whom might have been some theological heirs of the Helle-
nists, especially if John is seen as a Hellenist gospel (see footnote 8
above). These people might also have imbibed gnosticizing tenden-
cies from some of the many Gentiles entering the Antiochene
church. The "right wing" was composed of a Judaizing group, per-
haps partly made up of the remnants of the extreme right wing
(Group One, Introduction) or of some of the Jamesian party from
Matthew's day.
It must be admitted that not all critics agree that there were two
different dissident groups in Ignatius' church, but C. Richardson, V.
Corwin, and others seem to have the better part of the argument in
clearly the leader of a centrist party, which was maintaining a balance between the
two extremes.. .. [Ignatius' theology] relies . .. on a strategy of inclusiveness. At least
part of the time it is definitely irenic .... Ignatius declares that the saints and believers
may be drawn from either the Jews or the heathen (Smyrneans 1:2)... " (Ignatius 64).
For a similar view of Matthew as a theologian seeking a middle path between two ex-
tremes, see Broer, Freiheit, esp. 125-26.
holding that there were two distinct groups of adversaries. 177 The
"too high" christology of the docetists and their rejection of the
Jewish Scriptures would be incompatible with the Judaizers' chris-
tology (which was probably low) and the Judaizers' devoted adher-
ence to the Jewish Scriptures. Probably both groups considered
themselves Christians and nominally acknowledged the bishop. We
read in Magnesians 4: I: "It is fitting, then, not only to be called
Christian but to be Christian; just as likewise there are some who call
upon the bishop but who do all things without him." It may have
been, though, that the Judaizers also used some other designation for
themselves. In a context dealing with Judaizers, Magnesians 10:1
states: "For whoever is called by another name than this one [i.e.,
Christian] is not of God."
If we may judge from the relative infrequency of allusions to
them in the letters, the Judaizers were less of a threat than the doce-
tists, who were the main reason for dissension. 178 The latter had se-
ceded from the church to the extent that they abstained from the
eucharist (at least the one eucharist celebrated by the bishop) and the
public prayer of the church. Whether the schism extended to every
aspect of church life is not clear. The fact that Ignatius, during his
journey to Rome, received word that peace had been restored to the
Antiochene church (Philadelphians 10: 1; Smyrneans 10- 11; Poly-
carp 7) may indicate that the situation was not as "frozen into irrec-
oncilable opposition" as we might think. 179 We hear nothing of
bishops or elders at the head of the dissident groups. For Ignatius,
the word bishop of its very nature means the focal point of unity. It
would seem, then, that the schism had not reached the point of sepa-
177. See Richardson, Christianity 78-81; and Corwin, Ignatius 52-61. Rathke,
Ignatius 85, remains undecided; he simply notes that Bauer and Maurer held for only
one heresy, while Bartsch and von Harnack held for two. A similar reserve is shown
by Paulsen, Studien 143-44.
178. Because they are not mentioned with frequency (explicitly only in Magne-
sians and Philadelphians), the exact nature of the Judaizers remains obscure. Philadel-
phians 6:1 may indicate that some Judaizers were actually uncircumcised Gentiles.
The debate between the relative priority and authority of the OT and the gospel in
Philadelphians 8:2 reminds one of Matthew's problematic of the kaina kai palaia (the
new and the old: Matt 13:52 and 9:17). Corwin's view (Ignatius 61) that the Judaizers
stem from Essene Jews who had fled to Antioch and were attracted to Christianity
lacks adequate proof. See footnote 432 below.
179. So Corwin, Ignatius 54; see Schoedel, "Theological Norms."
Third Generation (Didache) 81
rate, organized churches. Rather, Ignatius had inherited, in a more

developed form, the tensions present in the Antiochene church from
the days of Peter and Matthew. In short, we can say that, for all the
differences and radical changes, links between the Antioch of Mat-
thew and the Antioch of Ignatius are still discernible. The church of
Ignatius of Antioch is not a totally new creation, springing up out of
nothingness.
B. The Didache
Throughout this treatment of the question of Christianity at

Antioch, only passing references have been made to the Didache.
The reason for this is that the problem of the date and place of com-
position for the final form of the Didache-to say nothing of its com-
i plicated tradition history, especially with regard to the Doctrine of
the Two Ways-is still hotly debated among scholars.180 From a
methodological viewpoint, therefore, it is unwise to introduce the Di-
dache into a hypothesis resting on three groups of documents (Gala-
tians [supplemented by Acts], Matthew, and the letters of Ignatius)
for which the dating and place of origin can be fixed with a higher
degree of probability.
To be sure, no one denies that the Didache evidences obvious
contacts with Matthean traditions. 181 As usual, the debate revolves
around whether the Didache knew and/or used the written gospel of
180. To sample opinions: The place is Syria for Altaner, Audet, Koster, Quasten
and Streeter (or Palestine); and Egypt for Glover, Kraft (final redaction), Vokes (or
Syria), and Voobus. The date is A.D. 50-70 for most of the Two Ways (Audet); late
first century for major redaction (Giet); ca. 100 (R. E. Brown, Streeter [except inter-
polations]); after 100 for final redaction (Kraft); 100-150 (Altaner, Koster); not before
150 for some parts (Layton); and 175-200 (Vokes). Moreover, there are different theo-
ries on how Didache developed and was interpolated. Koster, for instance, distin-
guishes five individual sections. Such diversity of opinions would make the use of the
Didache for the construction of my hypothesis hazardous. For similar methodological
reasons, I have avoided making the basic hypothesis dependent on the Ascension of
Isaiah, the Ascents of James. the Epistle of Barnabas, the pseudo-Clementine litera-
ture, and the Epistola Ap,ostolorum.
181. Cf. Koster, Uberlieferung 159-241, for a full treatment of the parallels;
Streeter, Gospels 507-11; Massaux, "L'influence." See Glover, "Didache's Quota-
tions,"
Matthew.182 Simply from the theological slant of some of the Didache

material parallel to Matthew, it seems more likely that the Didache,
at least in its final form, is later than Matthew's gospel and uses the
gospel. In some of the material paralleling Matthew, there is a falling
away from the intense, uncompromising radicalism of Matthew's
moral vision. One need only compare the tone of the Sermon on the
Mount in Matthew 5-7 with the accommodating remark at the end
of the Doctrine of the Two Ways: "For if you can bear the whole
yoke of the Lord, you will be perfect; but if you cannot, do what you
can" (Didache 6:2). One is reminded, by way of contrast, of Matt
5:48 ("You are therefore to be perfect, as your heavenly Father is
perfect") and Matt 11 :28-30 ("Take my yoke upon you ... for my
yoke is easy, my burden light").l8l
According to Matthew, Christian pious practices such as fast-
ing, while recommended, are to be carefully purged of the ostenta-
tion and legalism of the "hypocrites" (Matt 6: 1-18). The Didache,
while rejecting the fasts of the "hypocrites" on Mondays and Thurs-
days, falls into the same sort of legalism by stipulating fasts on
Wednesdays and Fridays (Didache 8:1). The difference between Ju-
daism and Christianity in fasting is reduced to a matter of dates rath-
er than of a total conversion of religious outlook. Rubrical concerns
and expansions have grown up around Matthean liturgical material:
the triadic formula of baptism (Matt 28:19, "baptizing them in the
name of the Father, and of the Son, of the Holy Spirit") is followed
by a discussion about what sort of water is to be used (Didache 7:1-2:
preferably cold, running water, though other water may be used
182. Interestingly, Koster, who regularly argues against use of a written gospel in
the early Apostolic Fathers, is nuanced on Didache: "The result, therefore, is that the
compiler of the Didache already knew a written gospel, but did not use it himself;
rather, he only referred to it. That written gospels (Matthew and Luke) were already
used at the time of the Didache as collections of the Lord's sayings is proven by their
use in Did. I, 3ft'. The Didache therefore presupposes the existence of the Synop-
tics ... " (Uberliejerung 240). Glover, "Didache's Quotations" 13, holds that the Di-
dache does not use our gospels but rather the written sources of Luke and Matthew
(contrast Koster's stress on oral tradition). Emphatic in their insistence that the Di-
dache did know and use Matthew's gospel are Massaux, "L'influence" 40-41; Layton,
"Sources" 369-70 (for the Didache 1:3b - 2:1); Vokes, Riddle 115, 119, and 208.
183. Here I disagree with Stuiber, "Das ganze Joch," who argues that Didache
6:2-3 is an addition to the Teaching of the Two Ways by a Jewish author who is trying
to attract Gentiles to Diaspora Judaism.
Third Generation (Didache) 83
when necessary). The Matthean form of the Lord's Prayer (Matt

6:9-13) is concluded with a doxology and a command to recite the
prayer three times a day (Didache 8:2-3). From such internal consid-
erations, it seems that the moral and liturgical material, at least in its
redacted form, is later than Matthew and represents a decline from
Matthew's radicalism.
If the final form of the Didache is later than Matthew, then it
seems impossible to place this final form at Antioch in Syria. In the
Didache resident bishops and deacons (nothing is said about elders
or presbyters) are beginning to replace the itinerant prophets and
teachers as instructors in the faith and as liturgical officers. The Di-
dache has to urge that the bishops and deacons be respected on a lev-
el of equality with the prophets and teachers. Since, as we have seen,
one has to posit the beginning of the tripartite hierarchy of one bish-
op, a college of elders, and deacons at Antioch around A.D. 100, the
embryonic two-tier hierarchy of the final form of the Didache must
be placed elsewhere. 184
For all these reasons, it is not advisable to call on the Didache to
help fill in the picture of the development of the Antiochene church
from Barnabas through Matthew to Ignatius. If, however, the Di-
dache does come from somewhere in Syria (instead of Egypt, as some
claim), then one should note the interesting parallel between a
"church order" originally dependent on prophets and teachers who
perform the liturgy (Didache 15:1-1; cf. 10:7) and the early structure
of prophets and teachers at Antioch. The similarity in the order and
choice of words is striking. Acts 13:1-2 reads: "Prophets and teach-
ers ... while they were worshiping [leitourgounton]"; Didache 15:1
reads: "For you, they [i.e., the bishops and deacons] too conduct [lei-
tourgousll the liturgy [or 'service,' leitourgian] of the prophets and
teachers." Yet, by the time of the Matthean church, there seems to
be a fairly stable group of teachers at Antioch with a scholarly bent,
not exactly the itinerant, charismatic, and sometimes money-hungry
prophets and teachers who form the older type of church order in
the Didache. The difference is quite understandable if Matthew's
church order grew up in cosmopolitan Antioch, while the Didache's
184. The surprising lack of any concern about a docetic crisis would also argue
for some place other than Ignatius' Antioch.
church order represents a more rural situation. 185 It may be, then,
that the Didache represents a primitive church order, also seen in
Acts 13:1-2, which was preserved in its original form in some
churches in Syria for a much longer time than it was preserved at
Antioch. While even in the second century the church reflected in
the Didache is only beginning to see a resident two-tier hierarchy re-
place the older form of itinerant prophets and teachers, the church at
Antioch is already accustomed to the three-tier hierarchy of Igna-
tius.
We are left with something of a paradoxical situation: while
some of the theological and liturgical traditions of the Didache show
expansion upon and perhaps decline from those of Matthew's gospel,
the church structure remains more primitive than that of Ignatius.
Perhaps the one point of relevance for our study of the Antiochene
church is the possibility that at the very end of the first century the
college of prophets and teachers at Antioch developed briefly into a
two-tier system of bishops (or elders) and deacons as a transitional
stage on the way to the threefold hierarchy. But, while it is a possibil-
ity suggested by the data in the Didache. it must remain a pure sur-
mise. We cannot be certain exactly how the college of prophets and
teachers in the Matthean church evolved into the Ignatian system of
bishop, elders, and deacons.
185. So Kraft. Apostolic Fathers. 3.77: "Probably it [the Didache] also comes
from a semi rural rather than a large urban environment-thus the itinerant ministry.
the basically agricultural-pastoral symbolism and economy (esp. ch. 13). although
'trades' are also in view (l2:3f.)."
CHAPTER V
I
Summary-Peter, Matthew,
Ignatius, and The Struggle
For a Middle Position
study has shown how important Syrian Antioch was for the
O UR
development of Christianity in its first hundred years. If in later
patristic history Antioch proves to be a center of both Christian the-
ology, exegesis, and church power, a center that affects the church
throughout the whole of the Roman Empire, the seeds of its subse-
quent lofty status are already present in the first century. It is at An-
tioch that the disciples are first called Christians. It is at Antioch
that the first organized circumcision-free mission to the Gentiles is
undertaken. It is from Antioch, with its embryonic theology, struc-
tures, and liturgy, that Paul goes forth on his mission. It is at Anti-
och that traditions about Peter as the rallying point of church unity
are fostered. It is at Antioch that Matthew overcomes a basic crisis
in the church's identity and role by drawing together divergent tradi-
tions into the masterful theological synthesis of his gospel, the Syn-
optic gospel favored by the second-century church. It is at Antioch,
in and perhaps before the tenure of Ignatius, that a new challenge to
church unity is met with the three-tier hierarchy. It is at Antioch
that Ignatius develops a theological synthesis, holding to the unity of
the divine and human in Christ and holding to the unity of the local
church and of the church catholic (he katholike ekklesia). Peter,
Matthew, and Ignatius all had to undertake a delicate balancing act
between left and right as they struggled for a middle position in what
was to become this universal church.
It was also from Syrian Antioch that both the gospel of Mat-
thew and the theological justification of the monarchical (single)
85
86 ANTIOCH-Chapter V
episcopate moved out into the larger Christian community spreading

throughout the Roman Empire. Both that gospel and that hierarchy
were to have a decisive effect on the Christian church in the second
century-and indeed, in all subsequent centuries. Matthew's gospel,
the gospel most cited or alluded to by second-century Fathers, was to
have a significant impact on the christology and ecclesiology of the
later church. Its resonant, rhythmic language and its carefully struc-
tured pericopes were especially suited to liturgy and catechesis. And
so it is no wonder that the Matthean form of the Lord's Prayer and
the beatitudes, to cite but two examples, triumphed in both formal
church teaching and popular piety. In this sense, it is fitting that it
became "the first gospel" in the canon, and in the memories and
hearts of many Christians.
Likewise, by the end of the second century, the single-bishop
form of government had triumphed in the major churches of the Ro-
man Empire. In this joint triumph of Matthew's gospel and the
three-tier hierarchy there may be a historical irony. Reading Mat-
thew's strictures against clericalism in Matt 23:1-12, one wonders
what the evangelist would have thought if he had seen the victorious
march of both his gospel and the theology of the monarchical episco-
pate throughout the churches of the Roman Empire, as the twin gifts
of the church at Antioch. My own guess is that the underlying pas-
sion present in both Matthew and Ignatius, the passion for drawing
together and synthesizing divergent theological traditions and struc-
tures for the sake of Christian unity, would have reconciled the great
liberal-conservative evangelist to the new wine skins demanded by
the new wine, provided both new and old were properly preserved.
One final surmise may be in order as we conclude this treatment
of Antioch and move on to Rome. We have ended our survey of
Christian Antioch with Ignatius, writing his letters as he is led to
Rome for martyrdom. Could it be that it was from the revered mar-
tyr Ignatius that the Roman church first learned about Antioch's
twin gifts to the Christian world: the monarchical episcopate and the
gospel of Matthew? Up until the time of Ignatius it seems that the
Roman church had known neither contribution. Perhaps the mar-
tyred bishop from Antioch bequeathed to Rome more than a person-
al example of courage. With such a surmise-and it can be nothing
more than a surmise-let us turn to study the Roman church.
PART TWO
ROME
by
Raymond E. Brown
E HAVE SEEN that Antioch was the first great city of the Roman
W Empire to become a center of the Christian movement, and in
that sense could be called the cradle of worldwide Christianity. We
have far less information in the NT about the origins of the church in
Rome, although a case will be made that Christianity came to the
capital of the Empire in the early 40s and thus no more than a de-
cade later than Christianity came to Antioch. We have no convinc-
ing evidence that either Antioch or Rome was a church founded by a
well-known apostle, but strangely Peter and Paul played a significant
role in both. In Chapter II above, John Meier showed that the strug-
gle between Peter and Paul at Antioch had serious implications for
the future of Paul's ministry as he withdrew from that city, and also
for the future direction of (Petrine) Christianity in Antioch. As for
Rome, we do not know when Peter came there. Paul came as a pris-
oner in the early 60s-an arrival after a long and perilous sea journey
that Luke announces with masterful understatement, "And so we
came to Rome" (Acts 28:14). More important than the coming of ei-
ther apostle was the fact that both were martyred in Rome in the
mid-60s. 186 Thus Peter and Paul whose theological ways had parted
at Antioch were joined in their final witness to Christ in Rome. This
meant that the church in the capital of the Empire could claim the
186. For the factuality of this martyrdom, see p. 124 below. It is not important
for our purposes to debate the exact year of the martyrdom (within the range 64 to
67), or which apostle died first-the ancient traditions give conflicting reports. See
O'Connor, Peter.
89
90 ROME
heritage of the two most prominent apostles known to us from the

NT. The prominence thereby achieved was already an essential part
of the Roman story within thirty years of the event; for the twofold
apostolic witness would be mentioned ca. A.D. 96 by Clement writing
from Rome (5:3-5), and a decade or two later by Ignatius writing to
Rome (4:3). Simplifying the relation of Peter and Paul to the devel-
opment of the Roman church, Irenaeus (Adv. haer. 3.3.3) a century
after the martyrdom could speak of Peter and Paul founding the Ro-
man church. Ultimately such a distinguished base in apostolic mar-
tyrdom would play no small role in making Rome the most
prominent episcopal see in the church catholic.
Essential to the discussion that follows will be an analysis of the
kind of Christianity that came first to Rome and took root there.
From Roman, Jewish, and Christian sources I shall attempt to show
that the dominant form of Christianity at Rome in the 40s and early
50s was probably one close to Jerusalem and Judaism (Chapter VI).
Then, as was done with Antioch, the story of the Roman church will
be carried through three generations (footnote 16 above). Towards
the end of the first generation (ca. 58) we have the letter of Paul to
the Romans which can test the reconstruction of early Roman Chris-
tianity just mentioned (Chapter VII). At the beginning of the third
generation (ca. 96) we have a letter written from Rome to Corinth by
Clement, a letter that expresses Roman ideals in reference to how a
Christian community should function (Chapter IX). Just as with An-
tioch, the principal problem concerns the second or in-between gener-
ation, covering most of the last third of the first century. The gap
(Chapter VIII) can be filled in with I Peter written from Rome prob-
ably ca. 80-90, and with the Epistle to the Hebrews possibly written
to Christians in Rome sometime after 70. A supplementary chapter
(X) will consider evidence from a half-dozen other works that may
help to fill in the picture, in part by tracing the trajectory of Roman
Christianity into the second century. Nevertheless, my main concen-
tration will be on the four works, Romans, I Peter, Hebrews, and I
Clement, and the likelihood that they show a consistent Christianity
in a forty-year period (58-96)-a Jewish/Gentile Christianity more
conservative in its preservation of the Jewish Law and cult than the
Christianity of Paul in Galatians. Indeed, as with Antioch, so also
with Rome, this Jewish/Gentile Christianity can plausibly be related
ROME 91
to the image of Peter. The Paul of Romans (milder than the Paul of
Galatians) was ultimately associated with the developed Petrine tra-
jectory. so that Peter and (a somewhat domesticated) Paul could
serve in that order as "pillars" in the developing church catholic (J
Clem. 5:2).
l
CHAPTER VI
The Beginnings of
Christianity at Rome
ECAUSE we do not have direct evidence on this topic and must

B infer from passing references, it is wise to begin with a brief sum-
mary of the history of Judaism in Rome, and then turn to how Chris-
tians may have fitted into the picture. 1S7 That background will enable
us to speculate intelligently on the type of Christianity that may have
flourished at Rome.
JUDAISM IN ROME
With understandable exaggeration, the Jewish historian Jose-
phus, writing toward the end of the first century of the common era,
boasts: "There is not a community in the entire world which does
not have a portion of our people" (War 2.16.4; # 398). Certainly
there were large Jewish colonies in the main cities of the Empire, and
far more Jews in the diaspora (area outside Palestine) than in Judea
and Galilee. Commercial cities seem to have had the greatest attrac-
tion for Jewish migration, and because of that Jews came to Rome
long after they were a major factor in Alexandria and Babylon. It
must be remembered that Rome's power was not initially based on
commerce, for the initiators of Roman expansion were hard-headed
Italian farmers who learned to be soldiers. Ironically, as Rome be-
came a world power, its own agriculture went into decline; and the
187. As stressed by Gager, Kingdom 128ff., diaspora Judaism offered a blueprint

for Christian adaptation to the Greco-Roman world. A knowledge of the former is
essential for understanding the latter. That this applies to Rome in particular is shown
brilliantly by Wiefel, "Jewish."
92
Christian Beginnings at Rome 93
native Romans came to depend on an inflow of the wealth and pro-

duce of the world that could be brought up the Tiber to the last navi-
gable landing, which is Rome. In that development Jews came to
Rome-the first city in Europe known to have had a Jewish pres-
ence. Some came as captives or slaves from Roman campaigns in the
eastern Mediterranean area;J88 others came as merchants.
Our oldest reference to Jews in Rome is dated ca. 139 B.C. when
the praetor Gnaeus Cornelius Hispanus "compelled the Jews ... to
go back to their own homes."J89 An attempt has been made to asso-
ciate this action with the embassy that had been sent to Rome by Si-
mon Maccabeus, the Jewish royal high priest, ca. 140 B.C. (I Mace
14:24). In any case, the reference to going back to their native coun-
try may indicate that sojourners or merchants rather than Roman
residents were involved. 190 Certainly by the early part of the next cen-
tury there were many Jewish immigrants, a number enlarged by the
captives brought to Rome by Pompey in 61 B.C. after his conquest of
Palestine. The importance of the Jewish colony in Rome was attested
in 59 B.C. as Cicero defended in court a prestigious scoundrel, Lucius
Valerius Flaccus, whose administration in the Roman province of
Asia had been marked by a large accumulation of personal wealth.
In particular, he was accused of stealing gold from the Jews. Cicero,
a member of the Optimates or aristocratic party at Rome, had no
reason to love the Jews who favored the Populares or people's party
and eventually supported Julius Caesar. In the trial Cicero used anti-
Semitic prejudice to support his client: "You know how large a
group they are, how unanimously they stick together, how influential
they are in politics. I shall lower my voice and speak just loudly
enough for the jury to hear me; for there are plenty of people to stir
188. Philo, De legatione ad Gaium 23 # ISS, states that at Rome most of the
Jews lived in the Trans-Tiber region and were emancipated captives who were not Ro-
man citizens.
189. Reported by Valerius Maximus, Factorum ac dictorum memorabilium
1.3.2-an account written two centuries later in the time of Tiberius and preserved in
epitomes. The section concerned deals with the rejection of foreign religion: Hispanus
is said to have banished Chaldean astrologers, and the epitome of Julius Paris adds the
reference to the Jews. The charge against them involved proselytism to the worship of
Jupiter Sabazius; it may represent Roman confusion between the worship of Yahweh
Sabaoth and a Phrygian cult.
190. See Leon, Jews 3--4. This work is a model of sobriety in evaluating the evi-
dence, and for this chapter I am greatly indebted to it. Helpful also is Penna, "Juifs."
94 ROME-Chapter VI
up those Jews against me and against every good Roman."191 Even if

we allow for oratorical exaggeration, Cicero's "grandstanding"
would make no sense unless there was in Rome a considerable Jew-
ish presence of some political import.
The Jewish support of Caesar, and the luck of the Herod family
in Judea in ultimately opting for the winning side in the wars that
followed Caesar's assassination 192 brought Jews special privileges (Jo-
sephus, Antiquities 14.10.1-8; # 185-216). These included relaxation
of rules governing the collegia or private associations, so that Jews
could freely assemble for cultic or common meals. They had permis-
sion to raise money for the support of the Jerusalem Temple, exemp-
tion from military service, and their own courts. Although there was
some prejudice against them in the capital (as witnessed in Horace's
sarcasm about the credulousness of Jewish religion), by the first cen-
tury A.D. there were some 40,000-50,000 Jews in Rome. 193 An expul-
sion of Jews from Rome that occurred under Tiberius in A.D. 19 may
well have been sparked by the increasing success of Jewish prosely-
tism, converting even a lady of senatorial family.194 Aelius Sejanus, a
virtual dictator under Tiberius, conducted an active anti-Jewish cam-
191. Cicero, Pro Fiacco 28 #66-67.

192. Suetonius, Julius 84.5, reports how greatly the Jews mourned the death of
Caesar. The synagogues of the Augustesians and Agrippesians were named after the
Emperor Augustus and his son-in-law, Marcus Agrippa.
193. Leon, Jews 15. Penna, "Juifs" 328, reports the lowest count I have seen;
10,000 at the time of Nero. Although they occupied the Trans-Tiber area, there were
fewer Jews in Rome than in Alexandria, where Jewry occupied two ofthefive districts
and numbered hundreds of thousands. (See Lieberman, "Response" 122-28; he points
out, however, that relatively little is known of Alexand rian Jewry and that much of its
literature was preserved by Christians.) Edmundson, Church 7, estimates that there
were about 4,500,000 Jews amid a total empire population of 54 to 60 million, or one
out of every thirteen people. Leon, Jews 135, reports estimates of6to 7 million Jews in
the empire, plus a million in Babylon; but such estimates are very uncertain
194. In this deportation Judaism again seems to have been mixed up with an Ori-
ental cult (Isis). About 4000 Jews were conscripted for military service in Sardinia,
and the rest were supposed to have been expelled from Italy. But since Jews who were
Roman citizens could not have been expelled without a trial, Leon, Jews 18-19, sug-
gests that only foreign Jews were involved. For an astute analysis of the conflicting
accounts of Josephus (Antiquities 18.3.5; #81-84), Tacitus (Annals 2.85.5), Suetonius
(Tiberius 36), and Cassius Dio (History 57.18.5a), see E. Mary Smallwood, "Some
Notes on the Jews under Tiberius," Latomus 15 (1956) 314--29. She opts for the year
19 with Tacitus and Cassius Dio (not 31 with Josephus), and for proselytism as the
cause with Cassius Dio (and not mere fraud with Josephus).
paign at Rome 19s before his political fall in A.D. 31. Early in his reign
(41-54) Claudius rebuked the Jews of Alexandria for fomenting sedi-
tion but reaffirmed the special privileges of the Jews. The expulsion
of Jews from Rome ca. 49 will be discussed below. Nero's second
wife, Poppaea, was favorable to Judaism and may even have been
converted (Josephus, Antiquities 20.8.11; #195). Even during the
Jewish revolt in Palestine against Rome in the late 60s Jewry in
Rome does not seem to have been troublesome, for not a single hos-
tile action by the Roman government in the capital is reported at this
period. After the fall of Jerusalem Vespasian did not revoke the priv-
ileges enjoyed by the Jews, except that the money formerly levied for
the support of the Jerusalem Temple was now converted into a poll
tax on the Jews (fiscus judaicus) for the support of the Temple of Ju-
piter Capitolinus in Rome. Titus, who captured Jerusalem and de-
stroyed the Temple, thought of making Berenice, his Jewish mistress,
empress of Rome and was dissuaded only when threatened with the
resentment of the Roman aristocracy.196 Domitian, although more
rigorous than his predecessors in enforcing the fiscus judaicus. never
revoked the other ancient Jewish privileges.
A particular aspect of Roman Judaism deserves special atten-
tion, namely, its close political and intellectual affiliation with Jeru-
salem and Palestine. As Leon (Jews 240) points out, most of the
Jewish residents in Rome had originally come as immigrants or cap-
tives from the Palestine/Syria area, as far as can be discerned from
the available evidence. The Maccabean/Hasmonean high priests of
Jerusalem initiated Jewish contact with Rome some 140 years before
Christ. The later Hasmonean priests supported Julius Caesar against
Pompey, and the Judean king Herod the Great eventually became an
ally of Octavian Augustus. After the death of Herod the Great, the
kings in Jerusalem or tetrarchs in Palestine were appointed (or re-
moved) with the acquiescence of Rome. The close bond between the
Herodian family and the Caesars was cemented by the rearing of the
Herodian princes in the imperial court as personal friends of the fu-
ture emperors. Thus, in the late 30s and early 40s A.D. a kingdom in
Palestine rivaling that of his grandfather (Herod the Great) was giv-
195. Philo, De /egatione ad Gaium 24 # 159-60.

196. Cassius Dio, History 66.15.4; Suetonius, Titus 7.1-2.
96 ROME-Chapter VI
en to Herod Agrippa I through the patronage of his friends Caligula

and Claudius. The Jewish historian Josephus, after the fall of Jerusa-
lem, lived out his life in Rome as a client of the Flavian Emperors,
whence his adopted name Flavius. The emperor Titus brought to
Rome in the 70s the Jewish king Agrippa II and his sister Berenice
who became Titus' mistress.
Intellectually, even after the destruction of Jerusalem by the Ro-
mans, there was a constant interchange between Palestinian Judaism
and Roman Judaism. 191 During the reign of Domitian (81-96) four
famous rabbis are supposed to have come from Palestine to Rome to
preach in the synagogues and debate with pagans and Christians:
Rabban Gamaliel, Joshua ben Hananiah, Eleazar ben Azariah, and
Aqiba. 198 The Talmud speaks of Todos (Theudas, Theodoros?), a Pal-
estinian sage who taught in Rome and was spiritual leader there,
probably in Hadrian's time (117-138). He instituted the practice
whereby the Jews of Rome ate a roasted lamb the first night of Pass-
over, a practice objected to by Palestinian rabbis: "Were you not To-
dos, we would put you under the ban" (Babylonian Talmud,
Pesahim 53a). Later Midrashim (Canticle Rabbah 8:5; Psalms 28:2)
preserve the memory of Paltion who continued in the footsteps of
Todos and served as a Palestinian teacher in Rome. During the reign
of Antoninus Pius (138-161), the Roman school of the Palestinian
Matthias ben Heresh was respected by the Palestinian rabbis; but
famous rabbis still came from Palestine to Rome to give guidance on
spiritual matters, e.g., Simeon ben Johai and Eliezer ben Jose. 199
Although most of the Jewish evidence given above pertaining to
Jerusalem's intellectual and spiritual influence on Rome dates from
the period after the fall of Jerusalem (A.D. 70), there is an interesting
Christian confirmation in Acts 28:21, written in the 80s but describ-
ing a situation in early 60s. When Paul gets to Rome, he is met by
the local leaders of the Jews who say to him, "We have received no
197. Lieberman, "Response" 129-31: "We must not forget the influence of the
Palestinian scholars on the life of the Roman Jewish community." He points out that
Palestinian Jewry seems to have had more respect for Roman Jewry than for that of
Alexandria.
198. Leon, Jews 35-36. The text of Jerus. Talmud Sanhedrin 7(14):19 (ed. Venice
25d) may point to Eliezer ben Hyrcanus, instead of Eleazar.
199. Leon, Jews 38.
letters from Judea about you"-an implicit indication from Luke

that Roman Jewry looked to Jerusalem for guidance.
Christianity in Rome
Date. The story of the prominent Jewish community at Rome

has been narrated to make intelligible the suspicion that it would not
have been long before Jews who believed in Jesus and who were mak-
ing converts in other cities of the Empire, like Damascus and Anti-
och, made their way to such a promising missionary field. 200 To
determine more precisely the date of the advent of Christianity in
Rome we must proceed backwards from the first datable references.
But before I begin that task, I wish to dispose of a question that
has haunted the study of Roman Christianity, namely, unverifiable
/' evidence about Peter and Paul at Rome. That the two apostles were
I I in Rome is relatively clear from Ignatius, Rom. 4:3, who refers to Pe-
ter and Paul giving orders to the Romans. From I Clement and other
(later) evidence it is generally admitted that Peter and Paul died in
Rome (A.D. 64-67) as martyrs in the persecution of Christians under
Nero. Indeed, it is plausible that Peter died by crucifixion in the Cir-
cus of Nero south of Vatican Hill (in which vicinity he was buried)
and Paul died by beheading on the Ostian Way, as commemorated
by subsequent churches and shrines. 201 As for the career of the apos-
tles at Rome before the martyrdom, there is no reason to doubt the
information in Acts 28 that Paul came to Rome for the first time as a
prisoner ca. 61 and remained there in prison for at least two years
200. The practice ascribed in Acts to Paul of first going to the Jews of an area
and only later (sometimes after rejection) to the Gentiles is quite plausible and receives
some confirmation from Romans' reiterated "Jews first, then Gentiles" (1:16; 2:9-10).
201. Under the main altar of St. Peter's basilica has been discovered the tra-
paeum or trapaian (commemorative shrine) mentioned by Gaius, a Roman presbyter
(7), about A.D. 200: "I can point out the trophies of the apostles; for if you go to the
Vatican or to the Ostian Way, you will find the trophies of those who founded this
church" (Eusebius, Hist. 2.25.7). However, the trapaeum marks the place where the
death and burial were honored, not necessarily the exact place of burial. The claim
that the bones of Peter were found is dubious. See O'Connor, Peter 135-206; R. T.
O'Callaghan, BA 12 (1949) 1-23; 16 (1953) 70-87; and G. F. Snyder, BA 32 (1969) 1-
24; Walsh, Banes.
98 ROME-Chapter VI
(till 63). We have no accurate knowledge of Paul's relation to Rome

between that imprisonment and the time of his death.202 As for Peter,
we have no knowledge at all of when he came to Rome and what he
did there before he was martyred. Certainly he was not the original
missionary who brought Christianity to Rome (and therefore not the
founder of the church of Rome in that sense). There is no serious
proof that he was the bishop (or local ecclesiastical officer) of the
Roman church-a claim not made till the third century. Most likely
he did not spend any major time at Rome before 58 when Paul wrote
to the Romans, and so it may have been only in the 60s and relative-
ly shortly before his martyrdom that Peter came to the capital. 203
The paucity of hard evidence in the preceding paragraph indi-
cates why in studying the history of Roman Christianity we do not
turn first to the Peter and Paul stories, but rather to the more general
information supplied by the Roman historian Tacitus (Annals 15.44).
While Nero was away from the capital in A.D. 64, beginning on July
19th and lasting for nine days, the greatest fire in Rome's history
broke out and destroyed in whole or in part ten of Rome's fourteen
districts. Nero quickly returned to the city and began the attempt to
rebuild Rome from the ashes. Despite the imperial munificence in
this rebuilding, the sinister suspicion that the Emperor himself had
instigated the fire could not be eliminated (and still troubled Tacitus
over fifty years later). Thus some months after the fire:
To suppress this rumor Nero created scapegoats. He

punished with every refinement of cruelty the notoriously
depraved group who were popularly called Christians. The
originator of the group, Christ, had been executed in the
reign of Tiberius by the procurator, Pontius Pilate. But, in
spite of this temporary setback, this pernicious superstition
202. It is generally assumed that he was freed from imprisonment, left Rome for
further missionary travels, and ultimately returned for a second imprisonment that led
to his death. That the travels were to Spain (Rom 15:24; I Clem. 5:7) is more likely
than the visit to Asia Minor and Greece that scholars have constructed on the basis of
the post-Pauline Pastorals, a visit unknown to the author of Acts (20:25,38).
203. On all these points O'Connor, Peter 207, shows excellent judgment: "Noth-
ing can be determined, however, about when he came to Rome, how long he stayed, or
what function or leadership, if any, he exercised within the Roman Church."
had broken out again, not only in Judea (where the mis-
chief had originated) but even in the capital city [Rome]
where all degraded and shameful practices collect and be-
come the vogue.
First, Nero had self-acknowledged members of this
sect arrested. Then, on their information, large numbers
[multitudo ingens] were condemned-not so much for their
arson as for their hatred of the human race. Their deaths
were made a farce ... so that despite their guilt [as Chris-
tians] and the ruthless punishment they deserved, there
arose a sense of pity. For it was felt that they were being
sacrificed to one man's brutality rather than to the public
interest.
From this description by Tacitus 204 we learn three interesting

facts pertinent to the origins of Roman Christianity: (1) by A.D. 64 it
was possible to distinguish between Christians and Jews at Rome; for
there is no memory of a persecution of Jews by Nero in connection
with the fire even though their Trans-Tiber district was not burned
and so they could have been plausible scapegoats;205 (2) There was a
large number of Christians in Rome;206 (3) Even pagans made a con-
nection between Christianity in Rome and its origin in Judea.
If there were many Christians in Rome in the mid-60s, how
much before that time had faith in Christ arrived on the scene?
Paul's letter to the Romans, usually dated ca. A.D. 58, implies that
the Christian community in Rome had already been in existence for
a considerable period of time, since Paul says he has been wishing
"for many years" to visit (15:23). That this span of time is not pure
204. Annals 15.44. In discussing this difficult text, Fuchs, "Tacitus" 69-73, ar-
gues on textual and logical grounds that the original read: "popularly called Chres-
tians [Chrestianos]." Tacitus, because of his own career in Asia, knew the correct
spelling; but the populace connected this group with the riots in Rome fifteen years
earlier "at the instigation of Chrestus." See footnote 208 below.
205. It has been suggested that such a move was blocked by the pro-Jewish senti-
ments of Nero's wife Poppaea.
206. The multitudo ingens of Tacitus cannot be dismissed simply as narrative ex-
aggeration; for I Clement, in connection with the deaths of Peter and Paul which had
occurred in the author's own generation (5:1-2), writes of a great multitude (poly
plethos) of the chosen who suffered and were gathered to join the two apostles (6: 1).
100 ROME-Chapter VI
rhetoric is suggested by Paul's gratitude to God that "the faith of the

Romans is being reported all over the world" (1 :8). Such flattery
would be absurd if he were writing to a weak community recently
founded. Thus the Roman community must have existed by the early
50s.
Evidence in Acts 18:2-3 suggests that we must move the date
back still farther. There we are told that when Paul came to Corinth
(A.D. 49-50), he found lodging with Aquila and Priscilla, a Jewish
couple "who had recently come from Italy because Claudius had or-
dered all Jews to leave Rome." Almost certainly Aquila and Priscilla
were Jews who already believed in Jesus and came from Rome as
Christian Jews. They are subsequently described as Christian mis-
sionaries and their conversion by Paul is never reported-a strange
silence if they had become Christians after Paul came to live with
them. Moreover, granting that this couple had just been expelled
from Rome (because of inner Jewish fights as we shall see), it is most
dubious that if they were not Christians, they would have exposed
themselves to possible trouble in their new residence by offering hos-
pitality to a Jewish Christian missionary who was stirring up the syn-
agogues.
The presence of Christian Jews in Rome in the 40s could ex-
plain a tantalizing statement by Suetonius, Claudius 25.4, that Clau-
dius "expelled Jews from Rome because of their constant
disturbances impelled by Chrestus [impulsore Chresto)." Suetonius'
phrasing would make one think that Chrestus or Chrestos was a
troublemaker among the Jews in Rome. The name is attested as a
Roman name/OJ but how would a pagan Roman have caused such
internal friction among Jews as to cause expulsion? If one theorizes
that Chrestus might have been a Jew, among the several hundred
names of Roman Jews known from the Jewish catacombs and other
sources, no instance of "Chrestus" appears. On the other hand, in
the second century (the period when Suetonius was writing), both
"Christus" (Christ) and "Christianus" (Christian) were often written
207. In the Corpus Inscriplionum Lalinarum 6.10233 the name P. Aelius Chres-
tus appears (A.D. 211). R. Penna has pointed out to me that Chrestos appears as a
name in Martial (Epigrammala 7.55. 1) in the first century A.D.
with an "e" instead of an "i" following the "r."208 One wonders

whether Suetonius might not be giving us a garbled memory of strug-
gles among the Jews over Christ. The possibility that Roman Jewry
could be so divided springs from the fact that, unlike the Jews in An-
tioch and Alexandria, the Roman Jews seemingly had no centralized
control. For instance, in Alexandria the government of the Jewish
community was entrusted to a gerousia (or committee of archons rep-
resenting the several synagogues) presided over by an ethnarch. 209
Similarly, the Jewry of Antioch was presided over by a type of eth-
narch (see p. 31 above). But the Jews of Rome, attending some dozen
different synagogues, had no single spokesperson or overall ruling
body.2lO This means that Christian preachers could have made head-
way in individual synagogues, without meeting concerted resistance.
If some synagogues accepted with tolerance the proclamation that
Jesus was the Messiah while others rejected it, there may very well
have been a squabble among the Roman Jews over Christ and no
centralized authority to settle it. From his treatment of the Jews in
Alexandria, we know that Claudius would not have tolerated such
dissension; and Tiberius had already given him the precedent of ex-
208. See F. Blass, Hermes 30 (1893) 465-70; H. Janne, Annuaire de I'Institut de

Phi/%gie et d'Histoire Orientales 2 (1934-Melanges Bidez) 531-53; and Fuchs,
"Tacitus" 71. Tertullian, Apologeticum 3.5 (CC 1.92) and Lactantius, Divinae institu-
tiones 4.7 (PL 6.464--65) comment on the ignorant pronunciation of "Christus" as
"Chrestus." Yet Codex Sinaiticus used Chrest- for Christ- in Acts 11 :26; 26:28; I Peter
4:16.
209. See Appelbaum, "Organization" 474. Also E. Schiirer, A History of the Jew-
ish People in the Time of Jesus Christ (5 vols.; Edinburgh: Clark, 1885-90) 2.2 31, pp.
244--45.
210. This was pointed out by E. Schiirer, Die Gemeindeverfassung der Juden in
Rom in der Kaiserzeit (Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1879), but subsequently denied by such com-
petent scholars as J. Juster, G . La Piana, and S. Baron, However, the thesis that the
Roman gerousiarch presided over only the council of an individual congregation and
that there was no overall ethnarch was carefully argued by Frey, "L'ancien Juda'isme"
cvi-cxi. Leon, Jews 167-70 accepts the argumentation, as does Appelbaum, "Organi-
zation" 498-501. There were some eleven to fifteen synagogues at Rome (Leon, Jews
135-66), We should probably abandon attempts to relate the Eleas Synagogue (mean-
ing "of the olive") with the reference in Rom 11: 17-18 to Gentiles being grafted onto
the olive tree of Israel, and the Synagogue "of the Hebrews" with the destination of
the Epistle to the Hebrews. The latter may simply have been the first Hebrew (Jewish)
meeting place at Rome; the meaning of the former is uncertain since a place name may
be involved.
102 ROME-Chapter VI
pelling Jews from Rome. Suetonius does not specify the number ex-
pelled, but presumably Luke's statement that "Claudius had
commanded all the Jews to leave Rome" is an exaggeration-this
would have been a massive expulsion of some 50,000 people! (The si-
lence of Josephus about the expulsion militates against what would
have been a major anti-Jewish episode; and Cassius Dio, History
60.6.6., specifically denies a general expulsion of Jews.) It would be
more reasonable to assume that Claudius exiled those Jews who were
the most vocal on either side of the Christ issue, an action that would
explain the expulsion of Aquila and Priscilla whom we know later to
have been vigorous Christian missionaries. Neither Suetonius nor
Cassius Dio supplies us with enough information to date the expul-
sion; the later writer Orosius would date it to A.D. 49. Orosius is not
famous for his impeccable accuracy,2lI but such a date receives some
confirmation from Acts. If we accept it as reasonable, we have per-
suasive information that by 49 the Christian mission had been in
Rome long enough to cause serious friction.
That is as far back as our more convincing evidence takes us.
Two other uncertain indications have been used to date Christianity
in Rome to the early 40s. The first stems from the report in Acts
12:17 that after his imprisonment at Jerusalem by King Herod
Agrippa I (who ruled in Judea 41-44), Peter departed from Jerusa-
lem "and went to another place." Many have speculated that he
went to Rome and founded the church there. This idea may be re-
flected in the chronology of Eusebius and Jerome which gives Peter a
twenty-five year stay in Rome (A.D. 42-67).212 But there are many
objections to this thesis: the traditions that Peter founded the church
at Rome are late, and there are contradictory traditions.m In Paul's
flattering letter to the Romans, he never mentions Peter or apostolic
211. Histaria adversus Paganos 7.6.15 (CSEL 5.451) refers to the ninth year of
Claudius (41-54, hence 49) but cites for support Josephus, who does not mention the
incident!
212. For the literal acceptance of such tradition, see Barnes, Christianity xii, 13,
24: Peter arrived in Rome on May 20, 42 and died there June 29, 671 Linus and Cletus
were auxiliary bishops who governed Rome when Peter was absent for the Jerusalem
meeting in 49-50.
213. See O'Connor, Peter, for details.
foundation-items that could have helped his praise of Roman faith.

Luke is fascinated by Peter's missionary activities and is greatly in-
terested in the faith getting to Rome as a symbolic goal-it is almost
inconceivable that if he knew Peter had gone to Rome at the time
described in Acts 12:17, he would not have mentioned it. Christian-
ity may well have reached Rome in 42 (and hence given rise to the
misunderstanding that Peter, who helped to "found" the church by
dying there in the 60s, had already come in 42); but we do not know
who brought it. The likelihood is that Peter did not become a major
figure in the Roman church for two more decades. The second item
sometimes used to date the beginnings of Roman Christianity con-
cerns Pomponia Graecina, wife of Aulus Plautius the conqueror of
Britain (Tacitus, Annals 13.32). She was judged and found innocent
by her husband on the charge of "foreign superstition." After the
murder of Julia, daughter of Drusas, through the intrigues of Messa-
lina, Pomponia wore the attire of a mourner for 40 years. It has been
calculated that she would have gone into mourning about A.D. 43,
and some have wondered whether she did not adopt the newly ar-
rived Christianity and its asceticism. In the catacomb of Callistus an
inscription mentions Pomponius Graecinus and suggests that later
some members of the family were remembered as Christian. Never-
theless, the evidence for Pomponia as a Roman Christian in the early
40s is largely by inference, and the "foreign superstition" could have
been Judaism or another Oriental religion. 214 Thus the contention
that Christianity reached Rome in the early 40s remains an unverifi-
able probability; that it had reached Rome by the late 40s or early
50s is virtually certain.
Origin. What was the origin of Roman Christianity? According
to Acts, for the first two Christian decades, Jerusalem and Antioch
served as the dissemination points of the Gospel. Because of his in-
terest in Paul, the author keeps us well informed of missions to the
West moving out from Antioch, but there is never a suggestion that a
mission went from Antioch to Rome. (Indeed, in the first 15 chap-
ters of Acts the only mention of Rome/Roman is 2: 10 which notes
214. For contrary views, see Edmundson, Church 85-86, and Leon, Jews 252.
104 ROME-Chapter VI
the presence of Roman Jews at Jerusalem on the first Pentecost. w

There are no arguments from Acts for a site other than Jerusalem as
the source for Roman Christianity, and Acts 28:21 relates that Jews
in Rome had channels of theological information coming from Jeru-
salem. The picture of Roman Judaism I have given earlier in this
chapter shows that the Jerusalem-Rome axis was strong, and Tacitus
seems to have thought Christianity came to Rome from Judea.
In the subsequent chapters I shall examine various NT and ear-
ly Christian works as support for the contention that Roman Chris-
tianity came from Jerusalem, and indeed represented the
Jewish/Gentile Christianity associated with such Jerusalem figures
as Peter and James. The earliest and principal body of Roman Chris-
tians, then, would have belonged to what was called Group Two in
the Introduction (p. 3 above), namely Christians who kept up some
Jewish observances and remained faithful to part of the heritage of
the Jewish Law and cult, without insisting on circumcision. It will be
my contention that only this type of Christianity makes sense of the
first-century Christian works directed to and emanating from Rome.
215. It is sheer imagination to contend that these went back to Rome and plant-
ed Christianity there immediately after Pentecost. Those described in the list of for-
eign Jews in Acts 2 were resident at Jerusalem; yet the list may be a Lucan theological
creation to foreshadow the eventual spread of Christianity from Jerusalem throughout
the Roman Empire.
CHAPTER VII
The Roman Church

near the End of the
First Christian Generation
(A.D. 58-Paul to the Romans)
OWARD the end of the 50s Paul wrote, seemingly from Corinth,
T "to all the beloved of God in Rome" (Rom 1:7). Although for
years he had wanted to go to Rome (1:13; 15:23), Paul would be
coming for the first time after taking to the saints in Jerusalem mon-
ey raised in a collection in Macedonia and Greece (15:25-26). Paul is
apprehensive about the reception of this collection in Jerusalem and
asks Rome's prayers and help that it may be successful (15:30-31).
He hopes to preach the gospel in Rome when he comes (1:15); but
evidently he is contemplating only a brief stay, for he is on the way
to Spain (15 :24,28). 216
A LETTER SHAPED by ROMAN CHRISTIANITY

All the other undisputed Pauline letters are written to commu-
nities evangelized by Paul, and no one doubts that each of those let-
ters shows a knowledge of the church addressed. The fact that Paul
216. Note the geographical order: to Jerusalem first, then to Rome, and on to
Spain. Did Paul intend to complete the oval and return through North Africa to Jeru-
salem (J. Knox)? Certainly the progress of the action envisaged in Romans is less lin-
ear than in Acts where the overall movement is from Jerusalem to Antioch, then to
Cyprus, Asia Minor, and Greece, and to Rome as the climax. I favor the chronology
whereby Romans was written in the winter of A.D. 57-58, but nothing in this book is
affected by a chronology that dates Romans a year or two earlier.
105
106 ROME-Chapter VII
had never been to the imperial capital and the somewhat general
tone of Romans have caused a major debate as to whether Paul knew
the situation at Rome and was addressing himself to it in this let-
ter.217 Obviously the question is of major importance for any attempt
to reconstruct Roman church history in NT times.
A preliminary issue concerns chap. 16 of Romans which con-
tains greetings from Paul to some twenty-five named people. If Paul
knew so many people in Rome, presumably he knew something
about the Roman church. But scholars have argued that he could not
have known by name so many people at a church he had never visit-
ed, and that the chapter was not originally part of the letter. This
theory gains support from sixth-century Latin textual evidence for a
14-chapter form of Romans (a form already known to Tertullian and
Origen and thus ca. A.D. 200) and from the third-century Beatty Pa-
pyrus 46 as evidence for a 15-chapter form of Romans. Since Prisca
and Aquila are named in 16:3 and they are known to have been in
Ephesus in the mid-50s (I Cor 16:19; Acts 18:24-26), and since
Epaenetus is mentioned in Rom 16:5 as an early convert in Asia, one
theory, popular since the last century, is that chap. 16 was originally
written to Ephesus as a letter of recommendation 218 for Phoebe
(16: 1). Indeed, some would suggest that there were two forms of the
letter,219 Rom 1-15 sent to Rome, and Rom 1-15 adapted for Ephe-
sus through the addition of 16.
Although the view that chap. 16 does not belong to Romans has
wide following, especially in Germany, the recent study by Harry
Gamble has shown comprehensively the weakness of the textual and
structural arguments used to support it. Chapter 15 is clearly Pauline
and is closely related to 14, and so there are really only two possibili-
217. Those who think Romans is not essentially concerned with the situation at
Rome (but is a general tractate, or a last will and testament, or a letter to Jerusalem,
or a reflection on Paul's own situation in Greece and Asia Minor) include: Born-
kamm, Bruce, Cranfield, Dodd, Drane, Karris, J. Knox, J. Lightfoot, T. W. Manson,
Michel, Munck, and Nygren. Among those who think there is a major concern with
the situation in Rome are: Bartsch, Baur, Beker, Dahl, Donfried, Harder, Jewett,
Gamble, Minear, Preisker, and Wiefel.
218. An epistole systatike or literae commendaticiae.
219. This is best developed by T. W. Manson, "St. Paul's Letter to the Ro-
mans-and Others," in his Studies in the Gospels and Epistles, ed. M. Black (Manches-
ter Univ., 1962) 225-41; reprinted in Donfried, Romans Debate 1-16.
First Generation (Paul to Romans) 107
ties: a 15-chapter Romans or a 16-chapter form. Not only is there

weak textual evidence for the 15-chapter form (weaker than for the
14-chapter form), but the ending of chap. 15 would be anomalous as
the conclusion of a Pauline letter. The pattern in 16: 17-24 of horta-
tory wishes, peace, greetings, and grace-benediction is, in content
and order, exactly what is to be expected as the conclusion of a Pau-
line letter.220 The formal considerations confirm the overwhelming
textual evidence in support of chap. 16 as an authentic part of Ro-
mans. The contention that 16:1ff. has the appearance of a commen-
datory letter means nothing as regards the issue under discussion, for
frequently notes of commendation were found within the conclusions
of lengthy ancient letters.22J As for the number of people greeted in
chap. 16, paradoxically the argument that Paul would not send so
many greetings to an unfamiliar community is demonstrably wrong.
The letters that Paul sent to familiar communities which he had
founded do not contain extensive greetings to named people, presum-
ably because the already existing relationship does not require special
attention to individuals among the recipients. Therefore, the numer-
ous greetings in Rom 16 would not be customary in a letter to a fa-
miliar community like Ephesus, but only in one to a community like
Rome where the acknowledgment of people known to or by Paul 222
would be of help to Paul as an implicit recommendation-these peo-
ple were well known among the Roman Christians while Paul was
not.
As for those named, it is not implausible that Aquila and Pris-
cilla (Prisca) were in Rome in the late 50s. They had come to Cor-
inth from Rome at the time of Claudius' expulsion of Jews (ca. 49)
and had a residence there when Paul arrived on the scene ca. 50
(Acts 18:2-3). A year and a halflater they left Corinth with Paul and
went to Ephesus (Acts 18: 11,18-19). According to Acts 18 :26 and I
Cor 16:19 they were still in Ephesus in the year 54 when Paul re-
turned from visiting Jerusalem and Antioch, and in early 57 when he
220. Gamble, Textual History 84-95.

221. See Chen-Hie Kim, Form and Structure of the Familiar Letter of Recom-
mendation (Missoula, Mont.: Scholars Press, 1972); and Gamble, Textual History 85.
222. Nothing in chap. 16 forces us to think that Paul had met or traveled with
everyone whom he names. See footnote 236 below.
wrote I Corinthians from Ephesus; indeed, they had a church in their

house. But in mid-57 riots broke out in Ephesus against Christians,
so that Paul left (Acts 19:23 - 20:1). Imitating their procedure at
Corinth, Prisca and Aquila may have left at the same time and re-
turned to Rome. (Claudius had died in 54, and the first years of Ne-
ro's reign were popular and benevolent-a quinquennium of good
government.) Nor is there a problem if, when Paul wrote to Rome in
early 58, there was a church congregation meeting at their house, as
seemingly in several other households (Rom 16:5,11,14,15), some of
them owned by Jewish Christians. Presumably the Jews driven out of
Rome in the disputes over Chrestus in 49 would not have lost all
their property, and their houses may have been maintained for them
by friends. Moreover, it is likely that after 49 Christians of Jewish
origin were no longer welcome at many or all Roman synagogues,22l
and their community meetings would have moved to the houses of
the better-off Christians. Such a separation may explain why in 64
Nero could distinguish between Christians and Jews, even though
both were "foreign superstitions."
Many of the names given in Rom 16 fit the Roman scene quite
well. As for "Aristobulus," a grandson of Herod the Great who bore
that name seems to have lived out his life at Rome, while a "Narcis-
sus" was a powerful Roman freedman under Claudius. I do not
mean that Paul was writing to those individuals, but perhaps to peo-
ple connected with the households. Indeed, J. B. Lightfoot has
shown that the twenty-five names of Rom 16 are attested and hence
quite plausible in the Rome of the early Christian centuries. 224 (Of
course the names may be plausible elsewhere in the Empire as well,
but at least no argument against the Roman direction of chap. 16 can
be drawn from them.) Thus, overall the 16-chapter form of Romans
has every reason to be considered as original. The 14-chapter and 15-
223. A possible exception would have been the Jewish Christians who insisted on
circumcision for their Gentile converts. See p. 126 below. Roman Jewish synagogues
may have met in houses rather than in separate buildings.
224. Lightfoot, Philippians 174-77; also W. Sanday and A. C. Headlam, A Criti-
cal and Exegetical Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans (ICC; 2nd ed; New
York: Scribners, 1926) 418-19; and Wiefel, "Community" 112. Six of the 25 names
are Latin; the rest are Greek. Many are typical of slaves and freedmen, and thus may
represent Jews and non-Romans who had employ in the great Roman houses. Clearly
those whom Paul calls "kin" (Andronicus, Junias, Herodion) are Jews.
chapter forms were early abbreviations in order to make the letter

less particularly directed to one church so that it could be read easily
in the churches of other places and other times. 225 Such a movement is
already apparent in the Muratorian Fragment (probably late second
century) which sees some of the Pauline letters, including Romans, as
envisioning the whole church.
More important than the dismissal of the arguments against the
pertinence of chap. 16 is the reasoning that the whole 16-chapter let-
ter makes sense only if Paul did know Roman Christianity and was
writing a letter applicable to his relationship to that community.
Even scholars who insist that Romans is a situational letter some-
times argue that, since in A.D. 49 Claudius had expelled Jews from
Rome because of their fights over Christ (p. 100 above), the Chris-
tianity addressed by Paul at Rome was largely Gentile Christian-
ity226-an affirmation often made with the assumption that the
designation "Gentile Christianity" tells us something distinctive about
the views held at Rome. I would insist parenthetically that it is quite
implausible that all Christian Jews were expelled from Rome by
Claudius-only those zealous enough to be involved in disturbances
(wherefore evangelists like Prisca and Aquila). Nevertheless, by the
late 50s Gentiles may well have been the majority among believers at
Rome, and Paul may be addressing himself chiefly to that group (see
1:5-6,13,14; 15:16).227 But that possibility tells us nothing about the
relationship or the attitude of these Gentile Christians toward Juda-
ism.
225. The same goal explains the (poorly attested) textual omission of the address
to Rome. See N. Dahl, "The Particularity of the Pauline Epistles as a Problem in the
Ancient Church," in Neotestamentica et Patrislica. ed W. C. van Unnik (0. Cull mann
Festschrift; SuppNovTest 6; Leiden: Brill, 1962) 261-71.
226. See Beker, Paul 61; Wiefel, "Community" Ill ; Schelkle, "Romische" 400.
Preisker, "Problem," thinks that Jewish Christians were arguing against Gentile
Christians.
227. Among the older commentators on Romans, Baur argued that it was ad-
dressed to Jewish Christians, while Jiilicher, Pfleiderer, and Zahn argued for a Gentile
Christian address. In wrestling with the problem that much of Paul's argument in Ro-
mans is a dialogue with Judaism and yet he addresses himself to Gentiles, Beker, Paul
75-76 (who is admirably insistent on the situational character of Romans), postulates
that Rome had a mixed community of Jews and Gentiles. To be sure, but so must
everyone of the four groups described in the Introduction above have been mixed.
The crucial issue is the theological outlook of this mixed Jewish/Gentile Christianity.
Many scholars, basing themselves on Paul's warning to the

Gentiles not to boast over against the Jews (11:18; 12:3), assume that
the Gentile Christians of Rome despised Jewish Christians and had
little to do with them. To my mind that theory ignores one of the
clearest indications in Romans about its purpose. Paul knows that he
is not appreciated by some at Jerusalem because of his preaching that
Gentile Christians are free of the Law, especially when that preach-
ing has been phrased in heated rhetoric against law-observant Jewish
Christians and their Gentile converts, as it was in Galatians. Paul is
writing to the Roman Christians with the request that they should
strive together with him by prayers on his behalf that the collection
of money that he has raised will be acceptable in Jerusalem (15:30-
31). The importance of the Jerusalem collection in Romans is widely
recognized by scholars, even to the point of maintaining that the ar-
guments presented in Romans are a dress rehearsal for what Paul
will say in Jerusalem.228 Yet, the further point must be made that evi-
dently Paul thought the Roman Christians would be swayed by the
same arguments that he was formulating for Jerusalem. If Roman
Christianity was characterized by Gentiles who boasted of their su-
periority over Jewish Christians, why should Paul think that Roman
help and prayers would make acceptable his service to the Jewish
Christian saints in Jerusalem? (Acts 21:20-21 cannot be far wrong in
its description of Jerusalem Christianity presided over by James:
Many thousand Jews have believed; "They are all zealous for the
Law.") More plausible is the thesis that Paul appealed for Rome's
help because the dominant Christianity at Rome had been shaped by
the Jerusalem Christianity associated with James and Peter. and
hence was a Christianity appreciative of Judaism and loyal to its cus-
/oms.229 I shall develop arguments for this thesis below; but it is inter-
esting to find it confirmed by Ambrosiaster, one who lived in Rome
and wrote ca. 375. In his commentary on Romans (PL 17.48) he re-
228. J. Jervell, "The Letter to Jerusalem," in Donfried. Romans Debate 61-74.

The German orig. is in Studia Theologica 25 (1971) 61-73.
229. Although I shall often speak of "James and Peter," I recognize that within
Group Two (Introduction) James was more conservative than Peter and that Peter
was more directly concerned with the Jerusalem mission to Gentiles in the diaspora,
so that for Rome Peter was more the embodiment of Jerusalem Christianity than was
James.
ports that the Romans "received the faith although with a Jewish
bent [ritu licet Judaico]."230
The non-situational approach to the Romans Epistle as if it
were a general Pauline theological treatise or a general apologia for
Paul's ministry is wrong in not recognizing sufficiently the direction-
al signals in the Epistle. Yet, some truth may be allowed for such an
outlook on Romans when it is complementary to a situational ap-
proach, so that there is a convergence of motivation. 211 True, Paul is
gathering together his views about God's plan for Jew and Gentile.
True, he is doing this in a more nuanced and balanced way than in
previous writings. True, he is indirectly defending his apostolate. But
all of this may be because he writes this letter when he is on his way
back to a dominantly Jewish church in Jerusalem that he has antago-
nized, and because the Roman church he addresses is quite similar to
Jerusalem in its respect for Law and cult. As an apostle who has de-
veloped a skill in preaching to Gentiles, he makes a nuanced summa-
ry of position and an apologia to the Roman community (ethnically
largely Gentile) and thus hones what he will ultimately say to Jewish
Christians of the same persuasion in Jerusalem. If he is successful
with the Romans, he can gain a persuasive ally helping to make him
and his collection acceptable in Jerusalem, and acceptance in Jerusa-
lem will ultimately make Paul acceptable when he comes to Rome
after Jerusalem.
BACKGROUND OF ROMANS
The closeness of Galatians to Romans has long been recognized,

sometimes with the bland explanation that in Galatians Paul was
saying in a more excited and preliminary way what he would say
with greater calm and balance in Romans. More forthright is the
analysis of Wilckens: "On the whole, the position in Romans is a re-
vision of the polemical position of Philippians and Galatians. "232 To
230. I am indebted for this reference to Msgr. Jerome Quinn of the St. Paul
(Minn.) Seminary.
1 231. N. Dahl. cited by Beker. Paul 92; "The relationship between theology and
missionary activity is as intimate in Romans as in any of Paul's letters. but the per-
I spective is different."
232. "Entwicklung" 180. See also Beker. Paul 95-99; Ward. "Example."
test that claim let us reflect briefly on the probable impact of Gala-
tians. In narrating his own career Paul made clear that James and
Peter maintained fellowship with him on the principle of not insist-
ing on circumcision for Gentile converts (2:9). He boasted, however,
that he withstood Peter and the men from James on the question of
observing Jewish food laws, and indicated that they were not
straightforward about the truth of the Gospel. He also spoke of these
great figures as "so-called pillars" who made no difference to him.
The opponents in Galatia that Paul was encountering were clearly to
the right of James and Peter, for these Jewish Christian missionaries
were insisting on circumcision (5:2-3).233 Yet in the savagery of
Paul's attack he seems to lump his opposition to them with his earli-
er opposition to Peter and James! Can we imagine that the Galatian
adversaries did not capitalize on Paul's contempt for the Jerusalem
authorities and happily try to pretend that they stood with Peter and
James against Paul? Since we know that there were Jewish Christians
at Jerusalem who insisted on circumcision, would not the Galatian
Jewish Christians have sent back a report of Paul's comments to Je-
rusalem, complete with his derogatory statements about the princi-
pal figures of the Jerusalem Church? Well may Paul have feared that
even his pacifying gesture of raising money for the Jerusalem church
would not be acceptable.
What Paul condemned in Galatia was the insistence that Gen-
tiles be circumcised so that Christ could be accepted as fully effective
(5:1-12). According to Acts 21:21, the rumor among the Jewish
Christians in Jerusalem was that Paul was teaching Jews (who came
to believe in Christ) to forsake Moses, not to circumcise their chil-
dren, and not to observe their Jewish customs. Some may dismiss the
Acts report as Lucan confusion; but a distorted report of what Paul
wrote to the Galatians, such as the adversaries would have been like-
ly to make, could very well have led to such a view. Consider Paul's
words in Gal 3:19, denigrating the Law as "ordained by angels
through an intermediary"; in 4:24, portraying the Sinai covenant as
one of slavery; and in 5:2, "If you receive circumcision, Christ will be
233. According to the classification of Jewish/Gentile Christianity given in the

Introduction above, the Galatian adversaries were representative of Group One, while
James and Peter represented Group Two, and Paul was of Group Three.
of no advantage to you." Such broadsides, combined with sarcasm

about Peter and James, might well upset even the more moderate
Christians at Jerusalem. 2J4
If echoes of Galatians would have reached Jerusalem, and if Ro-
man Christianity was influenced by the Jerusalem Christianity of
James and Peter, it is not unlikely that Pauline phraseology similar
to that in Galatians reached Rome as well. Indeed, the view of Paul
attributed to Jerusalem Christians in Acts 21:21 may have been
shared by many Roman Christians. This would explain why in Ro-
mans Paul shows apprehension not only about the reception of the
collection at Jerusalem, but also about his reception at Rome. Some
of Paul's fellow workers from the missions in Asia Minor and Greece
were now in Rome, e.g., Urbanus, and the couple Prisca and Aquila
(Rom 16:3,4,9). The greetings extended so carefully to such people
may have been Paul's way of encouraging Roman Christians to con-
sult them about what he really held and not to be dependent on ru-
mors. As Gamble has argued,23S Romans 16 lays heavy emphasis on
the relationship of named individuals to Paul; for he is tying himself
to them and them to him: "Those singled out for greeting are
claimed by Paul as his advocates within the community." In 16: 17
Paul raises the fear that some may create dissensions at Rome. Actu-
ally, the dissensions might well center on whether the genuine Paul is
the one presented by his Jerusalem adversaries or by those who have
been involved in one way or another with his mission. 236
But Paul needs more than favorable representation by sympa-
thetic friends; he needs to state clearly and with balance where he
really stands on the value of Judaism for Christians, Jew and Gentile
alike. That is why Paul does not send to Rome merely chap. 16 as a
letter of commendation, but chooses to incorporate the commenda-
tions of his friends in a long statement explaining his gospel of justifi-
cation. Even if phrases like "more balanced" and "more complete
234. Although Galatians is the most violent of Paul's letters on the subject of the
Law, Philip 3 is also intemperate, since there he attacks "dogs" and evil-workers who
mutilate the flesh.
235. Textual History. 92.
236. If there are those in Rom 16 whom Paul greets without having met them
personally, they may have been converts made by Paul's own converts and friends and
thus people whom he could trust to be sympathetic.
and reflective" catch some of the contrast between Romans and Ga-
latians, they do not do justice to the real possibility that Paul had
learned in the period between the two letters (55-58?). In Chapter II
above, John Meier has plausibly suggested that Paul lost at Antioch;
it is possible that Pauline heated overstatement caused him to lose in
Galatia as well. There he was faced with ultraconservative Jewish
Christians and their Gentile converts who insisted on circumcision.
At Corinth he seems to have encountered Gentile Christians who
had no respect for the Law. (The incident in I Cor 5:1-5 concerns
porneia or cohabiting within degrees of kindred forbidden by the
Law-seemingly one of the very aspects of the Law on which James
insisted according to Acts 15:20,29). Perhaps a wiser Paul now found
himself closer to Peter and James than he was when he was at Anti-
och in 50 or when he wrote Galatians (ca. 55?). Of course, here I am
proposing what is virtually heresy in the eyes of many Pauline schol-
ars: namely, that Paul was not always consistent in his major epis-
tles; that Paul even changed his mind; that the defiant Paul of
Galatians was exaggerated; and that something is to be said for the
position of Peter and James over against Paul on observance of some
Jewish customs (so long as the observances were not looked upon as
necessary for salvation). It is curious that sometimes a radical schol-
arship that has been insistent on the humanity of Jesus balks at any
real indication of the fallible humanity of Paul!
OBSERVATIONS FROM THE TEXT OF ROMANS

The background I have suggested needs to be tested by what
Paul actually says in Romans. Let us begin by noticing the gingerly
politeness of Paul in this letter. When he writes of Judea and Jerusa-
lem, he distinguishes carefully between the unbelieving Jews and the
Jewish Christians: the latter he twice (Rom 15 :26,31) calls "saints."
(Indeed, according to Rom 11:5, all Jewish Christians are a remnant
chosen by God.) This is quite different from Galatians where he
stresses his independence of those who were apostles before him
(1:17), attacks some of the Jewish Christians at Jerusalem as "false
brethren," and is sarcastic about the leaders of the Jerusalem com-
munity as those who were reputed to be something and so-called pil-
lars (2:4,6,9).
As for the Roman community, it consists of saints beloved of

God (1:7) whose faith is proclaimed in the whole world (1:8).237 Paul
recognizes fully the high quality of the Christianity that exists in
Rome even though he was not its source: "I myself am satisfied
about you, my brothers, that you yourself are full of goodness, filled
with all knowledge and able to instruct one another" (15:14). Indeed,
he fears only adversaries who may create dissension "in opposition to
the doctrine which you have been taught" (16: 17). m In other words
he acknowledges that the Romans received a valid form of the gos-
pel. If they received it from Jerusalem and from more conservative
Jewish Christians than Paul, he is not making the mistake of Gala-
tians where, by implication, he made it possible to join all shades of
adversaries as the preachers of "another gospel" (Gal 1:6-7) by
charging even Peter and the men from James (two named figures
who had given him the right hand of fellowship) with not being
straightforward about "the truth of the gospel" (2:14). If that word
has reached Rome and if there anti-Paulinists are saying that Paul
would not consider the Roman church properly Christian 239 since it
237. In I :9- 10 Paul says, "For God is my witness ... thai withoul ceasing I
mention you a lways in I11Y prayers, IIllkin.g that somehow by God's will I may now Bt
last succeed in coming to you ." It is tempting to speculate that (he delay in Paul' plan
to visit Rome let his adversaries sp read the word lilM he despised Lhe Christilln com-
mllni ly the re and did nol lYant to have anything 10 do with. iL because of its s tfong
u\lagiance to Judaism. Yet Rongs torf, "Paul us" 452, is probably right in arguing
against Michel IhalPa ul is uSing II tradions l epistolary opening formul a that is nOl
overly indicative of the history of those addressed, e.g ., PluJip 1:S, "1'01' God is my
witness, how I yearn for yOu."
238. Gamble. Textllol JIis/or)' 53, points to thL~ liS II connection with the body of
Romans (6: 17: "thepallern of teaching to which you were committed"), so that we
have allotiler argument for nOL dissooiating chap. J6 from the resl of the epistle. The
word "teacning" is llll fficiently broad to cover what Ille Romans received from un-
named missionaries.
239. Judge and Tllomas, "Origin" 81-82, contend: "The Chrislian community in
Rome was buill up mainly tlll'Ough Ihe migration of converts from the Eas~, without
MY regular organization or pubHc preaching"-thcrefore l;t.unched as a "church"
onl y after PauJ arrived. G . K.lein, "Purpose" 47-49, maimains lhal Paul did 110t con-
sider the Roman community a properly founded church &ince an apostle had nOI been
involved, and Ulat is why he \V,lIlted to preach there. I disagree strongly. Firsl, we do
not knolll who fo.ul1ded the church 81 Rome or hOIll il fUl1clioned; bUllf it came from
Jerusalem, the founders bad ItS much conlaCI With apo tolic Christianity as di I Ihose
who founded i.bc church at AntJochl T Col'intiUan 15: 11 ("Whether it wos J or they,
so we preach ;lnd so YOll believed") shows that Paul is more interested in the cOnlen l
of the gospel than in the pedigree of the missionary. Second, the praise of the Roman
had been evangelized by those loyal to men whom he despised, Paul

is countering that subtly but clearly. The statement in 16:16, "All the
churches of Christ greet you," since it must convey a greeting from
the churches Paul founded,240 places the church at Rome on the same
level as them. A similar function is played by Paul's strategic use of
the first person piuraF41 joining the Roman Christians with him and
his Christians: All of us were baptized into the death of Christ and
we walk in the newness of life (6:3-4); Jesus was put to death for our
trespasses and raised for our justification (3:24-25).
When he is describing his own role, Paul is remarkably nu-
anced. The opponents in Galatia apparently questioned Paul's right
to be called an apostle. Although he is being more diplomatic in Ro-
mans, he can never let that be called into question, even by Chris-
tians evangelized through a descendancy from James and Peter (who
were apostles before Paul: Gal 1:17,19). Yet, a desire not to seem ar-
rogant explains the difference in tone between Gall: 1 ("Paul an
apostle-not from men or through men, but through Jesus Christ
and God the Father") and Rom 1:1: "Paul, a slave of Jesus Christ
called to be an apostle." Moreover, unlike his custom in all the other
undisputed letters, Paul associates no one with himself in the open-
ing address in Romans. There are well known figures with him while
he is sending the letter (16:21-23), especially Timothy who is men-
tioned in the opening of many Pauline letters; but the authority of
this letter rests on Paul. When he goes to Jerusalem, he will have to
defend himself on what he has preached, not on what others would
say; and it is important to make clear to the Romans that he and he
alone is responsible for the views he will advance. If he writes this
letter explaining to the Romans the roles of Jews and Gentiles in
community as one whose faith is proclaimed throughout the world is irreconcilable

with the thesis that Paul denied it was a proper church. This is similar to the praise
Paul gives to a church he himself founded: "Your faith in God has gone out every-
where" (I Thess 1:8). Third, chap. 16, which is an original part of Romans, acknowl-
edges the existence of house-churches (16:5,16); and an attempt by scholars to allow
the presence of churches at Rome but to deny the title of church to the whole commu-
nity lacks justification. (The use of "saints" rather than "church" at the beginning of
Romans [1:7] proves nothing-see Philip 1:1.)
240. The abstract, impersonal tone of such a greeting makes it unlikely that the
addressees of chap. 16 were a Pauline church such as Ephesus.
241. See Rengstorf, "Paulus" 458.
Christ, he is careful to state that it is not because he thinks they are

poorly or inadequately instructed (15:14). Rather it is a compulsion
placed on him by God: "On some points I have written to you very
boldly by way of reminder because of the grace given me by God to
be a minister of Christ Jesus to the Gentiles in the priestly service of
the gospel of God" (15: 15-16). If Paul is coming to Rome, let no one
say that he is doing so because he wants to set the Romans straight
about the gospel which hitherto they had heard only from men (con-
trast Gal 1: 11: "The gospel preached by me is not man's gospel").
Indeed he is hesitant to preach where others have laid the foundation
of the community (15:20); but he is under divine obligation to preach
to Gentiles wherever they are, including Rome (1:14-15). He will
only be bringing the fullness of the blessing of Christ's gospel (15 :29)
as he passes through on the way to Spain, enjoying their company
and asking godspeed (15:24).242 The formula, "I exhort" or "I beg"
(parakalo) that Paul uses in giving advice to the Romans (12:1;
15:30) is typical of diplomatic style; and Jewete 4J uses this as one of
the many proofs that Romans should be classed as an ambassadorial
letter, i.e. one in which the rhetoric is not simply flowery or urbane
but an essential step in demonstrating the author's adherence to the
values of his listeners. The suggestion that Paul writes one way in
Galatians and another way in Romans disturbs purists, but matches
Paul's own claim in I Cor 9:22: "I have become all things to all, that
I might by all means save some." Well did H. Chadwick244 write in
comment on that verse that Paul shows "an astonishing elasticity of
mind, and a flexibility in dealing with situations requiring delicate
and ingenious treatment which appears much greater than is usually
supposed. "
242. Although the circumstances were quite different, the Paul who wrote this
was also the author of II Cor 13: 10: "I write this ... in order that when 1 come 1 may
not have to be severe in my use of the authority which the Lord has given me for
building up and not for tearing down." Were the Romans who were reading this letter
familiar with the reputation of a Paul who wrote fierce letters threatening what he
might do in the name of apostolic authority when he arrived on the scene?
243. "Romans" 11-12, drawing upon the work of C. J. Bjerkelund, Parakalo:
Form. Funktion und Sinn der parakalo-Siitze in den paulinischen Brie/en (Oslo: Scan-
dinavian Univ. Press, 1967).
244. "'All Things to All Men' (I Cor. ix 22)," NTS 1 (1954-55) 261-75, esp.
275.
Most commentators on Romans (e.g., Barrett, Dodd, Kuss, O.

Michel) recognize that Paul wished to assure his readers of his ortho-
doxy. But for our purpose of diagnosing the nature of Roman Chris-
tianity, it is interesting to note what Paul thought would convince his
hearers of orthodoxy. In 1:3-4 he summarizes "the gospel of God"
(1:1) to preach which he has been especially chosen: It is the gospel
concerning God's Son "who was born of the seed of David according
to the flesh, designated Son of God in power according to a Spirit of
Holiness as of resurrection from the dead." Critical scholarship rec-
ognizes that here Romans is offering a Jewish Christian formulation
of the gospel that would be familiar to the readers. In other words,
Paul, who is so zealous against other gospels (Gal 1:6-9), seeks to
win the heart of the Romans by offering a gospel formulation that is
not his own but is already known to them almost as a creedal expres-
sion, with the hallmark of Jewish origin. 245 Later on in the letter Paul
implicitly defends his orthodoxy by proposing views and then recoil-
ing from them in horror. In 3:8 he asks, "And why not do evil that
good may come-as some slanderously charge us with saying."
Plausibly the slander is an exaggerated echo of teaching similar to
Gal 3 that the Law brought out transgressions and placed under a
curse all who could not live up to it, and that Christ redeemed from
this curse. Paul's opponents could accuse him of holding that trans-
gressions offered a greater opportunity for the grace of Christ. If
Paul rejects this as slander, it is because he thinks his hearers in
Rome will be pleased to know that he is not indifferent to what is
forbidden by the Law (see also the rhetorical question in 6:1). In
Rom 3:31 he asks, "Do we overthrow the Law by faith? By no
means! On the contrary, we uphold the Law." Once again he thinks
this will please his recipients who surely must be well disposed to-
245. For disputes about the precise translation and meaning, see R. E. Brown et
al. Mary in the New Testament (New York: Paulist, 1978) 34-40. Jewish origin is in-
dicated by the reference to Jesus as "Son of David" and by the expression "Spirit of
Holiness," which reflects a Semitic genitival structure (in place of Paul's normal and
better Greek expression "Holy Spirit"). Jewish background is also indicated by the
lapidary statement in Rom 3:30, "The one God will justify the circumcised and the
uncircumcised by faith," if that echoes the basic Jewish prayer, the Shema: "Hear, 0
Israel, the Lord our God is one." Does Paul assume that the Christians of Rome know
and pray this prayer? See Mark 12:29 where Jesus makes it the first commandment (in
what may be a gospel addressed to the Romans; consult Chapter X, section C, below).
ward the Law. As Wuellner and Jewett have shrewdly observed, Ro-
mans belongs to a demonstrative literary genre wherein Paul affirms
values recognized by the audience and thus establishes community
with the audience. 246
But is not the thesis of a moderately conservative Jewish/Gen-
tile Christianity at Rome, sympathetic to Jerusalem, refuted by the
warnings to the Gentiles not to boast (p. 110 above)? How does one
answer the objection that surely this implies a Christianity at Rome
that looks down upon Jewish observances?247 In my judgment, these
warnings are also directed against a slanderous view of Paul. There
was a Jewish/Gentile Christianity that regarded Judaism as dis-
placed by Christianity and vigorously rejected Jewish customs and
feasts (Group Four in the Introduction, p. 6 above). Paul's intemper-
ance in Galatians may have led some to classify him in that (Helle-
nist) category. The warnings to "the strong" in Rom 14-15 may be
addressed to more liberal Christians in Rome who would claim Paul
in their camp because he had the reputation of allowing his converts
to eat all types offood without observing Jewish customs (Gal 2:12)
and of making fun of those who considered it an important religious
issue what they put into "their belly" (Philip 3: 19). But in dealing
with Corinth Paul had learned, to his sorrow, that freedom can lead
the "knowledgeable" to be insensitive toward those who do not share
their enlightenment. In I Cor 8:8-9 he had to lecture his own con-
verts: "We are no worse off if we do not eat, and no better off if we
do. Take care lest this liberty of yours become a stumbling block to
the weak!" It is, then, a wiser Paul who writes to Rome in an even
more delicate situation where those sensitive about food may be a
majority among Christians,248 and the minority may think they share
246. Wuellner, "Rhetoric" 166; Jewett, "Romans" 6. For how such rhetorical
questions as those cited above reflect misinterpretations of Paul's own teaching, see
Harder, "Anlass" 15-16. Certainly Harder (18) is right that Paul is not simply chal-
lenging Gentile libertines.
247. Of course, there are also directives against Jews who boast about their supe-
riority over Gentiles (Rom 2:17ff.).
248. Diagnosing the situation in chaps. 14 - 15 is complicated because of the de-
scription in 14:2: "The weak eats (only) vegetables." Is this a fact or a pejorative gen-
eralization by the more liberal who consider themselves "strong" because they can eat
all things with religious impunity? Could such a generalizaton arise from a few ultra-
conservative Gentile Christian converts of Group One (Introduction above) who were
Paul's view by looking down on them as weak. In Rom 14:lff. Paul

dissociates himself from such a divisive attitude. Similarly, by chas-
tising Gentile boastfulness and describing the Gentile Christians as a
wild olive stock grafted into the cultivated olive tree of Israel (11:24),
by insisting that God has not rejected His people (11: I), and by pre-
dicting the ultimate conversion of all Israd, Paul is refuting such
radical Christianity not primarily because it dominates at Rome but
because he has been falsely charged with holding it-a charge that
would make him persona non grata to the majority of Roman Chris-
tians. What Paul affirms of Jewish values in Rom 9-11, then, is not
an attack on prevailing Roman Christianity but a confirmation of it!
Origen (PG 14.854-55) was perfectly right when he observed that
Paul points out faults in the faith of Galatia but not in the faith of
Rome. 249
I proposed above (p. 114) the possibility that Paul had become
more mature and truly changed his mind in Romans when compared
with the earlier Paul of Galatians. Therefore, while Paul may justifi-
ably have characterized some of the views attributed to him as slan-
der, at other times in Romans he would be struggling to modify
views that he once actually expressed. This struggle, implicit to be
sure, would also confirm my evaluation of the audience addressed in
Rome. If, according to Gal 2:11-12, Paul fought at Antioch with Pe-
ter and the men from James over their too strict observance of the
food laws so that they would not eat with Gentiles, in Rom 14:3 he
seems to take a more pacific attitude toward strict observers. "Let
him who eats not despise him who abstains." In Gal 5:2 Paul said,
"If you receive circumcision, Christ will be of no advantage to you."
There seems to be more than a moderated tone in Rom 3:1-2: "What
advantage is there in being a Jew? Or what benefit in being circum-
cised? Much in every way. To begin with, the Jews are entrusted
so anxious about not eating meat that Jews regarded as impure (either in itself or
through contact with idols) that they abstained from meat altogether? Remember
Paul's rhetoric in I Cor 8: 13: " If food causes my brother to stumble, I will never eat
meat again."
249. In later church history Paul's positive attitude helped Rome to be seen as a
norm for the faith of the world. Indeed, many Fathers saw such Pauline confirmation
as a reason for putting Romans first in the canon of Pauline epistles. See Schelkle,
"Romische" 395-99.
with the words of God."250 The Paul, who in Galatians distinguished

himself as having a mission to the uncircumcised while the Jerusalem
"pillars" were for the circumcised, says in Rom 15:8: "Christ became
a minister of the circumcision to show God's truth, in order to con-
firm the promises given to the fathers." Again, in Gal 3:10,13,23,24
Paul wrote, "All who rely on observing the Law are under a curse
... Christ redeemed us from the curse of the Law .... Before faith
came we were under the restraint of the Law .... The Law was our
custodian until Christ came." There are strains of the same thought
in Rom 3, but the chapter ends on a different tone (3 :31): "Do we
nullify the Law by this faith? Not at all; rather we uphold the Law."
And in Rom 7:7,12,14,16 Paul denies that the Law is sin: "The Law
is holy .... The Law is spiritual. ... The Law is good." No longer
does Paul state, as he did with insistence in Gal 3:19-20, that the
Law was given by angels. 251
Perhaps the change may be summarized under the heading of
Paul's attitude toward salvation history. In his commentary on Gala-
tians in the Anchor Bible, J. Louis Martyn will eloquently (and cor-
rectly) contend that the Paul of Galatians really does not see God's
dealing with humankind as a history of salvation, i.e., a salvation al-
ready offered in what we call the OT dispensation, coming to a cli-
max in Christ. Rather in Galatians there is an apocalyptic contrast
between a previous realm of slavery, sin, and curse which was
marked by the impotency of the Law, and a new realm introduced by
Christ and marked by freedom and grace. 252 The apocalyptic element
is present in Romans too; for Rom 5:8,10 describes people before the
death of Christ, including Jews, as sinners and enemies of God, and
5:13,20-21 states that the Law made it possible for sin to be counted
and to increase. But this negative view of what preceded Christ is
250. Contrast the Hellenist outlook on Jesus' relation to the Jews: "You do not
have His word abiding in you" (John 5:38).
251. Very good on the comparison of the two epistles is Wilckens, "Entwick-
lung" 180-85.
252. Already Beker (Paul 73) has showed an openness toward such a view:
"Paul's response to that [Galatian) crisis had created the impression that the place of
the Jew in salvation-history was a purely negative one and had in fact become obsolete
with the coming of Christ." For ways in which Martyn would go beyond Beker, see
his review of Beker's book in Word and World 2 (1982) 194-98.
tempered elsewhere in Romans and modified toward at least a par-

tially salvific-history outlook, particularly in chaps. 9-11. Many
modern scholars (Sanday, Dodd, Bultmann) who prefer the Paul of
Galatians would classify Rom 9-11 as an appendix, distraction, or
idealistic interlude interrupting the main thought of Romans (which
they read in harmony with Galatians). But Beker,25) who thinks that
"Romans gives a much more balanced picture of Israel in salvation-
history," argues that Rom 9-11 can be read as the climax of the epis-
tle thus interpreted. Certainly the magnificent praise of the Israelites
in 9:4-5 (which might embarrass a modern Jew as ecumenically in-
sensitive) gives a positive value to the past history of Israel under the
Law: "To them belong the gift of sonship, the covenants, the gift of
the Law, the cult, and the promises. To them belong the patriarchs,
and from their race according to the flesh came the Messiah." A
sense ofsalvific sequence is found in 15:8-9: "Christ became the ser-
vant of the circumcised because of God's fidelity in fulfilling the
promises given to the patriarchs." The refrain in Rom 1:16; 2:9,10,
"First Jews, then Greeks," is closer to salvation history than to apoc-
alyptic, especially when we add to that refrain the "finally all Israel"
of 11 :26. Unlike Galatians which focuses on the obsolescence of the
Law, Romans concentrates on the relation of two peoples in God's
plan of salvation. 254
AFTERMATH: PAUL IN ROME:

In the next chapter I shall take up the continuity of some
themes of Romans in I Peter. (This continuity lends support to the
case I have made for the moderately conservative character of Chris-
tianity that became dominant at Rome, a Christianity associated
with Jerusalem and with James and even more so [in the heavily
Gentile mission] with Peter.) But let me conclude this chapter by
253. Paul 89. Paul's seeming rejection of salvation history in Galatians may ulti-
mately have worked against his own "gospel." There are many passages in the Law
and the prophets offering life to Israel if the Law is observed (e.g., Deut 30: 15-16). If
there really was no such salvific opportunity offered by God before Christ, how can
Gentiles trust the divine promise of life that Paul attaches to belief in Christ? See
Ward, "Example."
254. Beker, Paul7!.
some reflections on the immediate aftermath of the letter that Paul

wrote to Rome in the late 50s. I have pointed out above that in part
Paul was writing self-defensively, worried that he would be accept-
able in neither Jerusalem nor Rome. Acts 21: 17-26 reports that there
was serious opposition to Paul when he did get to Jerusalem at Pen-
tecost of 58 because he had a reputation among some Jewish Chris-
tians for propaganda against their observing the Law. James himself
treated Paul as a brother (even if James reiterated the view not
shared by Paul that Gentile Christians should observe specific Jewish
food laws). Nevertheless, when Paul attempted to show good will by
going to the Temple, the Jews rioted against him; and their contin-
ued opposition led the Romans to send him to Rome as a prisoner.
As he drew near (ca. A.D. 60?), some Roman Christians came out of
the city thirty or forty miles, as far as Tres Tabernae and even Fo-
rum Appii (Acts 28:15), to greet Paul and give him courage. Thus, if
one can depend on this information in Acts, the Paul who wrote Ro-
mans found acceptance both by the part of Jerusalem Christianity
represented by James and also by the leaders of Roman Christianity.
The latter detail finds some confirmation from the statement in I
Clement 5:2-7, written some thirty-five years later, which refers to
"the good apostles Peter and Paul" as examples of "the greatest and
most righteous pillars [of the church]." Notice both the association
of the two names and their order. Paul had referred to Peter in the
late 40s as one of "the so-called pillars" and boasted that he with-
stood Peter face to face, charging him with not being honest about
the truth of the Gospel (Gal 2:9,11,14). Yet in the memory of the
Roman church Paul is associated closely with Peter as an example of
that very feature of architecture that he once railed against! The or-
der of the two names in I Clement betrays the established rank of the
two men in Roman evaluation; for Ignatius of Antioch, writing to
Rome (4:3) about a decade after I Clement, uses the same order in
referring to Peter and Paul as apostles in the Roman church. m Al-
though Rome was not a Pauline church, evidently the letter to the
Romans was well enough received to make the majority of Roman
255. Toward the end of the second century, Irenaeus, Adv. haer. 3.3.2, associates
Peter and Paul (in that order) in the foundation and constitution of the Roman
church.
Christians recognize Paul's claim to be an apostle comparable to Pe-

ter (Gal 2:7-8).
Nevertheless, the implications in I Clement about the death of
Peter and Paup56 indicate that all did not go smoothly at Rome for
the two apostles, both of whom seem to have been in the capital in
the early 60s. What they suffered is presented as an example of death
because of "jealous zeal and envy." (Chap. 4 of I Clement gives seven
examples of "jealous zeal" doing serious harm in the OT period;
chaps. 5-6 give [seven?] examples of the same in the Christian peri-
od. 257 ) If Peter and Paul died in the persecution instituted by Nero,
then deduction from Tacitus, Annals 15:44, suggests that the "jeal-
ous zeal and envy" refers to betrayal by their fellow Christians: 2S8
"The first [Christians] seized who made a confession were convicted,
and then upon their evidence a great multitude." Matthew 24:10
shows that Christians did deliver up one another to the authorities;
and that "envy" was sometimes the cause is clear from Philip 1:15-
17 where Paul writes as a prisoner that "some preach Christ out of
envy . .. thinking to bring affiiction on me in my imprisonment."259
256. I Clement 5:4-7, which discusses Peter and Paul, does not say explicitly that
they were martyred at Rome; but Cullmann, Peter 91-110, has shown that such a
martyrdom is the most reasonable interpretation. (See also his earlier study, "Les
causes.") I Clement 5:2 prefaces the reference to Peter and Paul with the affirmation
that the greatest pillars were persecuted to the point of death, and 6:1 follows it by
associating them with oll'leJ'$ "among us" wllO were tortured. Polycarp, Philip. 9:2,
clearly understood the phrlllie abou t Peter in J Clem. 5:4 ("the place which was his
due") to refer to Peter'S going to heaven aud thus, impliciUy, to death. The argument
that Rev 11:3-13 refers to the martyrdom or l.he two apostles in " the great city" of
Rome is less clear. The Ascellsioll of Isaiah 4:2-3 (early second century?) describes fig-
uratively PeHlr being delivered into the h!lnds of the king wbo hlili slam his own moth-
er (Nero). Overall the evidence supports the judgment of A. von Harnack and H.
Lietzmann that the martyr Peter was buried on Vatican hill and the martyr Paul on
the Ostian way, as tradition has insisted.
257. The examples seem consistently to involve jealousy on a fraternal or compa-
triot level.
258. Cullmann, Peter 102-10 makes this point well: "The magistrates were en-
couraged by lile attitude of'some members or tile Christian Chu rch, and perhaps by
the facl lhal Ihey turned infomlel'!l, to luke action Again I olher.;." See ,llso Beaujell,
"Lincendic" 293. J Clemellt WIlS written (IS a wHrning that il/I/er' Chrlstiall (Juarrel.s
reach "also lhose who dissent rrom us M) tI1RL ... you are cre<lLing dungcn. for yo ur-
selYcs" (47:7). I)iiny , Leiters :10.96 conrunls thlll denuncia tion ofChris,jan~ by CJlris-
Ijan. was standard Roman investigatory rechniquc.
259. This evidence would be all the more relevant if Philippians were written
during Paul's Roman captivity; see Chapter X, section A, below.
Who may have been the fellow Christians who so hated Peter and
Paul? All the evidence points to Jewish Christian missionaries insis-
tent on circumcision (Group One in my classification on pp. 2-3
above). In II Cor 11: 12 Paul speaks of the "danger" he has suffered
"from false brothers," and Gal 2:4 identifies the circumcision-insis-
tent Jewish Christians whom Paul faced at Jerusalem in the late 40s
as "false brothers." Although they did not succeed in swaying the Je-
rusalem "pillars" against Paul at that time, the ultraconservative
Jewish Christians remained his enemy, propagandizing against him
in the early 50s in Galatia and Philippi. According to Acts 21 :20,
when Paul came to Jerusalem in the late 50s, the Jewish Christians
"zealously jealous for the Law" were spreading false rumors about
him. Although Paul was advised by James to go to the Temple to
refute those rumors, the Jews rioted against him 260 and that led ulti-
/ . mately to his being transported to Rome as a prisoner. In Rom
16: 17-18 Paul feared that dissension was being sown in Rome by op-
ponents of the moderate Jewish Christian doctrine which had been
preached at Rome. His reference to the dissenters as serving not the
Lord "but their belly" makes clear that he is thinking of extremists
insistent on circumcision (see Philip 3:2,19). Seemingly after Paul got
to Rome, these dissenters hated him enough ultimately to denounce
him to the Romans. The evidence with regard to opposition to Peter
is less extensive, but the Christians "of the circumcision party" were
unfriendly to him as well. According to Acts 11 :2-3, after Peter bap-
tized Cornelius (in the late 30s?), they criticized him in Jerusalem on
his openness to Gentiles. Acts 15:5-11 and Gal 2:1-9 make clear
that Peter disagreed with the position on circumcision taken by the
"false brothers" or Christian Pharisees in the Jerusalem meeting of
the late 40s. Yet, after that meeting, according to Gal 2:12, Peter
drew back from Paul's position on the Jewish food laws because he
"feared the circumcision party." Certainly the image of Peter pro-
jected in I Peter written from Rome (in the 80s?) would not have
been appreciated by Jewish Christians insistent on circumcision, for I
Pet 3:18 implies the inability of the Law to make people righteous.
260. Acts does not make an explicit connection between the Jewish Christian op-
position to Paul in Jerusalem (21:20--25) and the riot against him by the Jews (21 :27-
35), but is it not likely that the Jews learned of Paul's teaching from Jewish Christians
who disliked him?
Thus, there is impressive evidence that ultraconservative Jewish

Christians criticized, propagandized against, and endangered Peter
and Paul in the 40s and 50s, especially in Jerusalem. 261 Granted my
thesis that Roman Christianity came from Jerusalem in the 40s, even
if the majority position in Rome was a moderate Jewish/Gentile
Christianity favorable to Peter (and more conservative in tone than
the early Paul), is it not probable that at least a minority representa-
tion of circumcision-insistent Christianity came as well and made
Gentile converts? That would explain why in Romans, although
Paul was "bending over backwards" to show his closeness to moder-
ate Jewish/Gentile Christianity, in the early chapters he repeated his
opposition to any insistence on the circumcision of the Gentiles. I
mentioned above that in the persecution of Nero no blame was put
on the Jews. May not the Jewish Christians and their circumcised
Gentile converts have considered themselves Christian Jews, and
may not the "evidence" given to the Roman authorities (Tacitus)
have consisted in distinguishing between themselves and Gentile
Christians who had been converted to Jesus without circumcision? If
such evidence, prompted in part by dislike ("jealous envy") of the
missionary policies of Peter and Paul, led to the death of the two
apostles,262 one can understand why later Roman tradition would
have glossed over the differences between the thought of the two men
and have joined them together as "pillars" and even foundations of
the Roman Church. The listing of Peter first may signify that his was
the position in regard to Judaism that was closest to the mainstream
of the Roman church.263 Paul's remarks in Romans, however, seem-
ingly enabled him to be appreciated as sufficiently moderate; and
perhaps his earlier, more radical reputation as one who saw no value
in circumcision and the Law received more understanding when the
261. Cullmann, Peter 53, points to I Clem. 5:4, "Peter, who because of unrigh-
teous zeal suffered not one or two but many trials," as a suggestion that Peter suffered
not only from ultraconservative Jewish Christians on the right but also from the Hel-
lenists on the left. However, Acts 6:1-6 points to zealous "Hebrews," not to Helle-
nists, as the source of trouble dividing the Jerusalem Christian community.
262. I Clement 5 gives greater length to the description of all that Paul suffered,
perhaps because there was greater "jealous zeal" directed against him than against Pe-
ter. Certainly Paul would have been the greater enemy for ultraconservatives.
263. An alternative or additional reason for listing Peter first may have been that
he died first, as Cullman, Peter 94-95, thinks, or that he was an apostle first.
intolerance of circumcision-insistent Jewish/Gentile Christianity be-

came apparent in the persecution.
Nevertheless, the instinct of Rome against too radical a rejec-
tion of the Jewish heritage revived in the mid-second century
through opposition to Marcion. After all, despite his angry tone and
his apocalyptic dualism between the Law and Christ, the Paul of Ga-
latians still held that the Law came from God (through angels). Mar-
cion went further in the rejection of salvation history by having a
demigod responsible for the Law in contrast to the true God who
gave us Jesus Christ. The fact that Marcion made Paul, one of the
two apostles of Rome, his theological hero and the center of the NT
canon did not save Marcion from expulsion by the presbyters of
Rome ca. A.D. 144 (Epiphanius, Panarion 42; PG 41.696D).
CHAPTER VIII
The Roman Church

in the
Second Christian Generation
(A.D. 65-95-1 Peter and Hebrews)
wo WORKS, I Peter from Rome and Hebrews written to Rome,

T supply some information about Rome in the period between the
Epistle of Paul to the Romans (ca. 58) and I Clement from Rome
(ca. 96). Neither of these intermediary works can be assigned a cer-
tain date; but one cannot be far wrong in placing them in the period
between the late 60s and the early 90s, with the suspicion that both
may belong to the 80s.
A. The First Epistle of Peter
Some preliminary issues must be discussed before we turn to

those aspects of the epistle that reflect on Roman church history.
DATE AND DESTINATION
To a great extent the date of this work depends on two issues:

(1) Was it written at the onset of a Roman persecution as echoed in
4:12-14, "The fiery ordeal which comes upon you to prove you ...
when you are reproached for the name of Christ"?264 If so, a logical
264. Some would connect the "fiery" with the fire of Rome that led to Nero's
persecution or even to his burning of Christians. (Conversely, W. Rordorf, "Die ner-
128
Second Generation (I Peter) 129
date of composition would be the eve of one of the known persecu-

tions: the local persecution of Christians in Rome by Nero (ca. 64),
or the persecution in some areas late in Domitian's reign (90S),265 or
the repression in Bithynia under Trajan (ca. 112). However, the im-
pressive study by John Elliott, A Home for the Homeless, shows that
the language of I Peter may reflect simply the hardships of an alien-
ated community rather than a full-scale persecution. 266 (2) Was it
written by Peter and, therefore, in his lifetime (which ended in the
mid-60s)? Various arguments have been offered to disprove the au-
thorship by Peter claimed in 1: 1 (also 5: 1: a witness to the sufferings
of the Messiah), e.g., a Greek style too good for a Galilean fisher-
man; OT quotes from the Greek (LXX) version rather than the He-
brew; strong echoes of Pauline thought. Most of these objections can
be countered, especially with the hypothesis of a secretary or collab-
orator. 267 Since in 5:12 the author states, "I have written to you brief-
ly through [the help of] Sylvanus," the coauthor or scribe theory is
not fanciful. Also one must note that nothing in the letter is directly
contrary to Petrine authorship, i.e., no anachronisms or historical in-
accuracies.268 Nevertheless, depending chiefly on their sense of where
this epistle would best fit, most modern authors, even those inclined
onische Christenverfolgung im Spiegel der apokryphen Paulusakten," NTS 28 [1982]

365-74, thinks that Christian apocalyptic speculation about the destruction of God's
enemies through fire caused the Romans to think that the Christians set the fire to
destroy Rome.) The "name of Christ" may also be significant since Tacitus, Annals
15.44, states that those blamed for the burning of Rome "were popularly called Chris-
tians"; Pliny, Epistles 10.96, speaks of "those who were accused before me as Chris-
tians. "
265. For the evidence that there was persecution of Christians in some areas of
the empire in Domitian's last years, see Goppelt, Apostolic 109-10; Grant, Augustus
79-80; Barnard, "St. Clement" 5-13. Seemingly there was no empire-wide persecu-
tion.
266. Such alienation was evidently dangerous enough to open the possibility of
Christian apostasy. In reference to Pontus and Bithynia (two regions addressed in I
Peter), Pliny, Epistles 10.96, states that about twenty years earlier than 110 (thus
about 85) Christians had fallen away. Some would use this to support a date of 85 as
plausible for I Peter.
267. Articles by N. Brox. Biblische Zeitschrift 19 (1975) 78-96, and F. Neuge-
bauer, NTS 26 (1979-80) 61-86, are recent restatements of the arguments pro and con
Petrine authorship.
268. Best, I Peter 59-an admission all the more important because Best does not
think that Peter wrote it.
130 ROME-Chapter VIn
to be cautious (for example, Best and Elliott), opt for a period

around the 80s and after Peter's lifetime. In that case the epistle
would have been written by someone who considered himself a disci-
ple or adherent of Peter, not unlike Sylvanus. 269 The discussion below
will illustrate the general ambiance of I Peter, and it will become ap-
parent why I too incline toward the post-Peter pseudonymous expla-
nation and a date in the 80s. Yet I insist that it is not absolutely
crucial for a reconstruction of Roman church history to know
whether we are hearing in I Peter a voice from the mid-60s or the
mid-80s, i.e., a voice from the Roman church when Peter was about
to die or after he had died.270
That Rome was the place of authorship has few doubters. In
5: 13 the author refers to the church as "the co-elect at Babylon";271
and, especially after Rome had conquered Jerusalem and destroyed
the Temple in 70, even as Babylon had done 600 years before, the
symbolism of Babylon for Rome became frequent in Jewish and
Christian circles. 212 (That, by the way, is an argument for dating I
Peter after the 60s and Peter's lifetime.) Already in the early second
century Papias had the tradition that I Peter was composed at Rome
(Eusebius, Hist. 2.15.2).
More disputed is the precise geographic area intended in the ad-
dress: "To the exiles of the diaspora in Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia,
Asia, and Bithynia." Despite the Jewish language of "diaspora," the
addressees are clearly Gentiles as remarks about their past indicate
(2:9-10; 1: 14, 18). But in the places named is the author referring to
269. Most often Sylvanus is invoked in the scribe hypothesis with Peter as the
real author or coauthor. Yet there is no compelling reason why a nameless Petrine
disciple need be preferred over Sylvanus in the pseudepigraphical hypothesis where
the disciple would be the whole author, writing after Peter's death and using his name
and authority. Elliott, Home 270-91, makes a strong case for relating I Peter with a
Petrine circle at Rome.
270. Goppelt, Petrusbrief 50, 63-64, dates I Peter to A.D. 65-80, after Romans
but before Hebrews. It was not written by either Peter or Sylvanus, although they may
have influenced the tradition it presents.
271. For the feminine "elect" used for a church, see R. E. Brown, The Epistles of
John (AB 30; Garden City: Doubleday, 1982) 653-55. I am assuming that I Peter is a
unified letter and that 4: 12ff. belongs to what precedes. See Best, I Peter 20-28.
272. Rev 14:8; 16:19; 17:5; 18:2,10,21; II Baruch 11:1; 67:7; Sibylline Oracles
5:143,159.
the Roman provinces that constitute most of Asia Minor,273 or to

more restricted areas reflecting ancient national origins? The former
thesis (provinces) would mean that some regions of the Pauline mis-
sions were included (e.g. Galatia); the latter leaves open the possibili-
ty that mostly northern Asia Minor is meant-an area where Paul
had not worked. Elliott's reconstruction of the recipients as predomi-
nantly rural Christians in backwoods areas of northern Asia Minor
finds some support from Pliny who about the year 110 sought out
Christians in the Bithynia area and found them scattered "through
villages and rural areas. "274
If one accepts the hypotheses that the recipients had been evan-
gelized by people other than Paul and that Christianity had been
their religion for a number of years, one must raise the question of
why a letter would be sent to them from Rome bearing the name Pe-
ter. Some suggestions are not very plausible, e.g., that an imperial
persecution loomed and the church at the capital of the empire could
best give advice, or that Peter was pope and could write with author-
ity anywhere in the church.275 Since Ignatius in the Introduction to
his Romans speaks of the church at Rome as preeminent in love, El-
liott thinks that Rome may have been "the locality where this con-
cern for Christian love, hospitality and cohesion was particularly
evident and fostered."276 One may add another possible answer, how-
ever. If this area addressed in Asia Minor had not been evangelized
by Paul, it may have been evangelized from Jerusalem by missionar-
ies representative of moderate conservative Jewish Christianity who
associated themselves with Peter. 277 We know that Jewish Christian
273. An argument against this is that Pontus and Bithynia constituted one prov-
ince, so that the splitting of the names would be curious.
274. Epistles 10.69.9; Elliott, Home 63-64.
275. The development of the papacy at Rome is related to the image of Peter in
the NT, but it would be anachronistic and simplistic to think of the historical Peter
functioning as a later pope. See R. E. Brown, Peter 8, 19-20, 167-68.
276. Home 163, a thesis previously advocated by von Harnack.
277. Within Jerusalem Christianity (Group Two in the Introduction above), all
our evidence indicates that Peter was the one among the Twelve most open to the
Gentiles, and so he may have been the patron of the Jerusalem mission to the Gentiles
in the diaspora. James would have been the patron of the Jerusalem mission to Jews
whether at Jerusalem or in the diaspora-note that the Epistle of James (1:1) is ad-
dressed to the twelve tribes (Jewish Christians) in the diaspora. A. Schlatter, Der Brief
132 ROME-Chapter VIII
missionaries of an even more conservative bent were at work in the

50s converting Gentiles in Galatia, and Paul's attack on them sug-
gests that they were claiming the support of Jerusalem and perhaps
invoking the names of Peter and James. Of the other four of the five
regions named in I Peter 1:1, three (Cappadocia, Pontus, and Asia 278 )
are mentioned in the list of Acts 2:9, a list that some think is pro-
grammatic of whl!-t Luke knows to have been the spread of Jerusalem
Christianity, a list that ends with Rome. Thus, the main reason for a
letter from Peter and Rome to northern Asia Minor may be that
both regions shared the same type of Christianity, which had its ori-
gins in Jerusalem. The "co-elect" at Rome that sends its greetings
(5:13) and the elect that receive the letter (1:1) may be part of the
"brotherhood throughout the world" (5:9) because they had the
same missionary parenthood. It is tempting to speculate that with
the fall of Jerusalem and the flight of Jewish Christians (who regard-
ed James as their hero) from Jerusalem, Rome where Peter had died
became a main spokesman (or spokeswoman, since "the co-elect of
Babylon" is feminine) for a Christianity that remained strongly ap-
preciative of the Jewish heritage without insisting on circumcision or
the Sabbath.279 This would explain why Rome writes Corinth 280 cor-
des Jakobus (Stuttgart: Calwer, 1932) 67-73, and others have argued for a close rela-
tionship between the epistles of James and I Peter, a relationship that would reflect
positively on the Jerusalem-Rome axis that I have proposed. Selwyn, First Epistle
439-58, argues for parallels between Matthew and I Peter; these lend support to the
contention of this book that Antioch and Rome had a related Christianity (through
Jerusalem origins and through the role of Peter).
278. According to Acts 16:7, in the early 50s Paul tried to go to Bithynia and
Asia but was prevented by the Spirit. Did this check have anything to do with Paul's
belief that his apostolate was not meant to take him where others were preaching
Christ (Rom 15:20-21; II Cor 1O:15-16)? Reicke, Epistles 72, thinks that in the 60s
the Christian mission in Asia Minor was already divided, with the southeast under
Antioch and with the northern area under the influence of Rome. I would speak rath-
er of Pauline and non-Pauline areas, with Jerusalem, and eventually Rome, having in-
fluence on some of the latter.
279. Goppelt, Apostolic 126, says of Rome: "To a certain extent the successor of
Christian Jerusalem ... she thus assumed the responsibility for the other churches."
This would have been facilitated when toward the end of the first century the name of
James and the memory of Jerusalem were coopted by the more extreme Jewish Chris-
tians (Group One, Introduction) who insisted on circumcision. See p. 207 below.
280. During his lifetime Peter had a following at Corinth (I Cor 1:12; 9:5).
rectively about A.D. 96 (1 Clement) and why Ignatius can write to the
Romans ca. 110: "You have taught others" (3:1).
THE JEWISH ASPECT OF I PETER

More important for our purposes than speculation about the or-
igin and quality of Christianity among the recipients of I Peter is
what the letter tells us about the Christianity of the Roman senders.
Let us begin our analysis of that by looking at I Peter's appreciation
of the Jewish heritage of Christianity.
Every commentary on I Peter reports long debates among
scholars about whether chap. 1 (and part of chap. 2) represents in
whole or part a baptismal homily, a baptismal liturgy, a baptismal
hymn, or a baptismal confession. If we leave aside the minor differ-
ences, such suggestions imply something that would receive wider
consent, namely, that the opening of I Peter offers a fundamental
way of looking at Christian conversion and the status of Christian
life. This presentation of Christian basics is very heavily influenced
by the OT to the point that the exodus, desert wandering, and prom-
ised land motifs from the Pentateuch have simply been taken over
and imaginatively reapplied to the conversion of Gentiles to Christ.
If that desert experience made the slave tribes from Egypt into a peo-
ple, nay God's people, so has Christian conversion made the Gentiles
who were once no people into God's people (I Peter 2:10).
Let me illustrate this briefly. If the Hebrews who left Egypt
were told to gird up their loins for quick departure (Exod 12:11), the
Gentile Christian recipients of I Peter are told to gird up their mind
(1:13). If in the desert the Israelites murmured and wanted to go
back to the fleshpots of Egypt (Exod 16:2-3), the recipients of! Peter
are warned about the passions of their former ignorance (1: 14). Mo-
ses was ordered to tell the people whom God was making His own,
"Be holy; for I, the Lord your God, am holy" (Lev 19:2); the same
charge is quoted to the recipients of I Peter (1: 15-16). Christian life
is described as a time of exile with the hope of an inheritance yet to
be attained (I Peter 1:17; 1:4), echoing Israel's desert wandering be-
fore it reached its inheritance in the promised land. Redemption and
even the paying of a ransom were figures of speech used to describe
God's liberation of His people from Egypt (Exod 6:5-6; Deut 7:8; Isa
52:3), and so it is not surprising to find in I Peter 1:18: "You know
that you were ransomed from the futile ways inherited from your fa-
thers." The Israelites made a calf and worshiped it as the god who
brought them out of the land of Egypt (Exod 32:1-4), a calf made
with the silver and gold the Hebrew women got from their Egyptian
neighbors at the time of the tenth plague (11:2); yet, in fact, the He-
brews had been spared from that plague by the blood of the unblem-
ished passover lamb marking their houses (12:5-7). The echoes of
this appear in the continuation of I Peter 1:18: " ... ransomed not
with perishable things such as silver and gold, but with the precious
blood of Christ, like that of a lamb without blemish or spot."
One could continue (and below I shall do so in terms of the lan-
guage of cult), but the analogies between the Israelite and the Chris-
tian salvific experiences are patent. Clearly such an instruction had
its origin, however far back, in reflections that had a great apprecia-
tion of the Jewish heritage. One can scarcely imagine that it was
shaped by Jewish Christian missionaries who shared with the Paul of
Galatians a dualistic approach, applying the language of sin, slavery,
and curse to the Israelite dispensation of the law given to Moses on
Sinai. Such a presentation of Christian fundamentals as we find in I
Peter is much more in harmony with a salvation history view where-
by the divine kindness in the dispensation of Moses to Israel has been
enlarged and increased in the dispensation of Christ to the Gentiles.
I PETER AND PAULINE THOUGHT

General relationship. In treating the letter to the Romans in the
last chapter, I argued that therein Paul presented a different face
from the Paul of Galatians, one much more favorable to the Jewish
heritage. As regards the Roman origin of I Peter, the correspondence
of that letter with a moderate Paul is significant. First of all, even
though the letter is presented as the work of Peter,2Sj the only two
281. The strength of various Pauline features has led some scholars to argue
that I Peter was originally presented as a letter of Paul but that someone misread the
(hypothetically) abbreviated name PSin 1:1 as PETROS instead of PAULOS. This is
most unlikely. Granted the number of Pauline letters, and granted the Pauline theolo-
gy and named Pauline companions in this letter, a scribe filling out such an abbrevia-
people associated in the letter with Peter are people who had been
associated with Paul. Sylvanus of I Peter 5:12, the purported secre-
tary, is the Silas of Acts 15:22,27 who was sent from Jerusalem to
bear to Gentiles the decision demanding, not circumcision, but obe-
dience to some Jewish customs, a decision in harmony with the posi-
tions of James and Peter. According to 15:40 he became a
companion of Paul in his journeys (confirmed by I Thess 1:1 and II
Cor 1:19). Mark of! Peter 5:13 is presumably the John Mark of Acts
12:12, whose mother had a house in Jerusalem, and who became a
companion of Paul (Acts 12:25-see pp. 191-94 below for detail). If
shortly later John Mark broke off from Paul (13:13; 15:37-39-per-
haps because he found Paul too alienated from the Law and the ob-
servance of Jewish customs), there is a tradition that Mark rejoined
Paul before Paul's death (II Tim 4:11-meant to refer to a meeting
at Rome?). Is it accidental that these two figures are echoes of the
more conservative Jerusalem position and of Paul? Do they not fit
the hypothesis that the Paul of Romans, a Paul much more mode'ate
in his attitude toward Judaism, was accepted by the Roman church
which had itself been founded from Jerusalem by Jewish Christians
of a more conservative stance? The association of Sylvanus and Mark
under the aegis of Peter in I Peter, then, would not differ in import
substantially from the "Peter and Paul" combination of I Clement
and Ignatius (p. 123 above), or from the Petrine patronizing of "our
beloved brother Paul" in II Peter 3:15.282
Confirmation of this suggestion can be found in the oft-made
observation of the presence of Pauline theology in I Peter-a devel-
opment perfectly intelligible if the Roman community had accepted
some of the main lines of Paul's thought with moderate nuances sim-
ilar to those found in the letter he had addressed to them, and yet
continued to regard Peter as the embodiment of its theological
tion would surely have guessed PAULOS (an attribution for which we have no
manuscript evidence). No literary features or parallel compositions would have en-
couraged the guess PETROS. Moreover, in the first half of the second century this
letter was already assigned to Peter by II Peter and by Papias, independently.
282. A meeting of minds between a moderated Paul and Peter is not inconceiv-
able historically. Acts and Galatians present Peter as in agreement with the major
Pauline stance of circumcision and as less antagonistic to Paul than was James on the
issue of the food laws (see also Acts 10: 15; 11 :3,9).
stance.283 Some of the ideas in I Peter are too general to be related to

a specific Pauline epistle, e.g., the Gentiles as children of Sarah and
Abraham in 3:6; righteousness (dikaiosyne) in I Peter 3:14; "in
Christ" in 3:16; 5:10,14. But most scholars have recognized that the
clearest and closest Pauline similarities of I Peter are to Romans. 284 I
Peter 1:21 writes of Christian confidence in God who raised Jesus
from the dead, while Rom 4:24 writes of the justification of those
who believe in Him who raised Jesus from the dead. m I Peter 3:21-
22 refers to the resurrection of Jesus Christ "who has gone into heav-
en and is at the right hand of God"; and a similar liturgical refrain is
found in Rom 8:34: "Christ Jesus ... who was raised from the dead,
who is at the right hand of God." The theme of ceasing from sin and
living in righteousness in I Pet 2:24 is quite similar to the formula in
Rom 6:11: "dead to sin and alive to God in Christ Jesus." The con-
flation of "foundation stone" and "stumbling stone" texts from Isa
28:16 and 8:14-15 is found both in I Peter 2:6-8 and Rom 9:33.
None of these similarities presupposes that the author of I Peter had
Paul's Romans before him, but they do suggest that the theology and
expressions of Paul's letter had worked their way into the life of the
Roman church from whose tradition the author of I Peter shaped his
message to northern Asia Minor.286
Particular strains of thought. Three motifs in Romans and I Pe-
ter are of importance in discerning the trajectory of Roman Chris-
tianity at the end of the first century-motifs to be found also in
Hebrews and I Clement, as we shall see below. These significant
strains of thought are: first, a frequent use of Jewish cultic language;
second, an insistence on obedience to civil authority; and third, an
increasing articulation of church structure.
The first of these involves the use of Jewish cultic language. A
case can be made that there is more cultic language in Romans than
283. Best, I Peter 61, speaks of a type of biographical build-up of the image of
Peter at Rome.
284. Parallels to Ephesians have also been urged; see Chapter X, section B, be-
low, esp. footnote 394.
285. Best, I Peter 32, wisely cautions that Rom 4:24 may reflect a primitive con-
fession, lest one assume too quickly that the author of I Peter knew the actual text of
Romans (as held by Sanday and Headlam).
286. Thus Best, I Peter 34; Goppelt, Petrusbrief50.
in any other undisputed Pauline epistle. (According to the theory ad-

vanced in the last chapter, that may have been because he was writ-
ing to a community particularly attached to the Jewish heritage,
including the liturgical heritage.) In 3:25 he writes of Christ as an
expiatory sacrifice (hi/asterion) by his blood, a unique expression for
Paul. In 12: 1 he urges Christians to "present your bodies as a living
sacrifice [thysia] holy and pleasing to God, which is spiritual [logi-
kos] worship." In 15:16 he speaks of himself as a minister for Christ
"in the priestly service of the gospel of God so that the offering of the
Gentiles may be acceptable." I Peter, too, makes remarkable usage of
cultic language in describing Christ and the Christian. As I noted
above, I Peter 1: 18-19 refers to the ransoming value of "the precious
blood of Christ like that of a lamb without blemish." The titulary of
ancient Israel is given to the body of Christians (including Gentile
converts) in 2:9: "a chosen race, a royal priesthood, a holy nation,
God's own people" (a list that confirms strongly my thesis above of
the Jewish tone of I Peter's fundamental concepts). The priesthood
in that list is explained in I Peter 2:5 (as in Romans above) in terms
of offering "spiritual sacrifices [thysia] acceptable to God through Je-
sus Christ,"287 and 2:12 connects such good conduct with the eventu-
al enlightenment of the Gentiles. 288 Evidently the language of cult,
used symbolically by Paul in addressing the Romans before the end
of the Jerusalem Temple and its sacrifices, remained viable in Roman
thought even after that fall. Indeed, the Christian community could
be seen as "living stones built into a spiritual house" (I Peter 2:5;
compare II Cor 6:16).
A second peculiar strain of thought in Romans and I Peter con-
cerns Roman civil government. 289 The apostle makes his most elo-
quent appeal for obedience to governing authorities in Rom 13:1-
287. "Spiritual" in 2:5 ispneumatikos. not the logikos of Rom 12:1; but the latter
term appears in I Peter 2:2, "spiritual milk."
288. In comparing Rom 12:1 and I Peter 2:2,5,12 one must consider the similar-
ities not only in direct content (spiritual sacrifices for the Gentiles) but also in contex-
tual expressions. Both Rom 12:2 and I Peter 1:14 warn, "Do not be conformed" (to
the world, and to former passions, respectively). Rom 12:9-10,16 and I Peter 1:22
stress love of brother or one another.
289. The similarity of the two works on this point has been carefully studied by
Goldstein, "Pariinesen."
7/90 an appeal perhaps necessitated because of Roman Christian re-

sentment over Claudius' expulsion some years before. "Let every
person be subject to the governing authorities," he instructs, insisting
that all authority is from God. "He who resists the authorities resists
what God has appointed, and those who resist will incur judgment;
for rulers are not a terror to good conduct, but to bad." Paul goes on
to state: "One must be subject not only to avoid God's wrath but also
for the sake of conscience." He concludes on the note "Give honor to
the one due honor." We find a similar message in I Peter 2:13-17, a
message purportedly from the Peter who, along with many other
Christians, was put to death by the emperor Nero: "Be subject for
the Lord's sake to every human institution, whether it be to the em-
peror as supreme, or to governors as sent by him to punish wrongdo-
ers and to praise those who do right." Peter thinks that such good
behavior will silence ignorant foolish people. That observation is
very appropriate if the imperial actions at Rome against Christians
by Claudius and by Nero had aroused the suspicion that Christians
were disloyal. Acts 28:22 records an opinion about Christians vocal-
ized in Rome: "This sect is everywhere spoken against." Peter's ring-
ing conclusion to his remarks should have settled that issue, "Honor
the emperor."291 Respect for imperial authority will be an ongoing is-
sue in the history of the early Roman church as we shall see below
(pp. 171-73).
A third strain of thought connecting Romans and I Peter is
more subtle but still worth mentioning in the light of subsequent de-
velopments. In Rom 12:6-8 Paul clearly supposes that there are dif-
ferent assignments of function at Rome. In the one body of Christ
there are different charismatic gifts of which he enumerates seven:
prophecy, service, teaching, exhortation, contributing, presiding
(proistamenos), and acts of mercy. The Pastoral Letters (I-II Timo-
290. Even if there may be a concept of spiritual powers (angels) behind the hu-
man authorities, the latter are certainly involved; for it is to civil government that one
pays taxes (Rom 13:7).
291. If one thinks it implausible that the author would promote the emperor af-
ter a period of imperial persecution, the example of Josephus is important. Although
he had fought against the Romans in the Jewish revolt of the 60s and although the
Flavian emperors had conquered Jerusalem and destroyed the Temple, Josephus went
to Rome under Flavian patronage, took their name, and wrote works designed to heal
the rift between the Jews and the Romans.
Second Generation (Hebrews) 139
thy, Titus), written after Paul's lifetime, show that in some of the
Pauline churches of the 80s a more carefully articulated structure
was developing: presbyters (elders) and deacons. Similarly in the Pe-
trine church of Rome a structure of presbyters (elders) and younger
men (deacons?) is taken for granted (I Peter 5: 1-5)292-another good
reason for thinking that the 80s is a more appropriate period than
the 60s for the composition of I Peter. Within a few years after Paul's
death in Rome, a disciple wearing his mantle was writing letters that
turned the great apostolic missionary into a pastor, one of whose
concerns was the structuring of existing communities so that they
could survive. So also within a few years after Peter's death, a disci-
ple wearing the mantle of Peter was writing a letter turning the great
apostolic missionary fisherman into a shepherd, the pastoral image
par excellence. Both authors instruct the recipients about their pres-
byters and deacons. The Pauline Pastorals and this Petrine pastoral
are also similar in the great attention given to households. Elliott
may well be right that this emphasis in I Peter on house/home was
meant to offset the alienated isolation from society felt by the Chris-
tians of northern Asia Minor. In addition, however, for Rome with
its house churches (Rom 16) as well as for the churches of the Pau-
line Pastorals, the stability and order assigned by the respective au-
thors for the households pertains to church structure. 293
B. The Epistle to the Hebrews
It has become fashionable to compare this work to its own de-

scription of Melchizedek, "without father or mother or genealogy"
(7:3), because there is so much doubt about who wrote it to whom
and when. In antiquity Origen summed up the authorship problem
pungently: "Who wrote this epistle only God knows" (Eusebius,
292. For proof that the "youngers" of I Peter 5:5 may be deacons and not simply
an age bracket, see J. H. Elliott, "Ministry and Church Order in the NT," CBQ 32
(1970) 367-91; however, this is a minority opinion. It is noteworthy that both the Pas-
torals and I Peter assign episcopal or overseeing fUllctions to the presbyters and cau-
tion them not to be acquisitive of money; yet in neither has there emerged the
structure of the single-bishop supervising the whole community.
293. Elliott, Home 264--65, surveys the literature on the importance of house or-
ganization in Rome and its relation to the idea of "church."
Hist. 6.25.14). Even the literary form is a mystery since\ "it begins
like a treatise, proceeds like a sermon, and closes like an epistle."294
Let us look at issues relevant to the possibility of using Hebrews to
reconstruct the history of the Roman community.
DATE AND DESTINATION
Title. Acts 6: 1 uses the designation "Hebrews" to refer to one

type of Jews (who believed in Jesus) as distinct from another type of
Jews (who believed in Jesus). It describes a Hebrew-speaking group
loyal to the Jerusalem Temple and its cult as distinct from "Helle-
nists," a group speaking (only?) Greek, acculturated to the Hellenis-
tic world and liberated from cultic 10yalties. 29S (The "Hebrews"
include James, Peter, and even "the apostles," as can be deduced
from Acts 8:1ff., indicating who remained in Jerusalem when the
Hellenists were scattered.) A similar meaning for the other NT uses
of "Hebrew" (by Paul in Philip 3:5; II Cor 11:22) is not impossible,
for the contexts stress Jewish loyalty and observance. Commonly,
however, the term refers to Jews in general as distinct from other
peoples, e.g., the Roman synagogue "of the Hebrews."296 Working
with the general meaning, most scholars assume that the title of this
NT epistle, "To the Hebrews," which was not supplied by the au-
thor, came from an analysis of the contents, i.e., it was deduced that
the author was writing to the Jews (who believed in Jesus but whose
faith was wavering).297
This assumption is complicated by several factor-s, however.
Some modern scholars argue that Hebrews was addressed to Gentile
Christians298-a warning that an analysis of contents does not pro-
duce obvious results about "Hebrews." (Such a disagreement under-
lines the point already made in the Introduction above that "Jewish
294. H. E. Dana, cited by Glaze, Salvation 9.

295. The different attitudes may be deduced from Stephen's (Hellenist) speech in
Acts 7:48-50; see pp. 7-8 above.
296. Leon, Jews 147-49.
297. For the suggestion that it was directed to converted Essenes, see footnote
325 below.
298. Spicq, Hibreux 1.223, lists Loisy, Holtzmann, Schiirer, Harnack, McGif-
fert, and Goguel among others. Glaze, Salvation 15-16, mentions Roth, Scott, and
Moffatt.
Christians" and "Gentile Christians" are not helpful designations

unless we know what type of Jewish/Gentile Christianity was in-
volved.) Moreover, the title "To the Hebrews," found in the oldest
manuscript we possess (P46), was already in use by the year 200 in
such diverse areas as Egypt (Pantaenus) and North Africa (Tertul-
Han); and no other rival title has ever appeared in terms of destina-
tion. If the title arose as a scholarly deduction from the contents,
when and how did this take place to account for such early unanim-
ity? A counter-suggestion is that the title came from a tradition
based on knowledge of the actual circumstances of composition and
direction, i.e., that the letter was meant to correct Hebrew Christian
views. Is it accidental that the theology of the epistle is very similar
to that of Stephen, the Hellenist leader,299 concerning the inadequacy
of the Jewish place of cult-a view counterposed to the Hebrew
Christian position in Acts? Plausibly the NT writing closest to He-
,1 brews in the theme of replacing Jewish cult is the Fourth Gospepoo
where the incarnate Word is the Tabernacle of God among us (John
1:14: "and tented among us"), where Jesus' body is the Temple
(2:21), and where Jesus replaces the motifs of the Sabbath, Passover,
Tabernacles, and Dedication (Hanukkah),JOl so that they are "feasts
of the Jews" but not of Christians. John has been called "The Gospel
of the Hellenists,"302 and a very serious case can be made that the
Hellenists of Acts, the author of John, and the author of Hebrews
should all be classified as variant species of Group Four of Jewish/
Gentile Christians described in the Introduction (p. 7 above). The
suggestion is tempting (but unprovable), then, that the title "To the
Hebrews," given to the work not too long after it was composed, is
299. Spicq, Hibreux 1.202-3, lists similarities, including: predilection for the
same OT characters as heroes and saints; condemnation of the desert generation of
Israelites; typological use of the OT; giving of the Law through angels; construction of
the Tabernacle along the lines of a heavenly model; the citation of Scripture as "God
said" or "Moses said"; and the idea of "repose/rest." R. W. Thurston, "Midrash and
'Magnet' Words in the New Testament," Evangelical Quarterly 51 (1979) 22-39, ar-
gues for a literary connection between Acts 6-7 and Hebrews, reflecting a common
midrash on Isa 66:1-2 and II Sam 7. Yet see footnote 11 above.
300. A most enduring contribution of Spicq's discussion of the background of
Hebrews is his meticulous comparison of that epistle to John (Hibreux 1.92-138).
301. R. E. Brown, Gospel 1.202-4.
302. This was the title of B. W. Bacon's volume on John (New York: Holt,
1933).
accurate and precise, for the epistle was sent by a Hellenist theolo-
gian to dissuade a body of Hebrew Christians from their attachment
to Jewish cult.303 But even without dependence on the title, the reali-
ties of that observation stand as a plausible diagnosis of the epistle. 304
Author and Locale. The view that Paul wrote Hebrews, already
recognized as problematic in antiquity even by some of the church
fathers who accepted it, is now almost universally abandoned. The
differences of thought and expression are insurmountable,305 and
even the similarities (advanced by moderates as proof for a strong
Pauline influence) have lost much of their persuasiveness since often
they involve common NT elements 306 (rather than peculiarly Paul-
ine) and since the discussion must be confined to the undisputed
Pauline letters (rather than, for instance, speaking about similarities
to Ephesians as proof of involvement with Paul). Among the other
proposals for authorship, ancient and modern, Apollos of Acts
18:24ff; I Cor 1:12; 3:6; 4:6 remains the figure who fits most of the
characteristics exhibited by the author of Hebrews (thus Luther,
Zahn, Spicq, Hering).307 Yet no discussion of the epistle can depend
substantially on a theory of the author's identity, except for the rec-
ognition that he was a second-generation Christian (2:3) and not a
well-known, first-rank apostle.
The Christian community of almost every city in the ancient
world has, at one time or another, been suggested as the destination
of Hebrews, but the greatest attention has been focused on Jerusalem
303. In the scene Acts 6:1-6 describes, these were two species of Jewish Chris-
tians; but Acts indicates further that both groups made Gentile converts. By the time
Hebrews was written, the designations would have covered two species of Jewish!
Gentile Christians.
304. Somewhat similarly, Glaze, Salvation 22ff., argues that Hebrews was sent to
Jewish Christians still affiliated with a Jewish synagogue in Rome and that in the eyes
of the author this affiliation with non-Christian Jews had compromised their Chris-
tianity.
305. Spicq, Hibreux 1.144-55.
306. Usually they are deemed to include the redemptive death of Christ as salvi-
fically central, the importance of faith, a new covenant-----elements that in my opinion
would be advocated by the groups I have designated in the Introduction as Two,
Three, and Four.
307. Tied in with the Apollos theory (since he was from Alexandria) is an em-
phasis on features of Alexandrian or Philonic literary, hermeneutic, and thought style
found in Hebrews. See R . Williamson, Philo and the Epistle to the Hebrews (Leiden:
Brill, 1970).
and Rome. The epistle contains a dissuasive against the levitical

priesthood, animal sacrifices, and the earthly Holy of Holies; and Je-
rusalem is the only place where such cultic features would have been
encountered as available realities. The dissuasive, however, seems to
be against a return (lO:32-39) to such features. In Jerusalem before
the late 60s Jewish Christians did worship in the Temple, and after
the destruction of the Temple in 70 there was no major sacrificial
worship in Jerusalem-thus situations that make the language of
"return" seem inapplicable. For that reason it has been suggested
that Hebrews was addressed to a special Jerusalem group, e.g., to
converted priests (Spicq) who would presumably not have been al-
lowed to offer sacrifice after professing Jesus, or to the Jewish Chris-
tians who fled from Jerusalem in the 60s rather than join the revolt
against Rome and could no longer go daily to the Temple (Acts
5:42). Hebrews could be seen as an appeal made in the late 60s to
either group not to return to a cult that was now replaced by Christ.
But that suggestion faces formidable obstacles. Would a second-gen-
eration Christian, not of apostolic rank, have hoped that his correc-
tive or dissuasive could be influential in a city where James, the
brother of the Lord and faithful adherent of Jewish cult, had such
eminence? Why would the author write in elegant Greek a dissuasive
to Jewish-Christian priests who would have known Hebrew as part
of the liturgy, or to Jewish-Christian natives of Judea for whom He-
brew or Aramaic would have been a native language? Would not the
foreign language and his constant use of the Greek Bible (rather than
the Hebrew) have hurt his argument? Why would he have based the
argument to either group on the liturgy of the Tabernacle as de-
scribed in the Pentateuch but absent from the actual scene for almost
a millennium? Why would he never have mentioned the Temple
which had been part of the daily life of the reputed recipients? Para-
doxically, the literary and idealized antiquarianism of the cultic de-
bate in Hebrews makes Jerusalem the least likely recipient!
On the other hand, the only concrete indications of destination
in Hebrews (13:23-24) suit Rome well as the recipient:
Know that our brother Timothy has been released, and

with him I shall see you if he comes sooo. Greet all your
leaders [hegoumenOl] and all the saints. Those from Italy

send you greetings.
If we begin with the logical assumption that the recipients know

Timothy and are anxious to see him, it must be admitted that his
name is prominent in so many Pauline letters that we cannot hope
for an exact specification from that reference. While there is nothing
in the NT references to Timothy that would encourage one to asso-
ciate his name with Jerusalem, in Rom 16:21 Paul made certain that
Timothy was the first whose greetings he shared with Rome. Phile-
mon 1: 1 associates him with Paul during an imprisonment, possibly
the imprisonment in Rome in the early 60s. II Timothy is deutero-
Pauline, but the author presumably was drawing on a plausible his-
torical setting for the message that he was attributing to Paul. He
presents Paul as in prison and near death; and if II Timothy was
written after Paul died in Rome, could the author have intended any
other setting than Rome? (The Roman setting of II Timothy is virtu-
ally settled by the command in 4:11, "Get Mark and bring him with
you"; for as we saw in I Peter 5:13 there was a tradition that Mark
was with Peter in Rome before Peter died.) Paul twice urges Timo-
thy to come to him soon, before winter (II Tim 4:9,21)-an urging
that would be exceedingly odd in a post-Pauline letter if Timothy
had not gone to Paul before the apostle died. One can argue, then,
that Timothy had been to Rome with Paul in the 60s and would have
been well known to the Roman community, so that Hebrews' news
about Timothy would have made sense to that destination. 308 If one is
tempted by the theory that Apollos was the author, we remember
that Priscilla and Aquila, who had trained him in Christian doctrine
in Ephesus in the mid-50s (Acts 18:24-26), were at Rome by the late
308. There is no overwhelming reason to regard Heb 13:22- 25 as fictional even

though it is an epistolary touch added to a non-epistolary work. That Timothy is
about to be released from prison does not aid us significantly in guessing from where
Hebrews was sent, even if, presumably, the site of Timothy's imprisonment was the
place of composition or emission. Of course, those who thought that Paul wrote He-
brews saw this as a reference to Timothy's imprisonment with Paul in Rome, and a
reflection of Paul's hope to travel again after he himself had been released. This inter-
pretation could favor Jerusalem as the recipient of Hebrews.
50s (Rom 16:3-5); and they would have known Timothy and have
appreciated news of him. 309
The greetings of Hebrews are extended in 13:24 "to all your
leaders [hegoumenoll," a term used twice before in Heb 13. The first
usage (13:7) is to past leaders who spoke to the recipients the word of
God and set an example by their death and faith; the second (13:17)
is to present leaders who keep watch over the souls of the recipients
with the responsibility of giving an account. The first usage, if writ-
ten to Rome, could be a reference to Peter and Paul martyred there
in the 60s. (Obviously, however, it could also fit the death of other
Christian leaders in other cities, including that of James in Jerusa-
lem. ll O) The second usage of hegoumenoi could also fit Rome. After
the list of charisms that Paul assumes to exist in the church of Rome,
he urges in Rom 12:10 that the Romans be "leaders [prohegoumenoi:
'leaders in front'] of one another in honor." I Clement, written from
Rome, expresses admiration for the obedience of the Corinthians to
their hegoumenoi (1 :3), and indicates that these officials exist at
Rome as well (21:6: "Let us show honor to our leaders [prohegou-
menoll"), an indication confirmed by Hermas, Vis. 2.2.6; 3.9.7 in the
early second century.
The greeting "to all the saints" in Heb 13:24 has been used as an
argument for an address to Jerusalem, since "the saints" is a frequent
designation for the Christian inhabitants of the Holy City, especially
in relation to Paul's collection of money (Rom 15:25,31 ; I Cor 16:1;
II Cor 8:4 etc.). But Rom 1:7 was addressed "To all God's beloved in
Rome who are called to be saints"; and Rom 8:27; 16:2,15 show that
"the saints" was a familiar designation for Christians at Rome (as it
was for Christians in many places). Indeed, it is interesting to com-
pare three texts: Rom 12:9,13: "Let your love be genuine ... . Con-
309. The connection of Priscilla to Timothy led Harnack to propose her as au-
thor.
310. A refer ence LO past martyrdom is not rerut ed by l:Ieb 12:4, 'In your Iruggle
agai nst sin, you have 110t yel resisted LO the poinl of hedd ing blood," fo r th at may
refer to t he present generntion of recipients, someLim e after the past marlyrdol11s. It
has bee n argued with some justifica tion Ihnt the description ill Heb 10:32- 34 of liard
struggle., imprisonment , and plundering of properly fit s better tbe per.eculion f
Christians III Rome under Nero tban \Vh ~ l happe ned to Christians in Jerusalem lit the
605.
tribute to the needs of the saints"; Heb 6: 10 commending: "the love

you showed in God's name in serving the saints";lll and Ignatius' In-
troduction to Romans, commending the church "in the place of the
land of the Romans" as "preeminent in love"-a church that never
envied anyone but "taught others" (3:1).
In the concluding lines of Hebrews the most debated but poten-
tially fruitful element for identifying the recipients is: "Those from
[apo] Italy send you greetings." There is no doubt that in the Greek
of this period the prepositional phrase can describe extraction and
thus be translated simply "the Italians." Accordingly, only logic and
context, not grammar, can tell us whether Italy is the place of expe-
dition or of destination, i.e., whether the author is in Italy sending
the greetings of the Italians to Christians elsewhere;3l2 or the author
is elsewhere sending greetings back to Italy, and to Rome in particu-
lar,l1l from Italian Christians living abroad (whence he is writing).
The use of a country rather than a city in the phrase may favor the
destination view. If the place of expedition were meant, so that, for
example, the author was writingfrom Rome to Jerusalem, the claim
to send greetings from the Italian (rather than the Roman) Chris-
tians would seem less personal to the recipients and more sweeping
than the author could vouch for.1l4 On the other hand, if the place of
destination were meant, so that, for example, the author was writing
from Jerusalem to Rome, he might wish to pass along greetings not
only from the relatively few Roman Christians likely to be in Jerusa-
311. Also 13:1, "Let brotherly love continue," where, however, the agape of the
other citations is not used.
312. That is how the scribe of Codex Alexandrinus understood the phrase, for he
added in 13:25 (after the grace): "Written from Rome." Since the Alexandrian schol-
ars attributed Hebrews to Paul, such an addition reflects the theory that Paul wrote it
during his Roman captivity-a theory probably reflected also in the arrangement of
the third-century Beatty Papyrus (P") in which Hebrews follows Romans.
313. That the work was addressed to an Italian city other than Rome is implausi-
ble: It has to be a city with considerable Jewish Christian heritage and tendency,
where Timothy is known, where the gospel was preached by eyewitnesses (2:3), and
where the leaders died for the faith (13:7)-no other city in Italy would have matched
all or most of those descriptions.
314. The extant NT examples of greetings from the place of expedition are more
precise and use another construction; for example, the greeter is "the Co-elect in Bab-
ylon" in I Peter 5:13 [meaning: the church in Rome]; "those from [ek] the house of
Caesar" in Philip 4:22; and "the churches of Asia" in I Cor 16:19.
lem or Judea but also from the larger pool of Italian Christians since
they too would have had something in common with the Roman re-
cipients as fellow countrymen. (Acts 28:13-14 mentions a Christian
group at Puteoli [Pozzuoli] on the Bay of Naples; and there were
Christians at Pompeii and Herculaneum, and probably at Ostia. Per-
haps a few Christians from such places were living abroad. The Ital-
ian cohort was stationed at Caesarea according to Acts 10: 1.)
Obviously such an argument is tenuous, and the real strength of
Italy/Rome as the place of destination (rather than of expedition)
comes from an external fact that supports the indication just dis-
cussed. As we shall see below, Hebrews was written in the period 65-
90; yet it was already known in Rome by the year 96! Within at most
thirty years of being written, Hebrews was cited by I Clement, which
was written from the church of Rome to Corinth. 315 Indeed, through
the whole second century Rome remains the main witness for an
awareness of Hebrews, for it was known in and by such Roman evi-
dence as the Shepherd of Hermas, the OT commentaries of Hippoly-
tus (+ 235), Canon Muratori, and the presbyter(?) Gaius. (Only at
the end of the second century does Hebrews surface clearly in the
East with the Alexandrian Pantaenus, and in North Africa with Ter-
tullian. 316) Theoretically, one might object that very early and consis-
tent Roman knowledge of Hebrews does not prove that Rome was
the destination since a copy might have been kept at Rome even if it
was the place of expedition. However, if Hebrews came from Rome,
it would represent Roman views, and just the opposite is true: Both I
Clement and Hermas, although using the wording of Hebrews, move
315. I Clem. 36:2-5 is parallel to Heb I :3-13; I Clem. 17: III Heb 11 :37; I Clem.
17:511 Heb 3:5; see Spicq, Hibreux 1.177-78. Cockerill, "High Priest," argues strongly
against the minority opinion that I Clement and Hebrews draw upon a common litur-
gy rather than the former on the lalter. The New Testament and the Apostolic Fathers
(Oxford: Clarendon. 1905), 137, gives a reasonably certain rating to the dependency of
I Clement on Hebrews: Hagner. Use 194, says, "It seems certain."
316. Some posit knowledge of Hebrews in Barnabas thought to be written in Al-
exandria ca. 130 (see Spicq, fIl breux 1.169); but the Oxford volume cited in tlte pre-
ceding foolnote g.ive.~ n low degree of probability to such knowledge. P. Prigenl (with
R. Kraft), Epflre de Barl/obi (SC 172; Paris: Cerf, 1971) would pinel! Bllm!\bas in Syr-
inll'nlestine rather than Alexandria and attribute it to Hellenist circles. 1f the au thor
knew Hebrews, this attribution would strengthen the thesis that Hebrews comes from
a Hellenist background.
in an almost opposite thought-direction. ll7 That is best explained if

Hebrews was a work received by the Roman church but never enthu-
siastically appropriated. Indeed, such an explanation is almost neces-
sitated by Rome's attitude toward the canonical status of Hebrews.
Even though Alexandrian and Eastern knowledge of Hebrews ap-
pears nearly a century after Roman knowledge, the epistle was rela-
tively quickly accepted as canonical in the East and attributed to
Paul. Rome never suggested it was from Paul; and indeed at the very
moment Alexandria was making the Pauline attribution, Canon
Muratori and Gaius the Roman presbyterll8 were implicitly or ex-
plicitly denying it. As late as 380, Ambrosiaster, a good bellwether of
Roman feeling, commented on thirteen letters of Paul but not on He-
brews. This was possible, I suggest, because Rome, which received
the letter in the first place, knew that it did not come from Paul, and
such a memory left its mark. The author was a second-generation
Christian authority (Heb 2:3) and respected as such by the Roman
recipients, but he did not have the influence of an apostle. Rome's
attitude toward the canonicity and hence toward the authority of
Christian writings was determined by accepted apostolic origin 1l9 (an
attitude understandable in a church priding itself in having two apos-
tolic "pillars," Peter and Paul); and so Hebrews was not Scripture by
the Roman criterion. Only when the opinion that Paul wrote it won
the day (ca. 400) was Rome willing to accept it as the fourteenth let-
ter of the apostle.
The ultimate test of the theory that Hebrews was a work ad-
dressed to the church of Rome will be whether it makes sense on a
Roman scene diagnosed from works more certainly associated with
Rome. After a brief discussion of the date of Hebrews, I shall at-
317. In the next chapter I shall point out that I Clement differs markedly from
Hebrews in the estimation of levitical cult. Hermas is less rigorous than Hebrews in
the question of forgiveness after baptism, even though it wrestles with Heb 4:4-6 (Vis.
2.2-4; Sim. 9.26.6). When some fifty years later Callistus of Rome extended even far-
ther the practice of forgiveness, it was in part because he did not regard Hebrews as
binding Scripture.
318. Gaius' attitude toward Hebrews lends support to joining Hebrews and John
as examples of a more radical (Hellenist) Christianity. From Gaius came the last gasp
of resistance to the acceptance of the Fourth Gospel in the Roman church; see R. E.
Brown, Community 149.
319. Spicq, Hebreux 1.188-89.
tempt below the task of interpreting Hebrews against a Roman back-

ground. But even before that crucial step I would conclude by
insisting that the Roman direction of Hebrews makes more sense of
the introductory material discussed above than does any other the-
ory.
Date. There is not much enthusiasm among scholars for dating
Hebrews before the last third of the first century. Hebrews 13:5 im-
plies a well-established church where monetary problems have devel-
oped. In 2:3 it is clear that the author and the recipients share a
Christianity of the second generation, "attested to us by those who
heard him." Indeed, 13:7 suggests that "those who spoke to you the
word of God" died long enough ago so that now their faith is the
object of imitation. "Jesus Christ is the same yesterday and today
and forever" (13:8) makes sense as a refrain only if "yesterday" was
sufficiently past that a theine of continuity and stability needed to be
emphasized. In 10:32 the author urges, "Recall the former days
when, after you were enlightened, you endured a hard struggle with
sufferings." It is true that the descriptions of persecution in Hebrews
are too general to enable identification with a specific exile or with
bad treatment under Claudius or Nero. Yet the portrayed severity of
past inflictions, especially if one finds a hint of martyrdom in 13:7,
fits poorly any period before the late 60s. 320 Granting that and realiz-
ing that ca. A.D. 96 I Clement quoted Hebrews, one is reasonably
safe in fixing 65-95 as the range within which Hebrews was com-
posed.
Attempts to refine the date further center on the cultic descrip-
tions scattered throughout Hebrews, especially on two peculiarities
that have been used to support a date before the Jerusalem Temple
was destroyed in August of 70: (1) Present tenses would give the im-
pression that levi tical sacrifices are still being offered, e.g., "There
are priests who offer gifts according to the Law" (8:4); "The priests
320. If Hebrews were written to Rome while Peter and Paul were still alive there,
omission of a reference to them (while Timothy is mentioned) would be strange. Ed-
mundson, Church 140, dubiously claims that Heb 10:33, "You were made a spectacle
by insults and afflictions," refers to the Neronian horrors in the Vatican Gardens de-
scribed by Tacitus where Christians became flaming torches. Similarly uncertain is
Edmundson's argument (Church 153) that the Quo vadis legend (Peter met Jesus go-
ing into Rome to be crucified again) is echoed in Heb 6:6, "They crucify again the Son
of God."
go continually into the first Tabernacle, performing their ritual du-

ties, but into the second the high priest goes once a year" (9:6-7);
"The Law can never make perfect those who draw near by the same
sacrifices that are continually offered year after year-otherwise
would they not have ceased to be offered?" (10:1-2). (2) In a work
that stresses a new covenant replacing the old as obsolete (8:13),
there is no reference to the destruction of the Temple,321 which would
have strengthened the argument. In evaluating these two points, I
think the first has no decisive weight. Josephus, in Against Apion
(2.77), twenty-five years after the destruction of the Temple, writes
of the Jewish cult in the present tense: "We offer without stopping
sacrifices for them [the emperior and the Roman people]." I Clement
40:4-5, similarly a quarter century after the destruction of the Jeru-
salem Temple, says, "Those who make their offerings at the appoint-
ed times are acceptable and blessed . . . for to the high priest his
proper liturgical ministrations are allotted"-a use of present tenses
all the more important because the work illustrates the mentality of
the church of Rome! Mishnaic documents from a century or more
later describe sacrifices and priestly duties in minute detail, as if the
cult were still active. Evidently, present tenses in such works describe
an ideal, i.e., the permanent customs of a ritual that is thought to
have a timeless value. And it is such a value that Hebrews is attack-
ing as now antiquated. The idea that the author to prove his point
would have had to appeal to the destruction of the Jerusalem Tem-
ple, if that had already taken place, misunderstands his point. The
sacrifices ceased when the Babylonians destroyed the First Jerusalem
Temple, but they resumed seven decades later when the Second
Temple was built; and many would have expected the same recur-
rence after the Second Temple was destroyed. Hebrews is saying that
there is no more value in such cultic observances, not because the Je-
rusalem Temple has been destroyed-an argument that would have
reduced the issue to the temporary and the temporal-but because
Christ has replaced forever their significance. This interpretation of
the author's point is related to his writing about the Tabernacle rath-
er than the Temple, a choice that we shall need to discuss below.
321. Some would see a reference to the destruction of Jerusalem in Heb 13:14:
"We have here no lasting city,"
If the author had no need to mention the destruction of the

Temple, there is, in my judgment, no compelling reason for dating
Hebrews before A.D. 70; and the overall evidence favors the thesis
that Hebrews was written to the Roman church in the period 75-90.
The ultimate test of the plausibility of that thesis, however, is wheth-
er the message of Hebrews makes sense as a corrective of Roman
church attitudes in the last third of the century, as those attitudes
have been reconstructed in previous chapters.
THE MESSAGE OF HEBREWS TO ROMAN CHRISTIANITY

There is no evidence that Roman Jews either gave significant as-
sistance to the Judean revolt of the 60s against Rome or caused any
trouble in Rome itself. But the fall of Jerusalem and the destruction
of the Temple must have had an impact on them. They would have
witnessed the triumphal parade marking the return of Titus from Je-
rusalem, with the sacred liturgical vessels from the Temple promi-
nently displayed. (Josephus, War 7.5.3-6; # 118-57.) The length of
the campaign in Judea had embarrassed Rome-the great empire
had bogged down militarily in disciplining a minor province-and
the imperial organs of propaganda needed to emphasize the absolute-
ness of the victory. For many years afterwards (through Domitian's
reign!) the coins celebrating the Jewish defeat (Iudaed capta) were
struck, and so in their daily monetary transactions the Jews were re-
minded of the humiliation. In 80 as Titus came to the end of his life
the great arch that bears his name was completed at one end of the
Roman Forum where one can still see the graphic portrayal of the
loot from Jerusalem and the Temple being brought to Rome. The
Jews who had hitherto paid a tax-equivalence for the support of that
Temple were now forced to pay a special "Jewish tax" for the sup-
port of the Roman temple of Jupiter Capitolinus-a not-too-subtle
reminder as to which god and which nation had won.
Despite the Roman panoply, hopes would have been raised
among some Roman Jews that ultimately the Temple would be re-
built in Jerusalem: a Third Temple still longed for by some orthodox
Jews today.322 The Jewish apocalypses of the period (IV Ezra, II Ba-
322. The possibility that some worship continued in the Temple ruins (K. W.
Clark, NTS 6 [1959-60] 269-80) shows the strength of levitical hopes-a key to my
argument above.
ruch) imply an analogy to the earlier fall of Jerusalem to Babylon.

The fact that the Temple was rebuilt after that fall may have prompt-
ed the petition in the oldest form of the prayer, the Shemoneh Esreh,
composed about this time: "Be merciful, a Lord our God ... to Je-
rusalem, your city; and to Zion, the dwelling place of your glory; and
to your Temple, your habitation." How would this panoply have af-
fected Christians in Rome if, as I have argued, whether Jew or Gen-
tile by birth, the dominant Christianity was marked by Jerusalem
origins, where their spiritual ancestors had combined loyalty to the
Temple with faith in Jesus (Acts 2:46; 5:42; 21:23-26)? Many schol-
ars seem to assume that all Christians rejoiced in the fall of the Jeru-
salem Temple as a divine judgment and so easily moved into denying
the need of a special sacred place on earth. I would contend that
such a radical attitude is clearly attested only in a few NT works,
namely, those characteristic of the Hellenists (Group Four on p. 7
above). It need not have been characteristic of more conservative
Christians who might logically have expected the Jerusalem Temple
to be replaced by another earthly sanctuary of a peculiarly Christian
character. The idea that there should be a visible replacement for the
Jewish levitical cult, sacrifices, and priesthood may have seemed es-
pecially persuasive at Rome where the visible pagan cult with its
Pontifex Maximus and the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus seemed to
be the rival replacement after the Roman victory over Jerusalem. Af-
ter all, Christians had a statement in their tradition about Jesus' de-
stroying the Jerusalem Temple and building an "other." The variety
of NT interpretations about the "other"123 shows that there was no
unanimity in understanding whether the replacement would be visi-
ble or of another kind, whether it would be a purified continuation or
radically different.
On the basis of Hebrews let me suggest a possible form of con-
servative Jewish/Gentile Christian thought about a replacement for
323. John 2:19-22 understands that Jesus was speaking of his own body but that
this insight came to the disciples only afterwards. Mark 14:58 (besides the complica-
tion of being on the lips of false witnesses) has a form of the saying with the added
phrases "made with hands" and "not made with hands," showing that the material
Temple would be replaced by some form of spiritual temple (the church?). Matthew
26:61 casts the statement in a modal form that does not guarantee what will happen:
"I am able to destroy the Temple of God and build it in three days."
the Jerusalem Temple through a purified visible continuity. There is

no doubt that the exodus from Egypt and the period in the desert
played a role in shaping early Christian self-understanding, especial-
ly that of the Jerusalem church described in Acts. Israel became the
covenanted people of God in that desert experience centered around
Sinai; now God was renewing His covenant through Christ. His pro-
cedure with Israel illumined His procedure with the church. The
Pentecost scene in Acts 2:1-12 is fully intelligible only when it is un-
derstood against the background of God's giving the covenant on Si-
nai (which was the salvation-history meaning of the Pentecost feast
for many Jews 324). The common goods of the Jerusalem church and
the distribution of them to the needy reflect the desert ideal of Deut
15:4 that there would be no poor in Israel. Even the designation
"church" (ekklesia) echoes the Septuagint of Deut 23:3,8 which uses
that term for "the assembly of the Lord" in the desert. The parallels
between the Jerusalem Christian community and the Dead Sea Scroll
(Qumran) community have often been noted. They are understand-
able because both communities regarded themselves as Israel re-
newed through the covenant of God, and both modeled themselves
on the original Israel at the time of the Sinai covenant.32l
Now, as part of my contention that the mentality of the church
of Rome was derived from the Jerusalem church, I showed above (p.
133) that the presentation of Christian basics in I Peter (reflecting
324. See B. Noack, "The Day of Pentecost in Jubilees, Qumran, and Acts," An-
nual of the Swedish Theological Institute I (1962) 73-95. The wind and the fire reflect
the elements of the storm that surrounded God's appearance on Sinai (Exod 19:16-
19). The tongues of fire echo some of the midrashic reflections on Exod 20: 18-19
where God's voice had to reach people at a distance. Philo, De Decalogo 42: "A voice
sounded with fire coming from heaven, filling all with fire; and the flames changed to
articulated voices which were entrusted to hearers."
325. Y. Yadin and C. Spicq suggest that Hebrews was directed to Christian con-
verts from the Qumran Essenes who were in danger of relapsing. (For parallels be-
tween Hebrews and the Dead Sea Scrolls, see F. C. Fensham, Neolestamentica 5
[1971] 9-21.) Rather, I think, it was directed to a Christianity that had attitudes to-
ward cult partially similar to those of the Qumran Essenes. The latter were estranged
from the Temple because it had been rendered imperfect by a change of calendar and
the loss of the purest high-priestly pedigree. The Christians were living at a time when
the Temple was no more, and their attitude toward it was influenced by the saying of
Jesus that he would/could destroy the Temple and build another. The Essenes seem to
have carried on cult at their desert monastic site, perhaps seeing this as the renewal of
the Tabernacle cult.
Roman church thought) was heavily influenced by the OT anteced-

ents of the exodus, desert wandering, and the promised land. After
the destruction of the Jerusalem Temple might not Christians of
such a church think that the Temple was to be replaced by a return
to the levitical sacrificial cult of the desert-a cult no longer tied
down to a fixed building in Jerusalem and for that reason suitable to
a spiritual Israel in the diaspora; a levi tical cult not weighed down by
the corruption of wealth and splendor and so more suitable to a pil-
grim people? Remember that Acts 6:7 tells us that "a great number
of the priests" at Jerusalem accepted faith in Christ, and in the
Christian community of Rome there may have been elements of that
levitical heritage. In other words, I wonder whether the Jewish/Gen-
tile Christianity of Rome might not have been attracted by some-
thing intermediary between the Jerusalem Temple and a worship "in
Spirit and truth" (if we may use the phrase of John 4:24 to describe
the radical Hellenist alternative), even as presumably Roman Chris-
tianity was attracted by something intermediary between insistence
on circumcision and a complete rejection of the Law. I am not sug-
gesting that the thought of having an actual Tabernacle would have
been involved, but "Tabernacle" as the embodiment of the desert
cult is not a bad term for describing such an intermediate theology in
regard to a visible, purified Christian continuity of the levitical cult
not localized in the Jerusalem Temple.
Hebrews would have been written as a corrective to such hopes
if they existed (and I claim no more than plausibility). Representing
the radical (Hellenist) "left" of the Christian spectrum, Hebrews'
conclusion (13:14), "We have here no lasting city, but we seek the
city which is to come," is almost the same as the promise of John
4:21: "An hour is coming when neither on this mountain nor in Jeru-
salem will you do the worshiping of the Father." From his book
knowledge of the ancient Israelite cult the author of Hebrews has
fashioned the imagery of Jesus as the high priest whose sacrifice on
the cross and intercession in heaven is more effective than could be
the cult in any earthly sanctuary. The only true Tabernacle is now in
heaven (8:1-2; 9:24); there has been a change in both priesthood and
the Law (7:12); the new covenant renders the former covenant obso-
lete and makes it ready to vanish (8:13).
If this interpretation has merit, Romans and Hebrews, two let-
ters written to the church of Rome some twenty years apart, are an
interesting contrast. J26 Paul wrote to that moderate conservative
Christian community in the late 50s to assure them that he was not a
(Hellenist) radical and was sympathetic to some of the hereditary
privileges possessed by Israel. Hebrews was addressed to the same
community when in whole or in part it had been seized by a nostalgia
for the Israelite heritage-probably because the destruction of the Je-
rusalem Temple seemed to pave the way for Christianity to make its
own that heritage. The epistle is an unabashed Hellenist tractate,
considerably more radical toward the Jewish heritage than was Paul.
Spicq (Hebreux, 1.234) has argued that Hebrews could not have been
written to Rome because Paul praised the faith of the Romans (1 :8),
while Hebrews says that the recipients who ought to be teachers 327
need to be taught the first principles of God's word (5:12). But Spicq
I does not recognize that such diverse evaluations of Roman Chris-

tianity are affected by the fact that Paul and the author of Hebrews
were not in the same vein of Christian thought. 328
Often it has been thought that Hebrews was dissuading Chris-
tians from becoming discouraged, going back to Judaism, and thus
apostatizing from faith in Christ; but other scholars have argued that
neither apostasy nor decline is the exact danger envisioned.329 An in-
326. There is insufficient evidence to tell us if the author of Hebrews knew Ro-
mans. Hebrews 1O:30a does not cite Deut 32:35 in the LXX form (as is the author's
wont) but in the same way as Rom 12:19 cites it. Hebrews 10:38 cites Hab 2:4 (about
the righteous living by faith), even as does Rom 1:17; but Romans and Hebrews do
not seem to share the same understanding of faith/fidelity in the Habakkuk passage.
The relationships between Romans and Hebrews may come through the stability of
the Roman community rather than through literary dependence (see Elliott, Home
163).
327. Through I Peter the church of Rome teaches the Gentile Christians of
northern Asia Minor. Ignatius, Rom. 3:1, praises the church of Rome for having
"taught others." Hebrews may be challenging such a reputation and practice.
328. In the Introduction above, I characterized Paul as a (leftist) representative
of Group Three, and Hebrews as representative of Group Four. Both are to the "left"
of mainstream Roman Christianity which I would classify as Group Two. Let me reit-
erate that all such classification is too simple, not doing full justice to the subtleties of
positions.
329. The term "apostasy" is sometimes used to translate "falling away again" in
6:6, but the Greek has no necessary implication of returning to a previous religion. In
any case, figurative hyperbole might be involved. See P. Andriessen, "La communaute
des 'Hebreux' etait-elle tombee dans Ie rehichement?" Nouvelle Revue Theologique 96
(1974) 1054--66.
telligent case has been made that the attraction being combatted is an
orientation not toward Judaism but toward a more conservative form
of Jewish Christianity. no Perhaps it would be better to speak of the
combatted attraction as a deeper commitment to the values of the
Jewish cult,3l1 with the concomitant tendency to fit Jesus into an un-
interrupted schema of salvation history, subsequent to the angels and
Moses as revealers of God's will. Hebrews argues insistently from the
Jewish Scriptures (evidently appealing to those for whom such Scrip-
tures are primary) that, as God's Son, Jesus breaks the schema for he
is above the angels who gave the Law and above Moses. Even though
he was fully human, like us in everything except sin (Heb 4:15), Jesus
has rendered otiose all sacrifices, the levi tical priesthood, and an
earthly Holy of Holies. "By a single offering he has perfected for all
time those who are sanctified" (10:14). He is a high priest, holy,
blameless, unstained, exalted above the heavens, who continues for-
ever (7:24-26). In making his point, the author of Hebrews is not
simply opposing a movement "back" in favor of the status quo; he is
pushing the recipients away from an existing Jewish adherence
which he compares to elementary training (5:11 - 6:1). The first or-
der, consisting of the Jewish cult, has been abolished to bring about a
new order of God's will (10:9). If the image of Israel in the desert has
set the perimeters of the discussion, Hebrews ends with a ringing cry,
"Let us go forth outside the camp" (13: 13). If nostalgia has been pro-
voked by the fall of Jerusalem, he states, "We have here no lasting
city" (13:14).
The author of Hebrews uses considerable oratorical skill and
shows diplomacy. He appeals to the "brothers" whom he addresses
to bear with the brief "word of exhortation" that he has written them
(13:22). When Paul was arguing against an ultraconservative form of
330. Dahms. "Readers." Hebrews does not stress the issue of circumcision. so
that. in the language of the Introduction above, the movement feared would not have
been from Group Two toward Group One (footnote 328 above) but toward the right-
ist extreme of Group Two.
331. Notice Heb 13:9-10: "Do not be led away by diverse and strange teachings
... we have a [heavenly] altar from which those who serve the Tabernacle have no
right to eat." It would be peculiar to describe most non-Christian Jews in such a way
since they scarcely served a Tabernacle that had not existed for centuries. "Serve the
Tabernacle" may describe an appreciative attitude toward Jewish cult held by a group
that no longer was affiliated with the Temple.
Jewish/Gentile Christianity in Galatia, he was angry with and harsh

toward the "fools" he was addressing (3:1), denouncing circumcision
as of no avail (5:2-5). But after Hebrews has argued forcefully
against a foundation of dead works (6:1), the author is carefully gen-
tle in tone: "Even though we speak in this manner, yet in your case,
beloved, we feel sure of better things that belong to salvation" (6:9).
Often his thought is more radical than that of Paul in seeing the old
covenant as abolished and replaced; still he acknowledges that it had
value, and he does not align what he is arguing against with sin, a
curse, and a restraint (contrast Gal 2:10 - 3:26).JJ2 His reasoning is in
terms of a more excellent ministry and a covenant based on better
promises (8:6). The blood of sacrificial animals did in fact purify
temporarily, but how much more does the blood of Christ purify
(9:13-14). Hebrews devotes a whole chapter to the praise of "the el-
ders" of Israel, but as believers in the promise they could not yet
see,l3l namely, the "better" which God had reserved for the Chris-
tians (11:2,39-40). The diplomacy of the author may be seen also in
his acknowledgment of the brotherly love of the church addressed
and the request that this love continue (13:1), and in the deference he
shows for the "leaders" (13:7,17)-themes that, as we have seen
(pp. 145-46 above), were at home on the Roman church scene.
This sensitive approach may explain the fate of Hebrews at
Rome. It never won the day,J34 but it was not rejected outright. Rath-
er the Roman church "domesticated" its challenge, as we shall see
when we discuss I Clement; and the end product was a greater at-
tachment at Rome to the levitical cult than Hebrews advocated.
Spicq, Hibreux 1.224, has suggested that Hebrews was written to a
particular group within a church. (In part, he bases this on Heb
10:25 which criticizes some who neglect to come to the common
meeting.) That raises the tempting possibility that the whole Roman
332. Spicq, Hibreux 1.150, points out that Hebrews uses the contrasts type/anti-
type and shadow/reality, but not the Pauline contrasts: Law/gospel, letter/spirit,
slave/free, sin/grace, and curselblessing.
333. In praising Moses as a man of faith, Heb 11:23-29 does not mention his re-
ceiving the covenant; rather later (12: 18-22) there is a contrast between the terrifying
experience at Sinai and the festive Zion of the heavenly Jerusalem.
334. See footnote 317 above. We do not know whether the dominant Roman
Christianity kept some of the Jewish food laws as did the Christianity at Jerusalem
associated with James, but Heb 13:9 shows disdain for such observances.
church was not tilting toward an ultraconservative appreciation of

the levitical cult, but only a group. Indeed, the suggestion of Glaze
(footnote 304 above) that it was a group still affiliated with a Jewish
synagogue is fascinating. Perhaps, then, even though the radical so-
lution proposed by Hebrews could not be accepted at Rome, He-
brews was respected because the more balanced section of the
Roman church likewise rejected an ultraconservative nostalgia for
the levi tical cult.
I Peter, also written after the fall of Jerusalem, shows how cultic
realities were dealt with by the moderate conservatives in Rome. The
authors of both works can agree on Christians' offering sacrifice to
God through Christ ("spiritual sacrifices" in I Peter 2:5; "sacrifice of
praise" in Heb 13:15). Yet the author of! Peter does not eliminate all
priesthood except Christ's as does Hebrews but speaks of Christians
as a holy or royal priesthood (2:5,9). The author does not do away
with every sanctuary on earth as does Hebrews but speaks of Chris-
tians as being built into a spiritual house (2:5). Elliott, Home 99, 129,
points out correctly that, although I Peter and Hebrews share the
same points of concern, I Peter does not direct attention to a heaven-
ly home but speaks of realities in this world. lJS Thus there is a spiritu-
alized continuation of the levitical realities in I Peter (as there was
also in Paul's Romans; see p. 137 above), not the otherworldly re-
placement advocated by Hebrews. The response of I Peter, then, to
those who yearned for a material continuation of the cult would have
been less drastically antithetical, a response befitting a church tradi-
tion with a strong attachment to the Jewish heritage.
335. The similarities between the two works stem from the fact that both were
dealing with issues pertinent to the life and tradition of the Roman church; see pp.
145-46 above concerning church leaders, love, and hospitality. Surely, however, in in-
sisting that there is no literary dependence or true parallelism of view, Spicq, Hibreux
1.139-44, is correct against von Soden, Selwyn (First Epistle 463-66), and T. E. S. Fer-
ris, "A Comparison of St. Peter and Hebrews," Church Quarterly Review 111 (1930-
31) 123-27.
CHAPTER IX
The Roman Church

at the Beginning of the
Third Christian Generation
(A.D. 96-1 Clement)
previous chapters discussed Romans, I Peter, and Hebrews.

T HE
We now come to a work written from Rome that shows familiar-
ity with basic ideas in the three previous works and perhaps with the
works themselves. Yet I Clement is not simply repetitive; it reformu-
lates the Jewish cultic heritage and offers a peculiarly Roman view of
church order, giving direction to Christian hierarchical patterns for
centuries to come. 336 Written in the 90s, it marks the end of the forty-
year period (which began with Romans in the late 50s) that I have
chosen for studying the origins of the Roman church in NT times,
and so I Clement becomes the final test of my diagnosis of the mod-
erate character of Jewish/Gentile Christianity at Rome.
DATE, AUTHOR, SITUATION
As seen above (pp. 123-25), I Clem. 5 - 6 lists the trials of Peter

and Paul as an early example of how "jealous zeal" among Chris-
tians led to persecution and death. Clearly the author is reminding
his readers of the careers of these two church "pillars," even as in
chaps. 42 and 44 he speaks of the apostles as a past generation. Thus
he is writing some time after the martyrdoms of the mid-60s. Simi-
336. For full detail on I Clement, see Fuellenbach, Ecclesiastical, a virtual ency-
clopedia of views with an ample bibliography.
159
.
160 ROME-Chapter IX
larly the author refers to the church of the Corinthians (founded ca.
50) as "ancient" (47:6). Yet the author still speaks of Peter and Paul
as having "contended in the days nearest to us" (5:1), and of the
multitude of Neronian martyrs as having suffered "among us," so
that a date many generations later (into the second century) seems
impossible. 337 Generally it is assumed that the opening reference (1: 1)
"to the sudden and repeated misfortunes and calamities which have
befallen us" recalls the persecution of some Christians in the latter
years of the Emperor Domitian (81-96),338 a persecution that seems
to be in view also in the Book of Revelation when it calls Rome a
prostitute "drunk with the blood of saints and the blood of the mar-
tyrs of Jesus" (Rev 17:6). For these reasons, scholars date I Clement
about A.D. 96 just after the persecution ended.
This is a work of the third Christian "generation," by an author
who is surely not an apostle, nor seemingly one of those disciples of
the apostles who felt close enough to them to write in their name. We
have moved from the sub-apostolic period that produced I Peter and
the Pauline Pastorals to the fully post-apostolic period of the third
generation where a community or author must stand on its or his
own authority, at most claiming to be in apostolic succession. J39 I
Clement is sent from "the church of God which sojourns in
Rome,"34o but the writer never identifies himself by name. The Shep-
herd of Hermas, written at Rome (in part, ca. A.D. 100-120), men-
tions a Clement (Vis. 2.4.3) who had the job of sending to other cities
writings pertinent to the church. Dionysius, bishop of Corinth (the
337. Ignatius, A.D. 109-17, in commenting that the Romans taught others (Rom.
3: 1), may be referring to I Clement's teaching Corinth, as well as to I Peter.
338. The calamities mentioned in 1:1 which delayed the letter seem closer in time
to Clement than are the deaths of Peter and Paul described by him in chap. 5 (foot-
note 256 above). Presumably Clement is referring to the selective persecutions which
occurred after 93 as Domitian became more intolerant of suspected threats to his au-
thority. See the references in footnote 265 above.
339. My remarks above are general. The pseudonymous use of apostles' names
continued for centuries; but in my opinion all the pseudonymous works that the
church accepted as canonical Scripture belong to the sub-apostolic period of the last
third of the first century, with the exception of II Peter.
340. In footnote 239 above I rejected the contention that Paul did not look upon
the Roman community as a church. The idea of "sojourning" (paroikein), shared with
I Peter, represents a Roman legal status for those who are not truly at home (Elliott,
Home 24ff.). It may stem from the Jerusalem origins of the Roman church-all out-
side Palestine are sojourners in a diaspora.
Third Generation (I Clement) 161
Church that received I Clement), writes to Rome ca. 170 about the
letter "which was earlier sent to us through Clement" (Eusebius,
Hist. 4.23.11). A decade later Irenaeus (Adv. haer. 3.3.3.) writes: "In
the time of Clement ... the church in Rome dispatched a most pow-
erful letter to the Corinthians." This evidence, coming from various
sources where a knowledge of the author might have been available,
has convinced virtually all that Clement was the actual writer, even
if he did this "in the name of the Roman church" (Eusebius, Hist.
3.16).
Who was this Clement? Ca. A.D. 95 the distinguished nobleman
Titus Flavius Clemens (a consul, Vespasian's nephew and cousin of
Domitian, and thus father of Domitian's presumptive heirs) was put
to death for indolence and/or for atheism. 341 Atheism, we remember,
was a charge often leveled at Jews and Christiansj 342 and Cassius Dio
specifically mentions "Jewish ways" in relation to this execution.
Flavia Domitilla (the wife and relative of Clemens, the granddaugh-
ter of Vespasian and the niece of Domitian) was banished. In the sec-
ond century the cemetery of Domitilla became a Christian burial
place (catacomb)j and Eusebius, Hist. 3.18, describes her as a Chris-
tian. There is confusion in this tradition (which may involve two
women named Domitilla), but it led later to an identification of the
writer of I Clement with the consul-an identification surely to be
rejected. More plausible is the suggestion that there was Judaism
and/or Christianity in the household of the consul, and that a freed-
man who took his name from the household where he had been a
slave was the Christian Clement who wrote the letter. Many schol-
ars, including some who hold the freedman thesis, judge that Clem-
ent was of Jewish birth, whether raised as a Christian or a Christian
convert. He does show good knowledge of the OT, but in the LXX
form and without the slightest indication that he knew Hebrew. Un-
fortunately, much of the discussion of whether Clement was a Jewish
341. Suetonius, Domitian 15-17; Cassius Dio, History 67.14.2; also L. Hertling
and E. Kirschbaum, The Roman Catacombs and Their Martyrs (Milwaukee: Bruce,
1956) 22-25; and Leon, Jews 33-35.
342. E. Mary Smallwood, "Domitian's Attitude toward the Jews and Judaism,"
Classical Philology 51 (1956) 1-13, esp. 7-9, argues that Clemens and Domitilla were
"God-fearers," i.e., Gentiles attracted to Judaism, while Barnard, "St. Clement" \3-
14, argues against her that they were Christians.
162 ROME-Chapter IX
Christian or a Gentile Christian fails to recognize the factors I dis-

cussed in the Introduction above, namely, that often Gentiles reflect-
ed the Christianity of the Jews who converted them. A thorough
knowledge of Jewish traditions, such as scholars have uncovered in I
Clement,343 tells us little about the ethnicity of the author; for if I
have correctly diagnosed the mainstream of Christianity at Rome as
a Jewish/Gentile Christianity very loyal to its Jewish heritage
(Group Two), such knowledge may have been characteristic of Ro-
man Christianity well into the second century. (We shall see on p.
203 below that it was still characteristic ca. 130-140 when Hermas
was completed.) A Gentile stemming from such Christianity might
well use Jewish traditions throughout and still write the Greek of I
Clement, which is more elegant than that of I Peter (perhaps written
by a Jew), and show the patterns of Hellenistic and Stoic thought
found in I Clement. 344 Certainly the names of the messengers sent to
Corinth with I Clement (65:1: Claudius Ephebus, Valerius Vito, For-
tunatus) suggest that ethnically Gentiles were a strong presence
among the Roman Christians. Seemingly this had been true for a
long time, since 63:3 states that these men had been part of the
Christian community since their youth.
If Clement was not a noble consul of Rome, what ecclesiastical
position enabled him to write to Corinth on behalf of the church of
Rome? Irenaeus, Adv. haer. 3.3.3, lists Clement as having been allot-
ted the Roman bishopric "in the third place from the apostles," Pe-
ter and Paul, after Linus and Anacletus. An older generation of
Roman Catholic scholars l45 assumed that the single-bishop practice
was already in place in Rome in the 90s or earlier; and they opined
that, as fourth pope (third from Peter), Clement was exercising the
343. Danielou, Theology 43-45, points to midrashic technique in I Clement and a

knowledge of the targumim. The presence of Jewish tradition in chaps. 1-7 has been
massively proved by K. Beyschlag, Clemens Romanus and der Friihkatholizismus (Tii-
bingen: Mohr, 1966). Barnard, "Early" 372-78, argues strongly for Jewish back-
ground but too simply judges that this identifies the author as Jew-it simply tells us
about the background of the church that nourished him.
344. See Hagner, Use 7; and especially L. Sanders, L'Hellinisme de Saint Clim-
ent de Rome et Ie Paulinisme (Studia Hellenistica 2; Louvain Univ., 1943).
345. Fuellenbach, Ecclesiastical, gives a history of Catholic scholarship. Since
the 19308 the papal primacy approach to I Clement has been abandoned by such
Catholic scholars as Cauwelaert, McCue, and Brunner (see Fuellenbach, 116).
primacy of the bishop of Rome in giving directions to the church of

Corinth. The failure of Clement to use his own name or speak per-
sonally should have called that theory into question from the start,
were there not other decisive evidence against it. As the ecumenical
book Peter in the New Testament (done by Roman Catholics and
Protestants together) affirmed, the connection between a Petrine
function in the first century and a fully developed Roman papacy re-
quired several centuries of development, so that it is anachronistic to
think of the early Roman church leaders functioning as later popes
(see footnote 275 above). Moreover, the Roman episcopal list shows
confusion. 346 Differing from the list in Irenaeus, Tertullian, De prae-
scriptione haereticorum 32.1-2 (CC 1.213) treats Clement as the first
bishop "ordained by Peter"; and Epiphanius, Panarion 27.6 (PG
41.372-73), seems to be harmonizing when he treats Linus and Ana-
cletus as auxiliary bishops during the lifetime of the apostles and in
their absence. All of this can be explained if we recognize that the
threefold order of single-bishop, with subordinate presbyters and
deacons, was not in place at Rome at the end of the first century;
rather the twofold order of presbyter-bishops and deacons, attested a
decade before in I Peter 5: 1-5, was still operative. 347 Indeed, the sig-
nal failure of Ignatius (ca. 110) to mention the single-bishop in his
letter to the Romans (a very prominent theme in his other letters),
and the usage of Hermas, which speaks of plural presbyters (Vis.
2.4.2) and bishops (Sim. 9.27.2), make it likely that the single-bishop
structure did not come to Rome till ca. 140--150. 348 In speaking of
346. For the problems of Roman succession lists, see W. Ullmann, JTS 11 (1960)
295-317; M. B6venot, JTS 17 (1966) 98-107.
347. The general equivalence between presbyleroi (presbyters, elders) and episko-
poi (bishops, overseers) may be deduced from I Clem. 42:4; 44:4-5; 54:2. Evidence
from the Pauline Pastorals and Didache 15 shows that the twofold order was wide-
spread at the end of the first century. As Meier has shown (p. 77 above), to explain
Ignatius' insistence on and defense of the threefold order, one must posit that the sin-
gle-bishop model appeared in Antioch and Asia Minor ca. 100. In the period under
discussion Rome shows itself slow to accept innovations.
348. Note, however, that both those passages in Hermas are sometimes attribut-
ed to the earlier section of that document, closer to 110 than to 140; see Chapter X,
section E below. No magical one moment for the introduction of the single-bishop is
in mind. The line of demarcation was surely fuzzy between the fully acknowledged
single-bishop and the de faCIO prominence of one of the presbyter-bishops by force of
personality, brains, wealth, etc.
164 ROME-Chapter IX
Linus, Anacletus, and Clement as if they were single-bishops of

Rome, then, Irenaeus and later authors would simply have been as-
suming that a structure known in their own times was functional at
an earlier period. 349 The earliest names in the Roman episcopal list
probably represent the more famous presbyter-bishops of the first
hundred years of Roman Christianity, some of them functioning si-
multaneously. Perhaps Irenaeus was showing an awareness of this
when he addressed Victor the bishop of Rome thus: "Among these
too were the presbyters before Soter [eleventh from the apostles in
Irenaeus' Roman list, ca. 166] who presided over the church of which
you are now the leader" (Eusebius, Hist. 5.24.14). Now, in the two-
fold structure of presbyter-bishops and deacons, I Tim 5: 17 indicates
that, while presbyters (plural) were overseers in the church of a given
area, not all presbyters need have served as overseers. At some stage
in the development of church order, a single presbyter may have su-
pervised (or been the bishop of) a house church, while the church of
the city was supervised by the collective group of such house-church
presbyter-bishops.
To return to Clement of Rome, as Hermas Vis. 2.4.2-3 suggests,
he may have been one of the presbyter-bishops who had the specified
task of writing letters to other churches in the name of the Roman
presbyter-bishops. (Did de facto such a task make him important,
whence the later simplification that he was the bishop of Rome?)
Thus I Clement may have been sent by the collective Roman pres-
byterate of overseers and have been composed by the hand of its sec-
retary presbyter-bishop.
That Rome did write to other churches is confirmed not only by
the passage in Hermas, but also by Ignatius, Rom. 3:1 ("You taught
others"), and by Bishop Dionysius of Corinth (ca. 170) who, in citing
all the good that Rome did for "many churches in every city," men-
tions another letter from Rome to Corinth besides I Clement (Euse-
349. Similarly anachronistic is the later thesis that Peter served as bishop of
Rome (or sometimes Peter and Paul as bishops!). Curiously enough this is often ar-
dently defended by people who think that thus they are honoring Peter, not recogniz-
ing that apostles might regard being designated as local bishops as a failure to
appreciate their unique role. Historically, Peter was an apostle who died at Rome. If
part of his apostolate was exercised in that church, this did not make him a local
church supervisor. Philippians 1:1 shows that Paul distinguished himself from bish-
ops.
bius, Hist. 4.23.10-11). Does this mean a primacy for the early
Roman church even if that is not invested in a single-bishop? Any
Christian community (especially a preeminent community with an
apostolic heritage) may have had the right in Christ to correct anoth-
er community, but in fact Rome seems to have exercised this right
more frequently than any other church of the period and seems to
have felt that such an exercise was expected. This has led some to
speak of a de facto, not a de iure, primacy; but neither "de facto" nor
"primacy" may be the word to do justice to the situation. 350 One can
never discount the possibility that the church of the capital city of
the empire felt some responsibility for Christianity throughout the
empire; but the chief source of Rome's care is more likely to have
had religious rather than political rootS.351 We have seen above (p.
131) that Peter seems to have embodied the responsibility of moder-
ate Jerusalem Jewish Christianity for the Gentile mission. Rome was
the city where he bore his last witness, and I Peter was sent posthu-
mously in his name from Rome to show the care of this type of
Christianity for the Gentile areas of northern Asia Minor.JS2 When
Paul also died at Rome, reconciled to the moderate Jewish/Gentile
Christianity that flourished there and acknowledged as an apostle (/
Clem. 47:1), Rome may have assumed responsibility for the Jewish/
Gentile Christianity of the Pauline churches as well, whence the let-
ter of Clement to Corinth.353 Thus Rome would have been writing to
other churches and teaching them because it regarded itself as the
heir to the pastoral care of Peter and Paul for the respective Gentile
350. Fuellenbach, Ecclesiastical1l5: "No serious Catholic scholar since Altaner

has claimed that the letter is a 'categorical assertion' or an 'explicit claim' of a Roman
primacy."
351. Richardson, Early 36: "Something of Rome's place as the church of the im-
perial city, and the church of Peter and Paul (chap. 5), must surely have been in the
writer's mind." Yet the imperial status of Rome is never invoked in the early Christian
works emanating from Rome.
352. Inevitably, the flight of Jerusalem Christianity from Jerusalem during the
revolt against the Romans (still historically probable despite revisionist debunking)
and the subsequent failure of Jerusalem Christianity to exercise a major missionary
role would have helped Rome to take on the mantle of caring for the Gentiles-the
heritage of James had been weakened in Palestine and, if Meier is right, may have
passed to Antioch (pp. 46-49 above), even as the heritage of Peter came to Rome.
353. We remember that, forty years before, some Christians who would become
Paulinists, like Prisca and Aquila, had gone from Rome to Corinth and back to Rome
(Acts 18:2; Rom 16:3). See also footnote 280 above.
166 ROME-Chapter IX
missions. 354 Is it significant that in one chapter (Rom. 3: 1) Ignatius

mentions that the Roman church taught others, and in the next
chapter (4:3) that Peter and Paul gave orders to the Romans? Thus
we would be dealing not so much with primacy of authority but with
the continuity of apostolic care-not with a directive by a superior,
but with a nouthetesis (1 Clem. 56:2) or "admonition" required
among those who loved each other and "which none should take
amiss."355 Nevertheless, a favorable response to 1 Clement's admoni-
tion is expected: "You will give us joy and gladness if you are obedi-
ent to the things we have written through the Holy Spirit" (63:2);
and emissaries are sent to witness the result (63:3; 65:1).
In any case 1 Clem. 47: 1-4 gives a reminder that Paul the Apos-
tle wrote previously, correcting Corinth for internal dissension; and
clearly Clement hopes that this second intervention from the city
where Paul "gave his testimony before the rulers" (5:7) will bear
fruit in correcting internal strife. The hope may have been granted,
for Donfried 356 argues that II Clement, dating from 98-100, is a dis-
course given to the Corinthian church by the presbyters who owed
their restitution in office to the intervention of 1 Clement.
CONTINUATION OF ROMANS AND I PETER

There is no doubt that the author of 1 Clement knew Paul's
Epistle to the Corinthians, but a reasonable case can be made for fa-
354. The city of Corinth was very Roman (Barnard, "SL Clemen t" 17). The rela-
tion of the two churches may hnvc been particularly close (precedillg footnote); in-
deed, ca. 170 Dionysius of Corinth wou ld refer (illJlccuratc1y) to the common
foundation of the Roman and Corinthian churclie by Peter and Paul (Eusebius, Rist.
2.25.8). Telfer, Office 80, argues that Corinth adopted the presbyteral system under
the influence of Rome. Nevertheless, one cannot explain the intervention of Rome in I
Clement as if this could happen only because of the special relationship between the
two churches. The concept of concern for "the whole brotherhood" in I Clem. 2:4
shows Rome's wide-ranging care, as does the opposition between dissent and "the
common hope" in 51: 1. One need not go to the other extreme, however, of classifying
I Clement as a catholic epistle (written, as it were, through Corinth to the whole
church).
355. It has been noted that there are some 70 hortatory sUbjunctives in I Clem-
ent.
356. The Setting of Second Clement (NovTSupp 38; Leiden: Brill, 1974). His the-
ory implies that II Clement does not tell us about the Roman scene ca. A.D. 140, as
many have assumed, but about the Corinthian scene much earlier.
miliarity with Romans as well. 357 Frequently compared are these pas-
sages:
I Clement Romans
Opening 1:7 Grace and peace from God and Je-
sus Christ
32:2 9:5 Christ according to the flesh is
from Israel
33:1 6:1 What shall we do/say, then? Sin?
35:5 1:29-32 List of vices
35:6 1:32 Not only doing things but taking
pleasure
37:5 12:4-6 Many members in one body
50:6 4:7-8 Ps 32: 1-2 on forgiveness
Similarly a reasonable case can be made that Clement knew I

Peter: 358
I Clement I Peter
Opening 1:2 Grace and peace
Opening 1:17; 2:11 Sojourning (paroikein. paroikia,
paroikos)
7:4 1:19 precious blood of Christ
8: I 1:11 Spirit spoke through prophets
16:10,17 2:21-22 Christ as an example from Isa 53:9
30:2 5:5 Prov 3:34: God resists the proud
(not LXX)
49:5 4:8 Prov 10: 12: Love covers a multi-
tude of sins (not LXX or MT)
57:1 5:5 "Submit yourselves to the presby-
ters"
59:2 2:9 Called from darkness into light
But such familiarity, whether or not it constitutes literary dependen-

cy, tells us little. Far more important is the way some important
themes shared by Romans and I Peter appear in I Clement. In order
357. Hagner, Use 220, thinks the relationship is "unassailable."

358. Ibid. 246: "Clement probably made use of I Peter"; also E. Lohse, "Pariin-
ese und Kerygma im I. Petrusbrief," ZNW 45 (1954) 68-89, esp. 83-85. He also cites
ten examples of unusual words shared by the two works.
168 ROME-Chapter IX
to see that, let us delineate the central reason for Rome's writing to
Corinth.
The Corinthian Christians have removed from liturgical office
some presbyters whose character was blameless (44:6; 47:6). We do
not know why they did this. Holtzmann and other scholars have
wondered whether the issue was a fixed term of office vs. a lifetime
occupancy. Somewhat similar is the suggestion (based on the Corin-
thian situation forty years before when Paul wrote) that the Corin-
thians were accustomed to charismatic guidance rather than fixed
offices, or even that there was a rebellion of impatient youth against
the rule of presbyters (elders). The polemic against "jealous zeal" in
I Clem. 4 - 6 indicates there may have been a more serious division
(or "schism" as the author calls it) whereby Christians of different
persuasions were trying to get control of the church offices. In this
line of thought, it has been suggested that a more radical group at
Corinth was claiming to be the real heir to Paul, while for Clement
moderate Roman Christianity was Paul's heir since he was an apos-
tle who had died "among us" (6:1). In any case, I Clement argues
that the presbyters should not be removed, for church order has a
divine aspect and should not be tampered with. Moreover, such in-
ternal strife prompted by jealous zeal becomes known to outsiders
and thus offers them a dangerous tool for persecuting Christians.
The experience of the Roman church of how zeal has led to the
deaths of Peter, Paul, and a great multitude (p. 124 above) makes
that church very sensitive of the need for a united front against those
"who dissent from us" (47:7). Division among Christians is a great
enemy; and so, citing the Pauline hymn on love from I Cor 13:4-7, I
Clem. 49:5 adds, "Love admits no schism; love does not give rise to
dissent." In 51: 1 there is a challenge to those who led the dissent at
Corinth to consider "the common hope." Such people must say to
themselves, "If sedition, strife, and schisms have arisen because of
me, I shall depart. . . . Let the flock of Christ have peace with the
presbyters set over it" (54:1-2). "You, therefore, who laid the foun-
dation of the dissent, submit to the presbyters .... Learn to be sub-
missive" (57:1-2).
Above (pp. 136-39), the strains of thought traced through Ro-
mans and I Peter were: first, the strong heritage from Judaism, espe-
cially in terms of cultic outlook; second, insistence on obedience to
civil authority; and third, the articulation of church structure. Let us

see, one by one, if these themes appear in I Clement and how they
reinforce the main argument of my treatment of Roman Christianity.
First, Jewish heritage, especially the cult. It is estimated that
about one-quarter of I Clement is direct citation from the OT,3S9 al-
most always according to the Greek (LXX) version. What is striking
for our purposes is the application of cultic language to the functions
of church officers. According to both Romans and I Peter (p. 137
above), Christ's bloody death had sacrificial aspects; but for Chris-
tians "spiritual sacrifices" were urged. A Christian like Paul renders
priestly service by preaching the gospel, and the Christian people are
"a royal priesthood," even as the Christian community is "a spiritual
house" replacing the Temple. Such a spiritualization of the cult was
less radical than the replacement of priesthood, sacrifice, and place
of worship urged on Rome by Hebrew (p. L54 above). In I Clement,
however, there has been a revival of cuLtic terminology in a less spiri-
tualized form' this constitutes a movement beyond I Peter but in a
direction quite opposite to the one urged by Hebrews. As in He-
brews, so also in I Clement, present tenses are used to describe the
Jewish cult/ 60 but approvingly and not as a dissuasive. The following
two paragraphs catch the difference in outlook:
Heb 10:10-12,18: We are sanctified through the offering of

the body of Jesus Christ once for all. On the one hand, ev-
ery priest daily stands liturgically ministering [leitourgein],
again and again offering the same sacrifices that can never
take away sins. But this man [Jesus Christ] has offered for-
ever one sacrifice for sins .... There is no more offering for
sins.
I Clem. 40:1-5; 41:2: We ought to do in order [taxis] all

things that the Master commanded us to perform at fixed
times. He set offerings and liturgies [leitourgia] , so that
there should be no random and irregular pattern, but fixed
359. Hagner, Use 2l.

360. These tenses do not indicate a pre-70 date for I Clement, before the destruc-
tion of the Temple. In A.D. 93 (about the time of I Clement) Josephus, Ant. 3.9-10;
#224-55, described the Jerusalem sacrifices and priestly actions in the present tense.
170 ROME-Chapter IX
times and hours. Moreover, He has set by His sovereign will

where and by whom He desires these things to be done.
Those, therefore, who make their offerings at the appointed
times are acceptable and blessed.... To the high priest his
proper liturgical ministries are allotted. To the priests their
proper cultic place has been appointed. To the levites their
proper ministries have been assigned. The lay person is
bound by the rules laid down for the lay people .... Not in
every place are the sacrifices offered (perpetual offerings, or
free-will offerings, or sin offerings, or trespass offerings),
but only at Jerusalem ... before the sanctuary, at the altar,
after inspection by the high priest.
Why does I Clement place such admiring emphasis on the di-

vinely assigned order in the Jerusalem cult and in its personnel?
Chap. 42 gives a clear answer: because there is a similar divinely de-
signed order in the Christian ministry.361 God sent Christ who ap-
pointed apostles; and they, in turn, with the help of the Holy Spirit,
both preached the gospel and appointed tested converts to be bishops
and deacons. Indeed, the last development was foretold in the (modi-
fied) LXX of Isa 60: 17: "I will establish their bishops in righteous-
ness and their deacons in faith." Thus, if Judaism had from God a
high priest, priests, and levites, God's arrangement for his Christian
people is Christ, the apostles, and bishops and deacons. I Clement
(63:1; 64) agrees with Hebrews (passim) in identifying Jesus Christ as
the high priest,362 but with the effect of solidifying the Christian
equivalent of a levitical structure, not of replacing it. The Pauline
361. I am concentrating here on ministry, which is only one of the cultic aspects
of I Clement. Chapters 59-61 give a long, early-Christian prayer with strong Jewish
overtones (Barnard, "Early" 377-78), while 34:6-8 suggests that when Christians
gathered together (synagein-for a synaxis or eucharist?), they prayed the sanctus and
anticipated the parousia.
362. See footnote 315 above for I Clement's use of Hebrews rather than simply a
liturgy known to both. Unpersuasive is the counter-argument that I Clement cannot
have used Hebrews because the two works betray different reactions to Jewish cult. In
fact, one does not know whether the author of I Clement would have recognized that
his views were sharply different from those of Hebrews-for centuries Christians have
(wrongly) read the two works as if they were in perfect harmony. I am not challenging
the right of the church to harmonize them, but one must recognize that such harmoni-
zation tells us little about the original import.
Pastorals, especially I Timothy and Titus, discourse at length about

presbyter-bishops and deacons without any suggestion of levi tical
imagery or cultic functions. Yet for I Clem. 44:4 one of the roles of
the episcopate is to offer sacrifices. The main fault of the Corinthians
is to have removed presbyters from their liturgical ministry,36J and
thus to have upset a divine pattern revealed when the apostles ap-
pointed (presbyter-) bishops and deacons to succeed to the liturgical
ministry (42:4; 44:2). About the same time that Clement was writing
this admonition to Corinth, Didache 14:1-3 was interpreting the eu-
charist as a fulfillment of the prophecy of Malachi 1: 11 about a pure
sacrifice being offered among the Gentiles. In some of the churches
of Asia Minor presidency at the eucharist was becoming a function
of the episcopate-presbyterate (already a fixed pattern for Ignatius
ca. 110). Thus, while Clement does not identify the presbyters as
those who presided at the eucharist (which is never mentioned) or
call them priests, his work reflects a tendency at the turn of the first
century that will coalesce and develop through the second century
until the bishop, presbyters, and deacons are pictured as the Chris-
tian high priest, priests, and levites, centered around their role in the
eucharist as the Christian sacrifice. The author of Hebrews may not
have been polemicizing against the beginnings of such a development
when he urged Roman Christians against slipping back to levitical
priesthood and sacrifices/ 64 but one has reason to doubt that he
would have been enthusiastic about such a development. If my sur-
mise is correct about the origins of the Roman church in a Jerusalem
Christianity loyal to the Temple, that Christianity triumphed vicari-
ously in the direction given by I Clement to a more-than-spiritual
survival of the levitical ideals.
Second, obedience to civil authority. As part of its campaign to
get the Corinthian church to restore to their liturgical ministry the
presbyters who have been deposed, I Clement goes beyond the leviti-
cal order that God has revealed to Israel and appeals to a divine or-
363. I Clem. 44:6; it is important not to translate leitourgia simply as "ministry"

(= diakonia); for one should preserve the cui tic tone.
364. G. Theissen, Untersuchungen zum Hebriierbrief (Giitersloh: Gerd Mohn,
1969), thinks he was. In any case, Hebrews was taken into a canon that modified its
impact, for it was accepted as Scripture by a church (East and West) that harmonized
a Christian levitical priesthood with Hebrews' priesthood according to Melchizedek.
172 ROME-Chapter IX
der visible in the created universe. The description of this created

order in chap. 20 has often been thought to exhibit Stoic influence, as
have 1 Clement's appeal to moral order. But for our purposes, the
sequence to Romans and I Peter is particularly visible in 1 Clement's
appreciation of the order manifested in the Roman system of imperi-
al government. If in 41: 1 the tagma or "orderly ranking" in levitical
cult is held up as a model militating against Christian schism and
dissent at Corinth, another model is found in chap. 37 in the tagma
of an army with its generals, prefects, tribunes, etc. "Let us, then,
serve as soldiers, my brothers," 1 Clement appeals, "for each in his
own orderly ranking executes the order of the emperor" (37:1,3).
Neither Caligula's madness nor Claudius' expulsion of Jewish Chris-
tians from Rome had discouraged Paul from advising, "Let every
person be subject to the governing authorities" (Rom 13:1). Nero's
persecution did not prevent I Peter (2: 13) from urging, "Be subject
for the Lord's sake to every human institution ... to the emperor as
supreme." So also "the repeated misfortunes and calamities which
have befallen [under Domitian]" (1 Clem. 1:1) have not dissuaded 1
Clement's prayer to God in 60:4 - 61: 1: "Grant us to be obedient to
our princes and rulers on earth, for you, Master, have given the pow-
er of the kingdom to them." The "visitation of the kingdom of
Christ" may be yet to come (50:3), but some of the power of God's
kingdom is apparently manifested in the Roman empire. There is not
so strong a sense of final eschatology in 1 Clement as there was in
Paul or even I Peter. l65 Clement's vision of a well-ordered church,
patterned to some extent on the imperial system, implies a church
that will have a more-than-passing existence. Since this model of or-
der comes from God, it may be appealed to in urging discipline. God
who sets people over others in the civil and natural order (61:2) has
set the presbyters over the flock of Christ (54:2). Just as Romans and
I Peter urge subjection to civil authorities, so 1 Clem. 57:1 urges, "Be
subject to the presbyters."
In itself, obedience to church leaders is not novel on the Chris-
tian scene. The oldest Christian work (I Thess 5:12-13), a full half-
century before, had counseled, "We ask you, brothers, to recognize
365. Important here is the work of O. Knoch, Eigenart und Bedeutung der Es-
chatologie im theologischen Aufriss des ersten Clemensbrief(Bonn: Hanstein, 1964).
... those who are over you in the Lord and to esteem them highly in
love." Forty years before, in I Cor 16: 15-16, Paul appealed for sub-
mission to those who minister to the saints. What is new in I Clem-
ent is the close parallel made between submission to the presbyters
and obedience to the civil leaders or military leaders. One gains from
this parallelism reinforcement for the thesis that the Roman church
of necessity came quickly to terms with the awesome organization of
the empire by duly appreciating the strength of the system. 366 The re-
vulsion shown in Roman law for civil disobedience and schism seems
to have constituted an a fortiori argument for having no sympathy
for schism in the church. Indeed, the fact that the church is a so-
journer (opening of I Clement) does not make I Clement less but
more appreciative of the need for internal order-non-sojourners
who are at home have an ambiance to support them that is lacking to
the church.
Third. aspects of church structure. In discussing Romans and I
Peter (p. 139 above), we saw the importance of Roman house
churches and the emergence of presbyter-bishops in functional suc-
cession to the apostolic care. I Clement does not specifically refer to
house churches; but the attention paid to house order in 1:3 and in
chap. 21 (passages that deal with community leaders, elders and
younger) suggests that the house church was still an important part
of the Roman scene. "The church of God that sojourns in Rome"
(opening of I Clement) was presumably a spiritual whole consisting
of many individual house churches. A reflection of the importance of
"houses" may be seen in the emphasis that I Clem. 11:1; 12:1,3
places on "hospitality" (philoxenia), a word found in the NT only in
Rom 12:13 and Reb 13:2.
As for the structure of presby ter-bishops, 361 there is in I Clement
little development from I Peter (except for the cultic aspect already
discussed). The warning that there should be no self-exaltation over
366. Even after the great Roman persecutions of the second and third centuries,
Christians did not develop an antipathy for the imperial organization. Indeed, for Ori-
gen and Cyprian the church was an organism comparable to the Roman state. See
Goppelt, "Church" 18.
367. Beyond the structure of presbyter-bishops discussed above, one should note
the term hegoumenos, "leader," in 1:3 (also in 37:2-3 for generals in the spiritual
Christian army}-a term that occurs three times in Hebrews 13 as descriptive of the
Roman situation (p. 145 above).
174 ROME-Chapter IX
Christ's flock (16:1) is close in theme to the warning in I Peter 5:3 to

the presbyter-shepherds, "Do not lord it over those who constitute
the allotment but be examples to the flock." The noteworthy devel-
opment in I Clement is not in presbyteral structure but in the insis-
tence that the presbyterate came through succession from the
apostles by appointment. 368 I Clement 44: 1-2 reports that the apos-
tles were concerned that there would be strife over the episcopate,
and so they provided that when they died "other approved men
should succeed to their liturgical ministry."369 I Clement 42:4; 44:3
make it clear that these men were appointed by the apostles. Among
the other early Christian works that mention presbyter-bishops, the
evidence varies on how the appointment came about. Didache 15:1
urges its recipients, "Appoint for yourselves bishops and deacons
worthy of the Lord." In Titus 1:5 this apostolic delegate is told him-
self to appoint presbyters in every city, thus setting in order what
was left lacking by Paul. If one must conclude from this clear evi-
dence that I Clement paints an oversimplified picture of the apostles'
appointment of presbyter-bishops, one need not go to the opposite
extreme of regarding it as pure fabrication. Acts 14:23 states that
Barnabas and Paul appointed presbyters in every church, and it is
unlikely that several independent claims of apostolic appointment
would have been made without some basis in fact. I Thessalonians
5:12 describes some people over other people in the Lord a few
months after Paul founded the community-is it not likely that Paul
himself was responsible for such an arrangement? Goppelt
("Church" 9) suggests that I Clem 42:4, which has the apostles ap-
pointing their first converts bishops, reflects the fact that the first
convert offered his house as a gathering place for the congregation
368. The idea of succession (diadoche) goes beyond insistence on rank or order
(tagma) assigned by God-an order of Christ, apostles, bishops and deacons. Succes-
sion concerns the origin of the episcopate. A distinction should be made between func-
tional succession (the presbyter-bishops take over the pastoral care of churches
founded by the apostles once the apostles die) and succession by apostolic appoint-
ment. Furthermore, an appointed sequence in legitimate authority is still not the same
as a chain of succession to sacramental power-an idea that will later come into the
Christian picture.
369. In speaking of "men," Clement uses andres, "males," not anthropoi, "hu-
man beings"; but we have no way of knowing whether the phraseology was deliberate
in order to exclude women.
Third Generation (1 Clement) 175
and eventually supervised (episkopein) the congregation that met

there, as in the case of Stephanus (I Cor 16:15-16). Finally, we must
remember Clement has to persuade the Corinthians who received his
letter; surely, they would have recognized and rejected a pure fabri-
cation about the origins of the presbyterate. The solution that seems
most plausible is that 1 Clement has generalized an apostolic practice
that was occasional but not consistent or universal. 370
What practical importance did 1 Clement's thesis of succession
by appointment have for the situation at Corinth and for the self-un-
derstanding of the Roman church? In resisting the deposition of the
presbyters by the Corinthians, the author has appealed to two au-
thoritative models: the Jerusalem levitical priesthood and the imperi-
al political and military organization. The high priesthood was
hereditary, and in its two successful periods the imperium was inher-
ited (family descent from Augustus to Nero, and from Vespasian to
Domitian). Chaos had come in the year 69 with the deposition of
three emperors, and it is precisely such chaos that the Corinthians
were now inaugurating in the church. Thus, functionally, apostolic
appointment may have served in Clement's mind as the Christian
equivalent to levitical and imperial inheritance, providing a divine
guarantee for an orderly system of governance. 371
Apostolic succession, however, probably served an even more
important purpose for the Roman church since it justified the Ro-
man presbyterate in admonishing Corinth with apostolic force. A
warning appears in 1 Clem. 59: 1, "If some have been disobedient to
what has been said by God through us, let them know that they will
entangle themselves in transgression and no little danger." Obedi-
ence is urged by I Clem. 63:2 "to what we have written through the
Holy Spirit." Some scholars characterize this as a style influenced by
370. For Roman Catholic proponents of this view, see Fuellenbach, Ecclesiasti-
cal 87-93, 98-100.
371. R. M. Grant, "Early Episcopal Succession," in Studia Patristica II (Oxford
Congress Papers of 1967; TU 108; Berlin: Akademie, 1972) 179-84, points out that
succession of bishops in Jerusalem may have been hereditary among the relatives of
Jesus. Goppelt, "Church" 20, caJls attention to tbe succession in rubbinic teachillg and
aulhority described ill Pirqe Abo/II 1: 1 (a Jewl b work from Ule period not 100 long
after Clement): Moses, Joshua, elders, prophets, men of' the Great Synagogue, HiIlel,
Shammai. A practice of clear rabbinic appointment (ordination) wa~ coming inl'o Ju-
daism at Lhi~ time.
176 ROME-Chapter IX
imperial Rome. More likely the assurance that divine communica-

tion comes through the spoken or written word of the Roman church
is to be related to the style of Jerusalem apostolic leadership. Acts
15:28 contains a passage from a directive letter written by the apos-
tles and presbyters of the Jerusalem church to areas under their in-
fluence: "It has seemed good to the Holy Spirit and to us."l72 I have
contended several times in this book that the Roman church, evange-
lized from Jerusalem and fortified by the martyrdom of Peter, the
leading Jerusalem missionary, may have seen itself as the successor
of the Jerusalem apostolic church in supplying direction to the mis-
sionary churches like Corinth-this would explain a letter written in
the Jerusalem authoritative style. 373 If one objects that Corinth was a
church of the Pauline mission, not the Jerusalem mission, we remem-
ber not only that I Clem. 5:2-5 joined Paul to Peter as the "pillars"
and "good apostles," but also that Paul in I Cor 15:5-11 joined him-
self to Cephas (Peter), the Twelve, James, and all the apostles as part
of an authoritative "we" addressing the Corinthians: "Whether I or
they, so we proclaimed and so you believed." Clement's notion of the
presbyters as the appointed successors of such apostles enables the
presbyterate in general (and surely the Roman presbyterate in partic-
ular) to ask obedience to what "we" have said or written, as having
divine sanction.
EVALUATION
I Clement has been a storm center of recent scholarship.174

Those who disapprove have seen in this work the death knell of a tru-
ly Christian understanding of church leadership, for the guidance by
Spirit-filled charismatics that dominated in the NT period has ceded
to a fixed succession in office, erroneously (or even deceitfully) pre-
sented as coming from the apostles and sanctioned by God. In the
372. Whether or not this letter is historical, this is how Luke (and surely others)
thought Jerusalem spoke. Although Hagner, Use 263, judges probable Clement's
knowledge of Acts, that knowledge is not necessary for this proposal.
373. See footnote 277 above.
374. Documentation for what follows above may be found in Fuellenbach, Eccle-
siastical, with convenient summaries of the history of Protestant and Roman Catholic
views on 64--71 and 109-17.
extreme form of this thesis defended by R. Sohm, I Clement marks

the great fall of the church away from the internal and the non-struc-
tural to a visible institution. (This thesis has left those inclined to hu-
mor with the ecclesial dilemma phrased as "Sohm or Rome.") In a
less extreme form of the thesis I Clement is blamed for hastening an
arteriosclerosis that had already begun in the NT period by supply-
ing a (fictional) divine and historical authentication for a structure
that had its real origin in the social necessity. of institutionalization.
For Harnack, I Clement was a blow to "pneumatic democracy."J75
Some admirers of I Clement have regarded it as authoritative justifi-
cation for the "apostolic blueprint" approach to the episcopate
whereby, in the mind both of Jesus and of his apostles, governance of
the church by bishops and presbyters was divinely specified. (The
concept of de jure divino is now recognized as more complex, howev-
er, since God is seen to work by moving human beings rather than
by direct intervention.) With more subtlety, some admire "Clement"
as a realist who saw the working of the Spirit in a dangerous situa-
tion and determined the way the church should go in order to sur-
vive. On both sides many scholars oversimplify the historical
situation, agreeing only that for better or worse I Clement had re-
markable success in shaping future church thought.
The discussion is not facilitated by the fact that the underlying
motif is often a conflicting view of church organization today. The
battle over the unimpassioned pages of I Clement is often a surrogate
for a battle between the impassioned descendants of the Reformers
and of Trent; and since I am a Roman Catholic, I rather doubt I
shall be judged objective about the issue. It does seem to me that
some who criticize Clement for imposing the divine on a develop-
ment that had clear human sociological factors do not always turn
their critical eye on the descriptions of charismatic functions in the
churches of the 50s. Are there not also human sociological factors in
the charism of "administrations" (pI. of kybernesis, "governance"),
mentioned in I Cor 12:28, in the sense that the people who claimed
375. Since Harnack, I Clement has often been blamed for the introduction of
"early catholicism" into the Christian picture. It is better to avoid this unclear term
and the (negative) value-judgment frequently attached to it. Goppelt, Apostolic 142
and 202, uses that term, accusing Clement of turning "offices which had emerged of
their own accord" (a highly dubious supposition) "into ajure divino ordinance" (198).
178 ROME-Chapter IX
this gift of God were often reflecting a natural ability (and thus the
charism is something that may be said to come from God only in a
more general sense)? If some complain that I Clement's sense of di-
vine order destroys the freedom of the gospel, is one sure that those
who claim divinely-given charisms in the strict sense are likely to be
more tolerant toward disagreement? Can one document the existence
of a "pneumatic democracy" in early NT times? In other words,
granted that there are several forms of church leadership implied in
the pages of the NT and that I Clement has helped to solidify one of
them, by what criterion do scholars decide a priori that one is more
Christian than the other, since Jesus himself does not seem to have
dealt with the structure of a community that was to carryon his
work? If in faith Christians attribute, at least partially, the develop-
ment of church governance to the work of the Holy Spirit, by what
criterion does one judge that an order that is more constitutive and
absolutized is less of the Holy Spirit than a charismatic and function-
al order? If one opts for an a posteriori criterion, namely, that church
governance is to be judged as Christian by the extent to which it fa-
cilitates gospel ideals (or at least does not block them), must not one
face the paradox that Paul is criticizing the charismatic functioning
of the community in I Cor 12 - 14 precisely because sometimes a de-
sire for charisms constitutes a violation of the gospel command to
love, whereas Clement is promoting a divinely ordered presbyterate
in apostolic succession in order to prevent the Corinthians from vio-
lating this same command? If one compares the letters written to the
Corinthians forty years apart by Paul and by Clement (without wor-
rying about future developments), would one decide that charismatic
church governance really forwarded the gospel more than an orderly
presbyterate? In fact, however, one may suspect that much of the dis-
like of I Clement stems not from that letter's reaction to the situation
it was facing, but to subsequent church developments and attitudes
that it was used to justify. Such dislike might more perceptively be
dealt with by recognizing that the problem is not of the direction giv-
en by I Clement but of the constant need for a reforming vigilance in
keeping any church structure responsible to the gospel (since it is
sure to have a mixture of the human and the divine, unless one
thinks that a sociological diagnosis excludes intervention by the Holy
Spirit). In other words, if the real objection to I Clement is that it is
the camel's nose under the flap of the tent, is the wise solution that
the camel would be better off without a nose, or the tent without a
flap?
The too-long preceding paragraph is clearly a digression, un-
avoidable because of the passions detectable in scholarly discussion
of I Clement. More germane to an evaluation made within the goals
of this book is I Clement's contribution to the trajectory of Roman
Christianity.176 Indeed, the perilous situation at Corinth may have
caused the Roman church to solidify its direction. One must be cau-
tious to trace this trajectory against the background of history. Al-
ready Christians had been executed in Rome in the time of Nero and
had been persecuted in some sections of the empire in the time of
Domitian. How was such a "foreign superstition," regarded as anti-
social and atheistic, to survive? Elliott 377 has interpreted I Peter in
terms of Christian survival amidst social disintegration-the issue of
survival at the time of I Clement was even more acute. The greatest
enemy in the author's judgment was internal disorder: a jealous zeal
of Christians against fellow Christians. I Clement would counteract
this danger with an appeal to order rooted in two prominent themes
of Roman Christianity: a strong Jewish heritage and a respect for im-
perial authority.
From the Jewish heritage, I Clement has drawn the symbolism
of the levi tical priesthood and adapted it to lend great support to the
ecclesiastical structure that had developed in many churches by the
end of the first century, i.e., a structure of presbyter-bishops and dea-
cons. This structure is seen to render not only a social service to the
community but a sacred service to God, not only a diakonia but also
a leitourgia. This leitourgia means for Clement that the Christian
ministers have to be respected as part of an order that God has ap-
proved and are not to be removed at whim. Such a clearly articulated
structure may have developed out of social necessity; but I Clement
376. Admi rably nuanced is the judgment of RichardSOll, Enrly 39: "Clemen t's
lette r refl ects the movem ent away from lhe P llulinc fallh to II type of C b.rislian ity ,in
wh ich ethica l interes ts a nd concern for lllw Ilnd order predominate. T his does not ,
however, exc lude bOUl acquaintance wi th and some grasp of the Pauline go pel . . ..
R ather. we m ust say th a t Roman Ch risti anity is giving evidence of it s backg.roun d in
H ellenistic Juda ism, and adapting itself to the imperia l capitn!."
377. Hom e 2 17.
180 ROME-Chapter IX
makes certain that the ministry will not become the victim of a sur-
vival-of-the-fittest attitude toward the structure. The sense of the sa-
cred with which I Clement describes the divine order (tagma) of
God, Christ, apostles, and bishops and deacons challenges Christians
to unshakable allegiance to their presbyter-bishops in difficult times
and so will enable the church to face two hundred years of Roman
persecution.
But I Clement's insight has an origin and implications that go
beyond the Jewish heritage. The author's admiration for military dis-
cipline betrays, however inchoatively, the understanding that the Ro-
man empire would never be Christianized unless Christianity could
understand and take advantage of the strength of its adversary.
Rome was reasonably tolerant of private cults provided that they
were not immoral and did not challenge the demand for outward
conformity to the religious and social order. 378 Christianity was not
going to be another Oriental mystery religion with pious devotees; it
was going to be a society with exclusive claims that were antithetical
to those of the empire-a recognition that every absolute state has
arrived at ever since! It has been shrewdly observed, "Christians
were constantly amazed to find themselves cast as enemies of the Ro-
man order, but in retrospect we must admit that it was the Romans
who had the realistic insight."379 Earlier Christian works pertinent to
the Roman church had demanded obedience to the Roman govern-
ment; I Clement goes further in inculcating similar obedience to
church authorities. Christianity would succeed because its communi-
ties were well structured and because its institutions effectively held
on to converts. It would shape an organization as tight as (or tighter
than) that of the empire and would offer better motivation for adher-
ence. 380 Thus I Clement is offering a formula not only for surviving
persecution but also for overcoming the persecutor. The ultimate vic-
tory of Clement's insight would not be when Constantine ceased to
378. Guterman, Religious 25-31: the cult of unapproved gods was not allowed
publicly nor even privately if altars were erected.
379. Gager, Kingdom 27-28. Hinson, Evcmgeli'Z(IIIOII 27, quotes W. R. Halliday:
"A state within a state." See Dix, Je", 69- 70: Chri stianity was dangerous as a col/egi-
urn.
380. Hinson, Evangelization. is superb on this.
persecute Christianity; it would be when a half-century later Chris-

tianity became the official religion of the empire.
With all its novelty, I would insist that I Clement is continuing
a trajectory that had antecedents in earlier Christian attitudes to-
ward the evangelization of Rome. The Acts of the Apostles dramati-
cally but perceptively simplified Christian history by concentrating
the flow of events around Peter and Paul and by beginning the
church's story in Jerusalem and ending it in Rome. In this schema
Acts embodies a judgment that Christian destiny lay with Rome and
with the Gentile world that it governed. Acts has translated into
practical political terms the belief that Christianity bore good news
for all. Thus, it is not an exaggeration to claim that instinctively ear-
ly Christianity "had a drive toward Rome."J81 A Paul who disliked
going to churches founded by others passionately desired to get to
Rome (Rom 1:10,15; 15:22). Why Rome? Athens was the museum of
classical antiquity, serving as the great repository of cultural heri-
tage; but Paul gives no evidence of longing to get to Athens. (Indeed,
his only visit there,. as recorded by Acts 17: 15-34, seems to be
marked by incompatibility.) Alexandria was the library of classical
learning, but seemingly Paul never went there. (Indeed, the NT gives
us no information about the spread of Christianity to Alexandria.)
Does not the attention to Rome rather than to Athens or Alexandria
betray an early understanding that the power to change the world lay
in the political capital, and not in the museum or the library? Much
has been made of Christianity as a religion centered on an incarna-
tion of the divine in history. Yet some modern Christians seem reluc-
tant to recognize that their earliest ancestors may have been quite
practical and unromantic in translating incarnation to mean that the
gospel should use political structures as its vehicle. If there was a
Christian "drive toward Rome," in part it was because centered in
that city was the machinery that ruled the known world and through
which that world could be claimed for Christ.
The subsequent history of the Roman church would reflect
Clement's choice for clear order over ambiguity and over a freedom
381. The phrase and the comparison to Athens and Alexandria are from Schelke.
"Romische" 393-94.
182 ROME-Chapter IX
that allows church divisions. Of course, in imitating imperial order

and authority for evangelistic purposes, the church of Rome was ex-
posing itself to a great danger. Consciously or unconsciously, it had
set out on a path to master the empire and opened itself to the peril
that internally the values of the Roman system might master the
church, so that the church might render too much to Caesar and for-
get that it had one Lord. In that connection we note that in the judg-
ment of Johannine Christianity, somewhat prejudiced against any
shepherd but Christ, Peter was allotted a pastoral roleJ82 because he
met the criterion of the good shepherd by the way he laid down his
life. Paradoxically that means that Nero rendered the Roman church
a service when he martyred its great apostle in the Circus near Vati-
cal Hill. Equally paradoxically, Constantine did not necessarily ren-
der that same church a service when he opened the way for its bishop
later to become pontifex maximus of Roman religion. The Caesar
who sought to kill Christianity may have been less dangerous than
the Caesar who sought to use it as an ally.
When one recognizes both the dangers and the grandeur of the
trajectory followed in Roman Christianity, it is consoling to realize
that our Christian ancestors may have supplied the Roman church
with standards useful for self-admonition. In the late 50s Paul wrote
the first praise of the Roman church, "Your faith is proclaimed in all
the world" (Rom 1:8). Fifty years later in the opening of another let-
ter to the Romans, Ignatius praised the Roman church as "preemi-
nent in love." Praised for its faith and love from the beginning, the
Roman church may well be destined to be evaluated on those two
points.
The Pauline appreciation of the faith of Rome proved remark-
ably prescient in regard to the second centurym when those later rec-
ognized as heretics, such as Valentinus, Marcion, and Tatian, fell
afoul of the Roman presbyters. l84 This peculiar sensibility for the
382. John 21:15-19: a pastoral role, to be sure, based on the love of Christ and
one which left the sheep belonging to Christ.
383. W. Bauer, Orthodoxy and Heresy in Earliest Christianity (Philadelphia: For-
tress, 1971; Germ. orig. 1934) saw in I Clement the first sign of Rome's dominant in-
fluence in the formation of Christian orthodoxy.
384. Hegesippus, an opponent of heretics, came to Rome sometime before 170;
and, as Grant, Augustus 152, comments, "In speaking of the Roman church, however,
contents of Christian faith may explain why as a support against her-

esy Irenaeus cited Rome first: "In this order and by this succession
[of the Roman bishops] the ecclesiastical tradition from the apostles
and the preaching of the truth have come down to us" (Adv. haer.
3.3.2-3). In the christological and trinitarian controversies of the
third and fourth centuries, various bishops of the great Christian
centers (Antioch, Alexandria, Constantinople) were deposed for her-
esy or excommunicated, but Rome had an enviable record for cau-
tious orthodoxy. Even in a divided Western Christianity many who
disagree with Rome's theology would grant that it has preserved a
zeal for orthodox faith.
A sharper debate might be joined over whether Rome has re-
mained equally preeminent in love. Indeed, to some affected by Ro-
man zeal for orthodox faith, a lack of love is apparent; others would
speak of a love that has to chastise. Be all that as it may, in our cen-
tury through the actions of one Roman bishop, John XXIII, many
outside the allegiance to the Roman church felt for a moment a
touch of love;385 and it changed their whole way of looking at Rome.
Perhaps, then, one may learn a lesson from the history of the begin-
nings of the church of Rome. If "the church which sojourns at
Rome" is to preach to other churches and admonish them, this ad-
monition will be more effective when the zeal for a "faith proclaimed
in all the world" is embodied in a church "preeminent in love."3B6
Hegesippus says nothing about heresy. Evidently, he regards Rome as the prime ex-
ample of the way in which true orthodoxy is preserved in local successions of bish-
OpS.H
385. I recognize fully the difficulty of analyzing what logically or historically
made this so. If the image of John XXIII created by the press was larger than life, that
image became a factor in history.
386. Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers I 1.384, comments on the mildness of Clement
in praying for the emperors after being persecuted by them: "Who would have
grudged the Church of Rome her primacy, if she had always spoken thus?"
CHAPTER X
Possible Supplements to
Our Knowledge of
Early Roman Christianity
the preceding chapters I have used four documents written over

Inanta forty-year
N
span
(A.D. 58-96) in order to reconstruct the domi-
Christianity at Rome in NT times. It was a Christianity that
had its origins in the Jerusalem mission, that was associated with the
stance of the Jerusalem apostles (especially of Peter) in regard to Ju-
daism, and that preserved a fidelity to Jewish origins, heritage, and
traditions even when the ethnic membership of the Christian com-
munity at Rome became increasingly Gentile-in short, an instance
of what I identified in the Introduction as the moderate Jewish/Gen-
tile Christianity of Group Two. I have detected on the fringe in
Rome extreme advocates of circumcision (Group One) who were op-
posed to Peter and even to a modified Paul, and may have contribut-
ed to their death in the Neronian persecution. I have also detected
either the presence or the fear of a more radical Jewish/Gentile
Christianity (Group Four) that had virtually abandoned the Jewish
heritage-a Christianity advocated by Hebrews but from which Paul
dissociates himself through his positive statements in Romans about
the Jewish heritage. But I insist that these last two Groups were truly
on the fringe in Rome.
Many other writings besides the four I considered have been as-
sociated by scholars with early Roman Christianity. Some are NT
writings seen as addressed to or sent from Rome; others are extra-
NT writings of the period up to A.D. 150. Precisely because I am
conscious of the hypothetical character of the analysis given above, I
judge it useful to apply the test of other suggested evidence, exclud-
184
Supplements (Philippians) 185
ing only what I regard as fantastic or implausible. 387 Therefore, in

this chapter I shall consider some possible supplements (or chal-
lenges) to my picture of the Roman church through a very brief anal-
ysis of Philippians, Ephesians, Mark, Ignatius to the Romans, the
Shepherd of Hermas, the Legends of Peter and Simon Magus, and II
Peter. 388 I insist that what I give here are programmatic jottings
about the possible utility of these works for my main investigation, so
that this chapter amounts to an appendix inviting other scholars with
greater expertise in these works to participate in the discussion.
A. Paul to the Philippians
This wntmg was sent to Philippi from Paul in prison

(1:13,17,19). The two leading contenders for the place of imprison-
ment are Ephesus (ca. 56-57) and Rome (ca. 61-63).389 Although no
imprisonment at Ephesus is recorded in Acts, such a hardship is not
unlikely, granted Paul's references in the late 50s to what he suffered
at Ephesus or in Asia (I Cor 15:32; II Cor 1:8-10). Most scholars
today accept the Ephesus hypothesis, for the proximity of that city to
Philippi makes possible the three or four comings and goings be-
tween Philippi and Paul in prison implied in the letter. Also Philippi-
ans seems to them closer in theme to the letters of the late 50s
(Galatians, I-II Corinthians, Romans) than it does to Colossians and
Ephesians, thought to belong to Rome and the early 60s. Such argu-
ments are rendered less forceful, however, if one accepts the critical
hypothesis that Colossians and Ephesians are post-Pauline and post-
387. No less a scholar than Streeter (Primitive 196-200) would have the epistle of
James addressed to Rome. By way of exclusion, I indicated in footnote 356 above that
II Clement probably does not reflect the Roman scene.
388. This list brings us to about A.D. 150. One might wish to continue by study-
ing Justin (who taught at Rome ca. 150-165), the Quartodeciman crisis over the Eas-
ter feast (ca. 190), and the liturgical traditions underlying the early-third century work
of Hippolytus (especially The Apostolic Constitutions), a priest of Rome and the first
anti-pope. The gnostic library of Nag Hammadi might also yield information about
the image of Rome, sometimes through a hostile view of Peter as the symbol of the
church catholic.
389. The hypothesis of the writing of Philippians during Paul's imprisonment in
Caesarea of Palestine ca. 58-60 (Acts 23:33 - 27:1) had popularity (Lohmeyer, Pau-
lus, Pfleiderer, Spitta) but seems abandoned in recent times.
186 ROME-Chapter X
70, so that we know for comparison nothing of what Paul wrote from
Rome in the early 60s. Moreover, the problem is complicated by the
contention of many scholars that Philippians itself is composite, con-
sisting of several letters, not all of which were composed at one time.
The Roman hypothesis, which had almost universal acceptance be-
fore the eighteenth century and still has respectable advocates (F. W.
Beare, Cerfaux, Dodd, Harrison, Guthrie, J. Schmid, Cullmann), has
in its favor a reliably recorded imprisonment of Paul at Rome (Acts
28:16,30) and the statement of Marcion ca. 150 that Paul wrote Phi-
lippians from prison in Rome. 19o
If Philippians were written from Rome, what light would it
throw on Roman Christianity in the early 60s? I have suggested that
Paul's letter to the Romans made a good impression on the church,
and that Acts 28:15 is correct in tone in showing Paul being wel-
comed by delegations as he approaches Rome. I have also suggested
that it was the circumcision-insistent Jewish/Gentile Christians
(Group One) at Rome who were guilty of "jealous zeal" against Paul
(J Clem. 5:2-5) and contributed to his martyrdom by the Romans
under Nero. Philippians 1:14-15 could confirm both these sugges-
tions. Many of the Christians in the area were strengthened by his
imprisonment, but there were others in that area who "preached
Christ from envy." The strong polemic in chap. 3 against Jewish
Christian missionaries who insisted on circumcision of their Gentile
converts suggests the identity of the envious preachers. The Roman
hypothesis makes intelligible the reference in 1: 13 to the praetorian
guard191 and in 4:22 to Christians of the Emperor's (Caesar's) house-
hold (although those references could be explained in the Ephesus
hypothesis); for Acts 28:16 mentions that Paul was guarded at
Rome, and Rom 16:11 mentions Christians belonging to Narcissus,
possibly the figure who was a close advisor of the Emperor Claudius.
(Some would identify the Clement who is with Paul in Philip 4:3 as
the man who wrote J Clement for the Roman church in A.D. 96; but
that is a pure guess, for "Clement" is a common name.) In 1:1 Paul
390. Also Ragne[ , Use 226- 28, cites parallels between I Clem. 47:2 and Philip
4:15 ("in the beginning of lit e gospel"), and between I Clem. 21 :1 and Philip 1:27
("conducting onesllif wnrlhlly"). as evidence For (hesitantly) affirming probable
knowledge of Phili ppians by I(101 Cllt of Rome.
391. See Lightfoot, Philippians 99- \04.
Supplements (Philippians) 187
greets the bishops and deacons of the Philippian church; if these two
functions existed as well in the place from which he was writing, that
could fit in with the Roman hypothesis, for the twofold structure is
attested in the 80s and the 90s in I Peter and I Clement.
That the tone of Philippians is close to Romans and the other
Pauline Epistles of the late 50s offers no difficulty to the Roman hy-
pothesis, for it would have been written only three or four years after
Romans. 392 In Rom 1: 15 Paul wrote, "I am eager to preach the gos-
pel to you also who are in Rome"; in Philip 1:12-13 he would be re-
porting what actually happened when he arrived in Rome as a
prisoner: "I want you to know that what has happened to me has
really served to advance the gospel, so that my bondage in Christ has
become known through the whole praetorium." Those at Rome en-
couraged by Paul's sufferings for Christ in prison now preach Christ
"out of love knowing that I am put here for the defense of the gos-
pel" (Philip 1:15-16). In Rom 12:1 Paul had urged the Romans to
"present your bodies as a living sacrifice [thysia] holy and pleasing to
God, which is spiritual worship," and in 15:16 Paul spoke of himself
as a minister (leitourgos) of God in the priestly service of the gospel.
In Philip 2: 17 Paul speaks of himself in prison (at Rome?) as "being
poured out as a sacrifice [thysia] and service [leitourgia] of your
faith. "393 I maintained that in Romans Paul was more moderate
about Judaism and OT salvation history than he was in Galatians. It
is difficult to decide whether the condemnation of circumcision-insis-
tent extremism in Philip 3 is closer to Galatians or to Romans, for
both letters attack insistence on circumcision. Yet Philip 3:4-7 on
Jewish status seems to echo Rom 11:1. Moreover, in Rom 16:18 Paul
warns that those who sow dissension in Rome "do not serve the
Lord Jesus Christ but their own belly," while the enemies of Christ
in Philip 3:18-19 are those "whose God is their belly." Overall, then,
392. Ibid. 41-46; Lig htfoot th inks PauJ wrote Philippians, Colossians, and Ephe-
sians from imprLqonm ent in Rome in 61--63. but would date Philippians early in that
period to separllte it from Lhe others a nd bring it closer in time to Romans. He lists
parallels.
393. Cullman, Peter lOS, argues that such an attitude fits the end of Paul's life in
the 60s better than a hypothetical imprisonment in Ephesus in the 50s. The accessibili-
ty to Paul in prison implied in Philippians resembles the ease of the Roman imprison-
ment described in Acts 28:30-31 but not the situation in Ephesus where Paul was
"unbearably crushed to the point of despairing of life itself' (II Cor 1:8).
188 ROME-Chapter X
if Philippians were wrilten from Rome in the early 60s, it could fit
without difficulty into the picture of Roman Christianity and Paul's
experiences in Rome that I have reconstructed in previous chapters.
B. The Epistle to the Ephesians
Colossians (4:3,18) and Ephesians (3:1; 4:1; 6:20) also present

themselves as being written by Paul in prison. Whereas the authen-
ticity of the prison setting of Philippians is widely accepted, many
scholars think Colossians is post-Pauline. Even more scholars think
Ephesians is post-Pauline and written in dependence upon Colos-
sians but by another hand. For the purposes of this book I shall work
with the post-Pauline hypothesis.
What imprisonment is thought of as a fictional setting in the
two letters? When the letters were thought to be genuine, it was gen-
erally assumed that the Roman imprisonment of Paul in A.D. 61-63
was meant. (An argument that Philippians was not written from
Rome in the 60s was its dissimilarity from Colossians and Ephesians
which were so written.) In the hypothesis of a 'fictional setting, the
case for orne (the city where Paul died) may be even stronger, since
the author would carcely choose a les er known i:mpri onment. But
even if Rome was in the mind of the author, one must be extremely
cautious in deciding what that tells us about the actual situation in
Roman Christianity in the 80s (the generally suggested date in the
post-Pauline hypothesis). Did he know the Roman church situation
or was he using his imagination?
In approaching the material with these cautions, I wish to con-
fine myself to Ephesians for several reasons. Hagner (Use 226, 230)
applies the judgment "very probable' to Clement's knowledge of
Ephesians, but not even "probable" to ClemenL's knowledge of Co-
lossians. Mitton has made an impressive case for the knowledge of
Epllesians (not of Colossians) by the author of I Peter.]o4 Although
the author of Ephesians draws upon many of the Pauline Epistles, a
394. C. L. Mitton, "The Relationship between I Peter and Ephesians," JTS 1

(1950) 67-73. Others, like Selwyn and Boismard, would argue for the dependence of
the two works on a common tradition (that of the Roman church?).
Supplements (Ephesians) 189
close relationship to Romans has been emphasized by many com-

mentators. Thus, there are external reasons for connecting Ephesians
rather than Colossians with Rome. Moreover, while the author of
Ephesians draws heavily on Colossians, he seems to avoid one crucial
section of Colossians, namely 2:16-23, which describes the Jewish
gnosticizing heresy that called forth Colossians. In other words, the
Ephesians author does not seem to think that the local circumstances
of Colossians will be useful to his readers, and no particular heresy
or set of adversaries seems to be envisioned by him. Thus, it would
seem that Colossians and Ephesians differ as to either the point of
origin, or of destination, or both, so that if one relates Ephesians to
Rome in one of those roles,395 it would be wiser to leave Colossians
out of the discussion.
We saw that, despite the attempt of Hebrews to persuade the
Roman community that Christ had replaced the levitical cult, the
tendency in I Peter and 1 Clement was to preserve that cult in some
spiritualized form in the church. If I Peter 2:5 spoke of living stones
being built into a spiritual house, Eph 2:18-22 speaks of Christians
as forming a household of God growing into a holy temple in the
Lord. If Paul in Romans 11: 17-24 thought of the Gentiles as a wild
olive shoot grafted on the tree of Israel, Eph 2:12-16 speaks of the
Gentiles as a group that was once alienated from the commonwealth
of Israel but is now brought near through the blood of Christ, so that
the dividing wall is broken down and the two are one. In other
words, Ephesians seems to describe the dreams of Paul in Romans 11
as fulfilled. We remember that the Roman church of the 80s and 90s
had reconciled the images of Peter and Paul, so that the two, who
were once divided in their understanding of the implications of
Christ for Jew and Gentile, were now pillars in the same church (1
Clem. 5). Consequently, Roman Christianity might be seen idealisti-
cally as the meeting place of once divided Christians. In Rome the
dominantly Gentile converts would have joined a community that
was very loyal to its Jewish heritage, so that Paul's mission coincided
395 The address in 1: 1 to the saints "who are in Ephesus" is of dubious originali-
ty, and so it is not impossible that the author was addressing Christians in the locale
where the work was composed. On the other hand, he might be addressing all Chris-
tians.
190 ROME-Chapter X
with that of Peter. I have argued that in terms of the Gentile mission
Rome may have looked on itself as the successor of the Jerusalem
church. In an influential article H. Chadwick396 has argued that the
author of Ephesians insisted on the essential continuity between the
original church of Jerusalem, composed of Jewish Christians, and
the predominantly Gentile church of Paul's mission. Rome would fit
perfectly as the setting of such an outlook. The Paul of Ephesians,
while referring to himself as an apostle (1:1), seems to think of "the
apostles" upon whom the church (universal) is founded as another
group (even if not exclusive of himself)-a view harmonious with
that of Rome where "the good apostles" were listed in the order Pe-
ter and Paul (p. 123 above).
Thus, in some aspects Ephesians could fit well the Roman
Christianity of the 80s (even as Philippians could fit the situation of
the early 60s). Yet the case for relating Ephesians to Rome as the
place of origin remains very tenuous. True, if Ephesians was com-
posed to sum up the career and thought of Paul,397 it could appropri-
ately have stemmed from the church that regarded itself as his heir
since he died in its midst. Nevertheless, before Ephesians can become
a major witness to Roman Christianity, one would have to analyze
how much of its contents reflects the local scene and how much is
borrowed from Colossians and thus from another milieu. In my re-
construction of the Roman church from 58 to 96, I found no signs of
an incipiently gnostic strain of thought. Ephesians, with its almost
mystic view of salvation and its timeless universalism, has been
found by some to be tinged by gnosticism. If there is any truth in
that hypothesis, it would suggest that the relation of the letter to
Rome (if there is one) might at most be partial, for Ephesians may
have made an amalgam of many post-Pauline church situations and
problems.
* * *
396. "Die Absicht des Epheserbriefes," ZNW 51 (1960) 145-53.
397. In the Goodspeed-Knox hypothesis, adopted and modified by C. L. Mitton,
Ephesians (New Century Bible; London: Oliphants, 1976) 7-10, Ephesians is related
to the collection of the Pauline epistles. Rome could well have served as the collecting
place. II Peter, if it was from Rome, is the first NT work to show knowledge of such a
collection (3: 16).
Supplements (Ephesians) 191
It will be noted that Ephesians is the only post-Pauline work

that I have discussed in relation to Roman Christianity. Personally I
find myself unable to decide whether II Thessalonians is really post-
Pauline; and even if it is, little would relate it to the Roman scene,
unless the Antichrist figure of chap. 2 is Nero or Domitian. In the
setting imagined by the post-Pauline Pastoral Epistles, Paul had not
yet been imprisoned when he wrote I Timothy and Titus, but by the
time of II Timothy (1:8) he had been imprisoned. Since in the latter
he asks for Mark to come to him (4:11) and since he is on the point
of death (4:6-8), Rome may well have been in mind as the place of
imprisonment. (In the 80s, the possible date of II Timothy, it was
known that Paul died at Rome; and I Peter 5:13 portrays Mark at
Rome [Babylon] near the time of Peter's death.) Certainly "Pudens
and Linus" in 4:21 are names familiar in Roman tradition; yet Prisca
and Aquila are with the recipient, not with the sender (4: 19). In any
case, little can be constructed from II Timothy in particular, or from
the Pastorals in general, about the situation of the church from
which it or they were sent. The Pastorals' interest in the firm estab-
lishment of the system of presbyter-bishops and deacons might be
compared to I Clement's defense of the presbyters at Corinth. Yet
one does not have in the Pastorals the levitical or cultic emphasis of
the latter work. Hagner (Use 230-36) finds inadequate evidence that
I Clement drew upon II Timothy, although he finds some probability
for familiarity with and use of the other two Pastorals (a rather opti-
mistic judgment398). Those who accept the Pastorals as post-Pauline
need to do more work diagnosing the probable place of origin before
those epistles can become useful for a study of the Roman church.
c. The Gospel According to Mark

Let us begin by listing what is said in the NT about men named
Mark: (a) "John who was also called Mark" is mentioned in Acts.
His mother Mary had a house in Jerusalem where many Christians
398. The work cited in footnote 315 above (pp. 137-38) attributes low probabili-
ty to Clement's knowledge of Titus, uncertainty to a knowledge of! Timothy, and no
evidence to a knowledge of II Timothy.
192 ROME-Chapter X
gathered to pray and to which Peter went in the early 40s when he
escaped from prison (12:12). Barnabas and Saul brought John Mark
from Jerusalem to Antioch (12:25) and then from Antioch to Cyprus
on the "first missionary journey" (mid 40s); however, he left them at
Perga ofPamphylia and returned to Jerusalem (13:13). When Barna-
bas and Saul were ready to set out from Antioch on the "second mis-
sionary journey" ca. 49, Barnabas wanted to take John Mark again;
but Paul refused because of John Mark's previous withdrawal in
Pamphylia. This led to a sharp separation of ways between the two
apostles, with Barnabas taking John Mark to Cyprus, while Paul
went to Asia Minor (15:36-41). (b) In the genuine letters of Paul,
someone named Mark is with him (late 50s or early 60s) and sends
greetings in the letter from an imprisoned Paul to Philemon (v. 24).
In the (probably) post-Pauline Colossians (4:10), the Philemon no-
tice is expanded to include greetings from Mark "the cousin of Bar-
nabas, about whom you received directions-if he comes to you,
receive him." In the post-Pauline II Tim 4:11, Paul in prison and
near death writes, "Get Mark and bring him with you, for he is very
useful in serving me." (c) In the (probably) post-Petrine I Peter
(5:13) the Roman church ("the co-elect in Babylon") sends greetings
to the Gentile Christians in Asia Minor "and so does my son Mark."
Are the three references to one man? The first issue is whether
(b) and (c) refer to the same Mark. We have seen above (pp. 188,
191) that in the post-Pauline development of the apostle's image his
imprisonment in II Timothy was plausibly intended to be at Rome,
as was also the imprisonment of Colossians/Ephesians (derived from
Philemon).399 The thesis of two Marks at Rome in the 60s, one asso-
ciated with Paul, the other with Peter, seems far less likely than pos-
iting the same man. The second issue is whether the Roman Mark
(b,c) is also the John Mark of Jerusalem (a) who in the 40s was asso-
ciated with Paul (even if unhappily) and with Peter (through John
Mark's mother's house). A priori the double apostolic association giv-
en both to Mark and to John Mark makes identity likely. A posteriori
399. It is generally thought that the authors of Colossians and Ephesians used as
a setting the Roman imprisonment of A.D. 61-63, while the author of the Pastorals
was envisaging a second, later Roman imprisonment during which Paul died. In Co-
lossians Mark is with Paul; in II Timothy Paul asks for him to come.
Supplements (Mark) 193
in the 80s the two were implicitly identified by the author of Colos-
sians who related Mark to Barnabas, even as Acts closely associated
John Mark with Barnabas. 40o Overall, then, the evidence favors
thinking of one man 401 even if we must suppose that, having separat-
ed from Paul in the period 45-50, Mark was again working with
Paul in the early 60s. One gets the impression that ca. 50 Mark may
have stood theologically closer to Peter than to Paul in the dispute at
Antioch, just as did Barnabas (Gal 2:13), and that is why after that
dispute Barnabas and Mark separated from Paul. 402 Mark could have
changed his attitude toward Paul later; and/or the Paul of Romans
and of the 60s may have become more moderate and moved closer to
Peter's position, lessening the distance between himself and Mark.
Thus far we have surveyed the evidence of the NT; let us turn to
tradition. According to what Papias, the early-second-century bishop
of Hierapolis, heard from a disciple of the disciples of Jesus (if we
may presume that is what he means by the "presbyter/elder"), some-
one named Mark, who had not been a disciple of Jesus or heard him,
became the interpreter of Peter43 and so wrote down what was said
and done by Jesus. This Marcan account, while not in order404 and
representing a memory of Peter's oral adaptations to listeners, was
not erroneous or false (Eusebius, Hist. 3.39.15). It is not clear from
Papias whether Mark wrote while Peter was still alive. The implica-
tion may be to the contrary because of the reference to remembering
and lack of order-if Peter was still alive, the account should have
been more exact. By the last third of the second century the Anti-
400. The Pseudo-Clementine Recognitions 1. 7 and the Acts of Peter (Vercelli) 4

associate Barnabas with Rome.
401. After warning that "Mark (Marcus) was the commonest Latin name in the
Roman Empire and that the early Church must have contained innumerable Marks,"
D. E. Nineham, Saint Mark (London: Penguin, 1963) 39-41, regards the identity of
Mark and John Mark as precarious but does not exclude it.
402. Marcion, the Pauline enthusiast, did not include Mark's gospel in his canon;
but Marcion, who was rejected at Rome, may have thought of Mark as associated
with that city. Many scholars insist on a strong Pauline influence on Mark, but see pp.
198-99 below.
403. This description is somewhat ambiguous. Chronologically, the next refer-
ence to Mark's work comes from Justin (ca. 160) who speaks of the "memoirs [apom-
nemoneumata] of Peter" (Dialogue 106).
404. Luke 1: 1,3 contrasts the Lucan orderly account with earlier narratives.
Does Papias think of Mark as one of these earlier and implicitly less orderly accounts?
194 ROME-Chapter X
Marcionite Prologue405 prefixed to Mark, and Irenaeus (Adv. haer.

3.1.1.) indicate that Mark wrote after the death of Peter and Paul;
but Clement of Alexandria, and (later) Epiphanius and Jerome
would have Mark writing while Peter was alive. Indeed, Clement
(Eusebius, Hist. 2.15.2) claims that Peter authorized Mark's work to
be read in the churches.
By way of relating the Papias tradition to NT information, one
may ask whether the Mark of whom Papias writes is the John Mark
of Acts and the Mark of the Pauline and Petrine tradition (who were
probably one man). Origen (Eusebius, Hist. 6.25.5) identifies the
evangelist with the Mark of I Peter, and Jerome in his commentary
on v. 24 of Philemon (PL 26.618A) states his opinion that the Mark
mentioned there is the author of the gospel. Earlier, Papias knew I
Peter (Eusebius, Hist. 3.39.17); and so, when he described Mark as
the interpreter of Peter, he was almost certainly thinking of the Mark
whom Peter, writing from Rome (Babylon: I Peter 5:13), called "my
son." If we put together all the connections we have seen, it seems
likely that by the early second century a tradition was in circulation
that Mark, presumably John Mark of Jerusalem, who had traveled
with Paul in the 40s and who had been a companion of Peter and
Paul at Rome in the 60s, wrote a gospel at Rome406 under the influ-
ence of Peter just before or shortly after Peter's death (which took
place no later than 67).
How reliable is such a tradition? Three factors are involved,
Mark, Peter, and Rome;407 and a question must be asked about each,
even if the first two are less important for the purposes of this book.
405. See R. G. Heard, "The Old Gospel Prologues," JTS 6 (1955) 1-16, esp. 4-6.
This Prologue, which some date considerably later, posits the writing of the gospel in
Italy by Mark the colobodactylus ("stump-fingered"). Is this adjective, applied to
Mark also by Hippolytus of Rome (Philosophumena [Refutation of All Heresies] 7.18
or 7.30.1; GCS 26.215), a local Roman tradition? Does it signify physical deformity or
Ii terary clumsiness?
406. Rome is implied by Papias; Italy is specified by the Anti-Marcionite Pro-
logue. Even though later Mark was associated with Alexandria, Clement of Alexan-
dria specified that Mark wrote at Rome the acts of Jesus which later became the
gospel we know, and a spiritual gospel after he came to Alexandria. (See M. Smith,
Clement of Alexandria and the Secret Gospel of Mark [Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard,
1973].) Mistakenly, almost 200 years later, Chrysostom states that the gospel of Mark
was written in Egypt (Homilies on Matthew 1.3; PG 57.17).
407. This is clearly pointed out by Moreau, "Rome" 38-39.
First, did (John) Mark actually write the gospel? The modesty of the
claim stands in its favor; for the posited author is not a famous apos-
tle,408 not a disciple who had a uniformly praiseworthy career, not an
eyewitness of Jesus (despite John Mark's home in Jerusalem).409 One
is hard pressed to explain an unchallenged tradition of authorship at-
tached to such an unlikely subject as Mark if there were not some
truth in it. On the other hand, some would argue that the evangelist
does not seem to know the geography of Palestine and so cannot be
the John Mark of Acts. 4lo
Second, did Mark get his tradition from Peter? Here the proba-
bility of invention increases. If Mark was not an eyewitness, whence
did he get his knowledge about Jesus? According to the NT Peter
had been at John Mark's home; and in Rome Mark was the compan-
ion of Peter, indeed his "son." Even without solid information would
not one be tempted to guess that Mark got the information from Pe-
ter? (Indeed the tradition of Mark's relation to Peter develops from
writing out memories of Peter, to gaining Peter's subsequent approv-
al, to Peter's encouragement and virtual dictation.) Granted that
caution, internal testing becomes important. Even scholars who
think the evangelist did have some contact with an eyewitness 411 ad-
mit that much of the gospel tradition is best explained as derivative
from earlier sources that were once or several times removed from
oral, eyewitness presentation. As for vivid Marcan scenes that are
(debatably) attributed to direct contact between the evangelist and
408. Streeter, Gospels 562: "The burden of the proof is on those who would assert
the traditional authorship of Matthew and John and on those who would deny it in
the case of Mark and Luke." In relation to my third question above (written at
Rome?), Streeter gave impetus to attributing each gospel to a great Christian center, a
position later defended by T. W. Manson (on p. 52 of the Studies cited in footnote 219
above).
409. One can see pure imagination in the claim of Epiphanius (Panarion 51.6;
PG 41.900a) that Mark was one of the 70 disciples sent out by Jesus (Luke 10:1).
410. E. Schweizer, The Good News according to Mark (Richmond: Knox, 1970)
24. Such an argument also militates against Galilee as the place of composition (foot-
note 413 below).
411. Taylor, Mark 78-82, may be consulted as an informed conservative attempt
to protect the Petrine tradition. For a more extravagant thesis that makes Peter the
real author of the gospel, see J. Chapman, Matthew, Mark and Luke (London: Long-
man, Green, 1937) 83-93. The contrast that runs through John 21 raises the possibili-
ty that the insistence in 21 :21 that the Beloved Disciple "wrote these things" is in
contrast to a tradition that Peter stood behind a written gospel.
196 ROME-Chapter X
an eyewitness, Peter is absent from most; and so there is no internal

reason to make him the agent of such presentations. True, Taylor
and others, however, would argue that Mark was dependent on Peter
for "picturesque" stories in which Peter does feature, e.g., the trans-
figuration, Gethsemane, and the denials. Today most critical schol-
ars, however, would see these as highly theological scenes, not much
closer to eyewitness reporting than other "less vivid" Marean ac-
counts. Moreover, the Marean picture of Peter is the least favorable
of all the gospels, and there are major Petrine scenes found in Mat-
thew that are absent from Mark. 412 Thus, there would be little inter-
nal reason to justify Papias' picture of a Mark who writes as an
interpreter of Peter, or to support Justin's designation of Mark as the
"memoirs" of Peter.
Third, was the Marean gospel written at Rome? Granted the in-
formation in Acts about John Mark at Jerusalem and Antioch, and
the later tradition about Mark's gQjng to Alexandria, it is notewor-
thy that tradition does not attribute Mark to one of those cities. The
lack of a serious traditional contender413 favors the historicity of the
second-century tradition naming Rome. Nevertheless, since both
Pauline and Petrine epistolary evidence associates Mark with Rome,
it is not impossible that, if Mark was thought to be the evangelist, the
association of his gospel with Rome represents an early guess. Once
again internal testing becomes important. The gospel explains Ara-
maic expressions (3:17; 5:41; 7:11, etc.) and elementary Jewish cus-
toms (7:3-5), so that Palestine as place of composition may be
plausibly excluded. There are more Latinisms in the Greek of
Mark414 than in any other gospel, and that statistic suggests an envi-
ronment where Latin was frequently spoken. In particular, it has
been argued that the bronze kodrantes coin of Mark 12:42, "two lep-
ta which constitute one quadrans, " was not in circulation in the east-
ern section of the empire,415 so that Mark would be offering a coinage
412. Matthew 14:28-31; 16:17-19; 17:24-27; see R. E. Brown. Peter 78-\05.

4\3. Some modern scholars suggest Galilee (Lohmeyer. Marxsen. Kelber). but
that finds no antecedent in the tradition.
414. Taylor. Mark 45; Lane. Mark 24-25. P. L. Couchaud went so far as to sug-
gest that the gospel was originally written in Latin!
415. W. M. Ramsay, Expository Times \0 (1898-99) 232. 336. On the one hand.
A.E.J. Rawlinson, The Gospel According to St. Mark (Westminster Commentaries; 3rd
equivalent for western readers. Mark 15:21 identifies Simon of Cy-

rene as "the father of Alexander and Rufus," presumably because
these two sons are known to Mark and his readers; and attention has
been called to the only other Rufus in the NT who lives at Rome
(Rom 16:13),416 but the identification is adventurous. Even more ad-
venturous is the attempt to find in 9:49, "Everyone will be salted
with fire," a reference to the persecution of Christians by Nero at
Rome after the fire.417 Most scholars think that independently the au-
thors of Matthew and Luke knew and used Mark within two decades
of its being written (and even John is close at times to Mark), and so
one suspects that the place of composition was one that had contacts
with other, widely separated Christian communities. Overall, then,
the internal evidence is not unfavorable to the tradition that Rome
was the place of provenance for Mark. 418
Let me summarize the answers given to the three questions that
probed the reliability of the second-century tradition that Mark
wrote a gospel at Rome under the influence of Peter. The role of Pe-
ter as the source for the gospel is the most dubious element; but
Mark as the author and Rome as the site cannot be quickly dismissed
as implausible.
* * *
Because of that judgment it is appropriate to consider, briefly at
least, how the Marcan gospel might be related to the documents I
have associated with Rome and to the Christian situation analyzed
ed.; London: Methuen, 1931) xxxi, finds Mark written in "the kind of Greek which
might be spoken by the lower classes at Rome." On the other hand, H. J. Cadbury,
The Making of Luke-Acts (New York: Macmillan, 1927) 88-89, argues that Mark's
Latinisms are widely distributed in the Greek and Semitic of the time and do not lo-
calize Mark in Italy.
416. An Alexander is mentioned in I Tim 1:20 and II Tim 4:14 who could be
placed in Rome, but he is an enemy of Paul.
417. Lane, Mark 24.
418. Bacon, Mark 46, is too certain: "That this earliest of extant Greek Gospels
should attain its short-lived supremacy under the simple 'According to Mark' is expli-
cable under the theory of Roman provenance, but hardly otherwise." Positive, too, is a
foe of Marean priority, namely, W. R. Farmer, "Modern Developments of Gries-
bach's Hypothesis," NTS 23 (1976-77) 275-95, who asserts (288): Mark "no doubt
fits a Roman provenance."
198 ROME-Chapter X
there. While I Clement shows knowledge of material about Jesus

found in the Synoptic Gospels, it is very difficult to be certain that
the author knew a specific gospel. Those who allow the possibility
are more inclined to posit a knowledge of Matthew (and Luke) than
of Mark. 419 (A. Fridrichsen420 has suggested that the "envy"
[phthonos] mentioned in I Clem. 5 as the cause of the martyrs'
deaths at Rome may echo Mark 15:10 where the high priests deliver
up Jesus to Pilate out of envy; but this connection is tenuous.) In-
deed, the absence of any attention to Mark in Roman documents of
the early post-NT period constitutes a problem for the thesis that
Mark was composed at Rome and especially for deriving Mark from
Peter, the great apostle of the Roman church. ,
Similarly, while the author of I Peter knows Jesus-material
found in the gospels, one may suspect that he drew his knowledge
from a pre-written-gospel level of the tradition; and so there is no
reason to think he used Mark.421 Some instances of parallels between
the two works are offered by Best (Peter 52-54), but it is difficult to
be sure that the themes involved are specific enough to be attributed
to the peculiar theology of the Roman church. For example, I Peter
1:18 and Mark 10:45 attribute to Jesus' death the aspect of ransom;
and I Peter 4: 13 and Mark 13 relate the themes of persecution and
parousia.
As for a relation between Mark and Paul's letter to the Romans,
the failure to believe in Jesus is explained in Rom 11:8 through refer-
ence to Isa 6:9 about the eyes not being able to see, and the ears to
hear. The failure of the people to understand Jesus' parables is ex-
plained in Mark 4:12 by the same Isaian passage: "So that they may
see but not perceive, may hear but not understand." Obviously, how-
ever, that is a common Christian theme (Acts 28:27; John 12:40),
even as is the suggested parallelism between Rom 13:9-10 and Mark
10: 19; 12:29-30 in terms of listing the commandments of the deca-
logue and summing them up in the commandment of love. In Rom
14:9 Christ is "the Lord of the dead and of the living," while in Mark
12:27 God "is not God of the dead but of the living." More impres-
419. Telfer, Office 52; Hagner, Use 171-78.

420. See Cullmann, Peter 108.
421. E. Best, "I Peter and the Gospel Tradition," NTS 16 (1969-70) 95-113, esp.
99-102.
sive for possible relation to Roman theology is a comparison between

the gospel formula (presumably known to the Roman church) in
Rom 1:3-4 which places divine sonship over Davidic descent, and
Jesus' question in Mark 12:35-37 which points in the same direction.
Bacon, who calls attention to parallels, speaks of the "anti-Jewish
radicalism of Mark" (Mark 75) in terms of certain passages where
Mark seems to be more severe than Paul. Romans 14:20 states in re-
lation to the food laws: "Everything is indeed clean, but it is wrong
for anyone to make others fall by what he eats," while Mark 7:19
makes no such pastoral amelioration: "Thus he declared all foods
clean." Romans 11 :25-26 admits that a "hardening" (porosis) has
come upon part of Israel; but that is "until the full number of the
Gentiles come in, and so all will be saved." Without qualification in
, .
Mark 3:5 Jesus is angered at the porosis he encounters in the syna-
gogue. Mark 7:3 speaks of "the Pharisees and all the Jews" with a
third-person tone that suggests his audience is not Jewish;422 indeed
the first one to confess the Son of God is a Roman centurion (Mark
15:39). According to Mark 7 the traditions of the Pharisees are of
men and not of God; indeed at times they are contrary to God's will.
This seems more radical than the Paul of Romans.42l
Overall, then, a comparison of Mark with the documents com-
monly related to the Roman church (Romans, I Peter, I Clement) is
not decisive, partly because one does not know whether Mark was
written to confirm a community in its outlook or to correct that
community and help it to change its mind. If the latter, Mark might
well be in conflict with some of those Roman documents.
Bearing in mind that difficulty, let us now turn to comparing
Mark to Roman Christianity. To study all the evidence in Mark
would require a book in itself. Consequently I propose simply to list
observations about Mark that, were the gospel written at Rome,
might challenge negatively or support positively my reconstruction
of the dominant Christianity at Rome, namely, as derived from Jeru-
salem, with strong Jewish origins and continued loyalties to the Jew-
422. One is tempted to wonder whether an author who writes thus can have been
Jewish, but I Thess 2:14-15 (if genuinely Pauline) portrays Paul as similarly distanc-
ing himself from the Jews.
423. Note, however, that Kiimmel, Introduction 93, has Mark defending Jesus
against the charge that he has abandoned the Jewish Law.
200 ROME-Chapter X
ish cultic heritage. These observations are culled from modern

scholarship and reflect the enormous range of disagreement that
characterizes contemporary discussion of Mark.424 Furthermore,
they are affected by our inability to distinguish with much surety be-
tween Mark's redaction or editing and the tradition that came down
to him-a surety that, were it possible, might isolate more clearly the
situation of the evangelist and his community.
NEGATIVE CHALLENGES: (1) Even if by the last third of the
first century Gentiles were an ethnic majority in Roman Christian-
ity, could they have been so ignorant of basic Jewish purity customs
as Mark 7 presupposes, if their Christianity continued to have strong
Jewish attachments? One may respond that loyalty at Rome to the
Jewish heritage was selective, concentrating on cult and not on Phar-
isee cleansing rituals; but one must admit that Mark seems to envis-
age a Gentile audience that knows little at all of Judaism. (2)
According to the more moderate interpretations of Mark, during the
ministry of Jesus Peter is portrayed as one who is well-meaning but
who fails to understand the Son of God. In the more radical interpre-
tations (T. J. Weeden; W. H. Kelber) Mark attacks Peter and the
Twelve as the proponents of a false christology which stresses Jesus
as a divine man confirmed by miracles. Mark's hostility is aroused
because such teachers have led Jewish Christianity to false hopes in a
parousia-hopes connected with the Jewish revolt against Rome.
The latter view (often rebutted) can be reconciled with a localization
of Mark at Rome only if the Gospel is seen as a corrective of a Ro-
man idealization of Peter.
POSITIVE SUPPORT: (1) Scholars of the most diverse schools of
interpretation 42S have detected in Mark (especially but not exclusive-
ly in Mark 13) an emphasis on persecution as inevitable and even as
a present or imminent reality. Some would identify specific refer-
ences to the events of the Jewish War against Rome, the flight of the
424. See the almost despairing note struck by C. F. Evans in The Cambridge His-
tory of the Bible (3 vols.; Cambridge Univ. 196(}-63) 1.27(}-71.
425. E.g., R. H. Lightfoot, S. E. Johnson, Rawlinson, Weeden; see B.M.F. van
Iersel, "The Gospel according to St. Mark-Written for a Persecuted Community?"
Nederlands Theologisch Tijdschrift 34 (1980) 15-36.
Jerusalem Christians to Pella, the persecution under Nero, and the

destruction of the Temple-in short, the events of A.D. 65-70. Obvi-
ously the Christian community at Rome, if it had strong Jewish
roots, would have been affected by developments both in Jerusalem
and Rome. The anti-Jewish elements in Mark and the antipathy to-
ward the high priest have been seen as an apologetic addressed to the
fellow citizens of the Christians at Rome, telling them that the same
Jewish forces involved in the revolt against Rome were hostile to Je-
sus, so that Roman anger should be directed against the Jews, not
the Christians. 426 (2) Even more commonly scholars have detected in
Mark an emphasis on the necessity of the suffering and crucifixion of
Jesus, so that Jesus cannot be understood without that optic. Thus
Mark is interpreted as a statement that only by suffering can the
Christians of Mark's time attain real faith in Jesus. By almost a tour
de force Mark is turning the suffering undergone at Rome into a pos-
itive catechesis about a way of life in which the redemption has its
effect. (3) In the same line of thought the somewhat negative picture
of Peter during the ministry can be understood. To some, the death
of Peter at Rome may have seemed a defeat: the great apostle who
had been delivered so many times from death at the hands of Jewish
opponents had fallen before the Roman emperor. But Mark teaches
that even the first of the Twelve could not fully understand Jesus
without taking up the cross. Otherwise, Peter might be seen as one
whose faith depended on the miraculous success of Jesus (and on his
own miraculous career). The death of Peter (and the death of Paul),
through the eyes of Mark, could be seen as the acme and not the na-
dir of the apostolic career.427
The evidence is obviously inconclusive in the sense that the at-
tribution of Mark to Rome, while presenting some difficulties, could
probably be reconciled with the situation I have envisaged for Chris-
tianity there. Yet such attribution would add only slightly to knowl-
edge derivable from other documents.
426. See S.G.F. Brandon, "The Date of the Markan Gospel," NTS 7 (1960-61)
126-41.
427. Such an approach is diametrically opposite to that of Kelber and Weeden.
202 ROME-Chapter X
D. Ignatius to the Romans
While being taken under guard from Antioch where he had

been bishop to Rome where he would be martyred under Trajan (98-
117), Ignatius wrote a series of letters. They reflect his experience at
Antioch,428 and with one exception they tell us about internal doc-
trinal struggles and divisions in the recipient churches. Romans is
that exception-was there no heresy at Rome? Either because Igna-
tius was not informed in detail about Rome or because his only inter-
est was to prevent the Romans in their kindness from cheating him
of martyrdom, Ignatius' letter casts little light on Rome and thus on
the topic of this book. A few facts may be listed, most of which have
already been cited in preceding chapters as fitting into my construc-
tion of Roman Christianity:
Ignatius' greeting "to the church that presides in the chief place of
the country of the Romans" is more fulsome and laudatory than that
to any other church. The church of Rome is "worthy of honor, wor-
thy of felicitation, worthy of praise, worthy of success, worthy of ho-
liness." Since Ignatius agrees with I Clement's greeting which speaks
of "the church of God that sojourns in Rome," both works militate
against the thesis that the community in Rome did noi constitute a
church (because it was not founded by apostles or because it was
split up in synagogues).
In particular, it is a church "preeminent in love" (see also 2:2;
3:2), a church that has never been jealous, indeed a church that has
taught others (3:1).
It is a church that has received directions from the apostles Peter
and Paul (4:3)-a fact that may explain Ignatius' respect.
No single-bishop is mentioned at Rome, probably because the
church still had the twofold structure of presbyter-bishops and dea-
cons.
428. L. W. Barnard, "The Background orst. Ignatius of Antioch," in his Studies

19-30. See also Chapter IV above.
Supplements (Hermas) 203
I
E. The Shepherd of Hermas
This long and puzzling work of Christian prophecy, sometimes

evaluated as idiosyncratic mediocrity, other times as profound theol-
ogy, deserves much more attention than allotted here. Although no
single complete Greek text has survived (perhaps because its chris-
tology was suspect as Arian), Irenaeus (Adv. haer. 4.20.2) spoke of it
as Scripture; Origen (In Rom. 16:14[10:31]; PG 14.1252B) called it
"divinely inspired"; and Eusebius (Hist. 3.3.6) reported that it was
read publicly in churches. There is no doubt that it was written at
Rome (Vis. 1.1.1.; 2.1.1; 4.1.2); and the suggestion that Clement
would send it abroad (Vis. 2.4.3) may mean that Hermas' revelations
had church status in Rome. There is little agreement as to composi-
tion,429 but one respectable view divides the work chronologically in
two parts. Visions 1 - 4 (where Clement is mentioned), and perhaps
Similitude 9, may have been written in the early second century. The
Shepherd makes his appearance in Vision 5, and the rest of the work
may have been written about 135-145. 430 Hermas gives evidence of
Hellenistic traditions and concepts, but scholars are divided on
whether these are mere clothing or more deeply appropriated. Virtu-
ally all agree that, while the author does not speak of the Jews or
their customs, or even quote the OT, he has been deeply influenced
by Jewish traditions. 431 For some this means he was a convert Jew;
for others, that he belonged to a select Jewish congregation at Rome;
indeed even special Essene influence has been suggested. 4J2 However,
429. See Barnard, "Shepherd," for various views.

430. The Muratorian Fragment reports that Hermas wrote while his brother
Pius was bishop of Rome (140--155)-perhaps another sign of church status. Certainly
there are no signs in the work of the Montanist crisis, so it belongs in the first half of
the second century.
431. See Dani610u, Theology, esp. refs. on 432; Barnard, "Early" 378-84; also
Barnard, "Hermas, the Church and Judaism," in Studies 151-63. J. Reiling, Hermas
and Christian Prophecy (NovTSupp 37; Leiden: Brill, 1973) 26, states, "The blending
of genuine Jewish Christian elements with these unmistakable hellenistic elements
I constitutes the milieu of Hermas."
J 432. J.-P. Audet, RB 60 (1953) 41-82, has compared Hermas to the Qumran
Manual of Discipline (IQS); he suggests that Hermas was the son of a Jew who be-
longed to the Qumran community and that Hermas was brought to Rome as slave
(Vis. 1.1.1) after the war of 70. The idea of Essene influence at Rome has been taken
204 ROME-Chapter X
Barnard ("Shepherd" 34-35) may be closer to the mark: "Thus I

Clement, like Hermas, is a Christian work which leans heavily on
late-Jewish and early Jewish-Christian tradition and apologetics, and
this raises the question as to the composition of the Roman Church
in the late first and early second centuries. There would appear to be
grounds for thinking that the influence of the Jewish-Christian ele-
ment in the Church remained strong into the second century." I
would rephrase slightly, for I think of Rome as containing a domi-
nant Jewish/Gentile Christianity that had strong loyalties to Jerusa-
lem and the Jewish tradition. The author of Hermas may have been
ethnically a pure Gentile, but he would be representative of that con-
tinuing strain of Christianity. The indication that there was still a
church structure of presbyter-bishops and deacons433 indicates how
conservative the Roman church was. One wonders if the striking ec-
clesiological symbolism 4l4 in Hermas portraying the church as an old
woman who was created before all things and for whom the world
was established (Vis. 2.4.1; see II Clem. 14.1) is not a reflection of
Lady Wisdom created before the world began (Sir 1:4) who came to
dwell in Israel (24:8-12), so that the church becomes the continua-
tion of Israel.
In any case, there is no real difficulty fitting Hermas into the
trajectory of Roman Christianity that I have diagnosed in this book.
For example, just as I Clement showed Roman instincts by modify-
ing Hebrews' rejection of levitical priesthood and cult, so Hermas
(Vis. 2.2.4) claims a divine vision as basis for teaching that sins com-
mitted after baptism can be forgiven, a doctrine that modifies the po-
sition of Heb 6:4-6 which declares forgiveness after "enlightenment"
impossible. Rome did not like extreme positions.
up by E. G. Hinson (in an article in the papers of the Seventh International Oxford

Patristic Congress), who points to a military interest in I Clem. 37, and to information
on the Essenes in Hippolytus, writing later at Rome.
433. See p. 163 above. All the references to presbyters and bishops are in the sec-
tions that some would judge chronologically early. However, if the men sitting on the
bench in Man. 11.1 are presbyters, then the structure of presbyter-bishops lasted into
the 14Os. Telfer, Office 61, however, thinks it unquestionable that by the time Hermas
was finished there was a single-bishop at Rome.
434. See L. Pernveden, The Concept of the Church in the Shepherd of Hermas
(Studia Theologica Lundensia; Lund: Gleerup, 1966).
Supplements (Simon Magus) 205
F. Legends of Peter and Simon Magus at Rome
Acts 8:9-24 tells the story of a magician named Simon, from a

city in Samaria, who was hailed as "The power of God which is
called great." Believing in Jesus, he was baptized by Philip; but later
he came to envy the gift of the Spirit which the apostles Peter and
John could confer. His offer of money for this sacred power (whence
"simony") was angrily rejected by Peter who judged that Simon was
in the bonds of iniquity. The story ends with Simon, in fear of divine
punishment, asking Peter's prayers. Simon was not the only "magus"
to be encountered by gospel preachers; and he comes off more sym-
pathetically than Elymas bar Jesus, the magus and false prophet who
tangled with Paul at Paphos in Cyprus (Acts 13:6-11). Nevertheless,
Simon became the subject of a legend that embodies symbolically
second-century church conflicts.
About 155, Justin, a native of Nablus in Samaria, who came to
Rome before 150 and was martyred there about 165, addressed his
First Apology to the emperor Antoninus Pius (138-161). In chap. 26
he reports that Simon, a magus from Gitto in Samaria, did diabolic
magic in Rome during the reign of Claudius (41-54), so that he was
considered a god. Indeed, a statue was erected to him on an island in
the Tiber between the two bridges with the Latin inscription: Simoni
deo sancto, "To Simon the holy god." A woman named Helena, a
former prostitute, went with him, hailed as "the first idea generated
by him" as god. Meander, also a Samaritan, was Simon's disciple.
Now the Simon of this account is never identified as the Simon Ma-
gus of Acts 8 and is never said to be a Christian, but then Justin does
not cite Acts in his writings. It is extremely unlikely that there were
in Christian writings two Simons who were magicians from Samaria,
who functioned in the 30s and 40s, and who were hailed as god. It is
fairly clear that the statue of which Justin speaks is to be related to
the marble inscription found on the island of the Tiber in 1574 dedi-
cated to Sabine god Semo Sancus: Semoni Sanco Deo Fidio Sacrum.
Some have thought that misreading the inscription caused Justin to
compose the Simon legend. It is much more likely that the Simon
legend was known to him either from Samaria or from Rome, and
that he wrongly associated the statue with the legend.
206 ROME-Chapter X
Some twenty-five years later Irenaeus, Adv. haer. 1.23, presents

us with a more developed form of the Simon legend. Very clearly
now it is Simon Magus of Acts 8 who was honored by a statue in the
reign of Claudius Caesar. He contended against the apostles; his faith
in Jesus was a sham; and he was glorified as a god. He presented
himself as the Father of all; and his Phoenician slave companion,
Helena, whom he saved by descending to deliver her from earthly
contamination, was the first conception of his mind. His thought is
presented as full-fledged gnosticism (only hinted at in Justin); and he
becomes the father of all gnostic heresies, with Menander as his suc-
cessor. True, Irenaeus does not say Simon Magus came to Rome, but
the reference to the statue seems to imply that.
Shortly later the apocryphal Acts of Peter (180-225?), perhaps
composed in Asia Minor or Syria, tells us that Peter, summoned by
divine vision, came to Rome to refute Simon Magus (more a diabolic
magician that a gnostic) who was hailed as a god. m (In the Acts of
Paul, that apostle is also involved in the confrontation at Rome.)
About the same time (222) Hippolytus, writing in Rome (Phi/oso-
phumena or Refutation of All Heresies 6.1-15), devoted a great deal
of attention to Simon Magus as a gnostic and the progenitor of Va-
lentinus. Peter resisted him in Rome, and Simon Magus perished
there when he was buried alive but failed to rise on the third day
(Phi/os. 6.20).
By the fourth century there was in existence a large body of lit-
erature attributed (falsely) to Clement of Rome. In particular, the
term Pseudo-Clementines is often used to refer to the Clementine
Homilies and Recognitions and some letters addressed to James.
Scholars have detected sources behind the Pseudo-Clementines
reaching back into the second century, some of them surely Jewish
Christian in origin,4J6 i.e., composed by Jewish believers in Christ
435. This was all accepted as factual by Eusebius, Hist. 2.14-15, who states that
Simon Magus sought to avoid the apostles by coming to Rome where he was honored
as a god by the erection of a statue. Close after him in the same reign of Claudius,
Peter was brought by Providence to fight against Simon, appearing in Rome "like a
noble captain of God clad in divine armor." (The combination of the statue made un-
der Claudius and Peter as the adversary of Simon helps to explain the tradition that
Peter came to Rome in the 40s. See pp. 102-3 above.)
436. See F. S. Jones, "The Pseudo-Clementines: A History of Research," The
Second Century 2 (1982) 1-33,63-96.
Supplements (Simon Magus) 207
who saw Christian faith as the only difference between themselves

and non-Christian Jews (Recog. 1.43.2; 1.50.5-6). Prominent in some
of the earliest sources of this literature is James, the brother of the
Lord, who ordained him bishop of Jerusalem (1.43.3). In a letter sup-
posed to have been sent by Peter to James, the latter is addressed as
"lord and bishop"; and another letter from Clement to James has an
address to "the bishop of bishops who rules Jerusalem, the holy
church of the Hebrews, and the churches everywhere." In the under-
lying story James is highly successful in Jerusalem in the early days,
winning over the Jerusalem Jews to belief, so that even the high
priest is ready to be baptized (Recog. 1.69.8). But then Saul makes
his appearance, physically attacking James and undoing the work of
conversion, with the result that 5,000 persecuted Christians flee from
Jerusalem to Jericho (1.70-71). The flight almost certainly reflects
the tradition that the Christians fled to Pella after James' death in
the 60s rather than joining the Jewish revolt against Rome. The su-
perimposition of this on the persecution of Christians by Saul before
his conversion in the 30s makes scholars suspect that the real target
in the second-century Pseudo-Clementine sources is the Christian
Paul, who in the judgment of later Jewish Christians caused their
failure to convert large numbers of Jews by his radical stance toward
the Law. The very next chapter (1.72) in the Recognitions has Peter
going to Caesarea to confront Simon, a Samaritan magician, thus be-
ginning a very long series of arguments between Simon and Peter.
(Once again scholars detect behind the figure of Simon an anti-Pau-
line bias, and an echo of the dispute between Paul and Peter at Anti-
och [Gal 2: 11].) The disputes take place at Caesarea, although Clem-
ent of Rome is the narrator, and from the start Peter has travel
plans to go "even to the city of Rome" (Recog. 1.12-13). Ultimately
Simon flees Caesarea to go to Rome where he will be publicly hon-
ored as a god; and after three months Peter leaves Caesarea to follow
him (3.63-74). Thus, even if Simon and Peter do not actually strug-
gle in Rome, that tradition is known and has been shifted to Pales-
tine, probably because the Pseudo-Clementines were written in the
Palestine-Syria area. 437
This scattered evidence shows that by the second century the
437. Ibid. 9: "The modern consensus is that none of the PsCl arose in Rome."
208 ROME-Chapter X
legend was widespread that in the early days of Christianity a diabol-

ic, evil thinker, Simon Magus, had been bested by Peter, first in Pal-
estine (Samaria) and then in Rome. 438 The nature of Simon's evil
doctrine depends on the viewpoint of the storyteller, e.g., gnosticism
(Justin [incipiently], Irenaeus, Hippolytus), or Hellenistic, anti-Jew-
ish Christianity (reconstructed from Pseudo-Clementines). In these
legends one is encountering the trajectory of Peter's image extended
beyond his lifetime in and through the Roman reaction to second-
century movements judged heretical, e.g., when Rome resisted both
Valentinus the gnostic and Marcion the arch-Paulinist in the 140s.
The next work to be considered shows us a similar trajectory within
the NT.
G. II Peter
This work was written after I Peter by another author and prob-
ably at a considerable interval of time. Indeed, most critical scholars
date it in the second century on the basis of content and thought. 439
Very Greek in style and thought, II Peter has the characteristics of a
valedictory or last discourse by Peter, comparable to Paul's pseude-
pigraphical valedictory in II Tim 3_4. 440 There is no internal indica-
tion of the place of origin; but the reference to a previous letter by
Peter (3: 1) raises the possibility that II Peter is to be related either to
Asia Minor which received I Peter, or to Rome whence I Peter was
438. It is interesting that, despite the Pseudo-Clementine respect for James and
for Jerusalem as supreme, it is Peter who resists Simon outside Jerusalem. What was
the relation of second-century Jewish Christians toward Jerusalem? Eusebius, Hist.
4.5.3-4, lists fifteen Jewish bishops down to the time of Hadrian (130), and then (5.12)
fifteen Gentile bishops-a symbolic remembrance that during the Second Jewish Re-
volt, Jerusalem became entirely a Gentile church (see von Campenhausen, Jerusalem
25-28). However, B. Bagatti, The Church/rom the Circumcision (Jerusalem: Francis-
can, 1971) 10-14, argues that a rival Jewish Christian community remained in Jerusa-
lem for centuries, and that the Cenacle (neglected by Gentile Christian pilgrims) was
in their hands. Jerome, In Eziechelem 4.16.161 (PL 25.139B), mentions Christian divi-
sions in Jerusalem in his day.
439. Reicke, Epistles 144-45, dates it in the early 90s because it speaks respect-
fully of government and magistrates (2:10) and so must precede Domitian's persecu-
tion. Similar respect, however, is shown by I Clement after the persecution; see
footnotes 366 and 386 above.
440. See Fornberg, Early 10-11.
Supplements (II Peter) 209
sent.441 The indication that this previous letter of Peter was sent to
the addressees of II Peter (3: 1: "This is the second epistle that I write
to you") has no precision because 3:15-16 speaks of letters of Paul
known to the addressees ("wrote to you")-there is no one geo-
graphical region addressed in common by I Peter and the Pauline
epistles (plural).
But one may ask what we learn about the setting of the author
from the implications of the letter. Peter is the most important au-
thority for the author. If Peter's authority needs to be defended, it is
because the tradition he and others have transmitted, especially
about the parousia, is being pitted against false prophecy and false
teachers (1:16 - 2:3). The epistles of Paul are known to the author
and seemingly treated as Scripture (3: 16-17).442 They are being dis-
torted (not necessarily by the false prophets), but that is because the
difficult thoughts of "our beloved brother Paul" are misunderstood.
(Note there is no suggestion that Paul is wrong.) Nevertheless, the
bulk of II Peter is not based on either I Peter or Paul, the acknowl-
edged authorities, but upon the unacknowledged Epistle of Jude,
"the brother of James" (Jude 1). On the basis both of content and of
the reference to James, Jude is thought to stem from a Christianity
with deep roots in Judaism. We have seen that in early and mid-sec-
ond century the Jewish Christians responsible for the Pseudo-C/em-
en tines. who claimed James as a guide, respected Peter but hated
Paul. On the other hand, at the same time Marcion was totally re-
jecting the Jewish heritage and claiming Paul as the apostle par ex-
cellence. In the second century the Roman church, which in my
hypothesis derived its Christianity from Jerusalem, was still drawing
on Jewish traditions and yet exalting Peter and Paul in that order.
Thus, the strange combination of authorities behind II Peter would
441. That II Peter 3: I refers to I Peter and not to another lost Petrine work
seems likely because of the similarities between II Peter 1:1-2 and I Peter 1:1-2. Curi-
ously, Fornberg, Early 130-47, opts for Asia Minor without discussing Rome, even
though II Peter does not touch issues that Fornberg admits are germane to Asia Mi-
nor (emperor cult, hostility between Jew and Gentile).
442. The treatment of Christian writings as Scripture has often been used to as-
sign a late date (mid-second century). But John (18:9) treats the fulfillment of Jesus'
words on the same level as the fulfillment of the OT prophets' words; and II Clem. 2:4
(which may stem from the end of the first century-see footnote 356 above) treats a
saying of Jesus as Scripture.
210 ROME-Chapter X
have been at home in Rome. 443 Indeed, one wonders whether the
false teachers and the wicked distorters of Paul (distinct groups?) at-
tacked in II Peter might not echo Rome's struggle with Valentinus
and his gnostic followers and with Marcion about A.D. 140. (Yet that
must remain no more than a guess for the descriptions in II Peter are
general, and the date of the work is very uncertain.) The great re-
spect for prophecy, so that in II Peter 3:2 "the holy prophets" are
listed alongside the apostles as guides, plus the insistence that proph-
ecy must not be a matter of private interpretation, may represent a
church where a prophet like Hermas is the brother of a bishop and
has his visions sent out by Clement, a presbyter-bishop.
In any case, as the final NT contribution to the Petrine trajec-
tory, II Peter portrays Peter as a figure who embraces Paul (properly
understood) and yet implicitly draws on the brother of James as an
authority. The key to Peter's ecclesiastical utility in his lifetime may
have been his ability to hold the Christian middle together, being ac-
knowledged as an apostle by Paul, yet not alienating James' more
conservative backers. If II Peter came from Rome, a key to the eccle-
siastical role of that church in the mid-second century may have
been its use of the image of Peter to keep alive a middle position,
when extremists were using "James" and "Paul" as alienating sym-
bols for their claim to represent the pure Christian position.
443. F. Danker, "2 Peter 1: A Solemn Decree," CBQ 40 (1978) 64-82, finds par-
allels to an imperial decree in 1:3-11, as if an emperor were addressing civic assem-
blies throughout his realm. Danker points out that II Peter does not contain frequent
citations from the OT in the manner of I Clement, but that may result from virtually
copying Jude.
CONCLUSION
444
Meier's treatment of Antioch, he has described a first genera-
Iandtiontheir
N
marked by struggle among various types of Jewish Christians
Gentile converts. In the 40s at Antioch there were face-to-
face disputes among the Hellenists and Paul on one side of the spec-
trum, and Peter and men from James on the other side. The issue at
stake was what the gospel meant in relation to the Jewish heritage.
Well into the second generation there continued at Antioch strains of
Christianity produced by these early struggles, so that the church
there after 70 would have contained conservative and liberal Jewish
Christians, and (spiritually closer to the latter) an ever increasing
majority of Gentile Christians. By introducing new insights and at
the same time combining "old" traditions from the various strains,
Matthew, the evangelist of Antioch, sought to hold this mixed Chris-
tianity together, establishing a clear church identity. His view of sal-
vation history and of the Law was more conservative than Paul's; but
his attitude toward the Gentiles more liberal than that associated
with James. The figure of Peter served Matthew as a bridge, embody-
ing the church's teaching and enabling it to insist on a centrist posi-
tion. Seemingly such authority was still being exercised through
prophets and teachers, and Matthew shows great caution lest the
leadership of the institution become dominating and monopolistic.
Nevertheless, within two decades of Matthew, and thus by the time
of the next generation, a firm authoritative structure of single-bishop,
444. This conclusion is composed jointly by R. E. Brown and J. P. Meier.
211
212 CONCLUSION
presbyters, and deacons had made its appearance at Antioch. Indeed,

Ignatius, the bishop of Antioch, became a propagandist for this
structure as an answer to the continued theological battles between
the Christian "left" and "right" (even more extreme now). From
their openness to the Gentile world, Christians who were more liber-
al had taken on the coloration of gnosticism, pressing a high christol-
ogy to the point of a docetism that evaporated Jesus' humanity.
Opposite to them on the more conservative extreme of the spectrum
there remained Judaizers, even if they were relatively few in number.
Staking out a middle position, Ignatius seems to have had only mar-
ginal communion with the extremes, even though a full-blown
schism may not yet have existed. The notion of the church catholic
proposed by Ignatius had Pauline roots but a wider heritage.
In Brown's treatment of Rome, he has suggested that the stron-
gest strain of Christianity at Rome came from Jerusalem in the 40s
and represented an attitude similar to that of James and Peter to-
ward Judaism. The Gentiles converted by this mission would thus
have been more loyal to the Jewish heritage than were Gentiles con-
verted in the Pauline mission. When Paul wrote to Rome in the late
50s to gain support for his collection on behalf of Jerusalem and with
the ultimate hope of visiting Rome, his stance toward Judaism was
more moderate than it had been at an earlier period-a change stem-
ming partly from experience, partly from a desire to be received.
This more moderate Paul was received in Rome; but chiefly his mar-
tyrdom there (after he was denounced by extremely conservative
Jewish Christian zealots?) was what won him a place of honor next
to Peter in the Roman list of heroes ("pillars"). Peter's image re-
mained dominant; and in the name of Peter (I Peter) or of Peter and
Paul (in that order: I Clement) the Roman church took over the old-
er Jerusalem mission to the Gentiles, attempting to instruct other
churches. These instructions presumed the continued value and im-
agery of the Jewish cultic heritage; for even Hebrews, eloquently
stressing the replacement of the cult by Christ, could not persuade
Rome. At the end of the century I Clement joined the levitical heri-
tage to another heritage that was characteristic of works associated
with Rome, i.e., an appreciation of the Roman imperial order and
authority. Although Antioch had already attached cultic and teach-
CONCLUSION 213
ing authority to the single-bishop (with presbyters and deacons

under him), Rome retained longer the structure of plural presbyter-
bishops (with deacons under them). Nevertheless, there was no less
authority in the Roman church, since the ideology of the levitical
and imperial order was associated with church structure. Conse-
quently, if Ignatius of Antioch influenced the church catholic in its
ultimate adoption of the threefold order of bishop, presbyters, and
deacons, Rome's appreciation of fixed order based on apostolic suc-
cession, as seen in I Clement, gave that structure much of its sacral
and sociological import.
As we two authors finish our related studies of the great Chris-
tian centers of Antioch and Rome, in both of which Peter and Paul
preached, while men from James had influence, we are conscious of
the need for further work in two directions. First, we insisted in the
Preface on the tentative character of much of what we propose. We
are painfully conscious of weak links in the chain of evidence, partic-
ularly in the second generation. Meier, positing within two decades
at Antioch a move from the prophets/teachers of Matthew to the
bishop/presbyters/deacons of Ignatius, is leaping over a wide chasm.
Brown's diagnosis of Hebrews as an unsuccessful corrective ad-
dressed to Rome and his use of its attack as a mirror reflecting the
Roman situation is audacious-a plausible guess relative to a NT
work about which one can do no more than guess. If other scholars
are willing to study our thesis, they may help us to strengthen these
weak links. Nevertheless, in our judgment, our main case does not
depend on such points; and so disagreement with individual sugges-
tions need not mean a negative judgment on the whole enterprise. In-
deed, we issue an invitation to those who are tempted to pass a
completely negative judgment: Give us, then, a better reconstruction
that makes more sense of the disparate material discussed. All bibli-
cal scholarship involves reconstruction; and we reiterate that, if we
cannot win acceptance for our own solution, we shall be happy if we
have provoked someone to offer a better solution.
Second, other Christian centers and their mixtures of Christian-
ity need to be studied. For instance, through the Pastorals, Colos-
sians and Ephesians, and Acts, strains of Pauline Christianity and
their divergence can be traced after Paul's life. Studies of Johannine
214 CONCLUSION
Christianity have already been made. 44s If Ephesus (rather than Syr-
ia) was the center of the Johannine Community, perhaps it was there
that two strong heritages, the Pauline and Johannine (as well as oth-
er strains of Christianity), coexisted in tension. Asia Minor was far
more adventuresome than Rome in developing new Christian hy-
potheses in the second century. Does the second-century life of the
two churches reflect their different life in the first century, with Eph-
esus as an area where no one Christianity dominated, and Rome as
an area with a dominant (more conservative) Christianity?
Perhaps some will discuss this book without feeling any compul-
sion to offer a contribution on either of the two points mentioned
above. They may judge that the various NT works can be left in iso-
lation and there is no need for efforts at an overall picture. With that
judgment we disagree strongly. Peter, Paul, and James dealt with
each other, keeping koinonia or communion, seemingly even when
they disputed. A work written afterwards in the name and tradition
of one sometimes mentions the other (II Peter mentions Paul), or im-
plicitly refers to the thought of the other (James rejects a Pauline slo-
gan on faith and works), or deals with the same cast of characters
(both Ignatius and I Clement mention Peter and Paul; both Pauline
writings and I Peter mention Mark). In other words, the Christianity
of the works we have discussed was interrelated, and an adequate in-
terpretation of these works requires an effort to discover the interre-
lationship.
To be honest, however, our interest in the interrelationship of
early Christian churches and their varieties of Christianity is not
purely academic. Antioch may have disappeared as a church, but
Rome continues; and as we saw above (p. 183) the advice of Paul and
Ignatius to the first church of Rome remains good advice for the cur-
rent church of Rome. On a wider level, the theological debates and
political struggles, the shifts in Christian existence and reinterpreta-
tions of Christian life, the internal divisions and external persecu-
tions that marked the NT churches during the first three
generations-all these provide abundant lessons and paradigms for
Christian churches and individual believers in our own day. Indeed,
445. See the reconstructions summarized in Brown. Community 171-82.

CONCLUSION 215
the problem of a moderate center between left and right wings that
threaten to pull the church apart is one of the most enduring pictures
in every Christian church and denomination. By the 80s and 90s of
the first century both Antioch (Matthew) and Rome (/ Clement)
were appealing to the image of Peter as a symbol for the center.
James and Paul left a heritage in different degrees in the two
churches, but seemingly in their lifetime they had been too absolute
to serve these communities as the ideal reconciling image. During his
career Peter was castigated by Paul face to face while being pulled in
the opposite direction by men from James (Gal 2:11-12). By a twist
of history, his stance which involved being pummeled from both
sides 446 was used after his lifetime to justify a middle position be-
tween those who used James and Paul as figureheads for an ever-
hardening extremism.
As we write this last paragraph, we feel a certain uneasiness. We
may reap opposition from our judgment that Peter functioned figura-
tively for the central mainstream in the history of Antioch and
Rome. We are both Roman Catholics, and we can see the possibility
that some will detect in our work a covert, sophisticated apologetics
for papal primacy. But then with gallows humor we have reflected
that, if such might be our fate among the few who are ever ready to
detect papist plots, some extremists among our own coreligionists
will be ready to detect an antipapist plot. After all we have discussed
the two traditional sees of Peter and we found him neither wearing
the tiara nor serving as a bishop at either city. If that disturbs Ro-
man Catholics who mistakenly think that the subsequent role of the
papacy depends on Peter having been the first bishop of Rome (foot-
446. Cullmann remarks in Peter 53: "Mediators always have a particularly diffi-
cult position, and Peter ... probably had to mediate between the Hellenists and the
Judaizers from the very beginning of the Primitive Church." So too an ecumenical
study (R. E. Brown, Peter 162): "Peter's theological stance probably was intermediary
between that of James and that of Paul. ... " Dunn, Unity 385, maintains "Peter was
probably in fact and effect the bridge-man who did more than any other to hold to-
gether the diversity of first-century Christianity. James and Paul ... were too much
identified with their respective 'brands' of Christianity .... But Peter, as shown partic-
ularly by the Antioch episode in Gal. 2, had both a care to hold firm to his Jewish
heritage which Paul lacked, and an openness to the demands of developing Christian-
ity which James lacked."
216 CONCLUSION
note 349 above), perhaps we can offer them consolation by affirming

that Peter was more than a bishop at Antioch and Rome. Peter was
an apostle. Indeed despite Paul's confining him to the apostolate for
those from the circumcision (Gal 2:7-8), he seems to have had a re-
markably enduring success in building the church of the Gentiles.
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
Besides the standard abbreviations used for the books of the Bible,
this volume has employed the following abbreviations for versions,
periodicals, series, etc.
AB Anchor Bible
BA Biblical Archaeologist
CBQ Catholic Biblical Quarterly
CBQMS Catholic Biblical Quarterly Monograph Series
CC Corpus Christianorum
CSEL Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum (Vienna)
ETL Ephemerides Theologicae Lovanienses
GCS Die Griechischen Christlichen Schriftsteller (Berlin)
HTR Harvard Theological Review
ICC International Critical Commentary
!DB Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible
JBC The Jerome Biblical Commentary
JBL Journal of Biblical Literature
JTS Journal of Theological Studies
LXX The Septuagint (Greek) Translation of the OT
NovT Novum Testamentum
NovTSupp Novum Testamentum, Supplements
NT New Testament
NTS New Testament Studies
OT Old Testament
PG Patrologia Graeca-Latina (Migne)
PL Patrologia Latina (Migne)
RB Revue Biblique
SBL Society of Biblical Literature
SC Sources Chn5tiennes
TDNT Theological Dictionary of the New Testament
TS Theological Studies
TV Texte und Vnter~uchungen
ZKT Zeitschrift fUr Katholische Theologie
ZNW Zeitschrift fUr die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft
217
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---Der erste Petrusbrief(MeyerK XII', 8th ed.; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck
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Goulder, M., Midrash and Lection in Matthew (London: SPCK, 1974).
Grant, R. M., Augustus to Constantine: The Thrust of the Christian Move-
ment into the Roman World (New York: Harper & Row, 1970).
---Review of Robinson's Redating the New Testament, JBL 97 (1978)
294-96.
Green, F., The Gospel according to Saint Matthew (Oxford: Clarendon,
1949).
Grundmann, W., Das Evangelium nach Matthiius (3rd ed.; Berlin: Evange-
lischer Verlagsanstalt, 1972).
Gundry, R., The Use of the Old Testament in St. Matthew's Gospel (Leiden:
Brill, 1975).
Guterman, S. L., Religious Toleration and Persecution in Ancient Rome
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Haenchen, E., The Acts of the Apostles (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1971).

--"Matthiius 23," Gott und Mensch (Tiibingen: Mohr, 1965) 29-54.
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Hagner, D. A., The Use of the Old and New Testaments in Clement of Rome
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Harder, G., "Der konkrete Anlass des Romerbriefes," Theologia Viatarum 6
(1954-58) 13-24.
Hare, D., The Theme of Jewish Persecution of Christians in the Gospel ac-
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Hare, D., and D. Harrington, "Make Disciples of All the Gentiles (Matt
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Held, H.-J., "Matthew as Interpreter of the Miracle Stories," in Tradition
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Hengel, M., Acts and the History of Earliest Christianity (Philadelphia: For-
tress, 1980).
224 BIBLIOGRAPHY
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Hennecke, E., and W. Schneemelcher (eds.), New Testament Apocrypha (2
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Hinson, E. G., The Evangelization of the Roman Empire: Identity and
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Hiibner, H., Das Gesetz in der synoptischen Tradition (Witten: Luther-Ver-
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Hummel, R., Die Auseinandersetzung zwischen Kirche und Judentum im
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 225
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226 BIBLIOGRAPHY
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Sherwin-White, A. N., Roman Society and Roman Law in the New Testa-
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 231
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232 BIBLIOGRAPHY
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BIBLIOGRAPHIC INDEX
This is not an index of the discussion of various authors and

their views. Rather it lists the page where full bibliographical infor-
mation is supplied for an author's works. Names beginning with
prepositions are listed under the preposition, e.g. "von" under "v."
Albertz, M., 218 Bornkamm, G., 219

Aitaner, B., 218 Brandon, S. G. E, 201, 219
Andriessen, P., ISS Broer, I., 219
Applebaum, S., 218 Brown, J., 55
Audet, J.-P., 203, 218 Brown, R. E., 118, 130, 219
Brox, N., 129
Bacon, B. W., 141, 218 Bruce, E E, 220
Bagatti, B., 208 Buitmann, R., 69
Barnard, L. w., 202, 203, 218 Burgess, J., 220
Barnes, A. S., 218 Burton, E., 220
Barth, G., 218
Bartsch, H.-W., 219 Cadbury, H. J., 197
Bauer, W., 182 Camelot, P. Th., 220
Baumstark, A., 219 Campbell, W. S., 220
Beaujeu, J., 219 Carlston, C. E., 220
Beker, J. C., 219 Catchpole, D., 220
Benko, S., 219 Chadwick, H., 117, 190,231
Berger, K., 219 Chapman, J., 195
Best, E., 198, 219 Clark, K. W., 151
Betz, H., 219 Cockerill, G. L., 220
B6venot, M., 163 Conzelmann, H., 220
Beyer, H., 219 Cope, O. L., 220
Beyschlag, K., 162 Corwin, Y., 220
Bietenhard, H., 219 Cullmann, 0., 220
Bjerkelund, C. J., 117
Blair, E., 219 Dahl, N., 109
Blass, E, 101 Dahms, J. Y., 220
Bommes, K., 219 Danker, E w., 210
Bonnard, P., 219 Dautzenberg, G., 220
233
234 BIBLIOGRAPHIC INDEX
Davies, W. D., 220 Goppelt, L., 223

Dibelius, M., 220 Goulder, M., 223
Dietzfelbinger, C., 221 Grant, R. M., 175, 223
Dix, G., 221 Green, E, 223
Donfried, K. P., 166, 221 Grundmann, W., 223
Downey, G., 221 Gundry, R, 223
Drane, J. W., 221 Guterman, S. L., 223
Drijvers, H., 221
Dumbrell, W., 221
Haenchen, E., 223
Dunn, J., 221
Hagner, D. A., 223
Harder, G., 223
Edmundson, G., 221
Hare, D., 223
Edwards, R., 221
Harrington, D., 223
Elliott, J. H., 139, 221
Heard, R G., 194
Evans, C. E, 200
Held, H.-J., 223
Hengel, M., 223, 224
Farmer, W., 15, 197, 221
Hennecke, E., 224
Fensham, E C., 153
Hertling, L., 161
Ferris, T. E. S., 158
Hill, D., 224
Fischer, K., 221
Hinson, E. G., 204, 224
Fitzmyer, J. A., 15,221,222
Hoffmann, P., 224
Foerster, G., 222
Holmberg, B., 224
Fornberg, T., 222
Hort, E J. A., 224
Frankemolle, H., 222
Hubbard, B., 224
Frey, J.-B., 222
Hiibner, H., 224
Freyne, S., 222
Hummel, R., 224
Fuchs, H., 222
Fuellenbach, J., 222
Funk, E, 222 Janne, H., 101
Funk, R, 222 Jeremias, J., 224
Jervell, J., 110, 224
Gager, J. G., 222 Jewett, R., 224
Gamble, H., Jr., 222 Joly, R., 224
Garland, D., 222 Jones, E S., 206
Gartner, B., 222 Judge, E. A., 224
Gasque, W., 222
Giet, S., 222 Kasemann, E., 224
Glaze, R. E., Jr., 222 Kennard, J., 224
Glover, R., 222 Kilpatrick, G., 224
Gnilka, J., 223 Kim, Chen-Hie, 107
Goldstein, H., 223 Kimelman, R, 224
BIBLIOGRAPHIC INDEX 235
Kingsbury, J., 225 Meier, J. P., 15, 227

Klein, G., 225 Metzger, B., 227
Kleist, J., 225 Michaelis, w., 227
Kloppenborg, J., 225 Michel, 0., 227
Knoch, 0., 172 Mitton, C. L., 188, 190
Koster, H., 225 Moreau, Jules, 227
Kraeling, c., 225 Morgenthaler, R, 15
Kraft, R, 225 Miiller, P.-G., 227
Krauss, S., 225 Miiller, u., 227
Kiimmel, W. G., 225 Murray, R, 227
Mussner, E, 227
Lagrange, M.-J., 225
Lake, K., 225 Neirynck, E, 227
Lane, W. L., 225 Nepper-Christensen, P., 227
Lange, J., 225 Neusner, J., 227
La Piana, G., 225 Nineham, D. N., 193
Lassus, J., 225 Noack, B., 153
Layton, B., 225
Lemaire, A., 225 O'Callaghan, R. T., 97
Leon, H. J., 226 O'Connor, D. W., 228
Lieberman, S., 226 Orr, J., 228
Lightfoot, J. B., 226
Lohmeyer, E., 226 Paulsen, H., 228
Lohse, E., 167, 226 Penna, R., 228
Loning, K., 226 Perkins, P., 228
Liidemann, G., 226 Pernveden, L., 204
Liihrmann, D., 226 Perrin, N., 228
Pesch, R, 228
McConnell, R., 226 Pesch, w., 68
McCullough, w., 21 Pfeiffer, R, 228
MacMullen, R., 226 Piper, J., 228
McNeile, A., 226 Polag, A., 228
Maier, P. L., 226 Preisker, H., 228
Malina, B., 226 Prigent, P., 147
Manson, T. W., 106 Priimm, K., 228
Martyn, J. L., 121, 226
Massaux, E., 226, 227 Quasten, J., 228
Mattill, A., 227
Maurer, c., 227 Ramsay, W. M., 196
Meeks, W., 227 Rathke, H., 228
Mees, M., 227 Rawlinson, A. E. J., 196
236 BIBLIOGRAPHIC INDEX
Reicke, B., 228 Stuiber, A., 230

Reiling, J., 203 Suhl, A., 230
Rengstorf, K. H., 228
Richard E., 228 Telfer, W., 230
Richardson, C. C., 228, 229 Theissen, G., 171, 230
Rius-Camps, J., 229 Thiering, B., 230
Robinson, J. A. T., 229 Thompson, W., 230
Robinson, J. M., 229 Thurston, R. W., 141
Rohde, J., 229 Tracy, D., 230
Rordorf, W., 128 Trilling, W., 230, 231
Rothfuchs, w., 229
Ullmann, W., 163
Safrai, S., 229
Sanday, W., 108
van Iersel, B. M. E, 200
Sanders, E., 229
van Segbroeck, E, 231
Sanders, L., 162
van Tilborg, S., 231
Schelkle, K. H., 229
Vassiliadis, P., 231
Schlatter, A., 131
Viviano, B., 231
Schlier, H., 229
Vogtle, A., 231
Schmidt, K. L., 229
Vokes, E, 231
Schoedel, W., 229
Schulz, S., 229 von Campenhausen, H., 231
Schlirer, E., 101 Voobus, A., 231
Schlitz, J., 229
Schweizer, E., 195, 229 Walker, R., 231
Selwyn, E. G., 229 Walsh, J. E., 231
Senior, D., 229 Walter, N., 231
Sevenster, J., 230 Ward, R. B., 231
Sherwin-White, A. N., 230 Weijenborg, R., 231
Silberman, L., 230 Wiefel, W., 231
Smallwood, E. Mary, 94, 161 Wilckens, U., 231
Smith, D. M., 230 Wilken, R., 227
Williamson, R., 142
Smith, M., 194 Worden, R., 232
Snyder, G. F., 97 Wuellner, w., 232
Stendahl, K., 230
Stern, M., 230
Yamauchi, E., 232
Stoldt, H.-H., 230
Strecker, G., 230
Streeter, B. H., 230 Zuckschwerdt, E., 232
SUBJECT INDEX
Acts of the Apostles, 7-8 Babylon, 92, 94, 130, 132, 152, 191,
historical reliability, 5, 7, 13, 192, 194
29-30, 33-38, 41-43, 96, 98, Baptism, 16, 24, 41, 62, 74, 82,
104, 112, 123, 125 133-134
Acts of Paul, of Peter, 129, 206 Barnabas, 4, 7, 27, 35-41, 44, 83,
Alexandria, vii, 1, 19, 92, 94, 95, 96, 174
101, 142, 146-148, 181, 183, activity, 24, 30, 33-39
194, 196 break with Paul, 24, 34
Ambrosiaster, 110, 148 Hellenist (1), 30, 33, 34
Anacletus (Cletus), 102, 162-164 Barnabas, Epistle of, 147
Antioch, viii, ix, 1, 4, 9, 12-86, 97, Binding and loosing, 64, 66-70
103, 107, 132, 135, 163, 183, Birkat ha-minim (cursing of devi-
192, 196,207,211-216 ants),48
Christian origins, vii, 12, 22-23, Bishop (episkopos), 40, 71, 210
28-29, 31, 32, 35, 43, 67, 89, Peter as (1), 164, 215
115 plural (two-tier hierarchy), 66,
history, 22, 76 83-84, 139, 164, 170-180,
Jews in, 22-23, 48-49, 101 187, 191, 204, 213
Matthew's church, 13, 22-27, 40, single (three-tier), 13, 31, 45, 66,
45-72, 74-81 74-77, 84-86, 98, 163-164,
see also Paul; Peter 204,211-213
Apostolic Decree (Acts 15), 3, see also Church structure
42-43, 47, 51
Apostolic succession, 174-180, 183 Caligula, Emperor, 96, 172
Aquila and Priscilla, 8, 100, 102, Cassius Dio, 94, 95, 102, 161
106-109, 113, 144, 165 Catacombs, 103, 161
Ascension of Isaiah, 124 Catechesis in Matthew, 18, 52,
Asia Minor, vii, 24, 39, 98, 130-132, 54-56,86
163, 165, 192,208-209,213 Catholic church (great church), viii,
Athens, 181 12,78, 85, 212
Augustus (Octavian), Emperor, 31, Charismatics, charisms, 52, 55-56,
95, 175 58, 74-77, 138, 176-179
Authority, 54, 58-59, 63-72, 75, Chrestus, 99, 100-101, 108, 109
1 172-173, 175-176; see also Christians (title), 12, 35, 49, 85, 89
I Binding and loosing; Roman Christology, 2, 62-64, 80, 85, 86,
imperial government 118, 156, 200,203, 212
237
238 SUBJECT INDEX
Church: 213; see also Church struc-

local (and universal), 66, 68-69, tures
85 Dead Sea Scrolls (Qumran), 56, 68,
structure, 13, 65-72, 86, 138- 153
139, 145, 162-164, 168, 170- Diaspora, 2, 19, 92, 131
182,187,204,211-212 Didache, 4, 36, 57, 71, 73, 81-84,
see also Catholic church; House 163, 171
churches Dikaiosyne, 24
Circumcision: see Law Dio Cassius: see Cassius
Circumcision-free mission, 2-6, 16, Dionysius of Corinth, 160, 164, 166
22, 34, 37, 38, 41, 50, 62, 85, Docetists, docetism, 40, 75, 212; see
112, 132 also Gnosticism
Claudius, Emperor, 95, 96, 100-102, Domitian, 75, 95, 96, 129, 151, 160,
107, 108, 109, 138, 149, 172, 161, 172, 175, 179, 191, 208
186, 205, 206 Domitilla, 161
Clement of Rome (I Clement), 66,
90, 91, 128, 136, 145, 150, Ebionites, 42, 47, 50
159-183, 185, 188, 189, 198, Ecclesiology: see Church
202,204,207,208 Eighteen Benedictions, 48
and First Peter, 167, 169, 172, Elders: see Presbyters
173-174 Ephesians, Epistle to, 185, 188-190,
and Hebrews, 147-149, 157, 192, 213
169-171 Ephesus, vii, 3, 8, 106, 107, 108, 116,
and Peter and Paul, 97, 99, 123, 185,212
126, 135, 176, 212, 214 Episkopos: see Bishop; Church struc-
and Romans, 167, 169, 172, 173, ture
181 Eschatology (final judgment, parou-
identity, 161-164, 186,203 sia), 16, 17-18, 60, 62, 69,
see also Pseudo-Clemen tines 129, 172
Clement (I/ Clement), 166, 185,204 Essenes, 47, 80, 153,203-204
Collection, Paul's for Jerusalem, 5, Ethics: see Morality
40, lOS, 110, 145, 212 Eucharist, 25-26, 40, 74, 170, 171
Corinth, vii, 41, 105, 107, 119, 132, Eusebius, 18,45, 102, 130, 139, 164,
147, 160, 164-166, 168, 171- 193, 194,203
173, 175-179 Excommunication, 69-70
Cult: see Liturgy; Priesthood
Cyprus, 33, 105, 192,205 False prophets: see Prophets
Feasts, Jewish: see Liturgy
Damascus, 21, 26, 97 Fiscus iudaicus, 95, 151
Deacons, 13, 71, 74, 76, 139, 170, Formula quotations in Matthew,
171, 180, 187, 191,204,212, 56-57
SUBJECT INDEX 239
Gaius, Roman presbyter, 97, 147, 17,24-25,27,31,35,40,68,

148 72,73-84,171,212-214
Galatians, Epistle to, 3, 5, 13, 28, adversaries, 50
35-38, 90, 110, 111-117, and Rome, 52, 67, 86, 90, 97, 123,
127, 134, 157, 187 131, 135, 146, 155, 160, 163,
Generations (three), 13, 27, 90 164, 166, 182, 202
Gentiles: see Jewish/Gentile Chris- knowledge of Matthew, 17,
tianity 24-25, 78-79, 86
Gerousia: see Synagogue structure role at Antioch, 45, 74-77
Gnosticism, gnostics, 25, 27, 45, 46, seven letters of, 73
47, 75, 78-80, 185, 190, 208, Incestuous marriage: see Porneia
212 Irenaeus, 45, 78, 90, 161, 162-164,
Gospel (euangelion), 25, 118 194, 203, 206, 208
Israel, people of God, 61-62, 133,
Hebrew Christians,S, 6, 34, 126, 153, 189
140-142
Hebrews, Epistle to, 90, 101, 128, James, "brother" of the Lord, 2, 3,
136, 139-158, 213 5, 12, 27, 42-43, 47, 67, 104,
and Hellenists, 7, 140-142, 155 113-114, 123, 135, 140, 165,
and Paul, 142, 146, 155 210,211
attitude to cult, 7, 141-142, death of, 13, 46, 145
156-158, 169-171,212 party ("men from"), 2, 3-4, 22,
Hegesippus, 18, 46, 183 40-42, 44, 46, 54, 79, 112,
Hellenists: 120, 211
activity, 20, 27, 32-34, 47, 54-55, patron of Jewish Christians, 42,
79, 126, 140, 152 47, 131,207,209-210
and Paul,S, 6-7, 34, 43-44 role in "Council" of Jerusalem,
definition of, 6-7, 34, 140 37-39,42
see also Hebrews; John Jamnia (Yabneh), 44, 48
Hermas, Shepherd of, 145, 147, 148, Jerome, 102
160-164,203-204,210 Jerusalem, 2, 5, 105, 106, 110-116,
Herod family, 35, 94, 95, 96, 102, 123, 142, 191-19~ 19~ 201
108 and Matthew's Gospel, 18-19
Hierarchy: see Bishop; Church struc- "council" of, 3, 36-39, 41, 42, 46
ture destruction (fall), 16, 18, 44, 46,
Hippolytus, 147, 185, 194, 204, 206, 5~ 9~ 132, 138, 151-15~
208 154, 165
House churches, 8, 108, 139, 173, later bishops, 208
174 Temple,S, 7, 8, 123, 125, 130,
137,143, ISO-ISS, 171,201
Ignatius of Antioch, viii, 8, 12-14, Jewish, Jews, Judaism:
240 SUBJECT INDEX
food (kosher) laws, 3-4, 16, 38, Martyr, martyrdom, 32, 75, 86,
42, 112, 120, 125, 135 98-99, 149, 159-160
population, 20, 22, 31, 94 death of Peter and Paul, 52, 58,
war (revolt) against Rome, 32, 89-90, 97, 99, 124-126, 144,
46-48, 95, 143, 200 145, 149, 159, 165, 168, 182,
see also Antioch; Fiscus iudaicus; 191, 193-194, 198,201
Liturgy; Rome; Synagogues Matthew, Gospel, ix, 4, 13, 15-27,
Jewish/Gentile Christianity, 1-9, 40, 45-72, 74-84, 152, 195,
109, 112, 141, 142, 155, 184 197, 198,211
John, Gospel, 8, 77-79, 148, 195, compared to Paul, 62-63, 212
214 date, 16-18
and Hellenists, 7, 141 language, 19,21
Josephus, 12, 20, 30, 31, 92, 94, 95, place of composition, 18-27
102,138,150 school of Matthew, 23, 56-57,
Julius Caesar, 93, 94, 95 70-71
Justification: see Dikaiosyne see also Formula quotations
Justin Martyr, 45, 193, 205, 208 "Monarchical" episcopate: see Bish-
op, single
Koinonia (communion), viii, 40, 214 Morality, moral teaching, 5, 51, 53,
54, 58, 63-65, 82-83
Law (Mosaic), vii, 2-8, 23, 31, 41, anomia, 58-59
52, 54-55, 58, 62, 112, 121, Mosaic Law: see Law
125, 127, 134, 141,211 Muratorian Fragment, 109, 147, 203
Linus, 102, 162-164, 191
Liturgy (cult): Narcissus, 108, 186
Christian, 55, 71, 82-83, 158, 171, Nero, 94, 95, 97-99, 108, 124, 128,
179-180,187,212 129, 138, 145, 149, 160, 172,
Jewish (feasts), 5-7, 31,104,136- 175,179,182,186,191,201
137, 143, 149-154, 169-171
see also Eucharist; Priesthood
Luke, Gospel, 25, 26, 195, 197, 198 Origen, 106, 120, 139, 173, 194, 203
Orosius, 102
M (Matthean source), 12, 19, 53-55,
56,64 Papacy, pope, 131, 162-163, 165
Marcion, 7, 127, 182, 186, 193, 194, Papias, 130, 193-194
208,209,210 Parousia: see Eschatology
Mark (John Mark), 135, 144, Pastoral Epistles of Paul, 98, 138-
191-197,214 139, 144, 160, 171, 174, 191,
Mark, Gospel, 15, 17, 19,23,25,26, 192, 197,213
51-53, 63, 152, 191-202 Paul (Saul), vii-viii, 2-6, 26, 132,
Mark, Secret Gospel of, 194 135, 174, 205, 209, 210
SUBJECT INDEX 241
and circumcision for Jewish date, 128-130

Christians, 5-6, 112, 123 from Rome, 130-133, 134
at Antioch, 3, 4, 12-14, 24, Peter, Second Epistle of, 190,
26-27, 34-44, 62-63, 67, 85, 208-210,214
89, 107, 114,207 Pharisees, 2, 48, 49, 54, 56, 60-61,
at Rome, 51, 89-90, 97-98, 105, 70, 71; see also Jamnia;
113,117,122-126,139,185- Scribes
188, 192,202 Philippians, Epistle to, 113, 124,
imprisonment of, 3, 97-98, 124, 125, 185-188
144-145, 185-188, 191, 192 Philo, 93, 142, 153
see also Collection; Galatians; Je- Philosophumena: see Hippolytus
rusalem ("council" of); Mar- Pillar apostles, 3, 37, 38, 112, 114,
tyr; Romans 123, 126, 148, 159, 176, 189,
Pentecost, 104, 153 212
People of God: see Israel Pliny, 124, 129, 131
Persecution: see Domitian; Martyr; Polycarp (Philippians), 75, 124
Nero Pomponia Graecina, 103
Peter (Cephas), viii, 2, 3, 113-114, Poppaea, 95, 99
140,205-210,211-212,214- Porneia, 3,43, 114
216 Presbyters, presbyterion, 13, 40, 74,
and Mark, 52,191-197 76, 139, 162-163, 168-180,
at Antioch, 3, 4, 12-14, 23-24, 191,210
26-27, 35-44, 67-69, 85, 89, Priesthood (levitical, Christ, Chris-
120, 207 tian), 7, 137, 143, 149-150,
at Rome, 52, 89-90, 97-98, 102- 158,169-171,187,201,204
104, 130, 182, 194-195,201, Prisca, Priscilla: see Aquila
202,212 Prophets:
burial,97 Christian, 35-36, 55-57, 70-71,
church foundation, 4, 64, 90, 102, 74, 76-77, 83-84, 203, 210,
103, 115, 166, 190 211,213
mission to Gentiles, 41, 69, 110, false, 40, 58
131-132,135,165,176,190 Pseudo-Clementines, 47, 81, 193,
Quo vadis, 149 206-208,209
see also Jerusalem ("council" of); Pudens, 191
Martyr
Q source, 16, 23, 52-53, 54-56, 61,
Peter, First Epistle of, 90, 125,
64
128-139, 158, 160, 187, 188,
Qumran: see Dead Sea Scrolls
189,198,208-209,212,214
and Hebrews, 158, 172, 173 Rabbi, rabbinic literature, 52, 56, 70,
and Romans, 122, 134-139, 96, 150
168-169,172 Peter as, 64, 67, 68
242 SUBJECT INDEX
Religio Iidta, 49 Sociology of early Christianity, 14,

Revelation, Book of, 8, 160 52, 177-178
Righteousness: see Dikaiosyne Son of God, Son of Man: see Chris-
Roman imperial government, 137- tology
138,172-173,175, 179, 180- Stephen, 7-8, 32-34, 43, 140, 141;
182,210,212 see also Hellenists
Romans, Epistle to, 5, 90-91, 99- Suetonius, 94, 95, 100-102, 161
100, 105-127, 128, 134-139, Sylvanus (Silas), 129, 130, 135
168, 173, 181, 182, 185-187, Synagogues (Antioch, Rome), 31,
189, 198-199,212 40, 48-50, 54, 55, 56, 58, 65,
Rome, vii, ix, 1,3,9, 89-216 94, 96, 100, 101, 108, 140,
Christian onglns at, 89-90, 142, 158
97-104 Christian break with, 16, 18, 40,
dominant Christianity of, vii, 104, 49, 51, 58, 61, 65, 71, 108
110-111, 122, 126, 132, 152, structure, 31, 10 1
158, 165, 171, 184, 189,200, Syria, vii, 12, 20-21,42, 52, 81, 83;
204, 212 see also Antioch,' Damascus
Gentile and Jewish Christians,
Tabernacle, 7
109-110, 111, 119, 126,
Table fellowship, 39, 42, 43, 46, 50
161-162, 184, 189,200
Tacitus, 94, 98-99, 104, 124, 126,
Jews at, 92-97, 99, 151
149
love (preeminence), 131, 145-146,
Tatian, 182
182-183,202
Teachers, 35-36, 55-57, 64-65,
orthodox faith of, 100, 115, 120,
70-71, 74, 76-77, 83-84,
155, 182-183,202
211, 213
Temple: see Jerusalem
Sabina (St.), church, i
Tertullian, 101, 106, 141, 147, 163
Sacrifices: see Jerusalem Temple;
Tiberius, Emperor, 94
Liturgy; Priesthood
Timothy, 5, 116, 143-145
Salvation history, 133-134, 153, 156
Titus (Pauline disciple), 5, 32
in Matthew, 16,60-63,65,211
Titus, Emperor, 37, 95, 96, 151
in Paul, 62, 121-122, 127
Todos (Theudas), 96
Schism, 40-41, 43, 80
Trajan, Emperor, 75, 129
"School of Matthew": see Matthew
Trans-Tiber district, 93, 94, 99
Scribes, 49, 56, 59, 60, 70-71
Semo Sancus statue, 205, 206 Valentinus, 182, 206, 210
Shepherd of Hermas: see Hermas Vatican: see Martyr, death of Peter
Simon Magus, 205-208 Vespasian, 32, 95, 175

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NEW TESTAMENT CRADLES

ISBN: 0-8091-0339-7 (cloth)

Published by Paulist Press

Printed and bound in the

Scholar, Professor, Pastor, Ecumenist, Liturgist

HE NEW TEST AMENT (NT) gives indications of very diverse

out." That assumption will be severely tested by the independent

Second, there is an element of speculation in this work, and so con-

even more fortunate set of coincidences is involved in the dedication

September 30, 1982

Raymond E. Brown, s.s. John P. Meier

INTRODUCTION (Brown) 1-9

PART ONE: ANTIOCH (Meier) 11-86

PART TWO: ROME (Brown) 87-216

Chapter VIII: The Roman Church in the Second

CONCLUSION (Brown & Meier) 211-216

List of Abbreviations 217

Bibliographic Index 233

Subject Index 237

were among the largest cities in the Roman

*This introduction was written by Raymond E. Brown.

whom he spoke were Jews; and inevitably the earliest preaching by

2. In whal follows T am presenTing only th e SJJ11p tesT form of diverstlie~ based

enthusiastic about Gentile converts, many scholars have ignored

3. Scholars dispute what is imposed by the demands on the Gentiles in Acts

tolerated diversity about it among his missionary companions. Thus,

4. Interpreters, skeptical of the historicity of Acts, have called into doubt

to have articulated a rationale for authoritative church structure cen-

easier to assume that different churches existed side by side at Anti-

Locating Matthew's Church

s I have just indicated, it is vital from the beginning to show

THE TIME OF THE COMPOSITION OF MATTHEW'S GOSPEL

With regard to the time of composition, a wide variety of critics

sources-Mark, Q (a collection of Jesus' sayings), and the special

21. Meier, "Salvation-History."

25:5, the bridegroom is delaying (chronizontos). And in 25:19, the

THE PLACE OF THE COMPOSITION OF MATTHEW'S GOSPEL

ics).34 Consequently, it is only reasonable to suppose that Matthew

Judea has been suggested recently by B. Viviano. The difficulties fac-

Christian church, a church important and lively enough to produce a

various strata of tradition that we find in Matthew's gospel. The ear-

56. Downey, History 283 .

60. See Jeremias, Words 188.

In sum, the most viable hypothesis is that Matthew's gospel was

The Antiochene Church

sources for the history of the Antiochene church in the

days of the Antiochene church as reliable at least in its basic outline.

THE JEWISH COMMUNITY AT ANTIOCH 71

very doorstep. Antiochus Epiphanes' successors, however, seem to

72. Kraeling, "Antioch" 136; Meeks, Jews 8.

THE BEGINNINGS OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH AT ANTIOCH

Now those scattered on account of the persecution which

76. Downey, History 190--95.

only the Stephen party, the "Hellenists," were actually scattered.

77. Here I accept the reading Hellenas, "Greeks," "Gentiles," witnessed by P 74

and not as an agent of the Jerusalem church under the Twelve.

up of prophets and teachers, it is interesting to note that, when Peter

THE CLASH BETWEEN PETER AND PAUL

briefly both the main agreements and the accompanying disagree-