Rehabilitating Coleridge: Poetry, Philosophy, Excess

Johns Hopkins University Press
Rehabilitating Coleridge: Poetry, Philosophy, Excess

Author(s): Paul Youngquist
Source: ELH, Vol. 66, No. 4, The Nineteenth Century (Winter, 1999), pp. 885-909
Published by: Johns Hopkins University Press
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REHABILITATING COLERIDGE: POETRY, PHILOSOPHY,
EXCESS
BY PAUL YOUNGQUIST
... only by forgetting that he himself is an artistically creating subject,

does man live with any repose, security, and consistency.
-Nietzsche, "On Truth and Lie in an Extra-moral Sense"
In Aprilof 1816, SamuelTaylorColeridgeplaced himself voluntarily

in the care of a doctor,the benevolentJamesGillman.Coleridgehad for
yearsbeen desperateto breakhis opium habit, tryingvariouscures, but
to no avail.The time had come for stringentmeasures,and he resolved
"to submit himself to any regimen, however severe. With this in view,"
wrote Dr. Joseph Adams,who had been treatinghim, "he wishes to fix
himself in the house of some medical gentleman, who will have the
courage to refuse him any laudanum, and under whose assistance,
should he be the worse for it, he may be relieved." After an initial
interview that left Gillman, like Coleridge'sWedding Guest, "almost
spell-bound,withoutthe desire of release,"the poet committedhimself
to the doctor'scare for a period of one month.2He remainedeighteen
years.
During that time it fell to Gillman not so much to cure Coleridge as
to control his habit, watchingover the sometime poet and philosopher
to secure some semblance of health. Coleridge predicted it would be
difficult. In a letter accepting the offer of asylum he promised to
cooperatein every way that he could:
My ever wakeful reason, and the keenness of my moral feelings, will

secure you from all unpleasant circumstances connected with me save
only one, viz. the evasion of a specific madness. You will never hear any
thing but truth from me:-prior habits render it out of my power to tell
an untruth, but unless carefully observed, I dare not promise that I
should not, with regard to this detested poison, be capable of acting one.
No sixty hours have yet passed without my having taken laudanum.3
Although Coleridge cannot tell a lie, he can act one. His "specific
madness" splits speech and agency, saying and doing, leaving him
ELH 66 (1999) 885-909 1999 by The JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress 885
subject to a habit that compels behavior he cannot control. The
therapeutic aim of his benign confinement is therefore to institute that
control, specifically through a regime of surveillance that can regulate
not merely his opium habit but more pervasively its characteristic
madness. Coleridge finds comfort, if no full cure, in this personal
asylum. With it comes renewed vitality as philosopher and moralist-as
if asylum and philosophy are somehow allied. Indeed, Coleridge's turn
in his later years toward philosophy involves a turn away, not merely
from opium and the lie of his habit, but from poetry, too, and the truth
of excess. What, one might ask, has been lost in the interminable task of
rehabilitating Coleridge?
I. "JUNKIE"
Coleridge was an opium eater for well over half of his life.4 By his
own effusive testimony this detestable habit was the bane of his
existence. "Conceive a miserable wretch," he wrote to his friend Josiah
Wade, "who for many years has been attempting to beat off pain, by a
constant recurrence to the vice that produces it."5 This cycle of
medication and withdrawal yielded a drug-dependent Coleridge, a self-
medicating subject whose life and writing betrayed the ill effects of his
habit. To his contemporaries he presented an appearance of promise
unfulfilled. Writing in 1824 William Hazlitt regretted that so prodigious
a talent should produce so little: "All that he has done of moment, he
had done twenty years ago: since then, he may be said to have lived on
the sound of his own voice."6 Thomas Carlyle advanced similar conclu-
sions about Coleridge's career: "Tothe man himself Nature had given, in
high measure, the seeds of a noble endowment; and to unfold it had
been forbidden him."' Then there is Robert Southey, who set the
standard for a whole tradition in criticism with his claim that "every
person who had witnessed his habits, knows that for the greater-
infinitely the greater part-inclination and indulgence are the mo-
tives."8 Such judgments do not openly attribute Coleridge's apparent
failure to his habit of eating opium. Other public figures-William
Wilburforce, Clive of India, James Mackintosh, and Thomas De
Quincey-were known after all to be drug dependent without disastrous
personal effect. But the habit of pathologizing Coleridge as somehow
failed, broken, beaten-Other-was established early and still shapes
the way he is read, celebrated, or dismissed.9
The justification for this othering, particularly in our own time, has
come routinely to involve his use of opium. Thus Elizabeth Schneider,
886 RehabilitatingColeridge
while admitting Coleridge was a habitual user, saves "Kubla Khan" from
all unseemly pharmacological taint, concluding that the poem's "special
character was not determined or materially influenced by opium."'0
Coleridge may have had a drug problem, but his poetry manifestly does
not. Alethea Hayter is not so sure, suggesting that at least something in
that poetry "emerged from a rare condition produced in him by opium,"
a special kind of reverie in which the external senses slept while the
internal became hyper-aware. She nonetheless views opium eating as
deviant behavior, the affliction particularly of those "who long for relief
from tension, from the failures and disappointments of their everyday
life, who yearn for something which will annihilate the gap between
their idea of themselves and their actual selves"-a psychological type
she labels "The Inadequate Personality."" Coleridge, we are left to
conclude, was in some decisive way inadequate. This opinion reaches its
epitome in Molly Lefebure's biography, Samuel Taylor Coleridge,
blithely subtitled A Bondage of Opium. It is here that Coleridge finally,
after a century of moralizing criticism, achieves the stature of master
addict. Lefebure dares to declare aloud what Coleridge's friends would
only confide in whispers, that Coleridge's life and labors were a failure
and that demon opium was the cause: "his predicament was not simply
a matter of a sapped will. Samuel Taylor Coleridge's imaginative powers
and concentration were literally destroyed by the drug: his intellectual
capacity was fearfully eroded: his sense of truth hopelessly distorted
(one of the major effects of morphine addiction)." This conclusion is of
a piece with Lefebure's claim of intellectual honesty for her biography,
which attempts for the first time "to present Samuel Taylor Coleridge as
it seems that he really was-a junkie."2
Before we accept the moral, mental, and emotional degeneracy
implied in that tag, however, we might notice a thing or two about
Coleridge. For all the accusation of indolence, much of it admittedly his
own, he seems able to have kept producing at a pace that would make
any Dean of Humanities proud. The Bollingen edition of his works runs
now to fourteen volumes and contains an astonishing variety of writing:
essays, lectures, journalism, plays, poems, a philosophical treatise (or
what was to become one), and marginalia. If Coleridge failed as a writer,
he failed prolifically. Six thick volumes of letters and four annotated
volumes of notebook entries only further prove the obvious point: the
charge of indolence and its ill effects bears more upon Coleridge's
reputation as a junkie than his achievement as a writer. Perhaps
criticism and not Coleridge has been inadequate. Perhaps the junkie
needs rehabilitation, not so much to confirm as to comprehend his
Paul Youngquist 887
otherness.What, one might ask,is the truth of habituation,the wisdom
of the junkie? The alternativeto confronting such questions is the
soporificconfidence of conventional,normalizingcriticism.
II. FIX
For Coleridgethe truthof addictionbegins in pain. Accordingto one

pharmagraphicalconfession, opium came to him "like a charm, a
miracle,"relieving a painful swelling in his knees that had left him
"almostbed-riddenfor manymonths."'aOn the basisof such testimony,
and there is plenty of it in his letters and notebooks, Coleridge'slife
appearsto have been a long if brokenlitanyof pain. A weak constitution
left him prone to sickness as a child. A desperate ague weakened him
furtheras a schoolboy.Rheumaticfever laid him low for six months at
seventeen, preparingthe way for the joint pain thatwould hound him as
an adult.Then come the variousand extravagantsymptomsthat require
self-medication:toothache, gum infection, migraine,inscrutablepains
in limbs, chest, and bowels, the latteroften accompaniedby diarrheaor
constipationof Herculean magnitude."WhatI suffer in mere pain is
almost incredible,"Coleridgewrote to TomasPoole in 1801.14Opium,
at least initially,was a grandpanacea,an all-purposepalliativethat made
the life of the body, for a time anyway,bearable.
Althoughit is hard for us in retrospectto dispel the taboo-hazethat
hovers aroundit, for Coleridge and his contemporariesopium was an
extremelyeffective and dependable pain reliever.15In the words of its
best historians,"Atthe opening of the nineteenth century . .. doctors
and others still thoughtof opium not as dangerousor threatening,but as
central to medicine, a medicament of surpassing usefulness which
undoubtedly found its way into every home."'6Indeed, the hugely
popularmedical handbook,William Buchan'sDomestic Medicine, rec-
ommendsthe use of opiumin cases rangingfromgout to rheumatismto
migraine,pronouncingit "a valuable medicine when taken in proper
quantity."7Coleridge himself maintainedto his acquaintancesthat he
had been "seducedinto the use of narcotics"by such claims duringhis
bout with swollen knees: "ina medicalJournalI unhappilymet with an
account of a cure performedin a similarcase (or what to me appeared
so) by rubbingin of Laudanum,at the same time taking a given dose
internally-It acted like a charm,a miracle!"s
That "medicalJournal"was most likely John Brown'sElements of
Medicine, first published in 1795 and edited by Coleridge's friend
Thomas Beddoes. In it Brown extols opium'spower as a pain reliever.
"The virtue of opium is great," he maintains, primarily because it excites
torpid flesh: "The pains, that opium is calculated to remove, are all
those, that depend upon general asthenic affection," among which
Brown includes the pains of gout, chronic rheumatism, sore throat,
headache, and gunshot wounds.19 Using laudanum to treat rheumatic
pains was meant to stimulate the body, producing a sweat that would
excite the whole system: "In order to render the sweat universal and of
sufficient duration, it should be excited by Dover's powder, or laudanum,
.. and kept up for twelve hours in full flow.""20 Opium superinduces the
bodily activity whose omission occasions pain-a precociously Freudian
account of hypercathexis. Such are the exciting effects of opium upon
the body.
But it also works as a dependable anti-depressant. In Brown's
considered opinion, opium "banishes melancholy, begets confidence,
converts fear into boldness, makes the silent eloquent, and dastards
brave. Nobody, in desperate circumstances, and sinking under a disrelish
for life, ever laid violent hands on himself after taking a dose of opium,
or ever will.""2Brown was only lending contemporary medical support
to traditional pharmaceutical wisdom. In that wondrous farrago of fact
and fantasy, The Mysteries of Opium Revealed, Dr. John Jones attests
that "it is good and useful in all Pain and grievous Sensations" because
"it takes off all Frets and turbulent Passions of the sensitive Soul, as ...
Melancholy Madness, or such as proceed from grievous thoughts or
apprehensions, Losses, Crosses, Despair, Fears, Terrors, or the like."22
The reason: it induces "a pleasant Ovation of the Spirits" whose effect
"has been compar'd (not without good cause) to a permanent gentle
Degree of that Pleasure, which Modesty forbids to naming of."23Opium
spiritualizes sexual pleasure permanently (for as long as its virtue lasts).
Melancholia passes into a euphoria that is "like a most delicious and
extraordinary Refreshment of the Spirits upon a very good News, or any
other great cause of Joy," though not without possible somatic side-
effects, since opium "is of great use to excite to Venery, cause Erections,
to actuate a dull Semen."24
If Dr. Jones is a trustworthy authority in these matters (and his own
extensive use of the drug at least merits respect), by the eighteenth
century opium was the anti-depressant of choice. When trained physi-
cians add their medical imprimatur, as does George Young in A Treatise
on Opium (1753), an ostensibly dangerous narcotic acquires the cache
of a potent panacea, no less miraculous in its effects than Prozac.
Coleridge may complain to Cottle of "a depression too dreadful to be
described," but a time-honored remedy stood close at hand. Opium
Paul Youngquist 889
both reduced pain and produced ecstasy-a lovely fix indeed.25 Hence
John Murray's belief, recorded in his System of Materia Medica and
Pharmacy, that "as a palliative and anodyne, it is indeed the most
valuable article of the materia medica, and its place could scarcely be
supplied by any other."26
III. HABIT
Such medicine could be habit forming, as indeed it was for Coleridge.

He complains throughout his letters of the enervating effects of taking
opium, as in the following confession, directed to his friend J. J. Morgan
in 1814: "By the long Habit of the accursed Poison my Volition (by
which I mean the faculty instrumental to the Will, and by which alone
the Will can realize itself-it's [sic] Hands, Legs, & Feet, as it were) was
completely deranged, at times frenzied, dissevered itself from the Will,
& became an independent faculty."27Here again Coleridge describes
his "specific madness," which on this account splits volition from will,
producing compulsive behavior ungoverned by conscious intention. An
opium habit, it would appear, has nothing to do with will.
Before dismissing this explanation as the sophistical trick of a junkie,
we might ponder more closely Coleridge's understanding of habit. In a
curious notebook meditation, Coleridge interrogates its strange agency:
"Is not Habit the Desire of a Desire?-As Desire to Fruition, may not
the faint, to the consciousness erased, Pencil-mark-memorials or relicts
of Desire be to Desire itself in its full prominence?"28 In the metaphor
that Derrida has since made famous, Coleridge likens habit to writing,
the non-conscious, material anteriority of speech. Habit is to desire as
written script to its meaning. Where for Derrida, writing designates a
constituent absence in the emergence of meaning, for Coleridge it
bespeaks a constituent loss in the emergence of desire.
For habit, like writing, re-presents what is not present-in this
instance desire, as in the similar case of Rousseau's quaint little
compulsion.29 It does so by consolidating traces of desire, "Pencil-mark-
memorials or relicts," as Coleridge calls them. These traces, "to the
consciousness erased," memorialize the "full prominence" of a desire
not fully present within them.30 They remember, so to speak, a
constitutive loss in the emergence of desire. Habit, then, is best
understood as a mode of somatic memory. It memorializes desire in
behaviors that demonstrate desire's loss, so forcefully in fact that habit
itself can come to substitute for "Fruition":"May not the Desirelet, a, so
correspond to the Desire, A, that the latter being excited may revert
890 Rehabilitating Coleridge
wholly or in great part to its excitingcause, a, instead of sallyingout of
itself towardan externalObject, B?"31In a reversalworthyof Derrida,
Coleridge wonders whether desire might realize fruition in the habit
thatproducesit. Cause and effect would merge in a logicalloop wherein
the loss of desire is a condition of its emergence. Habit represents a
strangepresence indeed, if it somaticallyrememberswhat is intermina-
bly lost. But that seems to be Coleridge'sconclusion,which may explain
his heart-rendingdesire for a worldwithouthabit,withoutloss, without
opium:
If I could secure you full Independence, if I could give too all my

original Self healed & renovated from all infirm Habits; & if by all the
forms in my power I could bind myself more effectively even in relation
to Law, than the Form out of my power would effect-then, then, would
you be the remover of my Loneliness, my perpetual Companion?32
Coleridge looks here to law to rehabilitatea will enervated by infirm

habits,a prospectthat will appearincreasinglyattractiveover the years.
But for the moment we might interrogate the habit he finds so
debilitating.For if habit is a mode of memory, and if opium is habit
forming,then what, one mightwonder,does an opiumhabitremember?
MightColeridge's"detestablehabit"memorializemore thanjust "incli-
nation and indulgence"?
IV. RUSH
Either under the influence of the narcotic draught, of which the songs
of all primitive men and peoples speak, or with the potent coming of
spring that penetrates all nature with joy, these Dionysian emotions
awake, and as they grow in intensity everything subjective vanishes into
complete self-forgetfulness.33
So writes Nietzsche in his first book, The Birth of Tragedy, of the

excessive pathos that the Greeks associatedwith the approachof their
god Dionysus. With Dionysus comes great terror,and yet ecstasy too.
That is why the closest familiaranalogyto these Dionysianemotions is
intoxication.Nietzsche'sword is "Rausch,"the disruptiveforce of which
lingersin the colloquialuse in Englishof "rush"to describeoverwhelm-
ing occurrences,particularlyof a pharmaceuticalsort. What a rush.
But one must listen closely to catch the undertone of Nietzsche's
meaning.For the Dionysianis not a supernaturalpower that seizes the
human in times of intoxication. Nietzsche describes it, along with its
Paul Youngquist 891
incommensurable counterpart the Apollinian, as a play of "artistic
energies which burst forth from nature herself' (B, 38). Nothing apart
from nature appears, then, in the rush of Dionysus. On the contrary, in
the Dionysian, nature plays the artist, to the terror and the ecstasy of
humankind:
Schopenhauer has depicted for us the tremendous terror which seizes

man [or woman] when . . . suddenly dumfounded by the cognitive form
of phenomena because the principle of sufficient reason, in some one of
its manifestations, seems to suffer an exception. If we add to this terror
the blissful ecstasy that wells from the innermost depths of [woman and]
man, indeed of nature, at this collapse of the principium individuationis,
we steal a glimpse into the nature of the Dionysian, which is brought
home to us most intimately by the analogy of intoxication. (B, 36)
The Dionysian is a double hit, at once bane and bliss. It comes to disrupt
and to incite. It stirs feelings of terror and ecstasy. You would have to
type these words one over the other to represent their simultaneity in
the Dionysian. This pathos eradicates simple differences, which is why it
is allied to intoxication.
The coming of Dionysus dissolves such differences as that of indi-
vidual identity, with its autonomy, its integrity, and its independent
agency. Recall that Coleridge observed in his detestable habit a
disseverence of will and volition. The latter acquired a life of its own,
ungovernable by the individual called Coleridge. For himself and his
many detractors this dissolution of individual agency bespoke a total
collapse of moral force: "inclination and indulgence." But as Nietzsche
says,
there are some who, from obtuseness or lack of experience, turn away
from such phenomena as from 'folk diseases,' with contempt or pity
born of the consciousness of their own 'Healthy-mindedness.' But of
course such poor wretches have no idea how corpselike and ghostly
their so-called 'healthy-mindedness' looks when the glowing life of the
Dionysian revelers roars past them. (B, 37)
Could it be that Coleridge's habit, as somatic memory, recalls this

"glowing life"? Perhaps the contempt and pity heaped upon the opium
eater registers the terrible ecstasy of the Dionysian, not to mention the
relative ghostliness of normal healthy-mindedness.
Habit as memory; opium habit as Dionysian memory: this is the
possibility that Coleridge the junkie forces upon us. Nietzsche's interest
in the Dionysian, as one of "nature'sart-impulses" (B, 38), centers in its
occurrence,not merely as intoxication,but as non-imagisticart. Born of
the collapse of the Apollinianprincipiumindividuationis,a Dionysian
art exceeds the image, allowing something to sound for which we
otherwiselack ears:
The wisdom of Silenus cried 'Woe! Woe!' to the serene Olympians. The
individual, with all his restraint and proportion, succumbed to the self-
oblivion of the Dionysian states, forgetting the precepts of Apollo.
Excess revealed itself as truth. Contradiction, the bliss born of pain,
spoke out from the very heart of nature. And so, wherever the Dionysian
prevailed, the Apollinian was checked and destroyed. (B, 47)
The truthof excess that attendsthe Dionysianmust of necessity exceed

the image as much as individualidentity.Hence the self-oblivionof the
individual,whose loss of identity best figures such truth. Only a non-
imagisticart can convey this loss, which is why music is for Nietzsche
the purest example of Dionysian art. Music, like memory, occurs as
strange presence. It can be heard only as it passes away;loss is the
medium of its occurrence. And in its interminable loss of presence
whispersa bliss born of pain.
v. LOSS
This is the real hallmarkof the coming of Dionysus:the pathos of

contradiction,the simultaneityof blissandpain.As Nietzschedescribesit,
only the curious blending and duality in the emotions of the Dionysian
revelers remind us-as medicines remind us of deadly poisons-of the
phenomenon that pain begets joy, that ecstasy may wring sounds of
agony from us. At the very climax of joy there sounds a cry of horror or
a yearning lamentation for an irretrievable loss. (B, 40)
When the Dionysian occurs, it awakens a memory, the lost memory of

loss in the midst of deepest joy. When the Dionysianoccurs as art, this
memory becomes a force that sustains rather than simply destroys-
sustainsas it destroys.Nietzsche can thereforedeclarethat "itis only as
an aesthetic phenomenon that existence and the world are eternally
justified" (B, 52): life, which like music occurs only as it passes away,
which deformseven as it producesall that is beautiful,valuable,or true,
this life of loss can only be justified-eternally-through affirmation.34
Dionysian art affirms life by rememberingits irretrievableloss while
makingthat memorythe means of its furtheroccurrence.That is why it
is crucialto distinguishhere between "loss"in this affirmative,produc-
Paul Youngquist 893
tive sense and "lack"in a privative and originarysense. The latter
descends from Hegel as the engine that drives dialectic. However
dialecticalNietzsche'spolemic may appearin The Birth of Tragedy,its
turn towardthe Dionysiandoes not occur as antithesisto the thesis of
the Apollinian.Ratherthe Dionysiandescribesan incommensurableart
impulse whose productivityoccurs as loss, even as dying organisms
beget new life.35 It is in this sense that life becomes an "aesthetic
phenomenon"(B, 52): old formsbeget new as loss articulatesexcess, or
as Yeats puts it, "Allperform their tragic play, /... / Gaiety transfiguring
all that dread."36Artmightthus be a meansof rehabilitatinga life of loss
throughaffirmation.
Such medicines must at times remind us of poisons. The loss they
rememberwill from some perspectivesappeardeadly.If we are rightto
approachColeridge'sopiumhabitas Dionysianmemory,then we should
not be surprisedif throughit excess revealsitself as, if not quite truth,
then perhaps reality.That detestable habit may memorialize an irre-
trievableloss that poetry also remembers-and affirms.This possibility
would, however,require a rehabilitationof our image of Coleridge. He
would turn from weak victim of "inclinationand indulgence"into a
creature of excess and strange delay steeped in the knowledge of
contradiction,a belated votaryof Dionysus,whose coming destroysthe
will and its best intentions:
In this sense the Dionysian man resembles Hamlet: both have once
looked truly into the essence of things, they have gained knowledge, and
nausea inhibits action; for their action could not change anything in the
eternal nature of things; they feel it to be ridiculous or humiliating that
they should be asked to set right a world that is out of joint. Knowledge
kills action; action requires veils of illusion: that is the doctrine of
Hamlet, and not the cheap wisdom of Jack the Dreamer. (B, 60)
Coleridgeas Dionysianman:that is the waywe ought to rememberhim.

This great Hamlet of a writer languished out of knowledge, not
"inclinationand indulgence."For a time art came to him, as Nietzsche
suggests it must, "as a saving sorceress, expert at healing. She alone
knows how to turn these nauseous thoughts about the horror or
absurdityof existence into notions with which one can live" (B, 60). If
art heals Dionysian man, poetry was Coleridge'sbest medicine, better
farthanopium,turninga knowledgeof excess-"the essence of things"-
towardan affirmationof the life of loss.
For a time.
894 Rehabilitating Coleridge
VI. HONEYDEW
Ultimately Coleridge submitted to a new control, but not before

composing some astonishinglyrics. Among them the most notorious
remains"KublaKhan:or a Visionin a Dream. A Fragment."37 Although
in the apologythat prefacesthe poem, he admitsto publishingit "rather
as a psychologicalcuriosity,than on the groundof any supposedpoetic
merits,"few would accept his judgment.38"KublaKhan"hauntsmodem
writingwith unusualforce, inspiringendless articlesand even books in
just fifty-fourmagicallines. This lost dream of loss has been amazingly
productive, and contraryto the healthy-mindedclaims of so much of
that criticism, the poem begins in opium. In the text that intervenes
between the title and the poem proper,Coleridgeconfesses that "Kubla
Khan"came to him in a reverie-"a profound sleep, at least of the
externalsenses."And he is frankif disingenuousabout what produced
it: "ananodyne"that had been "prescribed... in consequenceof a slight
indisposition."39 Coleridgeforces us to approachhis "visionin a dream"
as an occurrencethat opium made possible;whether it reallyhappened
that way or not is beside the point. Unless the poem is printedwithout
its preface, we only enter Xanaduunder the influence of opium.
Andthe reasonshouldbe clearby now."KublaKhan,"like Coleridge's
opium habit, memorializesthe Dionysian. Coleridge comes close to
admittingas much in the poem's concludingdescriptionof the enrap-
turedpoet: "heon honeydewhath fed / And drunkthe milkof Paradise"
(K, 53-54). The lines recall Socrates'sdescriptionin "Ion"of lyricpoets
in the act of composition:"theyare seized with the Bacchic transport,
and are possessed-as the bacchants,when possessed, draw milk and
honey from the rivers,but not when in their senses. So the spiritof the
lyric poet works.""4Socrates associates the lyric poet in the state of
composing with Dionysian states. So does Coleridge. And so does
Nietzsche. For the latter,lyric as opposed to epic poetry articulatesthe
Dionysian.The ancients knew why: "they took for grantedthe union,
indeed the identity, of the lyrist with the musician"(B, 49). This union
of music and poetry gives the lyric its peculiar force. Languageworks
differentlyin the lyric than in other kinds of discourse.It refers, not to
things, but to music itself: "in the poetry of the folk song, languageis
strained to its utmost that it may imitate music; . .. the word, the image,
the concept here seeks an expressionanalogousto music and now feels
in itself the power of music"(B, 53-54). If music, as strangepresence,
passes awayas it occurs,and if the languageof the lyricstrainsto imitate
such music, then the lyric memorializesthe loss of its own occurrence.
Paul Youngquist 895
It occurs as a loss that articulates excess. Hence the double structure of
lyrical mimesis: the lyric imitates the occurrence (in language) of its
occurrence (as music), a mimesis not merely of its own form, but of its
formation and deformation. The lyric, in the music of its evanescence,
remembers the Dionysian.
VII. DULCIMER
It is a truism, though not quite an empty one, to say that "Kubla

Khan" is the most musical of poems. But its music is no mere ornament
of a beguiling little lyric. It indicates the operation of this lyrical
mimesis. Coleridge himself describes the double structure of such
mimesis when he relates the manner of the poem's composing, "if that
indeed can be called composition in which all the images rose up before
him as things, with a parallel production of the correspondent expres-
sions, without any sensation or consciousness of effort."41The composi-
tion of "Kubla Khan" occurs exactly as Nietzsche suggests it should,
since "the lyric genius is conscious of a world of images and symbols-
growing out of his state of mystical self-abnegation and oneness" (B, 50).
Images arise as things with a parallel production of correspondent
expression, without consciousness of effort. This double structure of
occurrence involves two components: images and expressions. Take the
former for language and the latter for music and "Kubla Khan" turns
Dionysian. The question to ask of its language then becomes, not what
are the texts in which it originates, but how does it imitate its occurrence
as music? What is the manner of its passing away?42
For loss-and its productivity-is the preoccupation of Coleridge's
preface and poem alike. The legendary tale of the man from Porlock is
a parable of loss. Disrupted from his reverie, the poet returns an hour
later to find that
thoughhe still retainedsomevagueanddim recollectionof the general

purport of the vision, yet, with the exception of some eight or ten
scattered lines and images, all the rest had passed away like images on
the surface of a stream into which a stone has been cast, but, alas,
without the after restoration of the latter.43
Not the vision but the vision's loss is what Coleridge undertakes to
imitate, and as he does so he doubles, triples, even quadruples his
account: with first the story itself of the distracting businessman, then a
self-quotation that misrepresents loss by promising an impossible resto-
ration, then a resolution (in Greek) to sing a sweeter song, originally
"Today"but changed mercifullyin 1834 to "tomorrow."Finally comes
the poem itself, that sweet musical remembrance of Kubla's miraculous
pleasure dome. These multiple accounts of Reverie Lost imitate the
occurrence of music, making loss constitutive of the poem's emergence.
That is why its language and imagery, when finally they come, imitate
nothing other than their passing. Kubla'sdome, for all its rare device,
appearsfirst doomed (by "Ancestralvoices prophesyingwar!";K, 30),
then dimmed to nothing (vanishingin the abyssbetween stanzas).And
when a poet steps in at the end to revive it, his only access comes
througha music that is alwaysalreadygone:
Could I revive within me
Her symphony and song,
To such a deep delight 'twouldwin me,
That with music loud and long,
I would build that dome in air,
That sunny dome! those caves of ice! (K, 42-47)
A poetry built of music passes instantly away. But in "Kubla Khan,"with

its apology and its preface, its self-quotation and its sublime imagery,
loss turns productive. Its musical occurrence, like the somatic memory
of opium-eating, articulates excess. In this manner, a Dionysian art
affirms the life of loss: it multiplies the memorials of its occurrence.
Sweet music indeed.
VIII. LOON
But such music is as difficult to endure as it is to articulate. Among

the hazards of the Dionysian is a loss of interest in life. Hamlet is the
great exemplar because the knowledge of excess that comes with the
horrific image of his father's ghost renders all the world absurd: "now no
comfort avails any more; longing transcends a world after death, even
the gods; existence is negated along with its glittering reflection in the
gods or in an immortal beyond" (B, 60). A Dionysian art intervenes to
exhaustthese feelings of nausea and absurdity,producingplays within
plays,poems within poems. But a dangerpersiststhat the loss constitu-
tive of such art will receive, out of fear or grief or weariness, a
transcendentalinterpretation.44Excess succumbs to intelligibility,ef-
fecting a loss of loss. The ecstatic agonies of the Dionysian,those pains
of opium'sdubiouspleasures,canjust as easilyreceive transcendentalas
lyricaltreatment.
Something of the sort occurs to Coleridge as Dionysian artist:he
turns from the lyric, with its musical excess, toward the more certain
Paul Youngquist 897
world of philosophy. Habits of opium and poetry receive transcendental
treatment. And in this Coleridge resembles his own most powerful
creation, the Ancient Mariner, whose strange, excessive tale bespeaks a
loss so complete that it seems to require transcendental interpretation:
O WeddingGuest! this soul hath been
Alone on a wide wide sea:
So lonely 'twas,that God himself
Scarce seemed there to be.45
Like "Kubla Khan," "The Rime of the Ancient Mariner" makes the
occurrence of loss constitutive of its narration, but unlike that more
musical poem it interprets that occurrence transcendentally. "The Rime
of the Ancient Mariner" rehabilitates the Dionysian by rendering its
ecstatic agonies intelligible. This baleful poem prophecies Coleridge's
turn away from poetry.46
"'Hold off! unhand me, grey-beard loon!'" (R, 11). The Wedding
Guest sees a glint of madness in the Mariner's basilisk eye. Beyond the
pale of the quotidian, on the very threshold of a wedding feast, the
Mariner tells an agonizing tale of loss and recovery that arises compul-
sively out of the simple question: "'What manner man art thou?'" (R,
77). If the tale's answer is "Dionysian man," then its teller must indeed
be crazed, lost in the occurrence of the memory of excess. Coleridge
takes great care to document the madness of the Mariner. The extrava-
gance not only of his tale's content but also of its sheer length indicts
him. In a profusion of words and images it speaks of a loss of speech:
And every tongue, throughutter drought,
Was withered at the root;
We could not speak, no more than if
We had been choked with soot. (R, 135-38)
In so excessively speaking the loss of speech the Mariner makes loss

constitutive of the tale he tells. He is an artist in the Dionysian mode,
narrating loss as a means to narration.
But he is mad too-medically speaking. In its excess, the Mariner's
speech is painfully consistent with contemporary medical descriptions
of melancholia, that traditional pathology of loss. Writing originally in
Latin in A Methodical System of Nosology (1808), William Cullen places
melancholy in the class of diseases called Neuroses ("sense and notion
injured, without an original fever, and without any local disorder"),
under the order of mental illness called Vesaniae ("a disorder of
function of the judging faculty of the mind, without fever or sleepi-
ness"),and defines it thus: "apartialinsanitywithout dyspepsia,"where
"partialinsanity"involvesthe perception "of false relationsof things so
as to excite unreasonablepassions and actions,"and where dyspepsia
would indicate hypochondriasis.47 Melancholiabegins in false percep-
tion and producesinappropriatebehavior.WilliamPargeter,owner of a
private lunatic asylum, published a treatise entitled Observationson
ManiacalDisorders (1792) in which he claims that in melancholia"the
errorof the intellectualpower is confined principally,often entirely,to
one subject."48In Observationson the Nature, Kinds, Causes, and
Preventionof Insanity,ThomasArnold,M.D., concurs,definingmelan-
cholia as "a permanent delirium, without fury or fever, in which the
mind is dejected, and timorous, and usually employed about one
object."49Because deliriumwithout observablebodily ailment appears
almost exclusively in language, aberrant speech becomes the main
symptom of melancholiain the medical discourse of Coleridge'sday.
Speakingobsessivelyabout a single subject, the melancholiacdisrupts
the linguistic conventions that constitute and confirm health for the
physician. The result is the loss of social relations. "'God save thee,
ancient Mariner!/ From the fiends, that plaguethee thus!'"(R, 588-90):
no wonder the WeddingGuest fearsthe Mariner.He is mad;his speech
proclaimsit in the idiom of its own excess.
IX. STRANGEPOWEROF SPEECH
And yet, talking is the Mariner'stherapy, too. The loss that is

constitutiveof his narrationpresents his identityand makeshim visible
and audible to both the WeddingGuest and ourselves. Speech has the
strangepower of recoveringwhat was lost. But bear in mind the double
movementof re-covery-at once to uncoverand cover again;to recover
is as much to lose as to possess. Everytime the Marinertells his tale he
loses anew the identity it presents. Hence his painfully compulsive
narration,born in agony and chanted in passion:
Since then, at an uncertain hour,
Thatagonyreturns;
Andtill myghastlytaleis told,
Thisheartwithinme burns.(R,582-85)
Speech melioratesan agony otherwisewithout image, but only tempo-

rarily.The Mariner'sidentity,re-coveredin the tale, is lost in its telling.
For the whole strangestoryof the Albatrossand the watersnakesoccurs
in compulsiveresponse to the astonishedinterrogative,"'Whatmanner
of man ... ?'" (R, 577). The manner of the Mariner disappears in its
Paul Youngquist 899
appearance,which is why he frequentlyrepeatshis performance.Loss is
constitutiveof its coming to presence, the characteristicmannerof the
Dionysian.Doomed compulsivelyto repeata tale that unmakeshim, the
Marinerarticulatesexcess.
But he does not do so wholly in a mode of affirmation.One of the
effects of his disturbing tale, in spite of its manner, is to assert a
transcendentalinterpretationof its constitutiveloss. Its strange power
of speech produces, in its excess, an authoritativespeech of power. It
becomes possible therefore to interpret "The Rime of the Ancient
Mariner"in metaphysicalratherthan Dionysianterms, an interpretation
advancedby its famous marginalgloss, which reaches the conclusion
that the Marinermust "teach,by his own example,love and reverenceto
all thingsthat God made and loveth."50Perhapsthis explainsColeridge's
remarkto Anna LaeticiaBarbauldregardingthe moralof his poem: "in
my own judgment the poem had too much."51Too much morality
assures the loss of loss. The Marinercan be interpreted-he does so
himself-as beholden to a higher power. His identity comes to be
defined once and for all by a discourse of moral reference and
evaluation;and the loss constitutiveof his narrationreceives a transcen-
dental interpretation.This time it is for good.
Consider the fate of the Albatross.Its death is nothing in itself, a
mere event in an eventful world. But the interpretationof that event is
everything,at least to the Mariner.When the Albatrossceases to be just
a bird and becomes a signifierin a moral discourseas well, it serves to
regulate the strange speech that produces the Mariner'sidentity:
"Insteadof the cross, the Albatross/ About my neck was hung"(R, 141-
42). A new moralitynaturalizesthe old in this appropriation,substitut-
ing for the sign of the cross that of the Albatross,which signifies by
another substitutionthe Marinerhimself. The identity that this moral
discourseproduces is apparentlymore naturalbut no less responsible
than its earlier Christianavatar.When the Marinerblesses the water
snakeshe substantiatesthis discourse.Even though the act itself might
as easily affirmthe beauty of a life of loss, its interpretationprivilegesa
higher power: "Surelymy kind saint took pity on me, / And I blessed
them unaware./ The selfsame moment I could pray"(R, 286-88). The
Mariner'sstrange speech produces in him an identity that, however
menacing, ultimately depends on that higher power. Melancholiare-
ceives transcendentaltreatmentas prayerrehabilitatesdelirium.There-
after, the Marinercan be interpreted as a morally responsible, self-
discipliningman.52
X. ABSTRUSERESEARCH
This is the kind of man that Coleridge struggled against opium to

become. It is a commonplaceof Coleridgecriticismthat he turns from
poetry to philosophyand moralsabout the time he tries finallyto kick
his "accursedHabit."'53 Transcendentalphilosophyrehabilitatesa mel-
ancholy Coleridge, treating the life of loss with abstruse truth. One
might say with Nietzsche that "herephilosophicthought overgrowsart
and compels it to cling close to the trunkof dialectic"(B, 91). Nietzsche
is speakingof the Platonicdialoguesbut the point appliesto Coleridge:
his writingturns awayfrom lyric and towardphilosophy,awayfrom the
truth of excess and towardthe power of law. The Dionysianman yields
to the type of man Nietzsche associateswith Socrates,a theoreticalman,
who, "withhis faith that the natureof things can be fathomed,ascribes
to knowledge and insight the power of a panacea"(B, 97). Not opium,
not poetry,but philosophyfinallybecomes the elixirof life for Coleridge.
As early as 1802 Coleridge attests to its therapeuticpowers:
Andhaplyby abstruseresearchto steal
From my own nature all the naturalman-
This was my sole resource, my only plan:
Till that which suits a part infects the whole,
And now is almost grown the habit of my soul.54
Philosophy,too, can be habit forming. A Truth habit is much more

acceptable than a drug habit. Coleridge'sturn to philosophyis a turn
awayfrom-and submergenceof-the Dionysian,the very force which
so invigoratedhis earlierpoetry.His philosophicalalternativeinstitutes
assimilationto moral discourse as the condition of health and happi-
ness-as indeed it was for Coleridgehimself in his desperateefforts to
abandonopium: "In the one crime of OPIUM, what crime have I not
made myself guilty of!"55By finally fulfilling his long-standing resolution
to place himself "in the House, and under the constant eye, of some
medical man,"Coleridge erects a materialstructureof moral law and
discipline, a private asylumwhich when internalizedwould ameliorate
his "specific madness" and produce a lasting recovery.56There is
thereforesomethingof the asylumabouthis laterphilosophicalwritings,
a tendency to reproduceits relationsof power as the conditionnot only
of personal and politicalhealth, but even of artisticfreedom.
Paul Youngquist 901
XI. ASYLUM
For the great French physicianand psychiatristPhilippe Pinel, the

humane reformer of the asylum, the treatment of mental illness was
primarilya moral matter. Quoting the EncyclopaediaBritannica, he
describes his approachas follows:"'Inthe moraltreatmentof insanity,
lunaticsare not to be considered as absolutelydevoid of reason, i.e. as
inaccessibleby motivesof fear and hope, and sentimentsof honour....
In the first instance it is proper to gain an ascendancyover them, and
afterwardsto encourage them."'57It would be easy but ill-advisedto
overlookthe institutionalframeworkin which Pinel'streatmentoccurs.
Although it aims at producing a morallyresponsible, self-disciplining
individual,it does so in the confines of an asylum whose structureit
works to internalize.Accordingto Pinel, cure depends less upon the
inmatesthemselvesthan upon the characterand behaviorof its primary
moralagent and exemplar,the governor.Successfultreatmentbecomes
possibleonly "ata well regulatedasylum,. . subjectto the management
of a governor,in everyrespect qualifiedto exerciseover [the inmates]an
irresistiblecontroul."58The power grantedto this governoris a direct
corollaryto the fundamental"laws"of the asylum:
to allow ... all the latitude of personal liberty consistent with safety; to
proportion the degree of coercion to the demands upon it from ...
extravagance of behaviour; to use mildness of manners or firmness as
occasion may require,-the bland arts of conciliation, or the tone of
irresistible authority pronouncing an irreversible mandate.59
The "enlightenedmaximsof humanity"that guide Pinel'smoral treat-

ment produce an individual whose autonomy is an after-image of
institutional power.60 When an inmate internalizes the governor and
regulatesspeech accordinglyhe or she is declared to be cured.
For all its humanity,then, Pinel's moral treatment of insanity pri-
vatelyinterpolatesinstitutionalpower.It producesthe truth of recovery
by erecting an asylum within, an internalized site of self-discipline.
Michel Foucault describes the effects of such therapeutics as the
instantiationof "asort of invisibletribunalin permanentsession."61The
great achievement of Pinel's asylum as a social institution is to have
madepossiblethis privatetribunal:"Theasylumin the age of positivism,
which it is Pinel's glory to have founded, is not a free realm of
observation,diagnosis,and therapeutics;it is a juridicalspacewhere one
is accused, judged, and condemned, and from which one is never
released except by the version of this trialin psychologicaldepth-that
is, by remorse."'6If the asylumbecomes that institutionalspace which
produces the truth of recovery, then Coleridge is one of its finest
achievements.That his was a domestic and not an institutionalarrange-
ment only exaggeratesthe force of its example. By submittingto the
care of a physicianin order to control his opium habit, Coleridge not
only becomes the first celebrityto enter rehab,he also becomes a living
testimonial to the power of this juridical space and the effects of its
internalizationin the psychodramaof remorse, recovery,and relapse.
Through his example is born a legion of recovering junkies. But
somethingdies, too, or at least falls silent:the truthof excess as somatic
memory.Coleridge'srecoveryis as much a matter of forgettingas self-
discipline.Lost to memoryis the life of loss and the disturbingforce of
Dionysian art. Knowledge comes increasingly to take its place, a
knowledge that reproducesinstitutionalrelationsof power as a condi-
tion of health. Transcendentalphilosophy thus fits neatly into the
juridicalspace of the asylum.Both institute control over bad habits by
appealingto higher power. Poetryis all but forgotten.
XII. IMAGINATION
The Dionysianpoet turns into the transcendentalphilosopher.Even

Coleridge'saesthetic theorybetraysa trace of the asylum.Considerthe
influentialtheoreticalstatementColeridgemadein BiographiaLiteraria
(1815-17) concerning the "esemplasticpower" of Imagination.It's a
peculiar statement, since to define this creative faculty Coleridge
immediatelydivides it in two:
The IMAGINATION then, I consider either as primary, or secondary.

The primary IMAGINATION I hold to be the living Power and prime
Agent of all human Perception, and as a repetition in the finite mind of
the eternal act of creation in the infinite I AM. The secondary
Imagination I consider as an echo of the former, co-existing with the
conscious will, yet still as identical with the primary in the kind of its
agency, and differing only in degree, and in the mode of its operation.63
Althoughtypicallytaken to establishthe divine agency of Imagination,

this statement also betrays its institutional origins. For the double
structureof Imaginationreproducesat the originof the workof art the
power relationsof the asylum.However "eternalthe act of creationin
the infinite I AM," the individualcreative act is but the echo of an
imperious moral authority.It is regulated by a power that, although
identified with God, resembles in its agency that of law as Coleridge
describesit in TheFriend,no. 7, "EssayIV:On the Principlesof Political
Paul Youngquist 903
Philosophy." Both regulate the visual, Imagination as "the living Power
and prime Agent of all human Perception," "LAW"as an "awful power
. acting on natures pre-configured to its influences." And both
legislate the verbal, assimilating the acceptable in art and politics to an
authoritative moral discourse: "This is the Spirit of LAW! the Lute of
Amphion, the Harp of Orpheus! This is the true necessity, which
compels man into the social State, now and always, by a still-beginning,
never-ceasing force of moral Cohesion."64 Coleridge finds in such
necessity a cure for his "specific madness," a reunion of will and volition
in the operation of "an invisible power, ... a Power, which was therefore
irresistible, because it took away the very Will of resisting, . . . acting on
natures pre-configured to its influence."65 Law is such a power and
Imagination is another. For all its transcendental pretensions, Coleridge's
Imagination has political origins. Like Pinel's governor, like "the awful
power of LAW,"it pre-configures the artist to respond to its influence.
Hence the moral authority of its products. The modern Imagination, at
least as Coleridge defines it, works in the juridical space of an invisible
asylum, which may be why the art of the insane inspires such fascina-
tion: the dangers of the Dionysian ever menace the moralized Imagina-
tion.
But it is not the Imagination alone that regulates this space. That task
requires another institution, the character and function of which
becomes the subject of Coleridge's late tract, On the Constitution of the
Church and State, According to the Idea of Each (1830). The turn away
from nasty habits and toward a morally responsible and self-disciplining
identity fulfills itself in Coleridge's advocacy of religion as the institu-
tional means of producing it. A healthy body politic requires pervasive
assimilation among its members to an authoritative moral discourse.
Institutionally, that task falls to the church, "inasmuch as the morality
which the state requires in its citizens for its own well-being and ideal
immortality, and without reference to their spiritual interest as individu-
als, can only exist for the people in the form of religion."66Religion thus
conceived is a more political than spiritualinstitution, reproducinga
moral unanimity that regulates national identity. The kind of identity
that arisesin Coleridge'spoetry as a means of melioratingthe life of loss
becomes the foundationalunit of a self-discipliningbody politic, at least
in that social orderwhose historyand traditioncoincide with England's:
"inregardof the groundsandprinciplesof actionand conduct,the State
has a right to demand of the National Church, that its instructions
should be fitted to diffuse throughoutthe people legality, that is, the
obligations of a well-calculated self-interest, under conditions of a
common interest under common laws."''67 To the established church
Coleridge assigns the task of spreading this identity throughout the
nation, for it best reproduces and regulates the health of the body
politic. The politics of the conservative sage of Highgate are in part the
prejudices of a reformed opium eater, dependent now less upon drugs
than upon ideas and institutions that promote mental health and
happiness. Religion truly is the opiate of the masses.
XIII. CODA: OF TRUTH AND EXCESS
Pondering his life from a posthumous perspective, Coleridge antici-

pates its value as narrative: "After my death, I earnestly entreat, that a
full and unqualified narration of my wretchedness, and of its guilty
cause, may be made public, that at least some little good may be
effected by the direful example!"68As case study and moral exemplum
Coleridge's narco-narrative might represent something true. This link
between truth and excess warrants further treatment. Coleridge begins
his life as an artist in the manner of the Dionysian. He ends up a
philosopher, preferring morality to music. Lost in the interim is the
abundant life of loss, the disrupting rush of excess ever deforming its
living forms. Coleridge may have gained discipline, security, and even
health as a result, but at the cost of forgetting the creative life that his
poetry remembers.
Oh, that this Socrates might have practiced his strange music longer!
But for a few harrowing recoveries, the lyric was lost to Coleridge. His
melancholy story is not simply that of a hapless junkie. It tells of loss that
articulates excess. It bespeaks an interminable disappearance. It is little
wonder then that the melancholy Coleridge should seek pharmaceutical
or philosophical treatments "here, when the danger to his will is
greatest" (B, 60). Health requires a return to social relations, however
desperate the means: "And did I not groan at my unworthiness, & be
miserable at my state of Health, its effects, and effect-trebling Causes?
O yes!-Me miserable! O yes!-Have mercy on me, O bring something
out of me! For there is no power, (and if that can be, less strength) in
aught within me! Mercy! Mercy!"69Are we capable of rehabilitating
Coleridge? Or of recovering the truth of excess, the wisdom of the
junkie? Mercy, mercy!
The Pennsylvania State University
Paul Youngquist 905
NOTES
1 Quoted in James Gillman, The Life of Samuel Taylor Coleridge (London: W.
Pickering,1838), 271.
2Gillman,273.
3 Coleridge to James Gillman, 13 April 1816, in The Complete Letters of Samuel
TaylorColeridge,ed. Earl Leslie Griggs,6 vols. (Oxford:Clarendon,1959), 4:630.
4 However tempting it may be to describe Coleridge as an opium addict, historical
accuracyrequiresother terms:opium eater, laudanumhabitue, and so forth.Addiction
as a physio-culturalconcept emerged later in the nineteenth century, the effect of a
multiplicityof forces, includinga risingmedicalprofession,a growingantipathytoward
things "oriental,"a militant Quaker moralism,and the introductionof the syringe. I
therefore cannot follow those, like Alina Clej, who simply transpose the concept of
addictionbackwardand applyit anachronistically to Romanticwriters.In fact, Coleridge
becomes one of the early architectsof the concept. On the question of narcoticsand
addictionin the nineteenth century,see Clej, A Genealogyof the ModernSelf"Thomas
De Quincey and the Intoxicationof Writing (Stanford:Stanford Univ. Press, 1995);
Nigel Leask, "'Murderingone's double':Thomas De Quincey and S. T. Coleridge,"in
British Romantic Writers and the East (Cambridge:Cambridge Univ. Press, 1992);
Barry Milligan, Pleasures and Pains: Opium and the Orient in Nineteenth-Century
British Culture (Charlottesville:Univ. of Virginia Press, 1995); Geoffrey Harding,
Opiate Addiction, Morality, and Medicine (London: MacMillan, 1988); Terry M.
Parssinen,Secret Passions, Secret Remedies:Narcotic Drugs in British Society, 1820-
1930 (Manchester: Manchester Univ. Press, 1983); David Musto, The American
Disease:the Originsof NarcoticControl(New Haven:Yale Univ. Press, 1973);Virginia
Berridge and Griffith Edwards, Opium and the People: Opiate Use in Nineteenth-
Century England (London:Allen Lane, 1981); Avital Ronell, Crack Wars:Literature,
Mania,and Addiction(Lincoln:Univ. of NebraskaPress, 1991); as well as some of the
essays in Beyond the PleasureDome: Writing and Addictionfrom the Romantics,ed.
Sue Vice, MatthewCampbell,and Tim Armstrong(Sheffield:SheffieldAcademicPress,
1994).
5 Coleridge to JosiahWade, 26 June 1814, in Letters, 3:511.
6William Hazlitt, "Mr.Coleridge,"in WilliamHazlitt: SelectedWritings,ed. Ronald
Blythe (Hammondsworth:Penguin, 1970), 234.
7Quoted in Molly Lefebure, Samuel Taylor Coleridge:A Bondage to Opium (New
York:Stein and Day, 1974), 30.
8JosephCottle, Reminiscencesof SamuelTaylorColeridgeand RobertSouthey(1848;
reprint,Westmead:Gregg International,1970), 373.
9 Coleridge criticism,like his writing,is vast and various.As one might expect, it falls
into the two majorcategoriesof the sanctifyingand the demonizing.Anyoneinterested
in coming to terms with Coleridgein all his complexityshould begin with what remains
the best introduction to his thinking, Owen Barfield's What Coleridge Thought
(Middletown:WesleyanUniv. Press, 1971). A good biographyis indispensable,too, such
as Walter Jackson Bate's Coleridge (New York:MacMillan,1968) or more recently
RichardHolmes's magnificenttwo-volumeColeridge,vol. 1 (New York:Viking,1990);
vol. 2 (New York:Pantheon, 1999).
10Elizabeth Schneider, Coleridge, Opium, and Kubla Khan (Chicago: Univ. of
Chicago Press, 1953), 17.
" Alethea Hayter,Opiumand the RomanticImagination(Berkeley:Univ. of Califor-
nia Press, 1968), 40.
1 Lefebure, 14.
13 Coleridge to Joseph Cottle, 26 April 1814, Letters, 3:476.
14Coleridgeto Tomas Poole, 18 April 1801, Letters,2:721.
15Medicaltreatmenthas obviouslychanged since Coleridge'sday. Before the advent
of germ theory later in the nineteenth centuryand the rise of bacteriologyas a science,
opiumwas routinelyused to treat the symptomsof a wide rangeof illnesses. Afterward,
it came to be viewed as a superfluous,even dangerous,medicament.
16Berridgeand Edwards,xxv.
17WilliamBuchan,DomesticMedicine,2nd Americaned. (Philadelphia:Cruikshank,
1774), 342.
IsGilman,223 ("seduced");Coleridgeto Joseph Cottle, 26 April 1814, Letters,3:476
("ina medical Journal").
19John Brown,Elementsof Medicine,ed. Thomas Beddoes, 2 vols. (London, 1795),
1:245n.
20Brown,2:168.
21Brown, 1:285.
22JohnJones, The Mysteriesof OpiumRevealed(London:R. Smith, 1701), 328 ("itis
good");267 ("ittakes off").
23Jones, 20.
24Jones, 20 ("likea most");357 ("isof great use").
5 Coleridge to Joseph Cottle, [earlyApril 1797], Letters, 1:319.
26Quoted in Berridgeand Edwards,63.
7 Coleridge to J.J.Morgan,14 May 1814, Letters, 3:489.
28Coleridge,TheNotebooksof SamuelTaylorColeridge,ed. KathleenCoburn,4 vols.
(Princeton:PrincetonUniv. Press, 1957), 1:1421.
29 See Jacques Derrida, Of Grammatology,trans. GayatriSpivak(Baltimore:Johns
HopkinsUniv. Press, 1974), part2, chap. 2. Derridadid not conjureex nihilo his famous
trope of writing.His work makesit possible to see that earlierwritersalso felt its force.
30Coleridge,Notebooks,1:1421.
33FriedrichNietzsche, "The Birth of Tragedy,"in The Birth of Tragedyand the Case
of Wagner, trans. Walter Kaufmann(New York:Vintage, 1967), 36. Hereafter cited
parentheticallyin the text and abbreviatedB.
34Readers of Nietzsche owe a debt of gratitude to John Sallis for returningtheir
attention to The Birth of Tragedy. See his Crossings: Nietzsche and the Space of
Tragedy(Chicago:Univ. of ChicagoPress, 1991), esp. chap. 2. See also Gilles Deleuze's
Nietzsche and Philosophy,trans. Hugh Tomlinson (New York:ColumbiaUniv. Press,
1983), Martin Heidegger's Nietzsche, trans. David Farrell Krell (New York:Harper
Collins, 1991), esp. vol. 1, and Charles Scott's The Question of Ethics: Nietzsche,
Foucault,Heidegger(Bloomington:IndianaUniv. Press, 1990).
5 RegardingThe Birth of Tragedy,Nietzsche has been badly served by his commen-
tators, even one as canny as Deleuze, who has little of interest to say about it. That is
why Sallis has done it such a great service. With the exception of Heidegger, he is the
first to read the Dionysian,not in dialecticalterms, but as an image for the coming to
presence of life that exceeds images. And yet Nietzsche proposes this readingin the
third sentence of his book: "ThroughApollo and Dionysus, the two art deities of the
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Greeks, we come to recognize that in the Greek world there existed a tremendous
opposition, in origin and aims, between the Apollinian art of sculpture, and the
nonimagistic,Dionysian art of music" (B, 33). Where does Nietzsche say that this
"tremendousopposition"is dialecticallystructured?Where indeed does he say that this
oppositionis even binary?
36 William Butler Yeats, "LapisLazuli,"in SelectedPoems and Two Plays of William
Butler Yeats,ed. M. L. Rosenthal(New York:MacMillan,1962), 159.

37This poem has producedmanypages of criticism.See in particularPaul Magnuson,
"'KublaKhan':That Phantom-Worldso Fair," in Critical Essays on Samuel Taylor
Coleridge,ed. LeonardOrr (New York:G. K. Hall, 1994);CharlesDePaolo "Coleridge
and the Cities of the Khan,"The WordsworthCircle 13 (1982): 3-8; and TimothyBahti
"Coleridge's'KublaKhan'and the Fragmentof Romanticism,"ModernLanguageNotes
96 (1981): 1035-50.
38Coleridge, "KublaKhan:or a Vision in a Dream,"in The CollectedPoeticalWorks
of SamuelTaylor Coleridge,ed. Ernest HartleyColeridge, 2 vols. (Oxford:Clarendon
Press, 1912), 1:295. Hereafterthis poem will be cited parentheticallyin the text by line
number and abbreviatedK. All subsequent quotationsfrom Coleridge'spoetry come
from the E. H. Coleridge edition.
39Coleridge,PoeticalWorks,296.
40Plato, "Ion,"in Plato:The CollectedDialogues,ed. Edith Hamiltonand Huntington
Cairns(Princeton:PrincetonUniv. Press, 1961), 220.
41Coleridge,"KublaKhan,"in PoeticalWorks, 1:296.
42In no way do I mean to diminish the importanceof work devoted to tracing the
"intertextuality"of "Kubla Khan." John Livingston Lowes's The Road to Xanadu
(Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1927) remains, after all these years, the best example of
such scholarshipand E. S. Shaffer's "KublaKhan"and the Fall of Jerusalem (Cam-
bridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1975) still has much to teach us. But the poem's
languageinterruptsand transformsthat of its forerunners;and attendingtoo exclusively
to its intertextualoriginsdeafens us to its occurrenceas music.
43Coleridge,"KublaKhan,"in PoeticalWorks,1:296.
44As it does in Hegel, Lacan,or De Man,where loss becomes lack and serves as an a
priori conditionof experienceproducinga transcendentalismof the negative.
45Coleridge, "The Rime of the Ancient Mariner,"in Poetical Works, 1:208.597-600.
Hereaftercited parentheticallyin the text by line number and abbreviatedR.
46 Coleridge's "Rime"remains infinitely productive. Its best readings include the
following:Leslie Brisman's"Coleridgeand the Supernatural,"Studies in Romanticism
21 (1982): 123-59; Frances Ferguson's"Coleridgeand the Deluded Reader,"in Post-
StructuralistReadingsof English Poetry, ed. RichardMachinand ChristopherNorris
(Cambridge:CambridgeUniv. Press, 1987), 248-63; Anne William's"AnI for an Eye"
'SpectralPersecution'in 'The Rime of the Ancient Mariner,"PMLA108 (1995): 1114-
27; Camille Paglia's discussion in Sexual Personae (New York:Vintage, 1991); and
StanleyCavell'sanalysisin In Quest of the Ordinary(Chicago:Univ. of Chicago Press,
1988).
47WilliamCullen,A MethodicalSystemof Nosology,trans.Elead Lewis (Stockbridge,
1808), 140.
48 WilliamPargeter,Observationsof ManiacalDisorders (London, 1792), 6.
49Thomas Arnold, Observationson the Nature, Kinds, Causes, and Prevention of

Insanity, 2nd ed. (London, 1806), 16.
50Coleridge,PoeticalWorks,209.
51Coleridge,The TableTalkof SamuelTaylorColeridge,ed. T. Ashe (London:Bell &
Sons, 1803), 87.
52The regulativegloss that Coleridge added to the "Rime"in 1817 only exaggerates
this effect. The definitivetreatmentof the gloss is Jerome McGann'ssubtle analysisof
its simulatedhistoricity,"The Meaningof the Mariner"(CriticalInquiry 8 [1981]: 35-
67); I would only add that its moral force has a transcendentalizingeffect.
53Coleridge to Joseph Cottle, 26 April 1814, Letters,3:476.
54Coleridge, "Dejection:An Ode,"in PoeticalWorks, 1:367.89-93.
55Coleridge to JosiahWade, 26 June 1814, Letters,3:511.
56 Coleridge to William Wordsworth,4 May 1812, Letters, 3:398 ("in the House").
Foucault's reminder is germane here as we turn from Coleridge's habit (Dionysian

memory) to its moral treatment (the production of "truth"):"The Problem is not
changingpeople's consciousness-or what'sin their heads-but the political,economic,
institutionalregime of the productionof truth. . . . The politicalquestion,to sum up, is
not error, illusion, alienated consciousness, or ideology; it is truth itself' (Power/
Knowledge:Selected Interviews and Other Writings, ed. Colin Gordon, trans. Colin
Gordon, Leo Marshall,John Mepham, and Kate Soper [New York:Pantheon, 1980],
133).
57Phillipe Pinel, Treatiseon Insanity, trans. D. D. Davis (Sheffield, 1806), 103.
8Pinel, 59-60.
59Pinel, 83.
60Pinel, 68.
61 Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison, trans. Alan
Sheridan(New York:Vintage, 1979), 265.
62Foucault,Discipline and Punish, 269.
63Coleridge,BiographiaLiteraria,in TheCollectedWorksof SamuelTaylorColeridge,
ed. Kathleen Coburn and others, 14 vols. (Princeton:Princeton Univ. Press, 1969),
7:304.
64Coleridge,The Friend, no. 7, "EssayIV:On the Principlesof PoliticalPhilosophy,"
in Works,4: pt. 2, 100 ("awfulpower");4: pt. 2, 100-101 ("Thisis the").
65Coleridge,The Friend, no. 7, "EssayIV,"in Works,4: pt. 2, 100.
66Coleridge, On the Constitutionof the Churchand State, Accordingto the Idea of
Each (1830), in Works, 10:69.
67Coleridge, On the Constitutionof the Churchand State, Accordingto the Idea of
Each, in Works,10:54.
68 Coleridgeto JosiahWade, 26 June 1814, Letters, 3:511.
Paul Youngquist 909

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What led Coleridge to seek treatment for his opium addiction?

What led Coleridge to seek treatment for his opium addiction?

How did Gillman's treatment of Coleridge aim to control his addiction?

How did Gillman's treatment of Coleridge aim to control his addiction?

Johns Hopkins University Press

Rehabilitating Coleridge: Poetry, Philosophy, Excess

... only by forgetting that he himself is an artistically creating subject,

-Nietzsche, "On Truth and Lie in an Extra-moral Sense"

In Aprilof 1816, SamuelTaylorColeridgeplaced himself voluntarily

My ever wakeful reason, and the keenness of my moral feelings, will

ELH 66 (1999) 885-909 1999 by The JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress 885

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For Coleridgethe truthof addictionbegins in pain. Accordingto one

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Such medicine could be habit forming, as indeed it was for Coleridge.

890 Rehabilitating Coleridge

If I could secure you full Independence, if I could give too all my

Coleridge looks here to law to rehabilitatea will enervated by infirm

So writes Nietzsche in his first book, The Birth of Tragedy, of the

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Schopenhauer has depicted for us the tremendous terror which seizes

Could it be that Coleridge's habit, as somatic memory, recalls this

The truthof excess that attendsthe Dionysianmust of necessity exceed

This is the real hallmarkof the coming of Dionysus:the pathos of

When the Dionysian occurs, it awakens a memory, the lost memory of

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Coleridgeas Dionysianman:that is the waywe ought to rememberhim.

894 Rehabilitating Coleridge

Ultimately Coleridge submitted to a new control, but not before

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It is a truism, though not quite an empty one, to say that "Kubla

thoughhe still retainedsomevagueanddim recollectionof the general

A poetry built of music passes instantly away. But in "Kubla Khan,"with

But such music is as difficult to endure as it is to articulate. Among

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In so excessively speaking the loss of speech the Mariner makes loss

And yet, talking is the Mariner'stherapy, too. The loss that is

Speech melioratesan agony otherwisewithout image, but only tempo-

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This is the kind of man that Coleridge struggled against opium to

Philosophy,too, can be habit forming. A Truth habit is much more

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For the great French physicianand psychiatristPhilippe Pinel, the

The "enlightenedmaximsof humanity"that guide Pinel'smoral treat-

The Dionysianpoet turns into the transcendentalphilosopher.Even

The IMAGINATION then, I consider either as primary, or secondary.

Althoughtypicallytaken to establishthe divine agency of Imagination,

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Pondering his life from a posthumous perspective, Coleridge antici-

The Pennsylvania State University

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Butler Yeats,ed. M. L. Rosenthal(New York:MacMillan,1962), 159.

49Thomas Arnold, Observationson the Nature, Kinds, Causes, and Prevention of

Foucault's reminder is germane here as we turn from Coleridge's habit (Dionysian

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