Law As A Product of Tradition and Culture Losc Seminar
Law As A Product of Tradition and Culture Losc Seminar
Law As A Product of Tradition and Culture Losc Seminar
As Jarkko Tontti has recently pointed out in his Right and Prejudice
(2004, p. 1-2), one of the main defects of legal theory (Neo-Kantian) lies
in its ahistorical approach: both law and legal scholarship have been
treated as phenomena divorced from history. As a logical outcome of
this way of thinking about law, we can point to Kelsen’s legal positivism,
his pure theory of law. Kelsenian positivism, in turn, gives rise to and
justifies the familiar figure of the omnipotent legislator. But law and
legal scholarship are thoroughly historical entities. They are bound to
the very past of the law, to its memory, to the conceptual and
normative resources transmitted from the law’s history.
-Introduction.
What is Culture? -‘It is the sum total of values expressed through art,
religion, literature, social institutions and behaviour, the overt acts of
individuals and mass action inspired by collective urges.’ Its first
characteristic is Continuity.
Gandhiji and Tagore have also viewed urge for perfection as central to
the domain of culture. Rejection of blind beliefs, discarding of gender
bias, modification of old conventions, and religious ceremonies to suit
the changed circumstances, and novel experiments for better social
values have been preached by Gandhiji in the course of refinement of
culture.
M.C. Setalvad views, "Positive law can thus truly be said to be born out
of and an integral part of the culture of man. There can thus be no
antithesis between law and culture and their inter-relation must
necessarily be close and intimate. Law cannot be oblivious of the
accepted notions of society which it is designed to serve.
Unlike the western and modern thinking, the legal system was
embedded in basic rule that required performance of each one's duties
towards others and to the society at large. In fact, basing human
actions in duties and other—regarding considerations builds up a
strong system sensitive to social welfare and practicing tolerance."
The idea that there is no right except the one to perform one's duty
was well propounded and emphasised in ancient Indian thinking. Smriti
writers had to respond to the vedic visions of humanism and fraternity
and to the social aspirations as developed in customs. The inputs of
justice and good conduct (sadachara) inherent in religious culture took
the discourse on human welfare far ahead of pedantic inquiry on
movement from status to contract, exhibiting profound strength for
internal rectification. Law was regarded as the king of kings, and
touchstone for valid actions. (Brihadaranyakopanishat, I-1-14).
While the mixing of norms was not avoided, there was refinement in
course of time about legal principles by gathering support from the
ethical principles and popular practice.
The laws growth with the growth of community's culture became clear
along with recognition of fourfold source of law: dharma
(righteousness) vyavahara (practice), charitra (usage) and rajasasana
(royal edict) each of the latter to prevail over the earlier ones. It can
thus be said that, the factor that kept ancient Indian law nearer to
considerations of justice and societal concern is the overriding
influence of dharma upon economic process and human desires. Also,
the 'Trivarga principle' ordains for subordinating property
considerations and desires or passions to righteous principles. (Manu,
II-224; IV-176; Vaj., I-115; Vatsayana, 1.2.7-15).
Satya was that aspect of Rita that gave conduct the power to yield
desired results. It produced results only when complete accord
between thought, word and deed of an individual. When men prayed
to God, their blessings had to be satya ie true to expectations.
However, the post Vedic period gave a new shape to Rita, Satya, Yajna
and Tapas.
First, the Cosmic Order, Rita, had a new form i.e. the Supreme-
Ishawara or Brahman, pervading and moving all that and as Reality
standing above all that is and that is not. In simple language it means,
from believing that the cosmic order was the mother of all creation, we
started believing that there was a Supreme i.e. God who was
responsible for all that is and that is not.
Secondly, the cosmic order in one of its aspects is the Law of Evolution.
By it the supreme self passes on from lower things to higher things till
he reaches realization i.e. man’s attaining conscious oneness with it. In
human beings it works through three important laws i.e. law of karma,
law of moral causation and yoga.
According to the Law of Karma, the atman or soul passes from birth to
birth on its way to realization. The Law of Causation is an elaboration
of the yagna (one of the Aryan socio-religious institutions) aspect of
Rita. Through it is possible for man to reduce the number of times he is
reborn by offering up his ego and by taking vows of non-violence, truth,
non-possession amongst others.
The custom of sati was in vogue during the medieval times and among
the upper class Hindus it came to be a voluntary practice. The
Muhammedan ruler, Muhammedbin-Tughluq placed restrictions on
this, if it was against the will of the widow. During Humayuns time
officers were kept in charge to oversee this custom. Emperor Akbar did
the same by appointing kotwals to oversee.
With regard to Courts, under Muslim rule, the judicial system remained
a plural one. Muslim populations were governed by Muslim law in
criminal, civil and family matters and disputes settled before royal
courts established in cities and administrative centres. Hindus were
generally governed by their own tribunals in civil matters. When such
matters came before royal courts, Hindu law was applied and sustained
by the sanctions of the State. While there was a hierarchy of courts and
rights of appeal, there was no supervision of lower courts. No attempt
was made to control the administration of law in the villages.
The emergence of British rule in India: had far reaching effect upon law,
culture and society with both negative and positive consequences. The
introduction of "justice, equity and good conscience" as residuary
source of law had enabled a backdoor entry of English Law. Marc
Galanter regards the development as "expropriation of law by the
government, which initiated displacement of traditional law in modern
India, in the place of natural growth of indigenous law". ( Marc
Galanter, Law and society in Modern India, P. 17).
Process of Change from the Traditional to the Modern: The first stage,
which constituted a period of ‘initial exploration’, dated from Warren
Hastings’ organization of a system of courts for the hinterland of Bengal
in 1772. There was a general expansion of government’s judicial
functions. Simultaneously, there was a decline in the functioning of
other tribunals. Authoritative texts of law to be used in government
courts were isolated and legislation initiated. This stage continued until
the take over of the Indian administration by the Crown.
Between the period 1860 and 1950, there was extensive codification
and expansion of the system of courts. Sources of law became more
fixed and legislation became the dominant mode of modifying the law.
After 1950, there was further consolidation of the law and the
development of a unified judicial system over the whole of India.
Thirdly, the courts consultation with pundits and maulvis was not
always helpful in identifying the true law and it contributed in distorting
the law. Thus the post of law officers was abolished in 1865 and sastric
law like customary law became rigid and archaic.
All these Acts provided that custom will be the rule of decision "unless
it is opposed to justice, equity and good conscience or unless it has
been abolished or altered by a legislative enactment"
FEMALE INFANTICIDE
From the date of first discovery of the practice by the British (1789) till
the passing of the Female Infanticide Act in March 1870 by the
Viceroy’s Council, female infanticide was the subject of elaborate
correspondence and reports. These reports form part of several
volumes of published and unpublished records in the archives. They tell
us about the methods and strategies adopted by the British rulers to
stop female infanticide and we also get information on the social
institutions related to female infanticide.
The British colonial administration did not have a uniform policy for
suppressing infanticide in the late 18th and 19th century. Since the
practice was found to be prevalent among some land-owing Hindu
castes, the British first employed the injunction against female
infanticide in Hindu sacred literature to suppress the practice.
For south India, the reference to female infanticide among the todas of
Nilgiri hills by rivers and the recent revelations of the practice among
the kallar of Usilampatti taluk. Madurai district and among the goundar
of North Arcot Ambedkar district show that south India was not a
female infanticide free zone as some scholars suggest. In fact Edgar
Thurston refers to female infanticide among the Kallar even in the last
century. Since dowry was not so widespread in south India during the
19th century, it is possible that fewer castes practised female
infanticide in the south compared to the north. The British do not seem
to have made any effort to suppress female infanticide in south India.
CHILD-MARRIAGE
Child marriage of daughters 5-6 yrs old was common due to the custom
of dowry and to avoid scandals. Lawbooks prescribe that the best
partner for a man in one-third his age. Thus a man 18 year old should
marry a girl 6 years old -" A man, aged thirty years, shall marry a
maiden of twelve who pleases him, or a man of twenty-four a girl of
eight years of age; if (the performance of) his duties would otherwise
be impeded, he must marry sooner." [ Manu IX.94 ]
Child Marriage Restraint Act 1929 popularly known as the Sarda Act
after its sponsor Rai Sahib Harbilas Sarda to the British India Legislature
in India was passed on 28 September 1929, fixed the age of marriage
for girls at 14 years and boys at 18 years. It came into effect six months
later on April 1, 1930 and it applies to all of British India, not just to
Hindus. It was a result of social reform movement in India. The
legislation was passed by the British Indian Government.
BURNING OF WOMEN
Widow-Burning (Sati): The Aryans, upon their invasion of India ca. 1500
B.C. introduced the horrific custom of sati, i.e. the burning of a woman
after the death of her husband. When performed singly it is referred to
as sati, when performed en masse by all the women and daughters of a
town in anticipation of their widowhood (eg. when the men were to
fight a battle against all odds), it is known as jauhar. It is sanctioned by
their most sacred texts, and was practiced from the fall of the Semito-
Dravidian Indus Valley civilization to the modern age.
Scriptural Sanction of Sati: The most sacred of Aryan scriptures are the
Vedas, and the Rig Veda, the oldest veda, first mentions the custom of
sati. The following famous `Sati Hymn' of the Rig Veda was (and still is)
recited during the actual immolation of the widow [Kane 199-200]: -
“Let these women, whose husbands are worthy and are living, enter
the house with ghee (applied) as corrylium ( to their eyes). Let these
wives first step into the pyre, tearless without any affliction and well
adorned." -- [ Rig Veda X.18.7 ] [ Kane 199-200 ]
In recent times some Aryan apologists have arisen who try to prove
that this verse does not sanction sati. This concept arises from a
mistaken reading of the word agne or agneh , which they believe is agre
. This is a wrong interpretation, and other evidence exists that the
Aryans definitely practiced Sati from the earliest times. They distorted
this verse which directs the widow to enter the pyre (agneh) so as to
mean that the wife was to rise from her pyre and go to the front (agre).
In addition to these examples, ancient Aryan scripture encourages sati.
The Garudapurana favourably mentions the immolation of a widow on
the funeral pyre, and states that women of all castes, even the Candalla
woman, must perform Sati. The only exceptions allowed by this
benevolent author are for pregnant women or those who have young
children. If women do not perform sati, then they will be reborn into
the lowly body of a woman again and again till they perform Sati. [
Garudapurana II.4.91-100 ] [ Kane 237 ] According to Vasishta's Padma-
Purana, a woman must, on the death of her husband, allow herself to
be burnt alive on the same funeral pyre [ Abbe DuBois 345 ]. The
Vishnusmirti gives two choices for the widow: "If a woman's husband
dies, let her lead a life of chastity, or else mount his pyre" -- [
Vishnusmrti xxv.14 ] [ Clayton 13 ]
Brahma is one of the main Aryan gods, being the creator of the world (
later he was identified as an incarnation of Vishnu ). One of the Puranas
is named after him, the Brahma Purana. Like other Puranas, it was
composed after the Vedas ( Pandits hold 4000 B.C., Indologists 700
B.C.) This scripture also sanctions sati: " It is the highest duty of the
woman to immolate herself after her husband ", -- [ Br.P. 80.75 ] [
Sheth 103 ]
Long life is promised to the sati: " She [ the sati ] lives with her husband
in heaven for as many years as there are pores in the human body, ie.
for 35 million years. " -- [ Br.P. 80.76, 80.77 ] [ Sheth 103 ]
Aryan Sati Goddesses--The Arya origin of sati is evident from the fact
that several Aryan ladies and `goddesses' performed sati : Several of
Krishna's wives performed sati upon his death, including Rukmini,
Rohini, Devaki, Bhadraa and Madura [ M.Bh. Mausalaparvan 7.18 ] [
Alld.Ch. 977, 1018-1019: Rukmini ] Madri, second wife of Pandu,
considered an incarnation of the goddess Dhriti, performed sati [ M.Bh.
Adiparvan 95.65 ] [ Alld Ch 985 ]Rohini, a wife of Vasudev, Krishna's
father, who gave birth to Balram ( Devki's child ) and later became a
sati. [ Alld. Ch. 1018 ] " The 8 queens of Krishna, who have been named,
with Rukmini at their head, embraced the body of Hari, and entered the
funeral fire. Revati also embracing the corpse of Rama, entered the
blazing pile, which was cool to her, happy in contact with her lord.
Hearing these events, Ugrasena and Anakadundubhi, with Devaki and
Rohini, committed themselves to the flames." -- [ Vishnu Pur. 5.38 ] [
Vishnu Pur. p.481 ]
The earliest recorded historical instance of sati is that of the wife of the
Hindu general Keteus, who died in 316 B.C. while fighting against
Antigonos. Both his wives were eager to perform sati, but as the elder
one was with child, only the younger one alone was allowed to carry
out her wish.' The sati was customary for the widows of Kshatriyas in
the end of the first century BC [ Strabo XV.ch.700.30 ] [ Harper 273 ].
Sati was performed by all the Aryan races, for it is recorded that the
Germanic tribes used to immolate the widows of chieftain to
accompany the husband to Valhalla [ Harper 273 ] [ Davidson 150 ].
Although the Mughals interfered little with local customs, they seemed
intent on stopping Sati. The emperor Humayun tried, but withdrew a
royal fiat against Sati. Akbar (1542–1605) had issued general orders
prohibiting sati and insisted that no woman could commit Sati without
the specific permission of his Chief police officers. They were instructed
to delay the woman's decision for as long as possible. Pensions, gifts
and rehabilitative help were offered to the potential Sati to wean her
away from committing the act. Children were strictly forbidden from
the practice. Tavernier, writing in the reign of Shah Jahan, observed
that widows with children were not allowed in any circumstances to
burn, and that in other cases governors did not readily give permission,
but could be bribed to do so.
By the end of the 18th century, the practice had been banned in
territories held by some European powers. The Portuguese banned the
practice in Goa by about 1515, though it is not believed to have been
especially prevalent there. The Dutch and the French also banned it in
Chinsurah and Pondicherry. The British who by then ruled much of the
subcontinent, and the Danes, who held the small territories of
Tranquebar and Serampore, permitted it until the 19th century.
The British, following the example of the early Moghuls, for a while
tried to regulate it by requiring that it be carried out in the presence of
their officials and strictly according to custom Attempts to limit or ban
the practice had been made by individual British officers in the 18th
century, but without the backing of the British East India Company. The
first formal British ban was imposed in 1798, in the city of Calcutta only.
The practice continued in surrounding regions. Toward the end of the
18th century, the evangelical church in Britain, and its members in
India, started campaigns against sati. Leaders of these campaigns
included William Carey and William Wilberforce, and both appeared to
be motivated by their love for the Indian people and their desire to
introduce Indians to Christianity. These movements put pressure on the
company to ban the act, and the Bengal Presidency started collecting
figures on the practice in 1813.
From about 1812, the Bengali reformer Raja Rammohan Roy started his
own campaign against the practice. He was motivated by the
experience of seeing his own sister-in-law being forced to commit sati.
Among his actions, he visited Calcutta cremation grounds to persuade
widows not to so die, formed watch groups to do the same, and wrote
and disseminated articles to show that it was not required by scripture.
Purdah
Devadasis
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Additional Information
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-Religion:
Radcliffe Brown and M.N. Srinivas consider that rituals perform the
social function of regulating, maintaining and transmitting from one
generation to another generation intricate social sentiments on which
the constitution of society depends. (Study Of Coorg Village (1954),
Religion In India, At p.6. ).
- Historical background
-Conclusion.
Language:
Ethnicity:
India’s one billion people have descended from a variety of races. The
oldest ones are the Negroid aboriginals called the Adivasis or First
settlers. Then there are the Dravidians, The Aryans, the Mongols, The
Semites and innumerable inter-mixtures of one with the other.