Raport GRECO
Raport GRECO
Raport GRECO
Adopted by GRECO
at its 79th Plenary Meeting
(Strasbourg, 19-23 March 2018)
I. INTRODUCTION
8. The fact of the matter is that on 29 September 2017, the two chambers
of Parliament established a new special joint committee – the Committee of
the Chamber and Senate for the systematisation, unification and ensuring
legal stability in the field of justice. About one month later, on 25 October,
the Minister of Justice presented his proposals to the Committee. The
http://www.romaniajournal.ro/dnas-kovesi-notifies-csm-regarding-the-statements-made-by-senate-
speaker-tariceanu/
4
See http://www.just.ro/principalele-modificari-propuse-la-legile-justitiei-legea-nr-3032004-legea-nr-
3042004-si-legea-nr-3172004/. The press release stated that the main amendments concern the conditions of
access to the magistracy, the career of magistrates, including the conditions of promotion to a higher or
specialised court or prosecutor's office and the abolition of “on-the-spot” promotions, modifications of the
terms of mandates of senior functions, the suspension of functions (as a judge or prosecutor) during the
mandate as a member of the Superior Council of Magistracy (CSM), a greater separation between judges and
prosecutors in the CSM’s decision-making process regarding careers, the procedure for appointment to senior
positions at the High Court of Cassation and Justice (HCCJ) and in the prosecution services, the magistrates'
individual liability (for mistakes), the establishment of a specialised directorate within the Public Ministry
with exclusive competence for the criminal prosecution of magistrates, as well as the transfer of the Judicial
Inspectorate under the responsibility of the Ministry of Justice.
Romanian authorities explained after the visit that the Minister actually gave
a presentation in accordance with article 111 of the Constitution 5. This stage
of the process before the special committee is not well documented 6 and
three working documents in table format (all dated 25 October) have been
posted on-line7. The CSM and the General Prosecutor’s Office were among
those issuing public criticism about the process8.
9. The GET was told that, in the following days, a series of discussions
took place and three formal motions for a draft law were submitted on 31
October, by 10 MPs and registered by the Permanent Bureau of the
Chamber9 whilst, in parallel, 3 900 judges and prosecutors signed a public
manifesto against the reform10. Each of the draft laws was accompanied by
a short explanatory report (about one page) 11. The urgent procedure was
5
“The Government and the other bodies of the public administration, within the parliamentary control of their
activity, are obliged to present the information and documents required by the Chamber of Deputies, the Senate
or the parliamentary commissions through their presidents. (...) Government members have access to
Parliament's work. If attendance is required, their participation is mandatory". [highlighted by the
Romanian authorities]
6
Despite various headings referring to the agenda and working documents on the webpage of the Committee
hosted by the Senate’s website (https://www.senat.ro/Comisie_new.aspx?Zi&ComisieID=fcd47296-4b0c-
4848-bfc2-d0a1cc2cae60) there is no concrete information available there. The webpage hosted by the
Chamber’s website (http://www.cdep.ro/co/sedinte2015.lista?tip=221&an=2017) only lists the agenda,
starting on 22 November.
7
These appear on a webpage of the Chamber of Deputies, listing working documents of the committee for the
year 2017: http://www.cdep.ro/pls/proiecte/upl_com2015.lista?idc=221&an=2017
8
The CSM issued a public statement criticising the process and noting that the draft Law “had been sent
directly to Parliament at its request”. With similar words, the Prosecutor General’s Office stated that the
“diversion of the declared path of the amendments - from the legislative initiative of the Government through
the Ministry of Justice to the transmission of these amendments to the Joint Special Committee (…) does not
meet the standards required in terms of public debate and inter-institutional dialogue”.
9
The following links document the parliamentary process:
Pl-x nr. 417/2017 – legislative proposal to amend law nr.304/2004 on the organization of the judiciary
Pl-x nr. 418/2017 – legislative proposal to amend and complement law nr.303/2004 on the statute of judges
and prosecutors
Pl-x nr. 419/2017 – legislative proposal to modify and complement law nr.317/2004 on the organization and
functioning of the Superior Council of Magistracy
10
http://www.forumuljudecatorilor.ro/index.php/archives/2866
11
As regards the amendments to law n°304/2004, the report enumerates in general terms the rationale: 1)
need to take into account a constitutional decision and to transfer certain prerogatives of the sections of the
CSM to the plenary; 2) increase to 90 days (as opposed to 30 days, currently) of the deadline for the drafting of
court judgements: 3) in agreement with the ministry of justice, necessity of creating a special directorate
within the Prosecutor’s Office attached to the High Court of Cassation and Justice (HCCJ), to investigate
offences of magistrates;
As regards the amendments to law n° 303/2004, the report refers to: 1) the need to take into account certain
decisions of the constitutional court; 2) establishing the conditions for the appointment to senior positions at
the HCCJ and at the Prosecutor’s Office attached to it, DNA and DIICOT; 3) introduction of a period of
traineeship of 3 years in various services; 4) need to establish a system for the suspension of duties; 5) need to
review the liability of magistrates, the statute of limitation for the protection of injured persons and redefining
applied and the drafts were subsequently sent for opinion to the
Government, the Legislative Council and the CSM (expected by 9
November). The process and timelines were basically the same for the
three drafts, which carried amendments to three organic laws on the
judiciary. The CSM, which was not able to comply with those short
deadlines, issued a negative opinion on all three draft Laws.
10. On 13 November, the three draft Laws were transmitted to the special
committee with a deadline of 20 November for the formal submission of
revised drafts, and of 27 November for the submission of a final report.
During the first half of December 2017, the special committee finalised its
reports (one or two pages in text format, the rest in form of a table). The
three bills were subsequently adopted by the Chamber on 11-13 December
and by the Senate on 19-21 December.
11. Large public protests took place during that period 12 followed by public
statements issued by foreign embassies on 27 November and 21
December13 calling on “actors involved in the judicial reform project to
refrain from any action resulting in a weakening of the independence of the
judiciary and of the fight against corruption, and to seek without delay the
necessary advice of the Venice Commission in order to ensure that the
independence of the judiciary is preserved and the reform process in
general remains intact.”
15
English versions of the CC and CPC can be found at
http://www.legislationline.org/documents/section/criminal-codes/country/8
16
Legislative proposal 2017-686 (B686/2017):
See https://www.senat.ro/legis/lista.aspx?nr_cls=b686&an_cls=2017 ; it comprises a single article aiming to
amend art. 175 CC on the definition of public servants with a view to excluding “persons who have been
elected to positions of public dignity”. The draft was sent for an opinion to the Legislative Council, to the
Supreme Council of Magistracy and to the Government. On 5 March, the former issued a negative opinion.
Legislative proposal 2017-687 (B687/2017):
See https://www.senat.ro/legis/lista.aspx?nr_cls=b687&an_cls=2017 –aims inter alia at amending the
incriminations of bribery and trading in influence (art. 289, 290, 291, 292), by specifying that the undue
advantage must be tangible, by removing the third party beneficiaries of undue advantages (“for someone
else”, natural or legal person) and the “indirect” element of the offence (e.g. use of intermediaries or third
party initiators for trading in influence). The offence of abuse of office would remain a criminal offence only
insofar as the illegal benefit or damage would amount to 200 000 euro or more. Abuse of powers for sexual
favours would be abolished;
Legislative proposal 2017-688 (B688/2017):
See https://www.senat.ro/legis/lista.aspx?nr_cls=b688&an_cls=2017 –provides for instance for a review /
reduction of the statutes of limitations, higher financial thresholds for the application of certain aggravating
circumstances (“particularly serious consequences”), offences which are specific to the judiciary are reviewed
or added, e.g. inducing a judicial body into error, “unjust repression”, “remanding, arrest or other preventive
measure applied to a person in the absence of concrete evidence”, “abuse of judicial powers” is added with
penalties of up to seven years imprisonment.
17
http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-42697971
revised versions of the three laws and published these the day after on its
website; the Senate is now to examine these.
III. ANALYSIS BY GRECO
16. The broader context is also taken into account, especially other
intended reforms regarding the criminal legislation and the situation of the
DNA. Many interlocutors met on-site (both from the public and civil society
sectors) agreed that, should the controversial elements in the various
segments of the current reforms (judicial institutions, procedural and
substantive criminal law) be adopted and enter into force, they have the
potential to affect the criminal justice capacity to deal with corruption and
other offences involving senior officials; interlocutors also pointed to the
political rhetoric used to justify those changes18.
17. It is recalled that the risks of set-backs as regards legislation and anti-
corruption efforts more generally has been a recurring issue in respect of
Romania over nearly a decade. This has been documented repeatedly in
previous GRECO reports19 which have expressed concerns including about
attacks on the anti-corruption bodies and legislative amendments using
expedited or emergency procedures sometimes decided overnight 20.
Moreover, avoiding such situations and ensuring legislative stability and
transparency has also been one of the important commitments of Romania
in the CVM (Cooperation and Verification Mechanism) process of the
European Union21.
18
See for instance:
https://www.romania-insider.com/psd-statement-parallel-state/;
https://www.agerpres.ro/english/2018/02/12/social-democrat-head-dragnea-increasingly-more-evidence-
emerges-about-parallel-state-s-existence--53345
19
See: paragraph 95 of the Third Round Evaluation Report – Theme I Incriminations – of December 2010;
paragraphs 13 et seq. (referring i.a. to the “Black Tuesday” of December 2013). and paragraphs 19 et seq. of
the Fourth Round Evaluation Report of December 2015; and more recently paragraph 69 of the March 2017
addendum in Romania’s Third Round Compliance Procedure in relation to the so-called “Government
Emergency Ordinance 13”.
20
See also https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/feb/01/romanians-protests-emergency-law-prisoner-
pardons-corruption
21
https://ec.europa.eu/info/strategy/justice-and-fundamental-rights/effective-justice/rule-law/assistance-
bulgaria-and-romania-under-cvm/reports-progress-bulgaria-and-romania_en
The legislative process leading to the justice laws
19. Although the Minister of Justice and the ruling coalition parties met in
Parliament have insisted on the transparency and broad nature of the
consultations held, it should be pointed out that most interlocutors met by
the GET have stressed that the draft elaborated and presented in August
2017 by the Minister of Justice went far beyond the earlier discussions and
consultations held since 2015 (some even said that they did not have much
in common). In particular, despite the fact that many features of the
intended reform may have pursued a legitimate objective of modernisation
and updating of the justice system, the inclusion of many changes – often
perceived as constituting a threat to the independence of the judiciary and
the operational independence of prosecutorial bodies – are difficult to
understand and have contributed to the development of a climate of
suspicion.
22. Instead, after the broad protests against the ministerial draft of August
2017, and following the subsequent disengagement of the Government
from this initiative, a legislative process was started in haste in Parliament
on the basis of a disputed procedure involving a new special joint
committee. It has been argued by some interlocutors met by the GET that
this committee had no appropriate competence to deal with the reform of
judicial institutions (its competence was limited to dealing with amendments
to the criminal code and criminal procedure code), until its terms of
reference were extended ex post facto on 20 November for it to be able to
deal with “all normative acts in the field of justice”, after approximately one
month of work. The Romanian authorities indicate that the Constitutional
Court in a decision no. 828 of 13 December concerning another challenge
filed against the lack of competence of the committee, noted that “it was
constituted for the elaboration of legislative proposals referring to the Code
of Criminal Procedure, the Criminal Code and the laws in the field of
Justice”. The GET also heard that measures had been taken to limit the
ability of the opposition to bring up in plenary debate certain objections
which had not been retained in committee discussions. It was finally
brought to the attention of the GET that the committee did not draw up
minutes of its meetings, and that its board never met (the rules of the
committee reportedly give broad powers to its president 23 as regards
organisational decisions).
23. For many, even the previous Prime Minister 24, the ministerial bill was
just sent directly to Parliament without governmental approval, and
converted into parliamentary drafts, even though the Minister of Justice
claims that he just gave a presentation at the Parliament’s request. The
parliamentary process was concluded in just two months. The GET shares
the concerns expressed by many that the whole process should have been
accompanied by proper impact assessments as regards the institutional,
legal and financial implications of the many aspects of the reform, including
for the overall structure of the professional body of judges and prosecutors.
23
It was also pointed out that the current president is the former Minister of Justice who was responsible for
the presentation of the controversial Government Emergency Ordinance 13 in January 2017; see
http://www.romaniajournal.ro/pm-grindeanu-i-was-aware-geo-13-will-be-on-the-agenda/
24
See an interview of the former Prime Minister of 10 January 2018 at https://www.stiripesurse.ro/pm-
tudose-on-justice-laws-any-law-can-be-perfected_1242007.html
During the on-site discussions, the GET witnessed a number of
disagreements among Romanian interlocutors as to the actual implications
of many changes approved so far by Parliament. These had a lot to do with
the absence of proper impact assessments, which has opened the door to
lengthy speculations. The latter concerned such essential aspects – for the
continuity of one of the State’s core functions – as the number of judges
and prosecutors who would retire in a foreseeable time, should the laws
enter into force. Among various incidents brought to the GET’s attention,
some associations have reportedly been denied participation in the
committee’s discussions and the legitimacy/legality of certain amendments
made at the very end of the process has occasionally been questioned.
24. The GET also heard praise for the fact that the special committee’s
work and discussions in November 2017 on the three justice laws was
broadcasted, which was apparently a “first” and a response to criticism on
the lack of transparency of the legislative process up until then. The fact
that some civil society organisations / professional associations had been
actively associated to the discussions was also appreciated by many of
those the GET met while some of them saw their participation as a
necessity in order to prevent the adoption of more problematic
amendments. Overall, during the on-site discussions, some members of
Parliament and associations expressed satisfaction with the process and
praised the fact that, at the present stage, following the debate and many
amendments in Parliament, a number of problematic changes had
eventually been abandoned or watered down. Others stressed that there
was a need to significantly improve the texts and hoped that this could be
done soon, when Parliament reviews the drafts to reflect the Constitutional
Court’s decisions.
25. As to the next steps, now that the Constitutional Court has rendered its
decisions on the four constitutional challenges, the Parliament will have to
review the three draft laws and make the necessary adjustments. The
President of Romania retains the possibility to ask (once) the Parliament to
review the laws and he may himself challenge their constitutionality before
the Constitutional Court.
27. The process has shown once again the importance for Romania to
take full account of and implement the recommendations contained in
GRECO’s Fourth Evaluation Report; GRECO reiterates that the
transparency of the legislative process be improved (i) by further
developing the rules on public debates, consultations and hearings,
including criteria for a limited number of circumstances where in
camera meetings can be held, and ensuring their implementation in
practice; ii) by assessing the practice followed and accordingly
revising the rules to ensure that draft legislation, amendments to such
drafts and the agendas and outcome of committee sittings are
disclosed in a timely manner, and that adequate timeframes are in
place for submitting amendments and iii) by taking appropriate
measures so that the urgent procedure is applied as an exception in a
limited number of circumstances.
28. The draft amendments to Law no. 303/2004 on the status of judges
and prosecutors, Law no. 304/2004 on judicial organisation and Law no.
317/2004 on the Superior Council of Magistracy carry a number of changes.
In the adoption process, several hundred amendments have been
submitted, 316 of which have been accepted. Several provisions now need
to be redrafted before the texts are sent to the President for promulgation.
29. As the GET noted during the on-site discussions and in the many
position papers it has received, a number of aspects of the reform remain a
source of concern both for the general institutional capacities of the courts
and prosecution offices and the risk of political and other undue influence at
various levels. It also remains to be seen how those provisions which have
been invalidated in full or in part by the Constitutional Court will be
redrafted. As mentioned earlier, the Chamber of Deputies adopted on 20
March 2018 revised versions of the three laws and published these the day
25
See item 9 at http://www.cdep.ro/comisii/suasl_justitie/pdf/2017/rd_1215.pdf
after on its website; the Senate is now to examine these. The following
paragraphs focus on some of the most controversial issues raised during
meetings with the GET.
27
Article 463 of Law 303/2004
- The new special prosecutor’s section for the investigation of offences
in the judiciary
34. Moreover, this new section would be dealing with criminal offences
even if other persons are involved, together with magistrates (e.g. civil
servants, elected officials, businessmen etc.), according to the wording of
the intended amendments to article 881 paragraph 11 of law n°304/2004. As
many have pointed out, this could lead to conflicts of jurisdiction with the
existing specialised offices (DNA, DIICOT, military prosecutor’s offices),
even though the authorities recall that such conflicts are normally sorted out
by the Prosecutor General. More importantly, there are also fears that this
section could easily be misused to remove cases handled by the
28
The authorities have subsequently indicated that in one of its recent decisions, the Constitutional Court,
refers inter alia to the fact that the creation of this Section is a guarantee for, and a safeguard of the principle of
the independence of the judiciary especially concerning the judges, that it would provide adequate protection
for the magistrates against pressures and abuses through arbitrary criminal complaints, and that it would
facilitate a unified judicial practice in respect of criminal offences allegedly committed by magistrates.
29
The Chief Prosecutor of the Special Investigative Office will be appointed by a CSM panel composed of 3
judges designated by the Judges Section, a prosecutor appointed by the Prosecutors Section, a representative
of the civil society. This contradicts the fact that all other prosecutors are appointed by the Prosecutors Section
of the CSM.
30
In 2017, there were about 3500 criminal complaints made against judges and prosecutors; even if a large
proportion may be ill-motivated and concern cases of parties disappointed by a judicial decision, according to
certain estimates these could still translate into a few hundred cases which would require closer examination.
specialised prosecution offices or interfere in sensitive high-profile cases if
complaints against a magistrate were lodged incidentally in that case as it
would automatically fall under the competence of the new section (a
decision would then need to be taken to split that case under the general
criminal procedure law on the grouping/splitting of cases, for it to remain in
the hands of the originally competent prosecutors).
35. In the light of the above, GRECO recommends that the creation of
the new special prosecutor’s section for the investigation of offences
in the judiciary be abandoned.
- Risks of weakening of the prosecutors’ status, especially their
independence
36. The draft amendments reduce in some respect the powers of the
executive, especially by abolishing the possibility for the Ministry of Justice
to initiate disciplinary proceedings against a judge or prosecutor.
38. The GET was told that, up until now, the Constitutional Court had
considered that prosecutors are largely equated with judges when it comes
to their guarantees of independence, and that the intended changes
actually constitute a regression. The combined effect of the removal of the
guarantees of independence and stability are a cause of concerns, since
another amendment broadens the possibilities for hierarchical superior
prosecutors to invalidate decisions taken by hierarchically inferior
prosecutors, not only if unlawful but also if ungrounded (the former is
however required to do it in a reasoned manner, which is a safeguard). The
modified status of prosecutors is also reflected in various other areas 31.
31
For instance, the judicial inspectorate would be reorganised in such a way as to put it under the
responsibility and authority of a Chief Inspector (with lesser involvement of the CSM regarding the selection of
inspectors, and the adoption of internal rules), appointed by a panel of CSM members comprising three judges
but only one prosecutor, in addition to a civil society representative and a psychologist. Some also regretted
that the CSM would be presided systematically by a judge in future (this was challenged successfully before the
Constitutional Court) and others wondered to what extent prosecutors would benefit from the future role of
the CSM (deciding in plenum) in matters related to the defence of the “independence of the judiciary”.
39. At the same time, the draft amendments provide for further important
changes. In particular, the revised procedure for appointing senior
prosecutors limits the right of the President of the Republic to refuse only
once the candidate(s) proposed by the Minister of Justice (as opposed to
several refusals under the current rules). Overall, the GET regrets again the
absence of adequate assessments of the implications of the various
intended changes, for the position and actual operational independence of
prosecutors. It recalls opinion n°9 adopted in 2014 by the Consultative
Council of European Prosecutors, which stressed inter alia that “The
independence and autonomy of the prosecution services constitute an
indispensable corollary to the independence of the judiciary. Therefore, the
general tendency to enhance the independence and effective autonomy of
the prosecution services should be encouraged”. 32
42. Many of those met by the GET have expressed concerns about such
provisions for their lack of clarity and their concrete implications. This is all
https://wcd.coe.int/ViewDoc.jsp?
32
p=&Ref=CCPE(2014)4&Language=lanEnglish&Ver=original&BackColorInternet=DBDCF2&BackColorIntranet
=FDC864&BackColorLogged=FDC864&direct=true
the more relevant as they would normally entail disciplinary liability and
should therefore be sufficiently clear and predictable. It should also be
reminded that, quite ironically, in the context of the CVM process the
European Commission has repeatedly insisted for the inclusion of
measures against verbal and other attacks, but to protect the work of
magistrates against such attacks from political leaders and other persons.
43. The draft amendments to Law n°303 provide for a series of possibilities
to suspend temporarily the functions of judges and/or prosecutors at his/her
request: a regime of “voluntary suspension”, a regime of “voluntary time-off”
and a special regime for those who become members of government.
44. These different regimes are not easy to distinguish. They entail,
however, different consequences as regards legal incompatibilities and
prohibitions. Greater consistency would be desirable, so that judges and
prosecutors do not engage in activities or deal with files (as a consultant or
lawyer) which would clearly be problematic. Concerns have also been
expressed that, in the absence of proper safeguards to authorise or not, or
only under certain circumstances, a suspension or time-off period, the
functioning of certain courts or prosecution services could be disrupted in
case of requests of combined application of these provisions by several
magistrates at the same time. The above draft amendments have been
found unconstitutional and they will thus need to be removed.
46. The redefinition of the conditions of judges’ liability has also attracted
strong criticism. The Romanian State is responsible for the compensation of
a person who has suffered damage in case a judge or prosecutor commits
a “judicial error”. The State may then turn itself against the magistrate
concerned. With the proposed amendments, the Ministry of Public Finance
would now have the obligation to recover from the judge or prosecutor
concerned the amounts paid. The draft law provides that any compulsory
insurance scheme cannot delay, diminish or eliminate liability for a “judicial
error” caused by acting in “bad faith” or with “serious negligence”. In the
GET's views, this could also negatively impact on the effectiveness of anti-
corruption efforts because of their excessively intimidating effect on judges
and prosecutors. Certain aspects of these intended amendments have
been found unconstitutional and they will thus need to be removed or
reviewed.
47. In the light of the above, GRECO recommends that the various
amendments affecting the rights and obligations and the liability of
judges and prosecutors for judicial errors be reviewed so as to ensure
sufficient clarity and predictability of the rules concerned, and to
avoid that they become a threat to the independence of the judiciary.
48. Over the last few years, in spite of its widely recognized effectiveness
in tackling corruption, the DNA has been a subject of repeated political
criticism, often in the form of attacks and inappropriate comments by
political leaders and persons actually prosecuted by the DNA itself,
prompting it to seek, at times, the intervention and protection of the CSM.
Some of these attacks were even of a personal nature against DNA’s chief
prosecutor. A public controversy has been ongoing, reaching
unprecedented proportions in recent months, especially after DNA
investigated the case of the above-mentioned controversial “Governance
Emergency Ordinance 13” (the Constitutional Court eventually considered
that this fell outside DNA’s the jurisdiction33).
33
https://www.romania-insider.com/constitutional-court-finds-conflict-romanias-government-dna/
49. At the request of the Minister of Justice, the functioning of DNA and/or
the conduct of its head were audited in the Summer 2017 by the Judicial
Inspectorate. The latter has presented a report on 6 October 2017 stating
that the Head of DNA has built prestige for the DNA and has the necessary
qualities to run the directorate, with efficient results in 2016 and in the first
semester of 2017. It found some irregularities in the management and
recommended that disciplinary investigations be conducted in respect of the
Head but no proposal was put forward to replace her 34. On 12 January
201835, the Inspectorate submitted a proposal for disciplinary proceedings
against the Head of the DNA to the CSM’s section for prosecutors, in
connection with inappropriate behaviour, but the results are not available as
yet. To date, no final conclusions have been reached in the
abovementioned proceedings.
50. However, on the second day of the GET’s visit, the Minister of Justice
gave a long press conference in which he presented a report containing 20
grounds for the dismissal of DNA’s Head36. According to article 51 of law
n°303/2004, there are three grounds for such a dismissal, one of which is
the general management in relation to effective work, the general behaviour
and communication, responsibilities and managerial skills. So far, the
official assessments of DNA37 have basically praised the work of the
institution and the dismissal process has prompted criticism including for
reasons of partiality38, as well as public statements from a majority of DNA
prosecutors and the Prosecutor General 39. After the Head of DNA was
heard, the CSM issued on 27 February a negative (non-binding) opinion on
34
http://www.romaniajournal.ro/dna-chief-kovesi-heard-by-csm-on-judicial-inspection-report-says-the-
team-had-divergent-opinions/
35
https://www.romania-insider.com/romania-laura-codruta-kovesi-misconduct/
36
http://www.romaniajournal.ro/update-2-justice-minister-announces-start-procedures-dismiss-dna-chief-
kovesi/
37
See especially the EU’s CVM reports at
https://ec.europa.eu/info/strategy/justice-and-fundamental-rights/effective-justice/rule-law/assistance-
bulgaria-and-romania-under-cvm/reports-progress-bulgaria-and-romania_en and the last general activity
report of the Romanian prosecution services
http://www.mpublic.ro/sites/default/files/PDF/raport_activitate_2017.pdf
38
https://uk.reuters.com/article/uk-romania-government-protests/thousands-demonstrate-to-support-
romanias-anti-corruption-prosecutor-idUKKCN1G90W9
http://www.business-review.eu/news/president-iohanniss-reaction-to-the-latest-scandal-in-the-justice-
system-158151 ;
https://www.hotnews.ro/stiri-opinii-22302745-decaparea-justitiei-ministrul-infractorilor.htm
https://www.hotnews.ro/stiri-esential-22304307-comisia-europeana-reactie-cererea-revocare-sefei-dna-
urmarim-indeaproape-ingrjorare-daca-presiunea-asupra-dna-afecta-lupta-anticoruptie-din-romana-comisia-
putea-reeavalua-concluzia-din-raportul-mcv.htm
the Minister’s request40 and the final decision will be taken by the President
of Romania (in accordance with article 54 para. 4 of the above law) who
has so far repeatedly supported DNA and its Head.
51. The GET recalls that in the Fourth Evaluation Round Report of
December 2015, GRECO had pointed to the need to reduce the political
influence and the power of the executive branch of power in the
appointment and dismissal of senior prosecutors such as the head of the
DNA. Their field of responsibilities exposes them to risks of undue influence
and anomalies have sometimes been observed in practice as regards the
termination of functions. So far, this recommendation has not been
implemented. As noted in the Compliance Report of December 2017, the
CSM had prepared and submitted some proposals during the first half of
2017 to the Minister of Justice, regarding the increased role of the CSM in
the appointment process (but not in respect of dismissals) but these were
not endorsed. GRECO had also noted that the subsequent draft
amendments introduced in Parliament on 31 October 2017 for amending
and supplementing Law no. 303/2004 on the status of judges and
prosecutors, maintain the current status quo with regard to the role of the
executive in the appointment of senior prosecutors.
52. GRECO reiterates its recommendation that the procedure for the
appointment and revocation for the most senior prosecutorial
functions other than the Prosecutor General, under article 54 of Law
303/2004, include a process that is both transparent and based on
objective criteria, and that the Supreme Council of Magistracy is given
a stronger role in this procedure.
IV. CONCLUSION
53. The issues raised above regarding the judicial reform must be seen in
the wider context of the justice system reform in Romania, which have
raised serious concerns from a number of national and international
institutions: several additional problematic developments (regarding the
39
https://www.digi24.ro/stiri/actualitate/justitie/augustin-lazar-nu-exista-nici-un-fel-de-motiv-intemeiat-
de-revocare-a-laurei-codruta-kovesi-882806
http://www.romaniajournal.ro/135-out-of-the-183-dna-prosecutors-send-joint-message-to-support-kovesi/
40
http://www.romaniajournal.ro/update-csm-issues-negative-opinion-on-justice-ministers-call-to-dismiss-
dnas-kovesi/; the Minister was reportedly the only one of the 7 members to support her dismissal.
criminal legislation) have, indeed, materialised after GRECO’s last plenary
meeting, during the process of adoption of the justice laws.
54. GRECO notes that the amendments to Law no. 303/2004 on the status
of judges and prosecutors, Law no. 304/2004 on the judicial organisation
and Law no. 317/2004 on the Superior Council of Magistracy, adopted in
December 2017, following their debate in Parliament, have not retained
some of the particularly controversial proposals presented by the Minister of
Justice in August 2017. The Parliament needs at present to review the
drafts in the light of a series of recent Constitutional Court decisions. Then,
the President of the Republic will examine the drafts for possible
promulgation. He also retains the possibility to submit these for further
constitutional review.
56. GRECO has also taken note of the latest developments concerning the
highly mediatised dismissal process of the Head of DNA, initiated on 22
February. A recommendation had been issued in the Fourth Evaluation
Round Report precisely to eliminate a risk of undue influence being exerted
in relation to appointments and dismissal procedures by the Executive
branch of power.
57. In the light of the above, GRECO reiterates the following two
recommendations addressed to Romania in the Fourth Evaluation Round
report, which have not been implemented to date:
that the procedure for the appointment and revocation for the
most senior prosecutorial functions other than the
Prosecutor General, under article 54 of Law 303/2004, include
a process that is both transparent and based on objective
criteria, and that the Supreme Council of Magistracy is given
a stronger role in this procedure (paragraph 52 of the present
report).
58. In addition, in the light of the findings of the present report concerning
the justice reforms specifically, GRECO addresses to Romania the following
recommendations:
61. The parallel increase of the repressive arsenal to deal with acts
committed in the context of a judge's or prosecutor's work appears in stark
contrast when one refers to the legislative proposals aiming at
strengthening the offences which are specific to the judiciary e.g. inducing a
judicial body into error, “unjust repression”, “remanding, arrest or other
preventive measure applied to a person in the absence of concrete
evidence (see the third legislative proposal in footnote 16). For instance, a
new offence of “abuse of judicial powers” would be created with penalties of
up to seven years imprisonment. Not only does this convey the wrong
message about Romania's current priorities, but it could have an
excessively intimidating effect on the work of judges and prosecutors (see
also the underlying concerns for the above recommendations on the liability
of magistrates for judicial errors and on the new special prosecutor’s
section for the investigation of offences in the judiciary).
62. The compliance procedure in the 4th evaluation round is still on-going in
respect of Romania and GRECO recalls that following the Fourth Round
Compliance Report adopted in December 2017, which concluded that the
level of implementation of recommendations was “globally unsatisfactory”,
Romania was asked to submit additional information by 31 December 2018.
GRECO considers it important not to await that deadline to take stock of the
on-going changes. It therefore instructs its President to inform the
Romanian authorities about GRECO’s findings and it invites the Head of the
Romanian delegation to present at the next GRECO plenary meeting (18-
22 June 2018) a written update on the state of the proposed reforms
concerning the justice system (including institutional aspects and criminal
law/procedure).
63. GRECO also points out that Romania should refrain from passing
criminal law amendments which would contradict its international
commitments and undermine its domestic capacities in the area of the fight
against corruption. GRECO concludes that should the intended
amendments be adopted, it may have to review some of its conclusions
reached in previous evaluation rounds.