Speech Production and Second Language Acquisition

Speech
Production
and Second
Language
Acquisition
Judit Kormos
Speech Production and Second
Language Acquisition
Speech Production and Second
Language Acquisition
Judit Kormos
Eötvös Loránd University of Sciences, Budapest, Hungary
LAWRENCE ERLBAUM ASSOCIATES, PUBLISHERS

2006 Mahwah, New Jersey London
Copyright © 2006 by Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in
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means, without prior written permission of the publisher.
Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc., Publishers

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Cover design by Tomai Maridou
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Kormos, Judit
Speech production and second language acquisition / Judit Kormos
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-8058-5657-9 (cloth : alk. paper)
ISBN 0-8058-5658-7 (pbk. : alk. paper)
1. Second language acquisition. 2. Speech. I. Title
P118.2.K65 2006
418—dc22 2005052184
CIP
Books published by Lawrence Erlbaum Associates are printed on acid-

free paper, and their bindings are chosen for strength and durability.
Printed in the United States of America

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
To the memory of János Plészer (1948–2004)
Contents
Series Editor’s Preface xiii
Acknowledgments xv
Introduction: Issues in L2 Speech xvii

Production Research
Overview of Issues in L1 Speech Production Research xviii
Issues at the Major Stages of L2 Speech Production xx
General Issues in Speech Production xxiv
Summary xxvi
PART I
1 An Overview of Theories of First Language 3

Speech Production
Spreading Activation Theory 3
Levelt’s Modular Model of Speech Production 7
Summary 11
2 Issues in First Language Speech Production Research 12
Research Methods Used in Studying Language Production 12
Conceptualization and Speech Planning 15
Lexical Encoding 19
Syntactic Processing 23
Phonological Encoding 27
vii
viii CONTENTS
Monitoring 29
Neurological Studies of Language Production 33
Summary 35
3 Theories of Automaticity and Their Relation to Speech 38

Production Models
Definitions and Characteristics of Automaticity 39
Theories of Automaticity 40
The Role of Theories of Automaticity in L1 Learning 44

and Speech Production
Summary 48
Recommended Readings 49
PART II
4 Lexical Encoding and the Bilingual Lexicon 55
Lexical Activation and Selection in L2 56
Control in Lexical Encoding 64
Conceptual and Lexical Representation in Bilingual Memory 68
Models of the Organization of the Bilingual Lexicon 71
Code-Switching and Lexical Processing 82
The Influence of L1 on Lexical Encoding 84
The Acquisition of L2 Lexical Knowledge 86
Summary 90
5 Syntactic and Phonological Encoding 91
A General Overview of Syntactic Encoding Processes 91
Diacritic Features: The Encoding of Grammatical Gender 93

CONTENTS ix
Accessing Grammatical Morphemes 97
The Activation of Syntactic Building Procedures 99
Transfer and the Acquisition of L2 Syntactic Knowledge 100
Code-Switching and Syntactic Encoding 107
Summary of Grammatical Encoding Processes 108
General Overview of Phonological Encoding Processes 109
The Activation of the Phonological Form of Lexical Items 111
Shared Versus Separate Phonological and Phonetic Systems 112
The Role of L1 in Phonological and Phonetic Encoding 116

and the Acquisition of L2 Phonology
Summary of Phonological Encoding Processes 120
6 Monitoring 122
Monitoring Processes in L2 123
The Role of Attention in Monitoring L2 Speech 130
Monitoring and SLA 132
Summary 135
7 Problem-Solving Mechanisms in L2 Speech 137
Review of Definitions and Characteristics of Communication 138

Strategies
Lexical Problem-Solving Mechanisms 140
Grammatical Problem-Solving Mechanisms 146
Phonological Problem-Solving Mechanisms 147
Time Pressure–Related Problem-Solving Mechanisms 150
Communication Strategies and Language Learning 152
Summary 153
x CONTENTS
Ackowledgments 153
8 Fluency and Automaticity in L2 Speech Production 154
Definitions of Fluency 154
Theories of Automaticity and the Development of L2 Fluency 156
Measures of L2 Fluency 162
Summary 165
9 Conclusion: Toward an Integrated Model of L2 Speech 166

Production
The General Characteristics of the Bilingual Speech 166
Production Model
Encoding Mechanisms and the Structure of Knowledge 169
Stores in L2 Speech Production
Transfer, Code-Switching, and Communication Strategies 174
in the Bilingual Speech Production Model
Development of L2 Competence in the Bilingual Model 176
Summary 178
Recommended Readings 179
Glossary 183
References 187
Author Index 211
Subject Index 217

Series Advisory Committee Members
Richard Carlson, Pennsylvania State University

Craig Chaudron, University of Hawaii
Robert DeKeyser, University of Maryland
Zoltán Dörnyei, University of Nottingham
Elena Grigorenko, Yale University & Moscow State
University, Russia
Brian MacWhinney, Carnegie Mellon University
William O’Grady, University of Hawaii
Norman Segalowitz, Concordia University
John Williams, University of Cambridge
Series Editor’s Preface
The Cognitive Science and Second Language Acquisition (CSSLA) series is

designed to provide accessible and comprehensive coverage of the links be-
tween basic concepts and findings in cognitive science (CS) and second lan-
guage acquisition (SLA) in a systematic way. Taken together, books in the
series should combine to provide a comprehensive overview of the conceptual
and methodological intersects between these two fields. This means the books
in the series can be read alone, or (more profitably) in combination. The field
of SLA is related to, but distinct from, linguistics, applied linguistics, cogni-
tive psychology, and education. However, although a great many published
book series address the link between SLA and educational concerns, SLA and
linguistics, and SLA and applied linguistics, currently no series exists that ex-
plores the relationship between SLA and cognitive science. Research findings
and theoretical constructs from cognitive science have become increasingly
influential on SLA research in recent years. Consequently, there is great rea-
son to think that future SLA research, and research into its educational appli-
cations, will be increasingly influenced by concerns addressed in CS and its
subdisciplines. The books in the CSSLA series are intended to facilitate this
interdisciplinary understanding, and are grouped into four domains: (1)
Knowledge Representation, (2) Cognitive Processing, (3) Language Develop-
ment, and (4) Individual Differences. Each book in the series is composed of
two sections. In the first section authors attempt to make conceptual and opera-
tional issues in each area clear, and then summarize existing research findings.
In the second section, authors point to potential future research concerning
them of relevance to studies of SLA. Each section concludes with an annotated
bibliography of important references, intended to orient interested readers to
primary sources in the areas covered.
Judit Kormos fulfills these series goals admirably in the present book,
Speech Production and Second Language Acquisition, which falls within the
second domain of cognitive science just described, Cognitive Processing.
Chapter 1 presents an overview of the issues to be addressed, and following
that, chapters address competing theories of speech production processes, re-
search findings concerning them, and issues in the study of skill learning and
xiii
xiv PREFACE
automaticity as it relates to the notion of fluency in L2 production. The chap-

ters in the second section address important issues of specific concern to SLA
theory and SL pedagogy. These include the organization of the bilingual lexi-
con; grammatical and phonological encoding in the L2; and the conscious pro-
cesses involved in monitoring speech production, and in successfully
deploying communication strategies.
Throughout her book, Judit Kormos relates the research she reviews to is-
sues of current importance in SLA theory and pedagogy, such as the cognitive
processes implicated in pushed output; the role of attention to and awareness
of (i.e., noticing) grammatical and phonological form while monitoring one’s
own, and an interlocutor’s production; the nature of encoding and retrieval
processes in the bilingual lexicon; and the cognitive factors contributing to
variation in the accuracy, complexity, and fluency of speech production as it
takes place in instructed L2 settings. Researchers, teachers, and students inter-
ested in these areas will find Judit Kormos’ book an extremely valuable and
up-to-date guide to the relevant basic concepts in the broad field of cognitive
science, as well as to research and findings concerning them arising within the
more specialized domain of second language acquisition.
—Peter Robinson
Series Editor
Acknowledgments
First and foremost I thank my mother for taking over many of my responsibili-
ties at home and making it possible for me to write this book. I am very grateful
for my husband’s patience and help while I was writing this book. Thanks are
also due to Peter Robinson and the anonymous reviewer for their invaluable
comments on the manuscript, and to Zoltán Dörnyei, who has helped me all
through my professional career even from thousands of miles away. I thank my
colleagues at Eötvös Loránd University: Pál Heltai, Kata Csizér, Anna Csíky,
Brigitta Dóczi, Gábor Kovács, Tibor Prievara, and GergÅ Tamási for reading
parts of the manuscript. Finally, I thank my editor, Cathleen Petree, for her un-
wavering support of this book. The writing of this book has been supported by
the Békésy György Postdoctoral Research Grant.
—Judit Kormos
Introduction: Issues in L2
Speech Production Research
Today there are more bilinguals than monolingual speakers in the world (Crys-
tal, 1987). Many children acquire two languages simultaneously, and an ever
increasing number of teenage and adult students learn a second or foreign lan-
guage (L2) in a school setting or in a naturalistic environment due to migration
from one country to another. Conversation is one of the most frequent and fun-
damental means of communication, and its primary and overriding function is
the maintenance and establishment of social relationships. No wonder that
when learning a second language, one of the most frequent aims is being able
to speak the language, and the acquisition of other skills such as reading or
writing is often seen to be secondary to speaking. Thus understanding how one
produces speech in an L2 is highly important in order to aid the teaching of this
skill. By being familiar with the mental processes involved in producing L2
speech, teachers can understand the problems their learners have to face when
learning to speak, course book writers can produce more efficient teaching
materials, and language testers can develop instruments that can measure oral
language competence in a more valid way. The aim of this book is to acquaint
readers with the most important theories and findings on speech production in
general cognitive science, and show how these theories and empirical studies
can be related to second language acquisition (SLA) research. It is hoped that
this book helps practitioners (teachers, testers, curriculum and material de-
signers), students, and researchers in the field of SLA and psychology to have
a better understanding of how L2 speech is produced and learned.
Giving a systematic account of L2 speech production, however, is not an easy
enterprise. Even though there are well-established theories of first language
(L1) production, there remain more unanswered questions than there are con-
clusive answers. If one adds an L2 component to these models, a host of new is-
sues arise that need to be considered when drawing up a comprehensive model
of L2 speech. As we see in this chapter and throughout this book, there are two
major approaches to L2 speech production research. The primarily cognitive
psychological line of research is often done by the same researchers who investi-
gate L1 production. These studies mainly address the question of how the prob-
lems that appear in L1 research apply to L2 speakers. Researchers in this field
xvii
xviii INTRODUCTION
generally use sophisticated experimental techniques, and investigate speech

production processes elicited under laboratory conditions. The other line of re-
search, which can be called the applied linguistic approach, is mainly done by
SLA researchers, who often have solid background knowledge in psychology.
In this approach, the questions that are asked about L2 speech production fre-
quently derive from issues of L2 learning and are investigated by both experi-
mental and observational methods. Whereas early applied linguistic research of
L2 speech production was largely ignorant of the field of cognitive psychology,
in the past 20 years information gained from this field is made extensive use of in
this approach. Naturally, there is some overlap between the two approaches and
some researchers belong to both groups, but the difference is apparent even in
the fact that studies in the cognitive psychological line of research of L2 produc-
tion are almost exclusively published in journals of psychology, whereas ap-
plied linguistic studies mainly appear in SLA journals.
In this introductory chapter, I outline the main questions in L2 speech pro-
duction research that have received attention in the past 20 years. In order to
help readers understand these issues, I start with a brief introduction to theo-
ries and issues in monolingual speech production research. Next, I follow the
steps of speech production, and discuss the questions that arise at the particular
stages. Following this, I present the questions that are specific to L2 produc-
tion and cannot be tied to a particular stage of speech processing or occur at ev-
ery phase, such as the issue of automaticity, transfer, code-switching, and the
use of communication strategies. The various answers to the questions I raise
in this introduction can be found in the subsequent chapters of the book, and in
the concluding chapter I give a coherent account of L2 speech processing in
the form of a new L2 speech production model, which incorporates the recent
psycholinguistic theories of speech production and fits most of the empirical
data in this field.
OVERVIEW OF ISSUES IN L1
SPEECH PRODUCTION RESEARCH
Speech production researchers all agree that language production has four im-
portant components: (a) conceptualization, that is, planning what one wants to
say; (b) formulation, which includes the grammatical, lexical, and phonologi-
cal encoding of the message; (c) articulation, in other words, the production of
speech sounds; and (d) self-monitoring, which involves checking the correct-
ness and appropriateness of the produced output. There is also agreement on
the questions that conceptualization, formulation, and articulation follow each
other in this order, and that in L1 production planning the message requires at-
ISSUES IN L2 SPEECH PRODUCTION RESEARCH xix
tention, whereas formulation and articulation are automatic, and therefore

processing mechanisms can work in parallel, which makes L1 speech gener-
ally smooth and fast. Researchers also share the view that one of the basic
mechanisms involved in producing speech is activation spreading. Activation
spreading is a metaphor adapted from brain research, which is based on the
finding of neurological studies that neural networks consist of interconnected
cells (neurons) that exchange simple signals called activations via the connec-
tions they have with each other (Hebb, 1949). The speech-processing system is
assumed to consist of hierarchical levels (conceptualization, formulation, ar-
ticulation), among which information is transmitted in terms of activation
spreading, and of knowledge stores such as the lexicon and conceptual mem-
ory store, within which activation can also spread from one item to related
items. Decisions are made on the basis of the activation levels of the so-called
nodes that represent various units such as concepts, word forms, phonemes,
and so on.
There exist two major theories of L1 speech production: spreading activa-
tion (the latter name is somewhat misleading because, as just mentioned, both
models assume that the way information is transmitted in the speech-process-
ing system is activation spreading) (e.g., Dell, 1986; Dell & O’Seaghda, 1991;
Stemberger, 1985) and modular theories (e.g., Fry, 1969; Garret, 1976; Laver,
1980; Levelt, 1989, 1993; Levelt, Roelofs, & Meyer, 1999; Nooteboom,
1980), and there are two major differences between them. The first main dif-
ference is whether they allow for feedback between the various levels of en-
coding. Spreading activation models allow for the backward flow of activation
from a subordinate level to the superordinate level, whereas in modular theo-
ries activation can only spread forward. This means that in spreading activa-
tion theory, if an error occurs in one specific process, a warning signal is
immediately issued, and activation flows upward to the superordinate level.
Processing starts again from this superordinate level. In modular models, the
error is not noticed at the level it is made, but only once the erroneous fragment
of speech has been phonologically encoded or later when it is articulated.
Therefore in this view, bits of message that contain an error need to be encoded
again from the level of conceptualization. Researchers working with modular
theories argue that the processing components in the speech production sys-
tem are autonomous, that is, have their own characteristic input, and they pro-
cess this input independently of other components. Hence the name modular
theory of speech production. The second major difference between these theo-
ries concerns syntactic and phonological encoding. In spreading activation
theories, it is assumed that speakers first construct frames for sentences and for
xx INTRODUCTION
phonetic representations and then select the appropriate words or phonetic fea-
tures for the slots in the frame. Modular models are lexically driven, which
means that words activate syntactic building procedures, and they postulate
that lexical encoding precedes syntactic encoding and that phonological
encoding can start only when lexico-syntactic processes are ready.
A major shortcoming of the models just described is that they consider
speech production a creative process, in the course of which utterances are con-
structed word by word using rules of syntax and phonology. Pawley and Syder
(1983) were one of the first researchers to point out that most of the language one
produces is not creatively constructed but consists of sequences of words or
phrases retrieved from memory as one unit. Recent corpus-based research on the
frequency of these memorized sequences, which are traditionally referred to as
formulaic language, has also confirmed the importance of Pawley and Syder’s
assumptions (Altenberg, 1998; Eeg-Olofsson & Altenberg, 1994; Moon, 1998).
Neither the spreading activation nor the modular models of speech production
discuss the role of formulaic language in language processing. Levelt (1989), in
his book on speaking, mentioned that idioms and phrases might be stored in the
lexicon in the same way as single words—that is, they might also have their own
lexical representations—but he did not discuss how these units of language can
be retrieved. In chapter 3 of this book, I make an attempt to place formulaic lan-
guage in models of speech production.
ISSUES AT THE MAJOR STAGES OF L2
SPEECH PRODUCTION
In modular models, planning the message takes place in the conceptualization

phase. The output of the conceptualization process is the preverbal plan,
which contains the conceptual specifications for the message to be conveyed.
At this stage speakers have access to declarative memory that contains infor-
mation about the communicative situation and rules of discourse. Because this
is the only place where conscious decisions about the content and form of the
message can be made, the language of communication has to be selected at this
phase. Language selection is constrained by sociolinguistic (e.g., the prestige
of the languages, social position of the interlocutors) and individual factors
(e.g., L2 speaker’s anxiety, self-confidence, proficiency). The question that
arises at this stage is whether speakers formulate parallel speech plans—a
plan for L1 and another one for L2—or a single speech plan in which each con-
cept is labeled with a language tag. The idea of parallel speech plans was very
short-lived; it was formulated by de Bot in 1992, but in an article with
Schreuder published a year later it was already abandoned (de Bot &
ISSUES IN L2 SPEECH PRODUCTION RESEARCH xxi
Schreuder, 1993). Since then, the well-received view about language selection
is that it is done in the form of adding a language cue to the preverbal plan.
The other question that is relevant for both conceptualization and the orga-
nization of the mental lexicon is whether the words stored in the lexicon, which
are called lemmas, contain semantic information. An important part of plan-
ning the message in the conceptualization phase is choosing the concepts one
wants to express. Concepts can be both lexical and nonlexical. Lexical con-
cepts can be expressed by one word (e.g., TEACHER–teacher), whereas
nonlexical concepts have no direct correspondence to a given word and can
only be expressed by phrases, clauses, or sentences (e.g., in Russian there is no
one word for the concept of PRIVACY). In recent modular models of speech
production, lemmas do not contain semantic information, only syntactic fea-
tures (e.g., Levelt et al., 1999; Roelofs, 1992). Conceptual and semantic infor-
mation are seen to be inseparable and are believed to be stored together in
long-term memory based on the assumptions of memory research that both
word meanings and other experience (sensual, emotional, etc.) one has with a
lexical item form a network of interrelated memory traces. In L2 production,
however, there is considerable disagreement concerning whether there are
separate semantic and conceptual levels of representation (for a review, see
Pavlenko, 1999).
In lexical encoding, the first question that needs to be addressed is whether
the conceptual specifications contained by the preverbal plan activate only L2
items in the lexicon, or whether L1 and L2 words both receive activation. Re-
search evidence from observations of slips of the tongue and experimental
studies of picture naming suggests that L1 words are also activated to some de-
gree (e.g., Costa, Caramazza, & Sebastian-Gallés, 2000; Hermans, Bongaerts,
de Bot, & Schreuder, 1998; Poulisse, 1999; Poulisse & Bongaerts, 1994). The
next issue is whether the fact that both L1 and L2 words are activated also
means that these words are both candidates for lexical encoding. One possibil-
ity is that even though L1 words also receive activation, they are not consid-
ered for selection, and they are ignored. The other option is that both L1 and L2
words compete for selection. The majority of the studies suggest that the latter
is the case (Costa, Colomé, Gómez, & Sebastian-Gallés, 2003; Hermans et al.,
1998; Lee & Williams, 2001), whereas a few researchers using one specific
picture naming task (Costa & Caramazza, 1999; Costa, Miozzo, &
Caramazza, 1999; Hermans, 2000) found that L1 words do not enter into com-
petition with L2 words. The third question that we need to answer in the pro-
cess of lexical encoding is how lexical selection is controlled, in other words,
how a speaker can ensure that words in the intended language are chosen for
xxii INTRODUCTION
further processing. The most economical and logical solution to this problem
seems to be that the information including semantics, style, register, and the
language to be used is specified during conceptualization in the preverbal plan,
and selection is simply based on finding the lexical entry that matches all the
conceptual specifications.
As regards the bilingual lexicon, one of the first issues in bilingualism re-
search was whether L1 and L2 words are organized in the same lexicon. By
now it is a well-received view that L1 and L2 words are stored in a common
lexicon, which is conceptualized as an interconnected network (for a recent re-
view, see Kroll & Tokowitz, 2005). In other questions concerning the bilingual
lexical storage system, however, there is great disagreement and theoretical
confusion in this field. The problem starts with the question of what informa-
tion the lexicon contains. As mentioned previously, there is an ongoing debate
as to whether semantic information is also stored in the mental lexicon or
whether only word forms (called lexemes) and syntactic and phonological in-
formation about lexical items can be found there. The second issue concerns
the organization of the bilingual conceptual/semantic system, more precisely
the extent to which conceptual representations for L1 and L2 words are shared
(e.g., de Groot’s, 1992, conceptual feature model). A few recent studies have
also been concerned with the associations and connections that exist between
words in the bilingual lexicon (e.g., Wilks & Meara, 2002; Wolter, 2001).
Syntactic encoding is a less frequently researched area of L2 speech produc-
tion than lexical encoding. The majority of the studies have been carried out by
cognitive psychologists, who are primarily experts in L1 speech production and
have investigated questions of to what extent the encoding mechanisms of the
syntactic information stored together with a lexical item (e.g., gender) and the
activation of syntactic building procedures in L1 and L2 are different. In terms of
gender (and other diacritic values such the countability status of nouns and the
transitivity of verbs), there are two important issues: (a) whether the syntactic in-
formation related to L1 and L2 words can be shared across languages if the two
languages have similar syntactic information structure (e.g., gender systems)
and (b) whether grammatical features are accessed automatically every time a
word is retrieved or features are selected based on the activation level of the syn-
tactic feature nodes (Costa, Kovacic, Franck, & Caramazza, 2003). In other
words, the second question is concerned with whether gender selection takes
place automatically and as such is independent of the activation level of gender
feature nodes, or gender selection is an activation-based process that is influ-
enced by factors such as the gender of the previously used word. As regards the
activation of syntactic building procedures, only one study to date has investi-
ISSUES IN L2 SPEECH PRODUCTION RESEARCH xxiii
gated what happens if L1 and L2 syntactic building procedures for specific

structures are the same in both languages. Meijer and Fox Tree (2003) found that
syntactic rules shared by both languages are not labeled for language and as such
are stored together. The third question in the field of syntactic encoding in L2 has
been addressed by primarily SLA researchers and is concerned with how gram-
matical morphemes are accessed. Research findings and theoretical consider-
ations suggest that grammatical morphemes can be activated in two different
ways: conceptually (i.e., based on the specifications of the preverbal plan for ex-
ample in the case of tense of verbs) and by syntactic encoding procedures (e.g.,
case assignment in German) (Myers-Scotton & Jake, 2000; Pienemann, 1998).
Similarly to syntactic encoding, phonological encoding is an under-
researched area of L2 speech production. One of the most important questions
at this stage is whether the phonological form of nonselected but nonetheless
activated words also receives activation, that is, whether activation can cas-
cade from the lemma to lexeme (phonological word form) level (Colomé,
2001; Costa et al., 2000; Hermans, 2000; Kroll, Dijkstra, Janssen, &
Schriefers, 2000). To illustrate this, when a German-English bilingual speaker
wants to name a dog, the concept of DOG will spread activation to both the
English lemma “dog” and the German “hund.”1 If the intended language is
English, the lexical entry “dog” will be selected because it is the most highly
activated one. As a next step, activation will flow to the phonological form of
the lexical entry “dog,” and it will be phonologically encoded. As regards the
cascading of activation, the question is whether the German lemma “hund”
also spreads activation to its phonological form even if it is not selected for fur-
ther processing. Results of most of the studies in this field suggest that cascad-
ing of activation takes place between the lexical and phonological levels in L2
production (Colomé, 2001; Costa et al., 2000; Hermans, 2000; Kroll et al.,
2000). The other question that has recently been tested by means of experi-
mental techniques is whether representations of phonemes are shared or sepa-
rate in L1 and L2 (Poulisse, 1999; Roelofs, 2003b). To this question the most
probable answer is that L1 and L2 phonemes are stored together, and identical
phonemes in L1 and L2 (e.g., English and Dutch [t]) have a joint memory rep-
resentation (Roelofs, 2003b). The third question in the field of phonological
encoding is whether L2-processing mechanisms at this level work in a similar
way as in L1 speech production. Roelofs’ findings indicate that phonological
encoding in L2 proceeds in a similar way as in L2. As regards articulation, in
1
In this book, concepts are printed in capital letters, and lemmas and lexical items are included in
quotation marks.
xxiv INTRODUCTION
L1 production it is assumed that syllables are the basic unit of articulatory exe-
cution and that articulatory programs are stored as chunks in the memory store
called the syllabary (Levelt, 1989). De Bot (1992) claimed that beginning L2
speakers rely heavily on L1 syllable programs, whereas advanced L2 speakers
usually succeed in creating separate chunks for L2 syllables.
Both L1- and L2-monitoring research has been primarily concerned with
testing the modular and spreading activation models empirically, because by
uncovering how monitoring works a major issue in the field of speech produc-
tion, namely the direction of the flow of activation, can be solved. Few com-
prehensive studies on the self-correction behavior of L2 speakers have been
conducted to date that have attempted to answer the question of which theory
can best account for monitoring in L2 speech (but see Kormos, 2000b; van
Hest, 1996). In a number of respects, monitoring in L2 has been found to be
different from L1, and the most important reason for this difference derives
from the fact that monitoring requires attention. Attentional resources are lim-
ited, and because L2 speech processing frequently needs attention at the level
of lexical, syntactic, and phonological processing (unlike in L1), L2 speakers
have little attention available for monitoring. The role of attention in monitor-
ing has been investigated by a number of studies, which suggest that
attentional resources for monitoring are constrained by the level of proficiency
and the task learners have to perform (for a review, see Kormos, 1999).
GENERAL ISSUES IN SPEECH PRODUCTION
One of the most important differences between L1 and L2 production is that

L2 learners’ knowledge of the target language is rarely complete, as they often
lack the language competence necessary to express their intended message in
the form originally planned. Therefore L2 speakers frequently have to make
conscious efforts to overcome problems in communication, which efforts have
traditionally been called communication strategies (Færch & Kasper, 1983;
Tarone, 1977). Dörnyei and Scott (1997) distinguished four main problem
sources in L2 communication: (a) resource deficits, (b) processing time pres-
sure, (c) perceived deficiencies in one’s own language output, and (d) per-
ceived deficiencies in decoding the interlocutor’s message (this fourth
problem source is not discussed in this book as this concerns speech compre-
hension rather than production). Resource deficit might be associated with
three stages of speech processing: lexical, grammatical, and phonological en-
coding (Dörnyei & Kormos, 1998; Poulisse, 1993). In addition to the lack of
knowledge of L2 lexis, syntax, and phonology, L2 speakers often have to face
ISSUES IN L2 SPEECH PRODUCTION RESEARCH xxv
the problem that due to limited attentional resources they cannot process their
message within the time constraints of real-life communication. L2 speakers
might also experience problems deciding on whether their message has been
accurate, appropriate, and understandable to the interlocutor, which problems
arise in the phase of monitoring.
The other major source of difference between monolingual and bilingual
speech processing is that in bilingual speech production the effect of the other
language, which is generally the influence of L1 on the L2, cannot be elimi-
nated. The findings of L2 speech production research suggest that knowledge
stores such as conceptual memory, the lexicon, the syllabary, and the store of
phonemes are shared in L1 and L2, and therefore L1 and L2 items compete for
selection (La Heij, 2005; Poulisse, 1999; Poulisse & Bongaerts, 1994). One of
the consequences of this competition is that it can happen that linguistic units
in the nonintended language are selected, which are generally called uninten-
tional code-switches. Code-switching can also happen intentionally either due
to lack of competence or because the speaker thinks that the word, phrase, or
expression in the other language matches his or her communicative intentions
better in the other language (Myers-Scotton, 1993). Although in the last 10
years there seems to be hardly any disagreement among researchers concern-
ing lexical code-switching, the syntactic structure of code-switched utterances
has been the subject of an intensive debate. From the perspective of speech
production, the question is how it is decided which language is going to domi-
nate syntactic encoding, and how it is possible that even though elements from
both languages co-occur in code-switched utterances, they still follow certain
rules of well-formedness (MacSwan, 2000, 2003; Myers-Scotton, 1993;
Woolford, 1983).
The L1 can also have other types of influence on L2 production, which most
frequently manifests itself in the conscious and unconscious transfer of L1
production procedures. Conscious transfer is a subtype of communication
strategies that is applied to compensate for lack of knowledge in the L2,
whereas unconscious transfer is the effect of L1 on L2 of which is the speaker
is not, or only partially aware. Transfer can take place in lexical encoding by
means of conceptual, syntactic, and phonological transfer. Transfer is a more
complicated issue in syntactic and phonological processing than in lexical en-
coding. In the case of syntactic encoding, the question is whether there are any
constraints on transfer from L1, in other words, whether any type of produc-
tion procedure is transferable from L1 at any level of language competence
(for a recent review, see Pienemann, Di Biase, Kawaguchi, & Håkansson,
2005). The role of L1 is also central in L2 phonological processing because
xxvi INTRODUCTION
there is accumulating evidence that L2 learners frequently substitute L1 pho-

nemes for similar but nonidentical L2 sounds, and that they often use L1 rules
when phonologically encoding words or phrases (for a review, see Leather,
1999). Moreover, series of articulatory movements used to produce the sylla-
bles of a given language (called gestural scores) are automatized for pro-
nouncing L1 phonemes to such an extent that even advanced speakers find it
difficult to acquire new gestural scores for L2 phonemes.
Besides the incomplete knowledge of the target language and the effect of
L1 on L2, the third important difference between L1 and L2 production is the
speed with which L2 speakers talk. The considerably slower nature of L2 pro-
duction can be explained with reference to the fact that whereas L1 speech pro-
cessing is largely automatic in both the formulator and the articulator, and can,
as a result, run in parallel, L2 speech processing requires attention in both the
grammatical and phonological encoding phases, and as a consequence, part of
the output can only be processed serially. In other words, whereas lexical, syn-
tactic, morphological, and phonological encoding is mostly automatic in L1
production, these mechanisms are only partially automatic even in the case of
advanced L2 learners. Therefore the question of what role automaticity plays
in L2 production and how it develops in the course of L2 learning is of great
significance in SLA research. Even though most L2 learners’ultimate aim is to
attain a high level of fluency, that is, to learn how to produce speech smoothly,
efficiently, and within the time constraints of real-life communication, the
question of automaticity has long been a neglected one in the field of L2
speech production. The main reason for this probably is that although theories
of speech production and general models of learning are highly developed,
there is little interface between them. In the field of L1 speech production, no
attempts have been made to account for how the various speech-processing
mechanisms proposed by the modular and spreading activation models are ac-
quired; this question has only recently been raised by a few SLA researchers.
In chapters 3 and 8 of this book, I argue that automatization takes place in three
different areas of speech production: rule-based syntactic and phonological
encoding mechanisms, lexical retrieval processes, and the creation of
memorized units of language.
SUMMARY
The aim of this chapter was to introduce readers to the most important issues of
L1 and L2 speech production research, which is discussed in more depth in the
remaining seven chapters of this book. Chapter 1 provides an overview of the ba-
sic theoretical claims made by the two most important theories of speech pro-
ISSUES IN L2 SPEECH PRODUCTION RESEARCH xxvii
cessing: the modular and the spreading activation models. Chapter 2 further
explores the differences between the two theories by considering the questions
that arise at each phase of speech production and the studies that have been con-
ducted in order to find answers to these questions. Chapter 3 describes the basic
cognitive theories of learning and automatization and makes an attempt to relate
models of skill acquisition to theories of speech production. The second part of
the book presents a detailed overview of L2 speech production research. The
chapters discuss every phase of speech production in detail: Chapter 4 is con-
cerned with lexical encoding and the bilingual lexicon, chapter 5 with grammat-
ical and phonological encoding, and chapter 6 with monitoring L2 speech. In
each of these chapters, first basic speech production processes are elaborated,
which are always followed by the discussion of the relevant issues of
code-switching, transfer, and acquisition. Chapter 7 is devoted to communica-
tion strategies, the functions of which are explained within the framework of
modular models of speech production. Chapter 8 acquaints the readers with flu-
ency and automaticity in L2 speech and relates theories of learning to acquisi-
tion of L2 speech production procedures. In the conclusion of the book, a new
comprehensive bilingual speech production model is presented, which summa-
rizes what is currently known about L2 production to date and incorporates re-
cent advances in the field of psycholinguistics.
I
An Overview of Theories of First
1 Language Speech Production
Interest in the psycholinguistic processes involved in producing L1 speech dates

back to as early as the beginning of the 20th century, when Meringer (1908) first
published his systematic collection of slips of the tongue made by German
native speakers. Nevertheless, the first comprehensive theories of L1 production
were not constructed until the 1970s. In the 35 years that have passed since then,
the research into oral L1 production has grown into an autonomous discipline
within the field of cognitive psychology. Although many questions concerning
how we produce language have remained unanswered, with the help of the
modern methods of experimental psychology and the recently available
neuroimaging techniques, we now have a good understanding of a number of
speech processes. The aim of this chapter is to acquaint the reader with the most
influential theories of L1 production. Most theories of monolingual and bilin-
gual speech production follow two main trends: the spreading activation theory
(e.g., Dell, 1986; Dell & O’Seaghda, 1991; Stemberger, 1985) and the modular
theory of speech processing (e.g., Fry, 1969; Garret, 1976; Laver, 1980; Levelt,
1989, 1993; Levelt et al., 1999; Nooteboom, 1980). Researchers working in the
spreading activation paradigm assume that speech processing is executed in an
interactive network of units and rules, in which decisions are made on the basis
of the activation levels of the so-called nodes that represent these units and rules.
Traditional modular theories, on the other hand, postulate that the speech-en-
coding system consists of separate modules, in which only one way connections
between levels are allowed.
SPREADING ACTIVATION THEORY
The spreading activation theory of speech production has not been adopted as
widely as Levelt’s (1989, 1993) modular model, which is the most frequently
cited theory in L2 speech production research. Nevertheless assumptions of
the spreading activation models have influenced most of the research carried
out on the slips of the tongue (e.g., Poulisse, 1993, 1999), unintentional
code-switching (e.g., Poulisse & Bongaerts, 1994), and the organization of the
bilingual lexicon (e.g., Colomé, 2001; Costa et al., 1999; Hermans et al., 1998;
van Hell & de Groot, 1998).
3
4 CHAPTER 1
Stemberger (1985) and Dell (1986) devised the first comprehensive model
of interactive activation spreading in speech production. Because
Stemberger’s model differs from that of Dell only in some details used in de-
scribing the grammatical encoding procedures, here only Dell’s model is dis-
cussed. Like in modular models of speech production (e.g., Fry, 1969; Garrett,
1976; Levelt, 1989), in Dell’s spreading activation theory it is also assumed
that there are four levels of knowledge involved in producing L1 speech: se-
mantic (i.e., word meaning), syntactic (e.g., phrase building and word order
rules) ,), morphological (e.g., the morphological make up of words and rules of
affixation), and phonological levels (e.g., phonemes and phonological rules).
Adopting the tenets of generative grammar (Chomsky, 1965), and those of the
so-called frame-slot models of production (for more detail, see the section
Syntactic Processing in chap. 2), Dell postulated that the generative rules on a
given level build a frame with slots to be filled in by insertion rules. For exam-
ple, on the syntactic level the rules in English create a position for the subject
of the sentence, another one for the verb phrase and, if needed, slots for prepo-
sitional phrases. As a next step, words or phrases to fill in these slots are se-
lected. At the morphological level there are slots for stems and affixes, and at
the phonological level slots are assumed to exist for onsets and rimes as well as
for phonemes. To illustrate this process, let us take Dell’s own example, the
sentence “This cow eats grass.” In this sentence there is a slot for the deter-
miner “this,” the noun “cow,” the present-tense verb “eats,” and the noun
“grass.” In the case of the word “eats,” a slot is created at the morphological
level for the stem “eat” and another one for the affix “s.” In the process of pho-
nological encoding, there is an onset slot for [k] and a rime slot for [au] at the
syllable level, and a consonant slot for [k] and a vowel slot for [au] at the pho-
neme level.
In Dell’s (1986) spreading activation model, the lexicon is considered a net-
work of interconnected items and “contains nodes for linguistic units such as
concepts, words, morphemes, phonemes, and phonemic features, such as sylla-
bles and syllabic constituents as well” (p. 286). In the lexicon, conceptual nodes
are assumed to be connected to word nodes that define words, and word nodes
are conjoined with morpheme nodes, which again represent specific mor-
phemes. Next, there is a connection between morpheme and phoneme nodes
specifying phonemes, and finally phoneme nodes are linked to phonological
feature nodes such as labial, nasal, voiced, and so on. In order for the words to be
able to be selected for specific slots in the sentence, each word is labeled for the
syntactic category it belongs to (e.g., in our example sentence “cow” is labeled
as noun). Similarly, morphemes and phonemes are also marked for the class they
AN OVERVIEW OF THEORIES 5
are the members of (e.g., “eat” as stem, “s” as affix) (see Fig. 1.1 for the illustra-
tion of how encoding works in spreading activation models).
The mechanism responsible for sentence production is the process of
spreading activation. In error-free processing, the node of the required cate-
gory that has the highest level of activation is accessed. Immediately after this
node is selected, it spreads its activation further to the lower level nodes. As an
illustration, in the case of the word node “construct,” activation is forwarded to
the constituent syllable nodes: “con” and “struct.” First, “con” is more highly
activated than “struct”; otherwise one might say “structcon” instead of “con-
struct.” Next, activation will be passed on to the phonological segment nodes
[k], [o], and [n]. Once the encoding of the syllable “con” is finished, the level
of activation of this syllable node decreases so that it would not be selected re-
peatedly. Following this, the encoding of the next syllable “struct” can start. In
FIG. 1.1. An illustration of the spreading activation model of speech production.

Based on Dell (1986). Copyright 1986 by Gary Dell. Adapted by permission.
6 CHAPTER 1
Dell’s (1986) model selected nodes are tagged, and their tags specify the order
in which they need to be encoded. Activation spreads not only from one level
to the other, but also across levels. For example, at the lexical level, semanti-
cally and phonologically related items in the lexicon also receive some activa-
tion (e.g., if “dog” is the target word, “hog” and “cat” are also activated to some
degree). This explains the occurrence of lexical substitutions and
phonologically related lexical errors such as saying “cat” instead of “dog” or
“hog” instead of “dog.”
Dell (1986) also assumed that activation can spread bidirectionally, that is,
top-down and bottom-up. In the case of sentence production, activation
spreads downward from words to morphemes, from morphemes to syllable.
On the other hand, speech perception is seen as the backward spreading of acti-
vation: when one perceives a sound, it sends activation to the syllable nodes,
syllable nodes activate morphemes, and so on. To illustrate this, if one hears
the phonemes [k] [æ] [t], they will activate the syllable node [kæt], which
passes on activation to the word node “cat,” which in turn selects the concept
CAT. Because monitoring involves perceiving one’s own speech, the existence
of a separate monitor is not assumed, and monitoring is hypothesized to be
done in the same way as understanding the interlocutor’s speech. For example,
in the case of the phonological substitution error of saying “hog” instead of
“dog,” once the speaker perceives the phoneme [h], activation will flow back-
ward to the syllable node of [hog], and the encoding process will start again
from the syllable level of [dog].
We have to note that although Levelt and his colleagues’ work on speech
production is called the modular model, Dell’s theory is also modular in the
sense that it supposes the existence of hierarchical networks of words, mor-
phemes, syllables, phonemes, and phonological features. However, unlike in
Levelt’s model, where at least certain bits of the message need to be processed
by the higher order module before lower order processing mechanisms can be
initiated, traditional spreading activation models allow for parallel processing
at the various levels.1
1
By the end of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s, the modular and spreading activation ap-
proaches began to show increasing signs of convergence. The modular models adopted some of the ten-
ets of the spreading activation models, especially as regards the organization of the lexicon and lexical
access (e.g., Levelt, 1989, 1993, 1995; Levelt et al., 1991a, 1991b). In view of the results of Levelt et al.’s
(1991b) experiments, Dell and O’Seaghda (1991) also modified their spreading activation model by as-
suming that the system of speech production is globally modular but locally interactive; in other words,
backward spreading of activation is not possible between every adjacent level. In a later article, Dell,
Juliano, and Govindje (1993) gave up the claim that activation can spread backward from the phonologi-
cal to the lexical level, and they concluded that there is no need for the frame-slot mechanism and genera-
tive rules in syntactic and phonological encoding.
LEVELT’S MODULAR MODEL OF SPEECH PRODUCTION
Several attempts have been made in the literature to set up a comprehensive

model of speech processing, but the most widely used theoretical framework
in L2 language production research is Levelt’s (1989, 1993, 1995, 1999a,
1999b) model originally developed for monolingual communication (for a
schematic representation, see Fig. 1.2). Here we describe the newest version of
the model (Levelt, 1999a). Levelt argued that speech production is modular;
that is, it can be described through the functioning of a number of processing
components that are relatively autonomous in the system. Two principal com-
ponents are distinguished: the rhetorical/semantic/syntactic system and the
phonological/phonetic system. The model supposes the existence of three
knowledge stores: the mental lexicon, the syllabary (containing gestural
scores, i.e., chunks of automatized movements used to produce the syllables of
a given language), and the store containing the speaker’s knowledge of the ex-
ternal and internal world. This last store comprises the discourse model,
which is “a speaker’s record of what he believes to be shared knowledge about
the content of the discourse as it evolved” (Levelt, 1989, p. 114), the model of
the addressee (the present context of interaction and the ongoing discourse),
and encyclopedic knowledge (information about the world). The basic mecha-
nisms of speech processing are conceptualized by Levelt in a fairly straightfor-
ward manner: People produce speech first by conceptualizing the message,
then by formulating its language representation (i.e., encoding it), and finally
by articulating it. With regard to speech perception, speech is first perceived by
an acoustic-phonetic processor, then undergoes linguistic decoding in the
speech comprehension system (i.e., the parser), and is finally interpreted by a
conceptualizing module. The unique feature of the model is the integration of
the processes of acoustic-phonetic encoding and sentence processing into one
comprehensive system, and its richness in detail. For example, it precisely
specifies the role of the lexicon and the procedures of monitoring in relation to
the processing components and delineates explicit directional paths between
the modules outlining their cooperation in producing their joint product,
speech.
In Levelt’s model, the processing components are “specialists” in the par-
ticular functions they are to execute; that is, they do not share processing func-
tions. A component will start processing if, and only if, it has received its
characteristic input. This model assumes that processing is incremental, which
means that as soon as part of the preverbal message is passed on to the formula-
tor, the conceptualizer starts working on the next chunk regardless of the fact
8 CHAPTER 1
that the previous chunk is still being processed (Kempen & Hoenkamp, 1987).
As a consequence, the articulation of a sentence can begin long before the
speaker has completed the planning of the whole of the message. Thus, paral-
lel processing is taking place as the different processing components work si-
multaneously. This is possible only because most of the actual production
mechanisms, particularly in the encoding phase, are fully automatic. The in-
cremental, parallel, and automatized nature of processing needs to be assumed
in order to account for the great speed of language production.
Let us now look at the main processing components involved in generating
speech as depicted in Fig. 1.2, which is the “blueprint” of the language user. In
FIG. 1.2.
Levelt’s
(1999a) blue-
print of the
speaker.
Copyright
1999 by Ox-
ford Univer-
sity Press.
Reprinted by
permission.
the first phase, called conceptual preparation, the message is generated

through macroplanning and microplanning. Macroplanning involves the elab-
oration of the communicative intention. Communicative intentions are ex-
pressed by speech acts, which are actions one performs by speaking such as
informing, directing, requesting, apologizing, and so on (Austin, 1962; Searle,
1969). In order to perform a speech act, one needs to select the information to
be encoded and decide on the order in which this information will be con-
veyed. Once these decisions have been made, microplanning can start. In
microplanning, speakers decide on the perspective that they need to take in
conveying the message (e.g., whether he or she should say “The book is behind
the vase” or “The vase is in front of the book”). The so-called “accessibility
status” also needs to be determined. This means that one needs to consider
whether an object, a person, a situation, and so forth have already been men-
tioned in previous discourse. This influences decisions such as whether a noun
or phrase or pronoun (e.g., “the mother” or “she”) should be used. Similar de-
cisions concerning what constitutes new and old information also need to be
made in the microplan. In addition, microplanning involves giving proposi-
tional content to the message, such as specifying the argument structure of the
message, as well as assigning thematic roles (e.g., who is the experiencer or
patient of actions), specifying the referents (i.e., quantifying and/or describing
it), and determining the mood of the message (e.g., declarative, interrogative,
imperative, etc.) (Levelt, 1999a). The microplan needs to contain language-
specific information as well, for example, the selection of the appropriate
tense and distal relations that are specified by the language one speaks. The
outcome of macro- and microplanning is the preverbal plan. As the name sug-
gests, this preverbal plan is not yet linguistic although it is linguistically
accessible; that is, it is assumed to contain all the necessary information to
convert meaning into language.
The preverbal plan is the input of the next processing phase, called gram-
matical encoding, in the course of which the selection of lexical units and syn-
tactic encoding takes place. In grammatical encoding, information from the
speaker’s mental lexicon is retrieved, which in Levelt’s (1989) model consists
of lexical entries, each made up of (a) lemmas that contain syntactic informa-
tion about the lexical entry and (b) lexemes that carry information about the
morpho-phonological form of the lexical entry. In the recent version of the
model (Levelt, 1999a, 1999b; Levelt et al., 1999) lemmas do not contain se-
mantic information because a separate conceptual level is included in the lexi-
con where semantic specifications are stored. The primary procedure that
takes place in grammatical encoding is lemma activation; the speaker will re-
10 CHAPTER 1
trieve the lemma whose meaning best matches the semantic information car-
ried by the corresponding chunk of the preverbal plan. Based on Bresnan’s
(1982) lexical theory of syntax, Levelt (1989) assumed that the selection of the
lemma activates its syntax, which, in turn, triggers syntactic building proce-
dures. For example, in the case of the verb “enter” the information concerning
optional complements is activated, and a verb-phrase building procedure is
initiated, which encodes the object such as “the room.”
The output of grammatical encoding is the surface structure, which is “an
ordered string of lemmas grouped into phrases and sub phrases” (Levelt, 1989,
p.11). This is further processed in the course of morpho-phonological encod-
ing, when the first step is the retrieval of the morpho-phonological information
of the lexical item contained in the lexicon. This information specifies the
morphological and metrical structure of the word as well as its segmental
makeup. In phonological encoding, first the morphemes constituting the word
are accessed. Next, the metrical and segmental features such as stress and pitch
are set. This is followed by the selection of the phonemes of a morpheme. The
final result of phonological encoding is the phonological score (or internal
speech). In the next step, phonetic encoding draws on the repertoire of
articulatory gestures stored in the syllabary and generates the articulatory
score (for more detail on phonological and phonetic encoding, see the section
Syntactic Processing in chap. 2). The last phase is articulation when the
articulatory score is converted into overt speech.
Levelt’s model also accounts for monitoring in speech production. The
monitor is located in the conceptualizer but receives information from the sep-
arate speech comprehension system (or parser), which, in turn, is connected to
the mental lexicon. In order to avoid the necessity of duplicating knowledge,
Levelt assumed that the same lexicon is used for both production and percep-
tion, and the same speech comprehension system is used both for attending to
one’s own speech and for checking other speakers’ utterances (via the acous-
tic-phonetic processing module). Furthermore, the interpretation of the per-
ceived messages is carried out by the same conceptualizing module as the one
in charge of generating one’s own messages.
In Levelt’s system of speech processing, there are three monitor loops (i.e.,
direct-feedback channels leading back to the monitor) for inspecting the out-
come of the production processes. The first loop involves the comparison of
the preverbal plan with the original intentions of the speaker before being sent
to the formulator. In this phase, the preverbal plan might need modification be-
cause the speaker finds that the formulated message is not appropriate in terms
of its information content or is not acceptable in the given communicative situ-
ation. The second loop concerns the monitoring of the phonetic plan (i.e., “in-
ternal speech”) before articulation, which is also called “covert monitoring”
(see also Postma & Kolk, 1992, 1993; Postma, Kolk & Povel, 1990; Wheeldon
& Levelt, 1995). In simple terms, this means that in certain cases the speaker
notices an encoding error such as an erroneously selected word before it is ac-
tually uttered. Finally, the generated utterance is also checked after articula-
tion, which constitutes the final, external loop of monitoring, involving the
acoustic-phonetic processor. Upon perceiving an error or inappropriacy in the
output in any of these three loops of control, the monitor issues an alarm signal,
which, in turn, triggers the production mechanism for a second time (for more
detail on monitoring, see the section Phonological Encoding in chap. 2).
SUMMARY
In this chapter, the main theories of L1 speech production were reviewed. Two
main models of monolingual speech processing were presented in detail: the
spreading activation and the modular theories. It was pointed out that one of
the main differences between these theories is whether they allow for feedback
between the various levels of encoding. Spreading activation models allow for
the backward flow of activation from a subordinate level to the superordinate
level, whereas in modular theories activation can only spread forward. The two
theories also view syntactic and phonological encoding differently. In spread-
ing activation theories, it is assumed that speakers first construct frames for
sentences and for phonetic representations and then select the appropriate
words or phonetic features for the slots in the frame. Modular models are lexi-
cally driven, which means that words activate syntactic building procedures,
and postulate that lexical encoding precedes syntactic encoding and that pho-
nological encoding can start only once lexico-syntactic processes are ready.
Despite a few shortcomings, which are discussed in the next chapter together
with the empirical studies testing the two models, the modular theory of
speech processing provides the most detailed and systematic account of the
generation of verbal messages to date and has therefore been the most influen-
tial in the study of L2 speech. Spreading activation theories also have a lot to
offer for the L2 field, especially in the area of the bilingual lexicon and lexical
encoding. A detailed evaluation of the two models is given in the Summary
section of chap. 2.
Issues in First Language
2 Speech Production Research
In the previous chapter, we saw that there are two major theories of L1 speech
production. As its name suggests, the modular model assumes that speech pro-
cessing is carried out in a serial fashion by autonomous modules that are spe-
cialists in the particular phase of speech production. The modular theory also
supposes that the basic process in speech production is activation spreading,
but researchers subscribing to the modular view hold that activation can spread
in only one direction, whereas scientists working in the spreading activation
paradigm argue that activation can also flow backward from subordinate to
superordinate levels of processing. Besides this major difference, there are a
number of minor but important points in which the modular and spreading ac-
tivation theories disagree. Because one of the main aims of L1 speech produc-
tion research is to test the predictions of the two models and to build an
empirically based and valid model of speech processing, these points of dis-
agreement constitute the basic issues of L1 production research to date. This
chapter starts with an overview of the research methods used in studying L1
speech production. Then I discuss the most important issues arising at each
phase of speech production, the ways these issues are researched, and what
conclusions can be drawn from the research findings. This is followed by an
overview of the results of neuroimaging studies of speech production. The
chapter ends with an evaluation of the current models of speech production.
RESEARCH METHODS USED IN STUDYING
LANGUAGE PRODUCTION
In order to have a better understanding of L1 and L2 production research, it is

important to be familiar with the basic techniques applied to study production
mechanisms. The methods of language production research can be divided
into three different groups: observational, experimental, and neuroimaging.
Early psycholinguistic research dating back to the 1950s almost exclusively
applied various techniques of speech observation, whereas experimental tasks
started to be used in the 1970s. Neuroimaging techniques became available for
speech production research at the end of 1980s and are now complementary to
experimental research.
12
ISSUES IN L1 SPEECH PRODUCTION RESEARCH 13
Observational methods involve the distributional analyses of spontaneous

speech and the study of disfluencies and errors in spontaneous speech. Distribu-
tional analyses of naturally occurring speech have been concerned with how fre-
quently various sentence types, prosodic markers, word forms, and syntactic
structures occur in extensive databases of recorded speech, for example, oral
corpora, and what they reveal about speech production processes. Disfluency re-
search investigates the distribution of silent and filled pauses (e.g., um, er), false
starts, repetitions, rephrasings, and self-corrections, whereas error research
studies the frequency and types of errors. Both disfluency and error research aim
to reveal what mechanisms underlie speech production by drawing inferences
from instances when “things go wrong.” The advantage of observational re-
search is that it looks at speech processing under natural circumstances and can
yield an insight into how speech production works as an integrated system. This
method, however, has been plagued with the problem of classification and iden-
tification (Bock, 1996), which makes many of the findings of this field if not out-
right invalid, at least unreliable. Inconsistencies between raters trying to classify
disfluencies and errors have been reported (for a review, see Bock, 1996), and
until the use of computer technology became widespread in pausological re-
search, transcribers were found to be inaccurate in recording the occurrence of
pauses (see, e.g., Friedman & O’Connell, 1991; O’Connell, 1988).
Experimental methods used in the field of cognitive psychology to study
speech production are numerous, and here we describe only the most fre-
quently used techniques. Experimental methods might involve the elicitation
of errors, most frequently slips of the tongue, and various units of production
such as words, phrases, specific syntactic structures, and sentences. The ma-
jority of speech production experiments can be divided into two groups: con-
current and successive stimulation paradigms. In concurrent stimulation
paradigms (also called interference) the processing of the distractor and the
target word or structure overlap in time, whereas in successive stimulation par-
adigms (also called priming) participants are first presented with the stimulus
(the prime), and only later do they produce the target. One of the most famous
examples of a concurrent stimulation task in word elicitation research is the
so-called Stroop task. In this task participants are shown a picture, which they
have to name, but along with the picture a distractor word is also presented.
The picture to be named in the original version of the task denotes a color, and
the distractor word describes a different color, but Stroop tasks can also in-
clude pictures of objects and distractor words referring to objects (for an exam-
ple, see Fig. 2.1). Distractor words are manipulated along the factor of
semantic and phonological similarity to the target word. The time of the pre-
14 CHAPTER 2
FIG. 2.1.
Lexical selec-
tion using the
binding by
checking
mechanism.
Based on
data from
Roelofs
(2003a).
sentation of the distractor item can also be varied. The measure used to make
inferences about speech processing in this task is the naming latency, that is,
the speed with which the respondent comes up with the picture name. A fre-
quently used example for successive stimulation task is the structural priming
experiment, in which participants first hear a prime sentence in which a partic-
ular syntactic structure is used (e.g., The boat carried five people.), then they
see a picture denoting an event such as a boy being awakened by an alarm
clock, which they have to describe in a sentence. Participants will use either
the same structure as they heard in the prime sentence (e.g., The alarm clock
awakened the boy.) or a different one (e.g., The boy was awakened by the alarm
clock.). The variable measured in this task is the number of same syntactic
structures used relative to the total number of trials. Although in these experi-
ments many interfering variables can be controlled, and the scope of investiga-
tion can be clearly delineated, the disadvantage of these tasks is that they look
at production processes in isolation and not as they occur in real-life
communication (for a comprehensive review of experimental tasks used in
language production research, see Bock, 1996).
Neuroimaging techniques used in investigating speech production can be
divided into three groups: ERP (event-related brain potential), PET (positron
emission tomography), and fMRI (functional magnetic resonance imaging)

studies. ERPs are recorded with the help of EEG (electroencephalogram),
which shows how the flow of electricity changes in the brain. ERPs are EEG
changes that signal sensory, motor, or cognitive events registered in the brain.
PET scans are made with a device called a PET scanner, which creates pictures
of the physiological processes taking place in human brain with the help of ra-
dioactive substances called tracers. Increased level of activation in brain areas
is characterized by higher blood flow, which the tracers indicate by emitting
stronger signals. This enables researchers to localize various brain functions.
The technique of fMRI is based on the fact that hemoglobin (the blood’s oxy-
gen carrier) emits different magnetic signals when it carries oxygen and when
it does not. Increased brain activity is characterized by an augmented number
of oxygen-carrying hemoglobin molecules, which can be recorded with the
help of fMRI. Nowadays the preferred imaging technique is fMRI because it is
cheaper, more widely available, noninvasive, and imposes fewer risks for the
participants than PET (for a recent review of neuroimaging techniques in
speech production, see Fiez, 2001).
CONCEPTUALIZATION AND SPEECH PLANNING
Research into speech planning and conceptualization is traditionally carried

out not only in the field of psycholinguistics but also in fields such as
sociolinguistics, pragmatics, and discourse analysis. This is mainly due to the
fact that among other things, conceptualizing one’s message involves the
knowledge of the situation, power relations between speakers, norms of inter-
action in the given language, rules of politeness, and general knowledge of the
world. If we compare the spreading activation and modular models, it also be-
comes apparent that because spreading activation theory has little to say about
speech planning, there is no major theoretical disagreement between psycho-
linguists concerning this phase of speech production. Nevertheless, there are a
few problematic issues in speech planning that psycholinguistic research has
addressed. One of these concerns the unit of speech planning, and connected to
this, the existence of temporal cycles in speech production. The other debated
question is related to how concepts are encoded in the preverbal plan.
As regards the unit of speech planning, several building blocks were pro-
posed such as clauses, ideas, information units, tone units, phrases, sentences,
and so on (for a more comprehensive review, see Levelt, 1989). Levelt argued
that “there is no single unit of talk” (p. 23), and therefore the whole debate
concerning units of speech is pointless. He rightly claimed that each level of
processing works with different units, for example, lexical encoding with lem-
16 CHAPTER 2
mas, phonological encoding with phonemes. An issue that is related to units of

speech planning is whether there are temporal cycles in speech production. In
the classic study that marks the beginning of the psycholinguistic study of
speech production, Henderson, Goldman-Eisler, and Skarbek (1966) ob-
served that in spontaneous speech phases of low and high fluency alternate,
and they named these alternations temporal cycles. They argued that produc-
ing speech involves planning and execution, and that during planning speech
slows down, whereas in execution fluency increases. The existence of tempo-
ral cycles, however, has been debated by several researchers such as Jaffe,
Feldstein, and Gertsman (1972), Warner (1979), and Beattie (1984). Roberts
and Kirsner (2000) pointed out that previous studies had serious methodologi-
cal flaws such as the inaccurate measurement of temporal parameters (e.g.,
pauses), subjective judgments involved in the analysis of cycles, and the use of
inappropriate statistical procedures. Roberts and Kirsner’s research attempted
to overcome these problems and brought convincing results as regards the
cyclical nature of speech production. They found that in spontaneous speech
fluent and nonfluent phases indeed alternate, and that these cycles are regular
and periodical. Another interesting result was that there was a strong and
consistent relationship between topic structure and fluency. Fluency was
found to decrease before a new topic, and production speeded up after the in-
troduction of the topic. Roberts and Kirsner claimed that “macro-planning is a
topic-driven form of planning” (p. 150). This study also indicates that speech
planning requires attention because conscious decisions concerning the mes-
sage need to be made; thus, it is a controlled process, which is generally slow,
whereas speech processing in L1 is largely automatic and fast (Greene, 1984;
Greene & Cappella, 1986; Levelt, 1989). This difference between automatic
and controlled processing explains why fluent and nonfluent cycles alternate
in speech production.
A different issue that arises in the phase of speech planning is the so-called
convergence problem. This problem refers to the question of how it is possible
that when searching for the appropriate lemma for the intended concept, the
selection process almost always converges on the right word. This issue arises
because there is no one-to-one correspondence between a number of concepts
and lexical entries in the lexicon. It might be the case that a concept cannot be
matched with a single lemma; for example, though we can express “female
actor” by one word, “actress,” there is no such word for “female teacher” in
English. Another case is the synonymy problem, when seemingly the same
concept such as RECEIVE can be expressed by two or more words such as
“receive,” “obtain,” or “get.” A subtype of the convergence problem is the
so-called hypernym problem. Hypernyms are words the meaning of which en-
tails the meaning of other words, such as the hypernym “animal,” which in-
cludes dogs, cats, mice, and so forth. The problem is that conceptual
specifications for a hypernym are to a great extent overlapping with the con-
ceptual specifications of the list of words that can be classified under this
hypernym. For example, animals as well as cats, dogs, and mice can be charac-
terized as + ANIMATE, – HUMAN. How is it possible, then, that we hardly
ever say “I am afraid of animals” rather than “I am afraid of dogs”; in other
words, how is it that errors when hypernyms are accessed instead of the
intended lemma hardly ever occur?
The convergence problem was a central issue in speech production when
feature theories of word meaning dominated language production research
(for an overview of this research, see Levelt, 1989). These theories assumed
that concepts are made up of a list of semantic features—such as PUPPY is
constituted of the features + ANIMATE, – HUMAN, + CANINE, +
YOUNG—and that in lexical access these conceptual features are matched
with the appropriate lemma (e.g., Bierwisch & Schreuder, 1992) (see Fig.
2.2). The major question for these theories was how the relevant conceptual
features are established so that lexical retrieval can be successful. For exam-
ple, how does an English speaker know what conceptual features should be
specified in order to select the word “receive” instead of “obtain” and
whether there is a corresponding lemma to FEMALE TEACHER? This
question was very important because in modular speech production models
the conceptualizer does not have access to the lexicon; therefore, it does not
have information on which conceptual specifications are needed to render
lexical access successful. In order to solve this question, Bierwisch and
Schreuder proposed a separate module, the verbalizer, where the process of
FIG. 2.2.
The fea-
ture theory
of word
meaning.
Based on
data from
Bierwish
and
Schreuder
(1992).
18 CHAPTER 2
establishing lexically relevant conceptual features could take place, and

which module would have access to the lexicon. The idea of the verbalizer
module was not long lived because Levelt (1992), Levelt et al. (1999), and
Roelofs (1997a) claimed to have solved the issue of lexically relevant con-
ceptual features by arguing that concepts should rather be regarded as com-
plete entities in themselves and not as a set of features. Roelofs (1992)
proposed that there was a separate concept level, where the meaning of words
is specified, and that concepts spread activation to lexical items (lemmas).
Concepts are represented by nodes; for example, there is one node for
YOUNG, another one for DOG, and a third one for PUPPY. If the preverbal
message contains specifications for the concept PUPPY, the PUPPY node
will receive the highest level of activation and will be selected; thus, the
speaker will not say “young dog” instead of “puppy” (see Fig. 2.3).
Recently La Heij (2005) argued that the synonymy issue is not really rele-
vant in speech production research because complete synonyms hardly ever
exist; there is almost always a subtle pragmatic or affective difference in mean-
ing between words. Consider for example the stylistic difference if a mother
tells her child, “Look at that young dog” instead of saying “Look at that
puppy.” Therefore La Heij proposed that the preverbal message contains all the
information that specifies a given word, and that this information includes not
only the core meaning of a word but cues concerning how formal the selected
word should be, whether to use euphemism, and whether to avoid taboo words
and low-frequency technical terms. The list of cues can further be extended to
dialect and register. The cues are set based on the knowledge of the communi-
cative situation and the interlocutor. Figure 2.4 illustrates La Heij’s proposal
with the word “bloke,” which contains semantic specifications for the concept
FIG. 2.3. The nondecompositional view of word meaning. Based on data

from Roelofs (1992).
FIG. 2.4.
Based on
data from La
Heij’s (2005)
proposal con-
cerning speci-
fications of
lexical fea-
tures in the
phase of con-
ceptualiza-
tion.
MAN and cues specifying the style of communication as + informal and the
dialect as + British English.
LEXICAL ENCODING
Although a number of different views exist as regards how lexical encoding

takes place in L1, for certain questions there is remarkable agreement among
researchers. First of all, it is generally accepted that three levels of processing
are involved in generating a spoken word: conceptual planning, that is, decid-
ing on the meaning one wants to convey; lexical encoding, which involves the
selection of the lexical item that matches the concept one wants to communi-
cate; and finally phonological encoding. Researchers also agree that all these
processes are competition-based mechanisms; concepts, words, and pho-
nemes compete for selection. Selection is made on the basis of the item’s acti-
vation, which represents how available it is. The item that has the highest level
of activation is the “winner” of the competition and is selected for further pro-
cessing. The higher the difference in the level of activation between the in-
tended item and related item, the easier and quicker selection is; the lower the
difference, the more difficult it is to choose from the competitors.
It is also a generally accepted view that in speech planning not only the in-
tended concept but other related concepts are activated. If, for example, one
wants to name a table, concepts of other pieces of furniture will also become
activated to some degree. This activation then spreads forward to the lexical
level; thus, lexical items such as “bed” and “desk” will also compete for se-
lection. Accordingly one of the basic questions for lexical encoding that be-
comes even more important in bilingual language production is how words
are selected. If one is presented with the picture of a cat, generally no prob-
lem occurs because the concept of cat will receive the highest level of activa-
20 CHAPTER 2
tion and will be selected for further processing. If, however, the task is to
name a picture depicting a cat, and a word such as “dog” is also written in the
picture (this is called the Stroop task, discussed earlier in the section Re-
search Methods Used in Studying Language Production), how does the
speaker select between the target concept and the written distractor? This
question is very similar to the one we have to address in bilingual lexical se-
lection, because there the L2 speaker is presented with the concept of the cat
and has to select the word in the intended language. Two possible ways this
process can take place are proposed in the literature. One possibility is to as-
sume that there exists a so-called task activation, which in this case means
that because the task is to name visually presented picture input, the task in-
structions activate visually recognized items to a higher degree than those
perceived by reading (La Heij, 2005; Starreveld & La Heij, 1996). In this
view, selection is based only on the level of activation of the lexical items
(see Fig. 2.5). The second option is that some kind of checking process en-
sures that the appropriate word is selected. Roelofs (1992) proposed that
both the target picture name and the written distractor word receive activa-
tion, and they also receive a tag. The picture name is marked with a picture
tag, and the written distractor receives a word tag. Roelofs and later Levelt et
al. (1999) presumed that the lexical selection mechanism will choose the lex-
ical entry that has the tag determined by the task instructions, and a verifica-
tion mechanism checks if the right word was selected (Levelt et al., 1999,
called this mechanism binding by checking) (see Fig. 2.1). It is easy to see
that the second option, tagging and checking, raises a number of problems.
FIG. 2.5. Lexical selection

based on task activation in
picture word interference
tasks. Based on data from
La Heij, 2005.
La Heij (2005) pointed out that this model is too complex and involves un-
necessary checking mechanisms; moreover, in more complex tasks it can
lead to the proliferation of tags, which is highly uneconomical. He also ar-
gued that supposing the existence of checking mechanisms is against the
principle of modularity that is at the core of Levelt’s own model, because
Levelt (1989, 1999a) assumed that one processing component works with
only one kind of input and does not need to consult other processing mod-
ules. Starreveld and La Heij’s (1996) and La Heij’s (2005) solution to the
problem is appealing because of its simplicity, and it seems to be supported
by theories of attention that assume that channeling attention to particular as-
pects of production specified by task instructions will raise the activation
level of the concepts relevant for the successful performance of the task
(Phaf, van der Heijden, & Hudson, 1990).
The other major question in lexical encoding today is whether lexical ac-
cess is a serial or so-called cascaded process. As I have pointed out previously,
there seems to be a consensus among researchers that lexical access consists of
two phases: the selection of the lemma, which contains syntactic information
(e.g., for nouns’ gender, countable vs. uncountable, plural form), and the acti-
vation of the lexeme, which is the phonological word form (e.g., [kæt] for
“cat”). The question is what the relationship is between these processes.
Jescheniak and Schriefers (1997) explained the difference between serial and
cascaded processing in the following way:
The discrete two-stage view assumes that selection of a single lemma takes place
before phonological activation starts, only the phonological word form of the
selected lemma (e.g., cat) will subsequently become active. The phonological
forms of the semantic competitors remain completely inactive. By contrast,
cascade models and spreading-activation models allow for phonological
activation of the target and any activated semantic competitor, resulting in
phonological co-activation. (p. 848)
Let us take another example to illustrate cascaded processing. If one wants

to encode the concept TABLE, the lemma “table” will receive primary activa-
tion. Nevertheless, semantically related lemmas such as “desk” or “bed” might
also receive some activation. Thus, it is possible that the lemma for “table” is
selected, but the lemma of “desk” is also activated (see Fig. 2.6). Cascaded
processing models (Jescheniak & Schriefers, 1997; Peterson & Savoy, 1998)
assume that not only the phonological word [table], but also [desk] and [bed]
will be activated; in other words, activation will cascade to the related lexemes.
In cascaded models, it is also hypothesized that lexical selection is not always
22 CHAPTER 2
FIG. 2.6. Lexical activation in speech production. Lines with arrows indicate
unidirectory connections and lines with double-headed arrows show
bidirectional relationships; 4 indicates possible cascading of activation.
finished before phonological word form activation starts; that is, lexical
selection and phonological encoding can run partly parallel.
The most frequently cited counterevidence against cascaded processing
comes from research using electrophysiological methods of brain activity mea-
surement (ERP) (Jescheniak, Hahne, & Schriefers, 2003; van Turennout,
Haggort, & Brown, 1997). Van Turennout et al.’s study is described here in some
detail because of its groundbreaking and interesting research methodology. In
this research, participants’ brain activity was recorded while performing two
types of decision tasks. The participants were presented with pictures and had to
decide whether they saw animate or inanimate concepts and whether they
started with a particular phoneme. In the first experiment, they had to respond
with one hand if the picture showed an animate concept, and with the other if
they saw an inanimate concept. Phonological information determined whether
they should respond or not (so called go/no-go condition). In the other experi-
ment, the beginning phoneme determined which hand should be selected, and
decision to respond was made on animate status. The observations concerning
the participants’ brain activity showed that semantic information was available
earlier than phonological information. This they took as a support for the as-
sumption that lemma activation precedes phonological word form activation
and as a further proof for the validity of the serial access models.
Rahman and Sommer (2003), who used a similar research design and ob-
tained similar results, however, argued that the fact that semantic information
is available earlier than phonological information does not necessarily support
the serial view and does not mean that cascading of activation is not possible.
Cascaded processing also supposes that lemmas become activated first, and
the activation of phonological word forms takes place following it. What cas-
caded models say is that activation can flow downward to the phonological
level before lexical selection is finished; that is, lexical and phonological en-
coding can run in parallel. Using electrophysiological research techniques,
Rahman and Sommer found that “phonological encoding appears to start at the
same time as semantic retrieval” (p. 380). In the cascaded-versus-serial-pro-
cessing debate, it is worth considering that there is converging evidence that
activation in L2 production can spread from the lemma in the nonintended lan-
guage to its phonological form (see chap. 4), which indicates that in L2 pro-
duction cascading is possible. It seems highly unlikely that cascading takes
place only in an L2 and not in the L1.
SYNTACTIC PROCESSING
Spreading activation and modular models also disagree as regards the nature
of syntactic processing. As mentioned in chapter 1, spreading activation mod-
els assume that in sentence production syntactic rules generate a frame for the
sentence, which is then filled with words. On the other hand, in modular mod-
els the words’ syntactic properties guide sentence production. The spreading
activation models do not elaborate in great detail how syntactic processing is
carried out. Modular models are much more detailed in this respect. Based on
Kempen and Hoenkamp’s (1987) Incremental Procedural Grammar, in these
theories grammatical encoding is assumed to consist of six phases and in-
volves a grammatical memory store, which is responsible for storing the inter-
mediary processes of grammatical encoding. Let us take the example of the
sentence “The child enters the room.” As a first step, the lemma corresponding
to the first conceptual element CHILD is retrieved. Next, the lemma’s syntac-
tic category initiates a categorial procedure in the course of which the phrasal
category in which the lemma can be a head of the phrase is established. For the
lemma “child,” it is established that it is a noun, and that it can be the head of a
noun phrase. Third, the message is inspected as regards what conceptual mate-
rial can fill the obligatory and/or optional complements and specifiers of the
lemma, and the diacritic parameters are set. To remain with our example of the
lemma “child,” it is established that it is singular and has the status + accessi-
ble, and therefore a determiner node will be attached to the NP (noun phrase)
node and the lemma “the” will be activated. After this, the formulator can pro-
ceed with the next step of grammatical encoding, when the categorial proce-
dure selects a grammatical function for the processed material, which means
that it will decide whether the output will become a head or a complement of a
higher order categorial procedure such as a noun or verb phrase or a sentence.
24 CHAPTER 2
In this phase of processing, the noun phrase “the child” becomes the subject of
the sentence. Next, the word order rules are activated, which specify that the
subject should occupy the first position in our sentence. After this, if applica-
ble, the subordinate clause procedure builds the subordinate clause attached to
the phrase. Finally, the higher order categorial procedure described earlier will
be activated, and it will start processing the relevant fragment of the message
from either the phase of lemma retrieval or Stage 2. In our example, the lemma
“enter” will be called on next, and in the phrase procedure the inflection “s”
will be added based on the information retrieved from the grammatical mem-
ory store that the subject is singular.
One of the basic differences between spreading activation and modular mod-
els is the degree to which lexical selection mechanisms and syntactic building
procedures interact. Strictly feed-forward theories (e.g., Levelt et al., 1999) as-
sume that lexical selection precedes and governs the generation of syntactic
frames, and the syntactic structures constructed in this way do not have an effect
on the choice of successive lemmas. Interactive theories, on the other hand, pro-
pose that a syntactic frame might influence the lexical selection process by rais-
ing the activation level of the lexical entries that might be possible candidates for
lexical choice (Dell, 1986; Stemberger, 1985). Support for the latter assumption
mainly comes from speech error data. It was observed that word substitution er-
rors such as “I switched on the *sun” instead of saying “I switched on the light”
always involve the substitution of words belonging to the same grammatical
class (Garrett, 1980) and often to the same gender (Berg, 1992). This suggests
that the syntactic frame creates a bias for words belonging to one grammatical
category. It is only in the past few years that researchers started to investigate this
issue with the help of experimental techniques. Vigliocco, Lauer, Damian, and
Levelt (2002) found no interaction between syntactic and semantic processes,
which might be taken as a support for feed-forward models. In a more recent
study, however, Vigliocco, Vinson, Indefrey, Levelt, and Hedwig (2004) experi-
mentally induced substitution errors in various phrasal structures in German,
which is a gender-marking language. They found that when the substituted
nouns followed a determiner the form of which depends on the gender of the
noun (i.e., der [masculine], die [feminine], das [neuter]), the erroneously en-
coded nouns tended to be of the same gender as the originally intended noun.
The authors argued that this is possible only if in certain cases the syntactic
frame becomes available earlier than the lemmas that should be inserted into the
frame. This poses a problem for strictly modular models, which assume that
syntactic encoding does not precede lemma retrieval. The increased interest in
this issue in the past few years will probably spark off new studies that might
bring more conclusive evidence concerning the existence of interaction between

semantic and syntactic processes.
While the research concerning the interplay of syntax and semantics has been
primarily concerned with phrasal structures, a number of studies have also been
conducted on sentence construction. Sentence production is primarily re-
searched with the help of the method called syntactic priming. In syntactic prim-
ing experiments, it was observed that the use of one syntactic structure in one
sentence (called the prime) increased the likelihood of the use of the same struc-
ture in another sentence (so called priming effect) (Bock, 1986). For example, if
participants were presented the sentence “The lightning struck the church,” they
were more likely to describe a picture showing a dog chasing cat by saying that
“The dog chases the cat” than “The cat is chased by the dog.” If, however, they
saw or heard the sentence “The church was struck by the lightning,” the more
frequently produced sentence was “The cat is chased by the dog.” These experi-
ments also showed that it is only the similarity of syntactic structure that pro-
duces the priming effect, and that lexical, thematic, metrical, or phonological
similarities between the prime and target do not result in priming (for a review,
see Bock & Levelt, 1994; Levelt, 1989). This was an important finding because
it indicated that one syntactic production rule activates another similar rule, and
therefore the mechanisms of spreading activation are also at work in syntactic
encoding. The question is how activation spreads in this system. Does it spread
from one syntactic frame to the other as assumed by spreading activation theory,
or does activation take place within the framework of lexically driven syntactic
encoding as proposed by the modular theories? In extensions of the classical
syntactic priming experiments, participants were asked to recall sentences that
they were presented some time earlier. In these experiments (Potter &
Lombardi, 1990; Tree & Mejer, 1999) it was found that people remember the
gist of the sentence and use recently activated words to reconstruct the sentence.
In Tree and Mejer’s study, the participants were first presented with prime sen-
tences containing various noun phrase constructions such as “The rich widow
gave the university a million dollars.” Following this, they heard a number of
distractor words including a synonym for the verb “give” such as “donate.” The
results of the study showed that instead of using the verb and syntactic structure
presented in the prime (e.g., give + NP + NP), participants tended to reformulate
the sentence using the distractor verb and applying the syntactic structure called
on by the distractor. In our example, they tended to recall the sentence as “The
rich widow donated a million dollars to the university.” This experiment pro-
vides strong support for the assumption that syntactic encoding is lexically
driven, because instead of using recently activated syntactic structures, speakers
26 CHAPTER 2
tend to reconstruct a sentence by employing recently activated words and the

syntactic structure these words point to.
The other much debated issue as regards syntactic encoding concerns the or-
der of the availability of syntactic and phonological information. This debate is
somewhat similar to the one on the sequence of lexical and phonological encod-
ing (see the Lexical Encoding section), and research in this field usually exam-
ines the relationship of gender encoding and phonological processing in
languages where nouns have a specific gender (e.g., German, Dutch, and Ital-
ian). Proponents of Levelt’s model of speech production (e.g., Roelofs, Meyer,
& Levelt, 1998; B. M. Schmitt, Meyer, & Levelt, 1999; Schriefers & Jescheniak,
1999) assume that grammatical gender is the lexico-syntactic property of nouns,
which is looked up whenever a noun is produced. In other words, the gender of a
word is not computed on the basis of morpho-phonological properties every
time it is encoded (e.g., native speakers of Italian do not compute gender on the
basis of what vowel the word ends in, but remember the gender of each and every
word). All nouns of a given gender are connected to gender nodes that specify
gender, which means that there is one abstract gender node for each gender. Let
us take an example from German. The word “Übung” [practice] is a feminine
noun, and it is assumed that native speakers of German do not establish the gen-
der based on the word’s ending “-ung,” which is always associated with femi-
nine gender, but look up the word’s gender. “Übung” is therefore connected to
the abstract feminine gender node, as are all the feminine words of the language,
such as “Mutter” [mother].
The question is whether grammatical gender is always accessed or only
when it is needed, and whether information concerning the gender of a given
word is available earlier than information concerning the phonological form of
the word. Bock and Levelt (1994) claimed that the phonological form of a
word is selected only after the lexico-syntactic properties have been accessed.
This proposition was interpreted by Caramazza (1997) as the syntactic media-
tion hypothesis, according to which the syntactic information of a word, such
as gender, is always activated before phonological encoding. Bock and Levelt,
however, did not claim that this information is always selected; there might be
cases when gender information is not necessary. For example in the sentence
“Was machen die Kinder?” [What are the children doing?] it is not necessary
to retrieve the gender of the word “Kind” because the plural determiner in Ger-
man is gender nonspecific. In a series of experiments, Caramazza and Miozzo
(1997) demonstrated that in states of tip-of-the-tongue Italian speakers are
able to correctly tell the gender and the first phoneme of a word even though
they are not able to produce the word itself. Thus, they argued that conceptual
representations can directly activate the phonological representation of a

word, and the activation of lexico-syntactic information can proceed parallel
with phonological encoding. Therefore, in their so-called independent net-
work model there is no need for a separate lemma level. Roelofs et al. (1998)
cited a number of pieces of research evidence that makes this theory highly
problematic. The most convincing argument for the assumption that informa-
tion concerning grammatical gender is available earlier than phonological in-
formation comes from van Turennout, Haggort, and Brown’s (1999)
electrophysiological study, which adopted a similar design to their research
into the relationship of lexical and phonological encoding (van Turennout et
al., 1997). In this study, the observations of participants’ brain activity showed
that grammatical gender of a given word is accessed earlier than its
phonological form.
PHONOLOGICAL ENCODING
Phonological encoding is also perceived of differently in spreading activation

and modular theories, although the most elaborate model of word form encod-
ing, developed by Roelofs (1997b) and called WEAVER (Word form Encod-
ing by Activation and VERification), combines the assumptions of both
theories. In this section, I first describe the two conflicting views of phonologi-
cal encoding—the so-called featural and segmental theories—and then pres-
ent the WEAVER model, which is a computational model that has been found
very successful in accounting for a number of empirical research findings.
Featural theories of phonological encoding assume that phonological seg-
ments are represented only by their features (e.g., the phoneme [b] is repre-
sented as [+ voiced] [+ labial] [– nasal]) and that in phonological processing
morphemes are mapped onto features that make up the sounds of the mor-
pheme. The featural view is usually associated with spreading activation theo-
ries (Dell & Juliano, 1996; Mowrey & MacKay, 1990). In the segmental view,
which is held by researchers working within the modular theory, phonological
segments have their own abstract representations in memory that are stored as
a group of features (called chunks; Levelt, 1989; Roelofs, 1997b;
Shattuck-Hufnagel, 1979). Roelofs (1999) conducted a number of experi-
ments using a method called implicit priming1 and also ran computer simula-
tions. In the first phase of implicit priming experiments, which were first used
1
The reviewer of this book rightly pointed out that this type of experiment should rather be called
paired associate learning followed by cued recall because no prime is presented. I nevertheless use the
term implicit priming because the authors of these studies themselves named these experiments in this
way, and this terminology is frequently used in the study of phonological encoding processes.
28 CHAPTER 2
by Meyer (1990, 1991), participants have to learn pairs of words. When the
first word of a pair is presented visually, participants have to produce the sec-
ond word. Two different sets of words are involved in these experiments: a ho-
mogenous set, when response words share part of their form, and a
heterogeneous set, when there are no similarities between the forms of words.
Researchers measure the response latency and establish whether similarities
speed up the production of the response. In Roelofs’ (1999) experiments, two
different homogenous sets of words were used: words that shared their initial
segment (e.g., table, tennis, token) and words that shared their initial segment
except for one feature such as voicing (e.g., door, table). Roelofs found no fa-
cilitation effect for words that did not start with exactly the same segment,
which seems to support the assumption that phonemes are stored and retrieved
as chunks in speech production.
Roelofs’(1997b) WEAVER model is a comprehensive model of phonologi-
cal encoding that combines elements of spreading activation and Levelt’s
(1992) assumptions concerning online syllabification. The model computes
syllabifications instead of using stored syllable chunks, and the online syllabi-
fication process takes neighboring morphemes and words into consideration.
For example, in the sentence “I’ve seen him,” “I” and “have” are treated as one
phonological word [aiv]. Phonological segments (i.e., phonemes) and metrical
structure (e.g., stress placement) are the input to the syllabification process,
which in this model is conceived of as weaving a fabric from first segment to
second, from second to third, and so on. In other words, phonemes are acti-
vated in a serial fashion starting with the first phoneme of the word and ending
with the last one. Positions for phonological segments are assigned following
the syllabification rules of the language. “Essentially, each vowel and diph-
thong is assigned to a different syllable node and consonants are treated as
onsets unless phonotactically illegal onset clusters arise” (Roelofs, 1997b, p.
259). If we take the word “tiger,” [t] is assigned to the onset position of the first
syllable, [ai] to the nucleus of the first syllable, [g] to the onset position of the
second syllable, and [ə] to the nucleus of the second syllable. In phonetic en-
coding, metrical representations are used to set parameters for loudness, pitch,
and duration, and the program is made available for the control of the
articulatory movements. The model assumes incremental production, which
means that a fragment of the input is enough to trigger production. Therefore
syllabification can start on the initial segment of a word if the metrical struc-
ture is available, such as [tai] in the case of “tiger,” and the interim results of the
syllabification process can be buffered until further segments are ready (e.g.,
until the encoding of the syllable [gə] is finished]. In the articulation phase,
motor programs are retrieved from a store of learned programs: the syllabary.
Syllables are produced as packages of scores for the articulatory movements to
be made, such as lip protrusion and lowering of the jaw. Scores also specify the
gestures and their temporal relationships. Assimilation of sounds is assumed
to be the result of the overlap of gestural scores. In the model, only forward
spreading of activation is allowed, in the course of which each node sends a
proportion of its activation to the neighboring nodes, and activation decays
spontaneously (see Fig. 2.7).
MONITORING
As I mentioned in the introduction to this chapter, one of the major differences

between spreading activation and modular models is how they view feedback
FIG. 2.7. Illustration of phonological encoding in Roelofs’ (1997b) WEAVER

model. Reprinted from Cognition, 64, A. Roelofs, The WEAVER Model of
Word-Form encoding in speech production. Copyright © (1997), with permis-
sion from Elsevier.
30 CHAPTER 2
and monitoring in speech production. Classic theories of spreading activation

assume that speech perception proceeds through the bottom-up flow of activa-
tion, and this mechanism is also in operation when speakers monitor their own
speech. Therefore, in this theory, monitoring is assumed to be an inherent fea-
ture of the perception and production processes, and the existence of a separate
monitoring device is not postulated (Dell, 1986). This assumption has been
criticized for a number of reasons. First of all, if errors were detected automati-
cally, the monitor would perceive all the errors, which, in turn, would all be au-
tomatically corrected (Levelt, 1989). Empirical research, however, proves that
speakers do not correct every mistake in their speech (Levelt, 1983). To ad-
dress some of these problems, MacKay (1992) devised the node structure the-
ory (NST), which was based on research carried out on awareness. MacKay
claimed that if a node formed a new connection with another “uncommitted”
node, prolonged activation could come about, and this would be capable of
triggering awareness and, thus, contributing to the detection of the error. In re-
sponse to the criticism that this model predicts that all the errors will be de-
tected (Levelt, 1989), MacKay argued that although error detection is
automatic, speakers make conscious decisions concerning whether or not to
correct their errors. The factors affecting these decisions, however, have not
been elaborated in detail.
The second group of theories of monitoring, called editor or production the-
ories of monitoring, is not directly related to any of the major theories of
speech production. As their name suggests, these theories presume the exis-
tence of an editor that sees to the vetoing and replacement of the incorrect out-
put of the speech production processes. The main question is where the editor
derives its processing power from, and where it is located in the system. One
possibility is that the editor has its own system of rules against which the out-
put is checked. Baars, Motley, and MacKay (1975) and Motley, Camden, and
Baars (1982) proposed a model in which the prearticulatory editor tests the ut-
terance before articulation using the criteria of lexical legitimacy, syntactic
and semantic appropriacy, situational context, and social appropriateness. It is
obvious, however, that if this mechanism worked perfectly, it would not allow
for the occurrence of errors at all; thus, in order to match the theory with real-
ity, it must be assumed that either the system of rules it uses is degenerate (e.g.,
Garnsey & Dell, 1984) or that the rules used at a given moment must vary (e.g.,
Motley et al., 1982). In the latter case, the application of a particular rule would
depend, among other things, on the context and the available attention. The
drawback of this type of model is that the editor can only inspect the outcome
of the processes and is unable to intercept erroneous output at intermediary
levels. In addition, the knowledge necessary for the decision about the
appropriateness of the prearticulatory output needs to be reduplicated in the
editor, which is highly uneconomical (Berg, 1986; Levelt, 1989).
In order to eliminate some of these problems, several researchers (e.g.,
Nooteboom, 1980; Norman, 1981; cf. Postma & Kolk, 1992) proposed that
there should be a specialized monitor at each level of the processing system,
which would see to the appropriateness of the outcome of each process. This
version of the editor theory is called the production theory of monitoring (pro-
duction-based monitoring or PBM) because the monitor has access to the dif-
ferent stages of production. Nevertheless, in this case again, the monitor would
have to contain the same or almost the same knowledge as the processing com-
ponent. In addition, it is unclear how this monitor would operate because if it
halted the process of speech production at each level, it would considerably
slow down the speed of processing (Berg, 1986; Blackmer & Mitton, 1991;
Levelt, 1989).
Drawing on the main tenets of the theories of prearticulatory monitoring
and spreading activation, Levelt (1983, 1989) devised his own model for inter-
cepting erroneous output, which he called the perceptual loop theory (PLT).
From the theory of prearticulatory editing, he adopted the assumption that
prearticulatory output can be inspected. On the basis of spreading activation
theory, he proposed that the same mechanism could be applied for checking
one’s own message as for the perception and checking of other speakers’ utter-
ances. In order to avoid the necessity for reduplication of knowledge, in
Levelt’s model the speech comprehension system is used for attending to one’s
own speech as well as to others’. As mentioned in the Research Methods Used
in Studying Language Production section, in this model, there are three loops
for inspecting the outcome of processes: (a) the conceptual loop, when the
preverbal message is compared to the original intentions of the speaker, (b) the
prearticulatory loop, when the outcome of the phonological processes is
checked, and (c) the external loop of monitoring, when the articulated message
is parsed. In the conceptual loop, it is generally the appropriacy of the message
in the given communicative context that is checked, whereas in the
prearticulatory loop, encoding errors are intercepted before articulation. In the
external loop, the speaker inspects both communicative appropriacy and the
linguistic form of the utterance.
Based on recent research on reaction times in self-monitoring, Wheeldon and
Levelt (1995) further investigated what prearticulatory monitoring entails. Levelt
(1989, 1993) assumed that phonological encoding consists of three phases: (a) the
activation of phonological segments, (b) the production of the phonological word,
32 CHAPTER 2
and (c) the generation of the phonetic-articulatory plan. In order to find out at
which of these stages “internal speech” is parsed, Wheeldon and Levelt conducted
a series of experiments, which suggested that speakers could self-monitor without
having access to the phonetic-articulatory plan. They also found that
prearticulatory monitoring was sensitive to syllable structure, which becomes
available in the second stage of phonological encoding, that is, upon the produc-
tion of the phonological word. The results of Wheeldon and Levelt’s study, there-
fore, indicate that speakers are able to monitor at the level of abstract phonological
representation before the phonetic-articulatory plan is encoded.
Let me briefly summarize the major differences between the three theories
of monitoring just outlined (for a comprehensive review, see also Postma,
2000; for a summary, see Table 2.1). The first of these concerns where the
monitor can be found in this system. In the PLT, the monitor is centrally lo-
cated; in PBM, it is distributed at various levels of processing; and in NST, it is
assumed to be an inherent feature of the production processes. PLT and NST
suppose that monitoring is a conscious activity, whereas in PBM it is auto-
TABLE 2.1
Overview of Differences Between Perception- and Production-Based
Speech Monitors and the Node Structure Theory of Monitoring
Production Theory
of Monitoring Node Structure
Perceptual Loop (Noteboom, 1980;Theory (MacKay,
Theory (Levelt, 1989) Norman, 1981) 1992)
Location of the Central Distributed Inherent in the pro-
monitor duction system
Awareness Conscious Automatic Awareness is a
necessary condi-
tion for error
correction
Monitoring levels 1. conceptual loop At each phase of As many as the
2. prearticulatory loop speech production number of the
node levels
3. external loop
Speed Relatively slow Fast Fast
of monitoring
Repair Elaborated revision Simple retrace Not discussed
mechanism and restart
Relation to Monitoring is done No relation Node system is
speech compre- with the help of the shared by produc-
hension system speech comprehen- tion and perception
sion system
Note. Based on data from Postma, 2000.

matic. Furthermore, PLT presumes that the monitor is limited by attentional

resources, whereas the other theories do not pose such limitations concerning
capacity. Because in PLT monitoring is conscious and uses limited attentional
resources, it is supposed to be a relatively slow process, whereas NST and
PBM regard monitoring as fast.
The theory whose viability has been put to the test most frequently is the
PLT. Its assumptions concerning prearticulatory monitoring have gained em-
pirical support because a number of studies demonstrated that people are able
to detect errors in their speech even if they do not hear what they say (e.g.,
Postma & Kolk, 1992; Postma & Noordanus, 1996). Research concerning the
timing of self-corrections (Blackmer & Mitton, 1991; Oomen & Postma,
2001), however, has brought a number of problems to light concerning the the-
ory. One of the most important issues is the existence of very short time periods
between the interruption of speech flow upon error detection and the onset of
the repair process. In Levelt’s model (1989), the planning of the self-correc-
tion is supposed to take place in this interval, and it is also assumed that inter-
ruption and replanning are strictly serial. One possibility is that interruption
and repair are “simultaneously starting parallel processes, beginning immedi-
ately upon error detection” (Hartsuiker & Kolk, 2001, p. 148). Hartsuiker and
Kolk ran computer simulations using timing data collected by Oomen and
Postma to test this hypothesis. Their research showed that the computer model
could successfully reproduce the timing patterns if parallel interruption and
planning were supposed. They concluded that with this modification the PLT
seems to be a viable model of speech monitoring.
NEUROLOGICAL STUDIES OF LANGUAGE PRODUCTION
With the development of neuroimaging techniques, a number of studies have

investigated the cerebral areas involved in speech production and comprehen-
sion. Indefrey and Levelt (2000, 2004) performed a meta-analysis of research
in this field and summarized what parts of the brain have been found to be ac-
tive at various stages of speech processing. Neurolinguistics is a rapidly devel-
oping discipline within cognitive psychology, which is indicated by the fact
that whereas in 2000 Levelt and Indefrey found 58 studies that they could in-
clude in their analyses, by 2004 this number grew to 108. The higher number
of investigations in 2004 also means that Indefrey and Levelt were able to
identify new cerebral areas involved in speech processing.
Indefrey and Levelt (2000, 2004) found that one single region, the left mid-
dle temporal gyrus, was active in word generation and picture-naming tasks
but not in word-reading tasks, which, as opposed to the other tasks, do not in-
34 CHAPTER 2
volve concept selection. This indicates that the left middle temporal gyrus is
involved in conceptually driven lexical selection. Conceptualization of the
message, however, is done in several distributed areas of the brain that are dif-
ficult to identify with these types of tasks. The retrieval of word forms is neces-
sary in picture-naming, word generation, and word-reading tasks but not in
pseudo-word-reading experiments. Therefore, cerebral regions active in the
former three tasks but not in the latter task can be regarded as areas where word
form retrieval takes place. Such areas are the right supplementary motor area,
the left anterior insula, and the left posterior superior and middle temporal gyri
(Wernicke area). The next step in word production is syllabification, which
takes place both in overt and in silent word production tasks. In order to iden-
tify brain areas responsible for syllabification, Indefrey and Levelt (2000,
2004) argued that these areas should be active in all the production tasks and
should not be sensitive to whether the task requires overt or covert production.
In their study published in 2004, they found that it was only the Broca’s area
that met this requirement, and that the left mid superior temporal gyrus proba-
bly plays a less important role in syllabification than they assumed in their ear-
lier meta-analysis. Regions responsible for phonetic encoding and articulation
were identified based on three criteria: The given region should be found to be
(a) active in at least twice as many studies using overt production tasks than in
research applying silent production experiments, (b) active in more studies in-
volving overt responses than in studies where visual processing takes place,
and (c) not active in word perception. Indefrey and Levelt (2004) identified 17
regions that met these criteria, of which 12 are part of the central nervous mo-
tor system (bilateral ventral motor and sensory regions, right dorsal motor re-
gion, right supplementary motor area, left and medial right cerebellum,
bilateral thalami, right midbrain) and that can be regarded as indeed responsi-
ble for phonetic and articulatory encoding. Indefrey and Levelt (2004) argued
that the role of the other five regions in this phase of speech processing is ques-
tionable. Neuroimaging studies have provided proof for the assumption held
by the PLT of monitoring that parsing one’s own speech is done with the help
of the same mechanisms as listening to other people talk. The bilateral supe-
rior temporal gyri with the exception of the right anterior section were found to
be active both in word-listening tasks and in overt production experiments.
This cerebral area is probably responsible for the external monitoring of
speech. Indefrey and Levelt’s (2000, 2004) meta-analysis could not reliably
establish what brain regions are involved in internal monitoring.
A number of studies have investigated the involvement of various cerebral
areas in L2 production. The problem with these studies, however, is that they
mainly used single word processing tasks and that they often did not make an
appropriate distinction between proficient and nonproficient speakers and stu-
dents who use the L2 frequently and those who speak the L2 only rarely.
Therefore, as Abutalebi, Cappa, and Perani (2001, 2005) pointed out, it is very
difficult to draw conclusions from neuroimaging studies of L2 production.
Nevertheless, Abutelabi et al. concluded that the pooled results of research in
this field suggest that neither the extent of brain activation nor the regions in-
volved in processing in L1 and L2 are different for bilinguals who learned the
L2 early in their lives and for highly proficient speakers with extensive L2 ex-
posure. Late bilinguals, especially those who are not proficient in the L2 and
have had low exposure to the target language, activate larger cerebral areas
when speaking in L2 than in L1 and activate different regions within the Broca
area for L2 than for L1.
SUMMARY
In this chapter, the main issues arising at each phase of L1 speech production
were reviewed. Let us now summarize what we seem to know about L1 speech
production currently, and which model seems to be able to account for this
knowledge better: the modular or the spreading activation theory. As regards
the conceptualization of the message, we can conclude that there is no single
unit of speech planning, although speech planning seems to be largely depend-
ent on the topic structure of the utterance, which is manifested in the existence
of temporal cycles of speech production. As far as conceptual activation is
concerned, we can also reject the assumption that concepts are made up of lists
of semantic features. In L1 speech production research, the most widely held
view is that concepts are undivided wholes, which cannot be broken down into
semantic components (Levelt, 1999b; Roelofs, 1992, 2003a). Furthermore,
the most logical and economical position in the issue of conceptual specifica-
tions and the control of lexical selection seems to be that the preverbal plan
should contain not only semantic information but also cues that specify the
formality and register of the given word (La Heij, 2005).
In the field of lexical encoding, there seems to be an agreement that lemma
selection takes place first, which is then followed by the activation of the pho-
nological form of the lemma. Cascaded processing models assume that lemma
selection and phonological activation can run partly in parallel, and that the
phonological form of activated but nonselected lemmas can also receive acti-
vation. In my personal view, the experimental evidence against cascaded pro-
cessing is not strong enough, and given the fact that ample support for the
36 CHAPTER 2
cascading of activation was found in L2 research, it is unlikely that the strictly

serial view is tenable in L1 speech production research. It seems that the case is
similar in syntactic encoding, where there is accumulating research evidence
that to a certain extent syntactic information affects lexical selection. This
again might mean that the serial nature of the model will need to be given up in
the near future. The assumption of modular theories that syntactic encoding is
lexically driven and that it precedes phonological encoding, however, seems to
be supported by a number of studies. From the results of Roelofs’ (1999) re-
search, we can also conclude that in the process of phonological encoding,
phonological segments are represented as chunks of features rather than as a
series of individual features that are accessed separately in order to encode a
phoneme. From monitoring research, it seems to be apparent that with minor
modifications the PLT (Levelt, 1989) is a valid model of monitoring in L1
speech. Thus we can assume that there are three loops of monitoring at three
different levels of speech production—the conceptual, prearticulatory, and
post-articulatory levels—and that the speech comprehension system is used
for checking the correctness and appropriacy of the utterance.
Having summarized what knowledge we seem to have about L1 production
to date, let us see which of the two speech production theories seems to be
more valid and what modifications are needed in the preferred model to make
it fit the research findings. The obvious advantage of the modular model over
spreading activation theory is that it is definitely more detailed at every level,
which makes it easier to test and apply at every phase of speech processing.
Nevertheless, I do not think that this is a sufficiently strong reason to give pref-
erence to the modular model. In order to decide on one model over the other,
we need to consider the four major differences between the theories: featural
versus segmental view in phonological encoding, frame-slot model versus lex-
ically driven syntax, the direction of the flow of activation, and related to this,
monitoring.
In my view, research findings concerning phonological encoding suggest
more convincingly that phonological segments have their own abstract mem-
ory representations than that they are represented by their features. Moreover,
evidence for lexically driven syntactic encoding also seems to be stronger than
support for the assumption that syntactic frames activate words. Thus at this
point, the modular theory looks more viable than the spreading activation
model. As regards monitoring, the best account of how the checking of errors
is done also seems to be provided by the modular model. The strongest evi-
dence for modular monitoring comes from neuroimaging studies, which found
that speech comprehension and speech production are not done exactly in the
same regions of the brain, although there is a partial overlap and that it is possi-
ble to identify the brain region that is responsible for monitoring (see Indefrey
& Levelt, 2000, 2004). Spreading activation theories assume that speech com-
prehension is the backward flow of activation in the speech production system,
and if this was the case, identical brain regions would be activated in both
speech production and speech comprehension, and no brain region responsi-
ble for monitoring could have been identified. In addition to the results of
neuroimaging studies, in experimental psychology there also seems to be a
lack of support for the assumption that the backward flow of activation takes
place at all the levels of processing. Given all this, the modular model seems to
be a more valid model of speech production than the spreading activation
theory.
Nevertheless, there are two important issues that modular theories need to
consider in the future. One of them is the inclusion of the possibility of cascad-
ing of activation in the model, and the other is the explanation of the effect of
syntactic information on lexical encoding. These two issues are both related to
how activation can flow in the system, and it seems that the strictly serial na-
ture of the modular model needs to be revised. Though current evidence sug-
gests that activation cannot flow backward indiscriminately at every level,
between specific stages such as the lexical and syntactic encoding processes
some kind of interaction needs to be assumed. It would also need to be ac-
cepted that the flow of activation of nonselected items does not stop at encod-
ing-level boundaries but can cascade to the following encoding level. It is also
worth considering research findings and theories of speech comprehension,
because to date speech comprehension is seen to be an interactive and parallel
process (for a review, see Harrington, 2001); therefore, it is highly unlikely
that certain stages of production cannot run parallel and do not interact.
Theories of Automaticity and
Their Relation to Speech
3 Production Models
One of the most complex automatic human activities is linguistically encoding

what one wants to say in his or her mother tongue. L1 speech is mostly effort-
less, fast, requires no attention on the part of the speaker, and can be done par-
allel with other activities such as driving, washing up, and listening to music. It
is no wonder that the automaticity of this process takes years to develop and re-
quires thousands of hours of practice. It is also understandable that research on
the development of automaticity first started to explore the automatization of
lower level skills such as letter recognition and simple arithmetic tasks and has
only recently ventured into the territory of language production and compre-
hension. When investigating how automatic processing works in language
production, one has to face several problems. The first of these is that research-
ers greatly disagree on what is meant by automaticity, and as a result, they of-
ten hold conflicting views of how it develops. Second, language production
involves different types of encoding processes—using rules and retrieving
memorized lexical units from memory—and therefore it is possible that for
these two types of mechanisms different theories of automatization should be
applied. Third, researchers in the field of L1 and L2 acquisition are also di-
vided along the line of whether they regard language learning as being similar
to acquiring any other type of skill or whether they believe that language ac-
quisition is a unique cognitive process, which is not comparable to any other
skill. Theories of automaticity, all of which consider language learning to be
one type of the many cognitive processes that humans perform, though the
most complex of these, have little to say to those researchers in the field of L1
and L2 learning who regard language a unique cognitive skill that is acquired
with the help of innate capacities. The final problem in this field is that the in-
vestigation of speech production and automaticity are two separate fields of
cognitive psychology with hardly any interface between them; therefore when
one wants to explore automatization in oral language processing, one ventures
into an uncharted territory.
In this chapter, I make an attempt to weave the lines of speech production
and automaticity research together and discuss how the development of vari-
ous types of speech-encoding mechanisms might be explained with the help of
38
THEORIES OF AUTOMATICITY 39
different theories of automaticity. In the first section, definitions and charac-

teristics of automaticity are reviewed. This is followed by the description of
various theories of automaticity. Finally, I look at each process of speech pro-
duction, including retrieving lexicalized units from memory, and apply theo-
ries of automaticity to these production mechanisms.
DEFINITIONS AND CHARACTERISTICS OF AUTOMATICITY
Though intuitively it is easy to tell what it is that someone does automatically

and what processes are nonautomatic, there are numerous and often conflict-
ing definitions of what automaticity means. DeKeyser (2001) collected 14 dif-
ferent criteria of automaticity proposed in the field of psychology between
1974 and 1993. These characteristics include the following: fast, parallel, ef-
fortless, capacity-free, unintentional, result of consistent practice, little inter-
ference from and with other processes, unconscious, always based on memory
retrieval, does not benefit from further practice, error-free and flexible, strong
production rule, no interference from working memory, and no correlation be-
tween the mean and standard deviation in performance measures. Looking at
the definitions from a historical perspective, we can see that in the most influ-
ential view of the 1970s and 1980s (Schneider & Shiffrin, 1977; Shiffrin &
Schneider, 1984) automatic processing and its counterpart, which was termed
controlled processing, were regarded as dichotomies, that is, as two points at
the end of a continuum. In this theory, it was claimed that automatic processing
had the following characteristics: (a) it is fast and efficient, (b) it is not limited
by the capacity of the short-term memory, (c) it does not require any effort on
the speaker’s part, (d) it cannot be controlled voluntarily, (e) its modification
and inhibition is difficult, and (f) its processes are unavailable for introspec-
tion. On the other hand, controlled processing was seen as (a) slow and ineffi-
cient, (b) limited by the capacity of the short-term memory, (c) requiring effort
on the speaker’s part, (d) controllable by the speaker, (e) flexible, and (f) partly
available for introspection. Schneider, Dumas, and Shiffrin (1984), however,
pointed out that many of the criteria that they proposed in their earlier work
were unnecessary, and that the two most important characteristics of
automaticity are that it does not require processing capacity and attention.
Kahnemann and Treisman (1984) were the first to argue that automatic and
controlled processing are not dichotomous because automaticity can have dif-
ferent degrees. Since the middle of the 1980s one can see two different types of
views of automaticity emerging, and these views are divided along the line
whether they are held by researchers who consider automaticity to be the con-
version of declarative (factual) knowledge into procedural rules (the
40 CHAPTER 3
rule-based approach) or a single-step access of a memorized item (item-based

approach). Whereas for rule-based theories the most important criteria are re-
lated to the degree of attention paid to the process, in item-based theories
memory-based retrieval plays the central role.
In his review of the characteristics of automaticity, N. Segalowitz (2003)
listed the following features that have been investigated by empirical research in
the past 30 years: fast, ballistic (unstoppable), load-independent (independent of
the amount of information to be processed), effortless, and unconscious. Re-
search evidence seems to suggest that although it is generally true that automatic
processing is faster than controlled processing, the development of automaticity
is not only a quantitative change as proposed by Shiffrin and Schneider (1977).
Nor was sufficient support gained for the assumption that automatic processing
is always load-independent (Schneider & Shiffrin, 1977; Shiffrin & Schneider,
1977). Studies conducted in the field of automaticity, however, seem to indicate
that automatic mental processes are ballistic (Neely, 1977), effortless (Posner &
Boies, 1971), and unconscious (Jacoby, 1991). Neely’s research showed that au-
tomatic processes such as word recognition are ballistic, in other words, unstop-
pable, as his participants were unable to avoid the processing of the meaning of
presented words. Posner and Boies demonstrated that automatic tasks do not re-
quire effort and attention, and therefore they do not slow down performance on
an other task. Jacoby devised an ingenious set of experiments with the help of
which he was able to find empirical support for the unconscious nature of auto-
matic processes.
THEORIES OF AUTOMATICITY
As mentioned earlier, two main groups of theories of automaticity exist:

rule-based and item-based approaches. Rule-based approaches to auto-
maticity view the development of automaticity as the transformation of fac-
tual knowledge into production rules, which are called procedural
knowledge. To take an example from the field of L2 learning, when an L2
speaker is taught the distinction between the articles “a” and “an,” namely
that one is used before nouns starting with a consonant and the other before
nouns the first sound of which is a vowel, he or she will first store it as factual
or declarative knowledge. With practice, this knowledge will be transformed
into a production rule: such as, if I see a noun starting with a vowel, I say
“an.” Finally, this rule will be applied automatically, that is, without con-
scious attention. Rule-based approaches to automaticity attempt to account
for how this conversion takes place.
Anderson’s (1983) ACT* (adaptive control of thought) and ACT–R the-

ory (adaptive control of thought–revised) (1995) proposed that the develop-
ment of automatic processes involves not only a quantitative change, that is,
speeding-up, but also qualitative modifications in the nature of processing.
Anderson argued that five learning mechanisms contribute to the develop-
ment of automatic performance: composition, proceduralization, general-
i z a t i o n , d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , a n d s t re n g t h e n i n g. C o m p o s i t i o n a n d
proceduralization constitute the subprocesses of knowledge compilation, in
which the former involves the creation of “macro-productions” from the
smaller units of processing and the latter the removal of declarative knowl-
edge, which results in the retrieval of the production as a whole. In other
words, the creation of macroproductions is called chunking, which refers to
the psychological process of transforming items into larger units in order to
help processing in the working memory. The simplest example for this is re-
membering telephone numbers. Due to the fact that the working memory can
hold between five and seven items at a time, when trying to remember a
phone number, which is a long list of unrelated one-digit numbers, people
tend to chunk this list into larger units in order to help keeping it in working
memory (e.g., 2 4 6 1 9 2 2 3 6 gets chunked as 246-19-22-36). The process of
proceduralization has the potential to explain that once a production has be-
come automatic, the initial declarative knowledge underlying it is often not
retrievable anymore. For example, L2 learners who were once taught explic-
itly in which situations to use the present-perfect tense in English might not
remember the exact rules after the application of these rules becomes auto-
matic. Qualitative changes in procedural knowledge can come about with the
help of three tuning processes. The first of these, generalization, widens the
scope of the application of the declarative knowledge necessary for produc-
tion and ensures that production rules are applied in all the contexts where
they are appropriate, whereas the second process, discrimination, narrows
the scope of application and sees to the application of rules only in the appro-
priate context. Finally, the tuning process of strengthening is responsible for
the weakening of poorer rules and the strengthening of better rules. Strength-
ening in this model does not mean the establishment of connective links be-
tween elements of a response or a procedure, but the increased likelihood
with which a particular production procedure is selected.
Cheng’s (1985) model of restructuring addressed the issue of qualitative
processes involved in automatization. She proposed that improvement in exe-
cuting a certain task can be due to the “restructuring of the task’s components
so that they are co-ordinated, integrated, or reorganized into new perceptual,
42 CHAPTER 3
cognitive, or motor units” (p. 414). Thus, the rapidity of the performance is not
only caused by the speeding up of the processes, but by the creation of com-
pletely new mechanisms. N. Segalowitz and S. Segalowitz (1993) and S.
Segalowitz, N. Segalowitz, and Wood (1998) also argued that the development
of automaticity is not only a simple speed-up process, but a qualitative change
that takes place in task components. They supported this claim by examining
the change in the variability of performance as a result of practice. They found
that at the beginning of the practice session, learners’performance was charac-
terized by high variability and low efficiency, whereas with the development
of the given skill processing became more efficient and less prone to errors,
and variability of performance decreased.
In the theory of competitive chunking, Servan-Schreiber and Anderson
(1990) further refined the concept of composition in Anderson’s (1983) ACT*
model and assumed that new productions are built from old ones by collapsing
units of the old mechanisms if they follow each other and if the goals of the
productions are similar. In the framework of chunking theory, Newell (1990)
was the first one to argue that it is sufficient to postulate a single set of mecha-
nisms that underlies human cognition including learning, production, and
comprehension, and this process is chunking. He claimed that “a chunk is a
unit of memory organization formed by bringing together a set of already
formed chunks in memory and welding them into a larger unit. Chunking im-
plies the ability to build up such structures recursively, thus leading to the hier-
archical organization of memory” (p. 7). Newell (1990) and Newell and
Rosenbloom (1981) assumed that three basic processes are involved in
building chunks:
1. People chunk at a constant rate, and with experience they build addi-
tional chunks.
2. Task performance speeds up as more relevant chunks are built.
3. Due to the fact that higher level chunks occur more rarely than lower
level ones (e.g., compare the frequency of “You should go to bed now”
to “to bed”), they become less useful, and learning slows down.
Logan’s (1988) instance theory was the first model that addressed the issue
that not all learning involves the conversion from declarative to procedural
learning. Logan assumed that automatic processing equals memory retrieval;
that is, the use of an algorithm is substituted by a single-step retrieval of the so-
lution from memory. Thus, in this theory no change is supposed to take place in
the workings of the algorithm, but it is presumed that if a problem is solved re-
peatedly, the solution becomes stored as one unit and is called upon when en-
countering the problem again. With practice, associations between problems
and the memory traces of their solutions become stronger, and consequently
retrieval speeds up. Logan also argued that there is a competition between
rule-based processing and memory retrieval, and the speed of the two different
processes determines which one will be applied. Logan’s theory makes three
important assumptions about how a memory trace for a particular solution is
established:
1. Encoding in memory is an obligatory and unavoidable consequence of

attention; in other words, people only encode what they pay attention to.
2. Retrieval from memory is also an obligatory and unavoidable conse-
quence of attention.
3. Each encounter with a stimulus is encoded, stored, and retrieved sepa-
rately.
Logan’s instance theory is best illustrated with mathematical operations:

When one first learns doing multiplications such 6 × 3, he or she will use the al-
gorithm 6 + 6 + 6. With practice, one will sooner or later remember the solution
(18), and instead of applying the algorithm, will retrieve the solution from
memory. Memory retrieval will take place when its speed exceeds that of the
algorithm.
Apart from Logan’s (1988) instance theory, there are other theories of learn-
ing that attribute the development of automaticity to memory. One of these is
strength theory (e.g., MacKay, 1982), which assumes that connections be-
tween the response and stimulus become stronger as a result of practice.
MacKay argued that automatic processes can be flexible, and with practice au-
tomatized solutions of lower level tasks can be transferred to higher level ones
as well. Thus, the practice of lower level examples is necessary for a higher
level automatic skill to develop.
Although all the aforementioned models can account for the power law of
practice observed in skilled performance, they are obviously applicable in dif-
ferent types of learning situations. The power law of practice says that initial
practice speeds up performance to a considerable extent; but after a certain
stage, practice has diminishing effect on reaction times, finally the human lim-
its of performance are reached, and practice does not influence performance at
all. Both rule- and item-based approaches correctly predict this curve of learn-
ing (for a review, see DeKeyser, 2001). Nevertheless, the scope of instance the-
ory is rather limited as it assumes that only identical stimuli can trigger
44 CHAPTER 3
memory-based retrieval processes, and this model is silent on what happens

with similar stimuli; in other words, this model is not able to generalize a solu-
tion for a novel situation. On the other hand, traditional rule-based approaches
fail to consider the fact that in certain situations solutions might be memorized
and production rules might be replaced by direct retrieval from memory.
Palmeri’s (1997) and Nosofsky and Palmeri’s (1997) exemplar-based random
walk model is primarily an item-based model, in which a central role is attrib-
uted to memory processes, but it includes the comparison of the incoming
stimulus to stimuli in other categories, and the assumption that responses from
the target category and other categories compete with each other. The exem-
plar-based random walk model departs from traditional item-based theories
and marks a step in the direction of rule-based models. Anderson, Fincham,
and Douglass’ (1997) work also indicates a mode of convergence as in certain
situations they allow for the use of memory-based solutions.
THE ROLE OF THEORIES OF AUTOMATICITY IN L1 LEARNING
AND SPEECH PRODUCTION
In L1 speech production research, no attempt has been made to relate theories

of automaticity to models of speech production. The only work that has con-
sidered how theories of general skill learning might find their place in models
of speech production was written by Towell, Hawkins, and Bazergui (1996) in
the field of SLA. Based on the quantitative and qualitative investigation of the
development of fluency of advanced learners of French, they argued that
proceduralization in the sense proposed by Anderson (1983, 1995) takes place
in the formulator module of Levelt’s model, because this is the place where
production rules concerning syntax, morphology, and phonology are applied,
and where conversion from consciously used declarative knowledge to auto-
matic rule application can come about. When discussing the role of
automaticity in speech production, one needs to consider several issues,
namely whether language learning is a rule- or item-based process and
whether language production is mainly creative or memory based. Pawley and
Syder (1983) convincingly argued that most of the utterances that one pro-
duces are not composed of sentences constructed word by word with the help
of syntactic rules, but of sequences of words or phrases retrieved from memory
as one unit, called formulaic language. This would mean that language pro-
duction, especially speaking that is done under time pressure, is primarily a
memory-based process. The problem is that models of speech production pro-
posed in the psycholinguistic literature only account for creative language pro-
cessing and do not discuss how formulaic language is stored and retrieved. In
what follows, I show how theories of automaticity can account for learning
formulas and for the acquisition of language production processes such as lex-
ical access and syntactic and phonological encoding.
Whatever model of speech production we consider, the only place where
formulaic knowledge can be stored is the lexicon. Without going into the de-
bate on what a formulaic phrase is (for a recent review, see Wray, 2002), we
consider formulas units of language that are stored and retrieved as one single
unit. From a psycholinguistic point of view, we need to account for two aspects
of formulaic language use: how formulas are retrieved and what role they play
in the syntactic encoding of the message. Formulas can be of different types, of
which idioms, multiword phrases, and collocations probably function as other
lexical items in the mental lexicon. Therefore, whatever theories of speech
production assume about how words are accessed also applies to these types of
formulas. As regards retrieval, the problem is with longer variable and invari-
able structures that generally express one pragmatic function such as apologiz-
ing, requesting, and so on.1 In other words, the question is how we can account
for the fact that a native speaker will retrieve the phrase “I regret to tell you” as
one unit from the lexicon, rather than accessing the words that constitute the
phrase and create an utterance based on the syntactic rules of the language. In
any model of speech production, concepts activate lexical items; therefore, we
have to assume that chunking or the creation of larger units of meaning takes
place at the conceptual level. Adopting La Heij’s (2005) view of complex se-
lection and simple access, it can be hypothesized that most pragmatic func-
tions are probably conceptualized as one unit and include specifications
concerning the level of formality, style, and so forth, and that these conceptual
units send activation to preassembled lexical units (for a similar line of argu-
mentation, see also Kasper, 1995). As regards the syntax of formulaic lan-
guage, in modular models of speech production (Levelt, 1989, 1993; Levelt et
al., 1999) formulas can also point to various types of syntactic information just
as other lexical items can, and this information is used in syntactic encoding.
The acquisition of formulas can be explained both by chunking theories of
automaticity and by Logan’s (1988) instance theory. There is an abundance of
research that views both L1 and L2 vocabulary and idiom acquisition as
chunking (for a review, see N. Ellis, 2001, 2003). The law of contiguity pro-
posed by James in 1890 claims that “objects once experienced together tend to
become associated in the imagination, so that when any of them is thought of,
1
Research in the field of formulaic language use suggests that formulas generally have pragmatic
functions; moreover, many researchers consider pragmatic function as a defining criterion for formulaic
status (for a review, see Wray, 2002).
46 CHAPTER 3
others are likely to be thought of also, in the same order or existence as before”
(quoted by N. Ellis, 2001, p. 42.). In the terms of modern cognitive psychol-
ogy, this means that “nodes which are simultaneously or contiguously at-
tended in working memory tend to become associated in the long term” (N.
Ellis, 2001, p. 42). In other words, lexical items that often occur together tend
to form chunks (higher order phrases or clauses), and when the conceptual
specifications call on them, they are retrieved as one unit. In terms of Logan’s
instance theory, the acquisition of formulaic phrases can be seen as a competi-
tion between the encoding procedures that assemble larger linguistic units
with the application of syntactic rules and the retrieval of memorized units. In
this view, at the beginning of the language-learning process the application of
rules is faster because linguistic units are not yet sufficiently encoded in mem-
ory. With experience and practice, the speed of memory retrieval exceeds that
of rule-based processing, and formulaic expressions are accessed in memory
as one unit. It has to be noted that because instance theory assumes that memo-
rized solutions can be triggered by exactly the same stimuli, it seems to lack
the flexibility necessary for language production, in the course of which iden-
tical stimuli rarely occur. The recent version of the theory, the exemplar-based
random-walk model (Nosofsky & Palmeri, 1997; Palmeri, 1997), however, al-
lows for memory retrieval in the case of similar and not necessarily identical
stimuli; therefore it seems to be more applicable to language learning than is
traditional instance theory.
Research carried out concerning how children acquire formulaic language
suggests that both chunking and instance theories can be regarded as viable ac-
counts of how formulas become memorized. Peters’ (1977) in her ground-
breaking study, the basic assumptions of which have been supported by
numerous later investigations (for a review, see Wray, 2002), found that chil-
dren tend to adopt a mixture of two different strategies to L1 learning: Holistic
or gestalt L1 learners tend to use unanalyzed sequences at the beginning of the
acquisition process and abstract linguistic rules from chunks at later stages,
whereas analytic learners tend to construct utterances from single words and
attempt to apply simple rules of language already at the start of learning. Chil-
dren can be placed on a continuum between being completely analytic and
completely holistic. Peters’finding that children differ as regards how they ap-
proach L1 learning might suggest that formulas might be acquired both as
unanalyzed chunks and as phrases that are first assembled with the help of
rules and are only later memorized as one unit.
Having placed formulaic language in models of speech production and dis-
cussed how it might be acquired, I elaborate on the automatization of lexical,
syntactic, and phonological encoding processes. The primary procedure in

lexical encoding is accessing lexical items stored in the mental lexicon. In or-
der to efficiently retrieve words, strong links between concepts and words
need to be established and search mechanisms need to be replaced by direct,
one-step retrieval. Automatization in this field of speech production can be
best explained by memory strength theories, including connectionism. These
theories, specifically MacKay’s (1982) work, propose that practice strength-
ens the links between nodes in hierarchical networks such as language, in this
case, between concepts and lexical items. In this view, automaticity means that
once a particular node in the network is activated, it will automatically send
further activation to nodes connected to it. As regards the development of
automaticity in lexical access, lexical retrieval can be considered as fully au-
tomatized if the concept that is activated by visual or other types of input will
automatically pass on the highest level of activation to the corresponding
lexical node.
Accounting for the development of automaticity in syntactic and phonolog-
ical encoding is more complicated than explaining automatic access of lexical
entries. In discussing automaticity in syntactic and phonological processing,
we need to distinguish mechanisms that are based on the application of rules
such as phrase- or clause-building procedures and the activation of syntactic
and phonological information of lexical entries. Selection of syntactic and
phonological information related to items in the lexicon is similar to lexical ac-
cess; therefore, the assumptions concerning the development of automaticity
in lexical retrieval outlined previously can be applied to these processes. As
proposed by strength theory (MacKay, 1982) connections between lemmas
and relevant syntactic information such as gender, countability status, and so
on, as well as between lemmas and their phonological forms can be considered
automatic if the appropriate links become so strong that there is no need for a
searching mechanism. We can approach automatization of syntactic and pho-
nological rules from the perspective of both rule- and item-based theories of
automaticity. Among the rule-based models, Anderson’s (1983, 1995) ACT*
and ACT–R theory have been tested on L1 acquisition, and evidence was
found that automatic application of syntactic rules is the result of
proceduralization (for a recent study in this field, see Matessa & Anderson,
2000), that is, the conversion of consciously acquired syntactic knowledge
into automatic production rules. No studies have been conducted on automati-
zation in the field of phonological rules, but findings concerning syntax might
be transferable to this field. In ACT–R theory, proceduralization is seen not
only as the speed-up of encoding processes, but qualitative changes in the ap-
48 CHAPTER 3
plication of the processes such as generalization, discrimination, and strength-

ening are also assumed to take place (see also the Definitions and
Characteristics of Automaticity section). On the other hand, chunking and
connectionist theories argue that rules of syntax are not learned through
proceduralization but by acquiring a high number of exemplars (i.e.,
unanalyzed chunks) first, and by abstracting linguistic rules from these items.
The most often cited support for this view comes from computer simulations
of grammar acquisition, which showed that associative learning programs that
were exposed to a large amount of language input were able to abstract rules of
syntax and phonology simply based on the analysis of probability with which
items tend to co-occur (for a review, see N. Ellis, 2001).
SUMMARY
In this chapter, I first reviewed various definitions of automaticity and con-

cluded that the interpretation of this term is largely dependent on how one sees
the process of automatization. In theories where the development of
automaticity is primarily regarded as a rule-based process, the lack of attention
is one of the basic defining criteria, whereas in item-based theories single-step
memory retrieval is the most important characteristic of automaticity. Next, I
presented various theories of learning such as Anderson’s (1985, 1993) model
of proceduralization, chunking, instance and strength theory, as well as recent
views that combine rule- and item-based approaches. The rest of the chapter
was devoted to the discussion of how processes of speech production can be re-
lated to theories of automaticity. It was pointed out that in order to understand
the development of automaticity in speech production, we first need to place
formulaic phrases that are retrieved as one unit from memory in models of
speech processing. I argued that formulas are stored in the mental lexicon and
are accessed by single-step memory retrieval based on the conceptual specifi-
cations included in the preverbal plan. This entails that conceptual chunks cor-
responding to lexical units are established in the conceptualizer. I also showed
how both chunking theories and instance theory can account for the acquisi-
tion of formulas. Strength theories were found to be the suited best for explain-
ing automaticity in lexical retrieval, whereas to rule-based syntactic and
phonological encoding mechanisms both Anderson’s (1983, 1995) theories of
proceduralization and chunking theories can be applied. In the lack of empiri-
cal research that investigates development of automaticity beyond the level of
word recognition, the ideas I outlined concerning the automatization of speech
production processes are highly speculative. Both laboratory research and lon-
gitudinal observational studies with special focus on automaticity would be

needed to put these assumptions to test.
RECOMMENDED READINGS
1. Levelt, W. J. M. (1989). Speaking: From intention to articulation. Cam-

bridge, MA: MIT Press. This book is the most detailed discussion of monolin-
gual speech production ever published in the field of psycholinguistics. Levelt
first elaborates how communicative intentions are cast into linguistic plans and
how these plans take sociolinguistic, pragmatic, and contextual factors into
consideration. Next follows a detailed description of lexical, grammatical, and
phonological encoding, articulation, and monitoring. Levelt draws up a com-
prehensive theory of speech production, which belongs to modular models of
production, and considers how the model can accommodate findings of re-
search on monolingual speech production. Although spreading activation the-
ories of speech processing are not elaborated in great detail, the results of
studies conducted in this paradigm are discussed in chapters on lexical, gram-
matical, phonological encoding, and monitoring.
2. Levelt, W. J. M. (1999). Language production: a blueprint of the speaker.
In C. Brown & P. Hagoort (Eds.), Neurocognition of language (pp. 83–122).
Oxford, England: Oxford University Press. This book chapter contains the
most up-to-date and easily accessible summary of Levelt’s modular model of
speech production. It starts with the review of the evolutionary development of
the speech production system, and then Levelt goes on to discuss various steps
of speech processing incorporating the most recent theories of speech encoding
and findings of empirical research. The two major changes in comparison with
his 1989 theory are the inclusion of Roelofs’(1997b) WEAVER model of word
form encoding and the assumption that lemmas do not contain semantic infor-
mation. Because considerable modifications have been made in the original
model since 1989, it is highly recommended that researchers and students in
the field of SLA also become familiar with this recent version of the theory.
3. Dell, G. S. (1986). A spreading activation theory of retrieval in sentence
production. Psychological Review, 93, 283–321. This classic article contains
the basic tenets of the spreading activation theory of speech production. Dell
starts with the linguistic assumptions underlying his theory, namely that the
lexicon contains nonproductive stored knowledge of words and that linguistic
rules create frames into which words are inserted. He also describes the hierar-
chical structure of his model consisting of interconnected concepts, words,
morphemes, phonemes, phonemic features, syllables, and syllabic constitu-
50 CHAPTER 3
ents. This is followed by a discussion of the processing assumptions of the the-

ory, the most important of which is that activation can spread in two directions.
The rest of the article is an attempt to accommodate speech error data within the
model, and a computer simulation experiment of the model is also presented.
4. Meijer, P. J. A., & Fox Tee, J. E. (2003). Building syntactic structures in
speaking: A bilingual exploration. Experimental Psychology, 50, 184–195.
This article presents recent findings concerning syntactic encoding in speech
production and contains an excellent summary of previous research on syntac-
tic processing. Participants in this study performed a revised version of the
classic syntactic priming experiments: an immediate-recall task. The results of
the research suggest that when reconstructing a sentence from memory, speak-
ers first retrieve the words and then apply the syntactic building procedures
called on by the lexical items. This study provides support for the assumptions
of lemma-driven speech production models, which hypothesize that when con-
structing an utterance, first words are accessed and words further activate the
appropriate syntactic building procedures.
5. Roelofs, A. (1997). The WEAVER model of word-form encoding in
speech production. Cognition, 64, 249–284. The article contains a detailed dis-
cussion of Roelofs WEAVER (Word-form Encoding by Activation and VERi-
fication) model. The model assumes that word form retrieval takes place by
spreading activation and that phonological representations of words are con-
structed in a rightward incremental fashion based on the principle of active syl-
labification. Roelofs compares this latter process to weaving a fabric, hence the
name WEAVER model. In this model, it is also hypothesized that syllables are
processed anew each time they are called on rather then being stored as preas-
sembled units. Roelofs postulates that the checking of the encoding processes
takes place through a verification mechanism called binding by checking. The
article discusses how findings of previous studies on phonological encoding
can be accommodated by the WEAVER model and how computer simulations
are able to predict the basic tenets of the theory.
6. Postma, A. (2000). Detection of errors during speech production: A re-
view of speech monitoring models. Cognition, 77, 97–131. Postma’s article is a
detailed and up-to-date review of theories and empirical research on speech
monitoring. In the first sections of the article, a definition of errors, self-correc-
tions, and various types of self-repairs is provided. This is followed by the over-
view of feedback loops in speech production and the levels of monitoring
proposed in the literature. Finally, the major theories of monitoring are de-
scribed and evaluated on the basis of research findings with emphasis on recent
studies on the timing of self-repairs. Postma concludes that with modifications
Levelt’s perceptual loop theory is able to account for most of the results of stud-
ies on monitoring.
7. van Turennout, M., Hagoort, P., & Brown, C. (1999). The time course of
grammatical and phonological processing during speaking: Evidence from
event-related brain potentials. Journal of Psycholinguistic Research, 28,
649–676. The study described in this article provides new insight into the issue
of what the order of lexical and phonological encoding is and whether activa-
tion in speech production can cascade from one level of processing to a lower
level. The study is also interesting because of its research methodology. In this
research, participants’ brain activity was recorded while performing two types
of decision tasks. The participants were presented pictures and had to decide
whether they saw animate or inanimate concepts and whether they started with
a particular phoneme. The observations concerning the participants’ brain ac-
tivity showed that semantic information was available earlier than phonologi-
cal information. The findings of van Turennout, Hagoort, and Brown’s research
are often taken as counterevidence to the cascaded flow of activation in speech
production.
II
Lexical Encoding
4 and the Bilingual Lexicon
This chapter discusses the most important theoretical issues and findings of
empirical research about lexical encoding and the organization of the lexicon
in a second language. Lexical processes have received distinguished attention
in bilingual language production research for several reasons. First of all, it is a
widely accepted view among language teachers and researchers of the field
that the knowledge of vocabulary is essential for being able to communicate in
a second language. One might be able to speak using just a few rules of gram-
mar and might still be understood, but without using appropriate vocabulary,
communication can hardly be successful (Widdowson, 1978). Second, one
can observe the highest level of interaction between L1 and L2 at the level of
vocabulary. A high percentage of intentional code-switching involves just the
use of a single lexical item (Poplack, 1979/1980), and meanings and forms of
L1 words are also frequently transferred to L2 (N. Ellis, 1997; Jiang, 2004;
Odlin, 1989, 2003). Unintentional code-switching resulting from the competi-
tion of L1 and L2 lexical items is also more frequent than unintentional
switches occurring at any other level of speech encoding (Poulisse, 1999). Fi-
nally, in one of the most influential theories of speech production, the modular
model proposed by Levelt and his colleagues (Levelt, 1989; Levelt et al.,
1999), lexical encoding plays a central role because lexical items govern syn-
tactic processing (see the section titled Levelt’s Modular Model of Speech Pro-
duction in chap. 1). Therefore, if one is able to gain a good understanding of
how lexical access takes place, a major mechanism of speech production can
be explained. Based on all this, it is no wonder that lexical encoding and the bi-
lingual lexicon are the most widely researched areas of L2 speech production.
In this chapter, I first review lexical encoding in L2 speech. Next, mecha-
nisms of lexical access are discussed, then lexical selection procedures are de-
scribed. The second part of this chapter is devoted to the organization of the
bilingual lexicon. Here I start with the discussion of conceptual representation
in bilingual memory, which is followed by the analysis of the work on the orga-
nization of the bilingual lexicon. I argue that although we have a fairly good
understanding of lexical encoding, which is mainly due to the careful theoreti-
cal and empirical work in the field of cognitive and experimental psychology,
55
56 CHAPTER 4
there is a great terminological and theoretical confusion in the research of the

organization of bilingual lexicon. I point out that issues of access and represen-
tation are often confounded (see also Grosjean, 1998), and many of the claims
made by researchers in the field do not accord with the results in the field of
lexical access nor with well-received theories of language production. This
chapter also discusses code-switching and transfer at the lexical level, as well
as the psycholinguistic mechanisms involved in acquiring vocabulary in L2.
LEXICAL ACTIVATION AND SELECTION IN L2
As we saw in chapter 3, there is general agreement among researchers that the

language that one wants to use for communication is selected in the conceptu-
alization phase. In Levelt’s (1989, 1999a) model, this is the stage where infor-
mation concerning the communicative situation is available and where it can
be decided which language is appropriate for the given interaction. When dis-
cussing lexical selection, we need to understand an important distinction: acti-
vation and selection, namely that activation does not necessarily mean
selection. From L1 speech production research, we know that when we want to
encode a concept such as TABLE, not only the concept of TABLE but related
concepts such as CHAIR, DESK, and so on are also activated to some degree.
Because our intention is to express the concept of TABLE, this concept will re-
ceive the highest level of activation; thus it will be selected. The activation of
other related concepts will be lower than that of TABLE. As activation spreads
from the conceptual to the lexical level, the lemma for TABLE will again be
the most highly activated one. Nonetheless, the concept of TABLE also acti-
vates semantically related lemmas such as “desk” and “chair,” though to a
lower degree than the lemma “table” (for a detailed discussion of this issue, see
Bloem, van den Bogaard, & La Heij, 2004). Thus, at both the conceptual and
lexical levels, activation and selection need to be distinguished. In sum, we can
say that selection always entails activation, but activation does not always lead
to selection.
The question that is first asked in L2 lexical encoding research is whether the
conceptual system spreads activation only to the lexicon of the intended lan-
guage or to that of the nonintended language as well. Early studies in this field
assumed that the most economical solution to this question would be if activa-
tion spread only to the words of the selected language, and the lexical items in
the other language were not activated (McNamara, 1967; McNamara &
Kushnir, 1972; cf. Costa, 2005). In other words, when having to name a picture
showing a chair in English, a Hungarian native speaker would activate only
LEXICAL ENCODING AND THE BILINGUAL LEXICON 57
words in English, and the Hungarian words for the target concept, such as “szék”
and items related to it, would not receive any activation. Recent research, how-
ever, shows that this is not the case.
A number of studies provide evidence for the fact that the conceptual sys-
tem sends activation to both L1 and L2 lexical items. Among the first ones is
Poulisse and Bongaerts’ (1994) and Poulisse’s (1999) research involving slips
of the tongue. In a large corpus of slips of the tongue produced by Dutch speak-
ers of English at various levels of proficiency, Poulisse and Bongaerts (1994)
and Poulisse (1999) found that a high number of slips were L1 lexical substitu-
tions (e.g., “she hheft, uh she has eh, big ears”; Poulisse, 1999, p. 148). L1 lexi-
cal substitutions are hypothesized to occur as a result of the fact that the
concept to be encoded erroneously sends activation to both the L1 and L2 lem-
mas, which then further activate the phonological forms of both L1 and L2
words (lexemes), and because L1 lexemes are more frequently used in general
than L2 lexemes, they will be selected for further phonological processing.
Hermans et al. (1998) conducted a series of experiments with upper-inter-
mediate Dutch speakers of English, in which the participants had to name pic-
tures in their L2 and ignore distractor words written in the picture. The
distractor words were in either English or Dutch, and they were either semanti-
cally or phonologically related to the picture, or they were not related to it at
all. From research in L1 production, it is well known that distractor words that
are semantically related to the target picture slow down picture naming. This is
due to the fact that the presentation of a semantically related word raises the
level of activation of the related lexical item, which is high anyway because
conceptually related words also receive a certain level of activation from the
target picture. In this way the difference between the level of activation of the
target word and the distractor word becomes smaller, which slows down pro-
duction. This effect is called semantic interference. Picture interference stud-
ies in L1 have also demonstrated that phonologically related distractors
facilitate selection because they spread activation to the target concept, thus
raising the difference in the level of activation between the target lexical item
and the semantically related competitors (see Fig. 4.1). This effect is generally
referred to as the phonological facilitation effect (for a review of L1 research
using the picture-word interference paradigm, see MacLeod, 1991). Because
Hermans et al. wanted to test whether Dutch words were also activated when
the participants had to name words in English, another picture-word interfer-
ence situation in their study was when the distractor word presented in Dutch
(e.g., dal–[valley]) was semantically related to the Dutch translation equiva-
lent (berg) of the target word (mountain). If both languages are activated, one
58 CHAPTER 4
FIG. 4.1. The

illustration of
phonological fa-
cilitation in lexi-
cal access.
Based on the
Hermans et al.
(1998) study
with Dutch
speakers of
English.
would observe slower picture naming than in the case of unrelated items be-
cause two semantically related words—the Dutch “berg” and the English
“mountain”—compete for selection. The study supported this assumption, as
significantly longer naming latencies were observed in this condition than in
cases when the distractor words were in no way related to the picture name (see
Fig. 4.2).
Using different research methods and a different L2 speaker population,
Colomé (2001) also came to the conclusion that both languages are active in
lexical encoding based on the results of a series of phoneme-monitoring tasks.
In her study, highly proficient Catalan-Spanish bilinguals had to decide
whether letters corresponding to one of the sounds either in the Catalan word
or in the Spanish word or to a sound that is not included in the words in any of
the two languages were part of the Catalan name of the presented picture. For
example, she found that both languages receive activation because semantic
interference arose when a phoneme (e.g., [s]) that was contained in the Spanish
translation equivalent (e.g., silla) of the Catalan word (e.g., cadira) was pre-
sented along with the drawing. She argued that in this case the phoneme [s] ac-
tivates the Spanish translation equivalent of the target Catalan word (“silla”),
which then competes with the Catalan lexical item (“cadira”) for selection.
Therefore, the fact that more time is needed to decide whether the presented
phoneme is part of the word depicted by the drawing can be taken as support
for the coactivation of both languages.
Whereas Hermans et al.’s (1998) and Colomé’s (2001) study provided evi-
dence for the coactivation of L1 and L2 lexical items based on semantic inter-
ference, Costa et al. (2000) found phonological facilitation across languages.
In their research, bilingual speakers of Catalan and Spanish had to name pic-
tures whose names were phonologically similar in the two languages (called
cognates) and pictures whose names were not related in any way in Catalan
and Spanish (see Fig. 4.3). If both languages are activated in lexical access,
bilinguals can name cognates faster than noncognates because of the phono-
logical facilitation effect of the translation equivalent, but this difference in
naming latencies should not be present in monolingual speakers. The results
supported this hypothesis and were also replicated by Kroll et al. (2000). From
this review of research, it becomes apparent that studies using different re-
search methodologies and participants speaking different languages with vari-
FIG. 4.2. The

illustration of se-
mantic interfer-
ence in L2
lexical access.
Based on the
Hermans et al.
(1998) study
with Dutch
speakers of
English.
60 CHAPTER 4
FIG. 4.3. Illustra-

tion of the cognate
facilitation effect in
Catalan-Spanish bi-
lingual speakers.
Based on Costa,
Caramazza, and
Sebastian-Gallés
(2000).
ous levels of proficiency all came to the same conclusion as regards lexical
access in bilingual language production, namely that the conceptual system
sends activation to lexical items in both languages: the selected language and
the nonselected one as well.
We have seen that words belonging to both the intended and nonintended
language are activated in lexical encoding. One would logically assume that
this also means that every activated word is a possible candidate for selection
and further phonological processing. This is, however, not the case. There are
two views concerning how activated words are selected: one called the
non-language-specific selection view, which argues that every word no matter
what language it belongs to is considered for further processing, and the other
that only words in the intended language are possible candidates for selection,
which is generally referred to as language-specific selection.
Let us first look at experimental evidence for the view of non-language-spe-
cific selection. As described earlier, both Hermans et al. (1998) and Colomé
(2001) observed semantic interference between L1 and L2 lemmas, which in-
dicated that not only are both L1 and L2 lemmas activated in lexical encoding,
but they also compete for selection. Poulisse (1999) also explained the occur-
rence of blends that involved parts of words from both L1 and L2 (e.g.,
“springling” from the English “spring” and German “Frühling”) with refer-
ence to the competition of L1 and L2 lemmas for selection. She claimed that
blends are produced as a result of this competition, in the course of which inci-
dentally both lemmas are selected for further phonological processing, and the
phonemes of both words are combined into a single new word. Lee and Wil-
liams (2001) investigated the relationship of language switching and lexical
selection. In their study, participants had to name three words described by
three different definitions after each other (e.g., Edam is a kind of Dutch …
[cheese], The Queen lives at Buckingham … [palace], and An animal that trav-
elers ride in a desert [camel]) and then name two presented pictures (e.g., a
house and an apple). In the priming condition, the word described by the mid-
dle one of the definitions was semantically related to the target word (e.g., the
definition of the word “palace” acted as a prime for the picture of the house). In
other conditions, there was no relationship between the pictures and the defini-
tions. The participants were English-French bilinguals, who had to respond in
English to the definitions, which were also presented in English, and had to
name the pictures either in English or in French, or switch languages between
the first and the second picture. We return to Lee and Williams’ results when
discussing inhibition in lexical selection; what is important for us here is that
their study also showed that there is a competition between L1 and L2 lexical
items in L2 production, which slows down production in the case of
semantically related English and French word pairs (see Fig. 4.4).
FIG. 4.4. Illus-

tration of the
non-language-
specific selection
hypothesis in the
case of Spanish-
English bilingual
speakers. Based
on Costa,
Miozzo, and
Caramazza
(1999).
62 CHAPTER 4
On the other hand, there also seems to be support for the assumption that
lemma selection is language-specific. Proponents of the language-specific
view cite evidence for their position based on the results of another type of ex-
periment where the distractor words printed in the pictures to be named were
the translation equivalents of the target word depicted by the picture (Costa &
Caramazza, 1999; Costa et al., 1999; Hermans, 2000). The logic of the seman-
tic priming experiments described previously (e.g., Hermans et al., 1998)
would suggest that the translation equivalent in the nonintended language
would act as a competitor for the target word to be produced in the selected lan-
guage. For example, if an English-Spanish bilingual has to name a picture de-
picting a bed in Spanish (“cama”), and sees the word “bed” written in the
picture, one would assume that the lemma “bed” enters into competition with
the Spanish lexical item “cama,” and this will slow down production. Contrary
to these expectations, in all of these experiments, which involved speakers of
various languages, the presentation of the translation equivalent facilitated
picture naming. This effect is called the translation facilitation effect. Costa
and Caramazza (1999) and Costa et al. (1999) explained this effect by arguing
that lexical selection is non-language-specific, and therefore in Spanish-Eng-
lish bilingual word production, the English word “bed” sends activation to its
Spanish equivalent “cama,” and because lemmas from the nonintended lan-
guage do not enter into competition with words in the intended language, it is
easier to select an item the activation level of which rests higher (see Fig. 4.5).
Costa, Colomé, et al. (2003) made an attempt to explain the contradictory
findings in the field of lexical selection. First of all, they were interested in
whether they could replicate the semantic interference effect that Hermans et
al. (1998) found with upper-intermediate Dutch speakers of English in the case
of highly proficient Catalan-Spanish bilingual speakers. This was important
because one possibility might be that depending on proficiency, L2 learners
differ as regards their ability to keep the two languages apart in lexical encod-
ing. Costa and his colleagues obtained the same interference effect as Hermans
et al., which indicates that at some level of encoding there is a competition be-
tween the items of the selected and nonselected languages regardless of the
participants’ level of proficiency. The question is where this competition oc-
curs. One possibility is that as Hermans et al. (1998) and Lee and Williams
(2001) proposed, lexical nodes compete with each other. In Costa, Colomé et
al.’s view, another explanation for the interference effect might be that the
competition takes place at the phonological level, and in lexical selection the
lemmas of the nonintended language are not considered. This is, however,
highly unlikely because it is inconceivable how the phonological representa-
FIG. 4.5. Illus-

tration of the lan-
guage-specific
selection hypoth-
esis in the case
of Spanish-
English bilingual
speakers. Based
on Costa,
Miozzo, and
Caramazza
(1999).
tions of competitor words would receive activation if the words themselves are
not activated. Hermans (2000) seemed to provide a sound explanation for the
translation facilitation effect by claiming that when participants see the trans-
lation equivalent and the picture at the same time, the concept to be encoded re-
ceives activation from two sources, the written word and the drawing. This
speeds up concept selection to such an extent that the competition at the lexical
level is compensated for; moreover, the speed-up of concept selection is higher
than the decrease in speed at the lexical level due to the interference of the
nonintended language, and thus we can observe a facilitation effect. La Heij’s
(2005) view of control in lexical encoding discussed in the section titled Syn-
tactic Processing in chapter 2 also supports this explanation because he argued
that tasks send additional activation to concepts; and in this case the same
concept is activated from two different tasks (for a detailed discussion of the
translation facilitation effect, see Bloem et al., 2004).
From the review of research on language selection, it can be concluded
that there is stronger evidence for the non-language-specific selection hy-
pothesis, namely that in lexical encoding both L1 and L2 lemmas enter into
competition, than for the language-specific selection hypothesis, which
claims that lexical items in the two languages do not compete for selection.
64 CHAPTER 4
The non-language-specific selection hypothesis seems to be able to account

for most research findings with speakers of any level of proficiency.
CONTROL IN LEXICAL ENCODING
Previously we argued that there is now sufficient evidence that lemmas in both
L1 and L2 are activated in lexical encoding. How is it possible then that
bilinguals retrieve the situationally appropriate lexical item and rarely use
words in the nonintended language? How is it that intentional code-switching
at the lexical level is executed smoothly most of the time? How is it possible to
explain the occurrence of blends at the lexical level? These three related ques-
tions need to be answered by any theory that intends to account for control in
lexical encoding. The issue of control in bilingual access can be approached
from two perspectives: from the angle of language-specific versus non-lan-
guage-specific selection and from the aspect of the complexity of the access
and selection mechanisms (La Heij, 2005).
We saw in the previous section that there are two possible ways one can con-
ceive of competition in lexical encoding. One of them is that even though lem-
mas in the nonintended language are also activated, they are ignored in
selection. In the language-specific selection models, lemmas are assumed to
carry a language tag (Costa et al., 1999), and lexical concepts are supposed to
be language-specific. Costa (2005) argued that, for example, a Spanish-Eng-
lish bilingual speaker might have a different lexical concept for DOG and for
PERRO (dog in Spanish). If this speaker wants to produce words in English,
the concept DOG spreads activation to the lemma “dog” that carries the lan-
guage tag “English,” and a checking mechanism establishes whether the se-
lected lemma indeed matches the intended concept. This assumption is an
example of the “simple access and complex selection” type of control process
because it presumes straightforward correspondence between concepts and
lemmas and the existence of a checking mechanism, which determines
whether the right lemma has been selected. Roelofs (1998) also proposed a
similar lexical control mechanism as outlined by Costa (2005). When discuss-
ing lexical access in L1 in the Lexical Encoding section of chapter 2, I have al-
ready pointed out that one of the main problems with including checking
mechanisms in lexical encoding is that it is not specified where these mecha-
nisms derive the knowledge from to control selection. Moreover, supposing
that different conceptual representations exist for all the words in L2 is against
the findings in the field of the organization of the mental lexicon (see the next
section). We have also seen that the language-specific selection hypothesis
cannot account for a number of research findings in the field of lexical

encoding (e.g., Hermans et al., 1998).
In the non-language-specific selection models, control can be conceived of
in different ways. One possibility is to assume the existence of inhibitory
mechanisms, which is also a type of the “simple access and complex selection”
hypotheses. The most famous of the inhibitory theories is that of D. W. Green’s
(1998) inhibitory control (IC) model. In this model, first a conceptual repre-
sentation of the message to be conveyed is generated. This conceptual plan
sends activation to the lexicon and to an attentional system that controls lan-
guage processing, which is called the supervisory attentional system (SAS).
Green assumed that when speaking, one activates different task schemas such
as a task schema for picture naming in L1, or translating words from L2 to L1.
It is the job of SAS to control the activation of the task schemas. Thus, when
one has to name a picture in L2, SAS activates the appropriate task schema,
which in turn sends further activation to the lexical level, where lemmas carry
language tags. Because both lemmas in the intended and the nonintended lan-
guage receive activation, the task schema is responsible for raising the activa-
tion level of L2 lemmas and inhibiting the selection of L1 lemmas. Because
task schemas are supervised by an attentional system, inhibiting words in the
language not in use requires conscious effort on the part of the speaker (see
Fig. 4.6).
D. W. Green’s (1998) model has been tested in experiments where partici-
pants were asked to switch languages during task performance, and the time in-
terval needed to select the other language was taken as an indication of
FIG. 4.6. The inhibitory

control model. From D. W.
Green (1998). Copyright
1998 by Cambridge Uni-
versity Press.
66 CHAPTER 4
switching costs. Somewhat counterintuitively, the model predicts that proficient

bilinguals need more energy to suppress words in L1 when talking in L2, which
is explained by Green in the following way. Due the frequent use of L2, L2
words also have a high resting level of activation, and the smaller the difference
in activation between L1 and L2 words, the more attention is needed to control
selection. Meuter and Allport (1999) examined the switching costs involved in
changing from L1 to L2 and from L2 to L1 in a digit-naming task. As predicted
by Green’s model, it took more time to switch back from L2 to L1 than from L1
to L2. In the experiment that I described in the previous section, Lee and Wil-
liams (2001) also found that when speaking in L2, L1 words are strongly inhib-
ited, but in L1 production there is only moderate or no inhibition of L2.
D. W. Green (1998) also claimed that the amount of attention necessary to
control lexical selection also depends on the task itself, more precisely on the
level of activation of the lemmas in the nonselected language. For example, it
is easier to prevent L1 words from being selected in a simple L2 picture-nam-
ing task, than in a so-called Stroop task when a distractor word in L1 is also
printed in the picture that needs to be named in L2.
Another assumption of D. W. Green’s (1998) IC model is that with the de-
velopment of proficiency the inhibition of the unwanted language gets in-
creasingly difficult. This follows from the fact that the more frequently the L2
is used, the higher the resting level of L2 words’ activation becomes, thus the
smaller the difference between the resting levels of L1 and L2 words is. There-
fore, more-proficient bilinguals are assumed to need more energy to suppress
L1 words. This positive relationship between speakers’ level of proficiency
and the amount of switching cost hypothesized by Green was not confirmed by
Meuter and Allport’s (1999) study. As one would assume based on general the-
ories of automaticity in L2 production (see chap. 3), and as Meuter and
Allport’s research also showed, with the increase of L2 competence the atten-
tion needed to control performance decreases. This is an important finding that
runs counter to Green’s IC model. Green’s model has also been criticized on
other grounds. Both Kroll and Tokowitz (2005) as well as Costa (2005)
pointed out that Green did not specify the scope of the inhibitory mechanisms.
It is unclear whether in his model words are inhibited at the lemma level or at
the phonological level or both. Costa, Colomé, et al. (2003) and Kroll et al.
(2000) found that the phonological features of the words in the nonintended
language are also activated, which is difficult to explain if we assume that lexi-
cal nodes from which activation could spread forward are inhibited. The oc-
currence of blends cannot be explained in inhibitory models either, because
these models do not allow for the parallel selection of L1 and L2 lemmas.
Moreover, inhibition was not observed in research on L1 production, therefore

assuming its existence makes theories of L2 encoding unnecessarily
complicated (Costa, 2005).
One of the simplest ways to exercise control in lexical encoding is assuming
that the preverbal message contains all the necessary information to retrieve
the appropriate word (complex access, simple selection). Poulisse and
Bongaerts (1994) proposed that the preverbal message contained a language
cue in addition to the conceptual specifications. In their view, lemmas also
carry language tags, and selection simply involves matching the conceptual
specifications and the language cue with the appropriate lemma. If the speaker
wants to use L2, the L2 language cue raises the activation level of L2 words,
thus L1 words will not be selected. Intentional code-switching can also be ex-
plained by assuming that if the speaker wants to insert an L1 word into an L2
utterance, all he or she needs to do is to change the language cue of the concept
corresponding to the word. Unintentional use of words from the nonselected
language can be due either to the erroneous specification of the language cue
or to the incidentally higher level of activation of the lemma in the nonintended
language. La Heij (2005) further elaborated Poulisse and Bongaert’s theory of
control in lexical access. He argued that assuming the existence of a language
cue at the conceptual level is sufficient because it ensures that lemmas in the
language in use receive higher activation than lemmas in the nonselected lan-
guage. Words in the selected language also rest at a higher level of baseline ac-
tivation because repeated use raises their level of activation, making their
selection easier (this is called the frequency effect; see Morton, 1969, and for a
review, Levelt, 1989). The only minor difference between Poulisse and
Bongaert’s and La Heij’s views is that Poulisse and Bongaerts proposed that
lemmas have language tags, whereas La Heij argued that the language cue
should be added at the conceptual level because in Levelt et al.’s (1999) recent
model of lexical encoding, lemmas do not contain semantic information (see
the section 7 below).
We have seen that there exist three possible ways of how one can conceive
of control in lexical selection. One of them involves the use of a checking
mechanism; the other presumes the existence of inhibitory processes; and the
third one postulates that lexical selection is only based on the word’s activation
level, which is regulated by the language cue and the frequency of use. The
first two theories can be criticized on both theoretical and empirical grounds,
whereas besides being simple and theoretically sound, the third, activa-
tion-based view of control is able to account for most phenomena observed in
research on lexical encoding.
68 CHAPTER 4
CONCEPTUAL AND LEXICAL REPRESENTATION

IN BILINGUAL MEMORY
Although the bilingual lexicon is one of the most widely researched knowl-
edge stores of the L2 speech production system, little is known about its struc-
ture and the information it contains. This is partly due to the fact that there is no
agreement among researchers concerning what aspects of word knowledge are
stored in the lexicon, and what the relationship between concepts and word
meanings is.
Pavlenko (1999), who recently called attention to the theoretical and termi-
nological debate in this respect, argued that research on the bilingual memory
has been plagued by a number of problems. One of these is that semantic infor-
mation (word meaning) and conceptual knowledge are neither clearly defined
nor appropriately distinguished in the literature. The question is partly a philo-
sophical one, namely, whether concepts can exist independent of word mean-
ings. One standpoint in the psycholinguistic literature is that concepts should
be distinguished from word meaning (e.g., Paradis, 2000; Pavlenko, 1999). In
this view, it is claimed that concepts are “multisensory units of meaning inde-
pendent of whether a corresponding word exists” (Paradis, 2000, p. 22) and
that “language is only one way to access concepts” (Paradis, 2000, p. 22). On
the other hand, several researchers argue that semantic and conceptual repre-
sentations do not need to be distinguished (de Groot, 2000; Francis, 2005).
Their arguments are based on the assumptions of Hintzman’s (1986) work,
who claimed that abstract knowledge such as that of word meanings is not dis-
tinct from the knowledge of concepts because both are built up of memory
traces that one’s experiences leave in the mind. A concept or the meaning of a
word is made up of the complete set of the memory traces related to this exem-
plar, and when one accesses a specific word such as “sorrow” all the traces that
contain relevant information related to this concept are activated. This view
also implies that in different contexts and in different languages various
features or traces of concepts are in the foreground.
The fact that researchers disagree on whether word meaning and concepts
can and should be differentiated, also results in two theoretically different ap-
proaches to how concepts and word meanings are represented in the lan-
guage-processing system. In one view it is proposed that semantic and
conceptual representations are stored at distinct levels, whereas in the other it
is supposed that these two types of knowledge are interdependent and repre-
sented at the same level. Roelofs’ (1992) and Levelt et al.’s (1999) model of
lexical access is an example of an integrated conceptual and semantic level, in
which concepts are represented by nodes that are connected with each other
(for a discussion of this specific issue, see Roelofs, 2000). In this view, con-
cepts are undivided wholes that are activated in their entirety. Concepts can be
both lexical, that is, expressed by a single word, and nonlexical, which means
that they can be encoded only by multiple words, phrases, or sentences. Con-
cepts can be culture or language specific; thus, it is possible for a speaker to
have a different conceptual representation for the English word “winter” and
the Hungarian “tél,” the latter involving associations to snow and cold, and the
former to rain, fog, and mild weather. Moreover, lexical concepts can also be
connected to imagery and background knowledge. Lexical access involves the
activation of concepts, which then further spread activation to lemmas, which
contain syntactic information about the lexical entry but no information on
meaning. Lemmas are also stored in an interconnected network, where related
items can spread activation to each other. Roelofs (2000) explained certain
aphasics’ failure to access lexical representations who are nevertheless able to
retrieve the conceptual features of a word with reference to the damage in the
connections between the conceptual and lemma level.
In the other view, which was first advocated by Paradis (1997, 2000) and is
also held by Pavlenko (1999), a distinction is made between the semantic and
conceptual level of representation. Paradis (2000) claimed that a “concept in-
cludes all the knowledge that an individual has about a thing or event” (p. 22).
Thus Paradis, just like de Groot (2000), also saw concepts as interconnected
networks of features, which might be activated to a different degree depending
on the communicative situation. However, Paradis (2000) argued that “the lex-
ical and semantic components of a lexicalized concept are not part of the con-
cept but of the language system” and that conceptual and lexical properties
“map onto each other, but are distinct entities” (p. 24). He interpreted the ob-
servations of aphasic research, which describes that certain patients might not
be able to access lexical representations (e.g., word forms), but the conceptual
representations for the lexical entries are available for them (i.e., they can char-
acterize the object they cannot name), as support for the distinction of seman-
tic and conceptual levels. Pavlenko (1999) also argued for the necessity of
differentiating the semantic component and conceptual component of lexical
concepts from the perspective of cultural relativity. In an earlier study,
Pavlenko (1997) investigated how different types of Russian-English bilin-
gual speakers, namely those who learned English in a decontextualized class-
room setting in Russia and those who acquired English in the United States
describe a scene illustrating an event of the invasion of privacy. The results
showed that students who learned the language in a foreign language environ-
70 CHAPTER 4
ment were able to define the term “privacy” but had no episodic knowledge re-
lated to this word. This was caused by the fact that in a number of languages
such as Russian and Hungarian there is no word for privacy, which also entails
that there is no lexical concept for it either. Based on this finding, Pavlenko
(1999) argued that lexicalized concepts have a distinct semantic and concep-
tual component. By semantic component, she meant “explicitly available in-
formation, which relates the word to other words, idioms and conventionalized
expressions in that language” (p. 211.), whereas the conceptual component is
characterized by “multimodal-information, which includes imagery, schemas,
motor programs, auditory, tactile and somatosensory representations, based
on experiential world knowledge” (p. 212). Jarvis (2000) criticized Pavlenko’s
definitions of semantic and conceptual knowledge by arguing that they are not
derived from a model of bilingual memory, fail to consider implicit knowledge
of semantics and concepts, and exclude the denotations and connotations of
words from semantics. He also pointed out that the most convincing support
for the necessity to differentiate between the semantic and conceptual level of
representation would be if evidence was found that an aphasic patient is able to
retrieve semantic information related to a word but can access neither its form
nor its conceptual features (for an overview of theories of semantic and
conceptual representation, see Table 4.1).
TABLE 4.1
Overview of Theories of Semantic and Conceptual Representation
Separate
Conceptual
and Lexical Nature of Relationship of L1 Empirical
Level Concepts and L2 Concepts Evidence
Roelofs No Undivided Concepts can be Computational
(1992, 2000) units language specific test of the
WEAVER model
de Groot No Network of Conceptual fea- Word association
(1992, 2000) features tures/memory research
traces of L1 and L2
concepts overlap
Paradis Yes Network of Conceptual fea- Aphasic
(1997, 2000) features tures/memory research
traces of L1 and L2
concepts overlap
Pavlenko Yes Network of Conceptual fea- Intercultural com-
(2000) features tures/memory parison of bilin-
traces of L1 and L2 gual speakers
concepts overlap
From the preceding review, it becomes apparent that the question of how se-
mantic and conceptual knowledge is represented in the bilingual memory is a
controversial issue. Pavlenko (1999) explained that this was due not only to the
lack of agreement among researchers concerning the differentiation of seman-
tic and conceptual levels of representation but to the fact that most of the re-
search in this respect involved decontextualized experimental tasks in
laboratory settings. She called attention to the need to consider cultural and
contextual factors in the study of bilingual memory representation. Neverthe-
less, research evidence from studies on brain damage and on the organization
of memory in experimental psychology seems to be in favor of the combined
storage of semantic and conceptual information.
MODELS OF THE ORGANIZATION
OF THE BILINGUAL LEXICON
As shown in the previous section , the bilingual lexicon can be seen in different
ways: It might be the store of conceptual and semantic information, the deposi-
tory of words forms only, or a memory store for both word forms and semantic
information. One of the basic problems in this field is that most of the research-
ers do not make clear what exactly they mean by the bilingual lexicon;
therefore, it is often difficult to decide whether they refer to the semantic/con-
ceptual and/or to the linguistic structure of the lexicon when discussing the or-
ganization of bilingual lexical memory. Bilingual lexical representation
research would greatly benefit from defining these key concepts.
In this section, I first present the hierarchical models of the bilingual lexi-
con, and then evaluate them critically and provide alternative explanations for
the empirical research findings in the field. Following this, I describe studies
that examine the structure of the mental lexicon.
In the early work on bilingual lexical representation, three important dis-
tinctions were made concerning the organization of the lexicon. Weinreich
(1953) argued that speakers of a second language might represent words in a
compound, coordinate, or subordinate manner. This means that in compound
storage, the conceptual representations of a given word are shared, and the
speaker has two words for the same concept in the languages spoken. For a
German speaker of English, this would mean that he or she has the same con-
cept for the word “fall,” and the English and German words are connected to
this shared concept (see Fig. 4.7). In the coordinate mode of representation,
speakers have separate concepts in their two languages, and these concepts are
lexicalized by the respective words in the two languages. For example, in the
case of another German-English bilingual, slightly different concepts might
72 CHAPTER 4
FIG. 4.7. Com-

pound model of
representation.
exist for the German word “Herbst” and for the English “fall” (see Fig. 4.8). In
the subordinate manner of representation, the concept for a given lexical item
is directly linked to the L1 word, which is connected to the L2 word; thus, a dif-
ferent German native speaker of English retrieves the word “fall” via the L1
lexical item “Herbst” (see Fig. 4.9).
Whereas Weinreich (1953) used the previously described categorizations
for lexical storage only, Ervin and Osgood (1954) extended them to learners
who acquired their two languages in different situations. One is likely to de-
velop a coordinate system of representation if he or she learns the two lan-
guages in two different cultural contexts, or if he or she learns one language in
a particular setting, for example, at home, and the other in other circumstances,
for example, at school. In these situations, there is great likelihood that many
words will be linked to slightly different conceptual representations.
Bilinguals who learn their two languages simultaneously might have a com-
pound mode of representation. These learners generally use the two languages
interchangeably in the same situation with the same people, for example, in a
bilingual family. Students who typically learn the second language in a foreign
language environment and in a classroom situation might store many of the
words in a subordinate manner, through associating L2 words with their L1
equivalents. Although Ervin and Osgood’s recognition of the fact that the con-
text in which words are learned might influence how they are stored is impor-
tant, this static view about the type of bilingual speakers is not tenable
anymore. First of all, the characteristics of the words, such as their similarity in
the two languages, the word class they belong to, and abstract versus concrete
status (for a recent review, see Kroll & Tokowitz, 2005), are assumed to influ-
ence the manner they are encoded in the lexicon. Second, it has been proposed
that lexical representation changes with the development of language profi-
ciency; for example, with more experience in L2, a word initially stored in a
subordinate manner might become represented in a compound manner (for a
review, see Kroll & de Groot, 1997; Kroll & Tokowitz, 2005).
The reformulation of the classic compound versus subordinate distinction
can be found in Potter, So, von Eckardt, and Feldman’s (1984) so-called hier-
archical model. The model is called hierarchical because it assumes separate
levels for concepts and word forms. Potter et al. argued that there are two dif-
FIG. 4.8.
Coordinate mode
of representation.
FIG. 4.9.
Subordinate
model of repre-
sentation.
74 CHAPTER 4
ferent ways in which concepts can be related to words in L2. In the concept me-
diation alternative, both the L1 and L2 words are associated with the same
concept, and similarly to the L1 word, L2 lexical entries are also accessed
through this shared concept. This is the same as compound lexical representa-
tion (Weinreich, 1953), which in the case of a Spanish-English bilingual
means that he has a shared concept for a given word (e.g., CHAIR/SILLA), for
which two independent lexical representations exist in L1 (“chair”) and L2
(“silla”). In the word association alternative, L2 words have no links to the
concepts; they are associated with their L1 translation equivalents. In other
words, there is a direct link between the translation equivalents, and when
translating an L1 word to L2 there is no need to retrieve the concept (see Figs.
4.10 and 4.11). For example, when a Spanish learner wants to say “chair” in
English, he or she accesses this word by first retrieving the Spanish word
“silla,” and through it the L2 word “chair.”
Potter et al. (1984) tested these models by examining the time course of pic-
ture naming and word translation in the case of proficient and less proficient
FIG. 4.10. Word associa-

tion model. Adapted from
Journal of Verbal Learning
and Verbal Behaviour, 23,
M. C. Potter et al., Lexical
and conceptual representa-
tion in beginning and more
proficient bilinguals, pp.
23–38. Copyright © (1984),
with permission of Elsevier.
FIG. 4.11. Concept media-

tion model. Adapted from
Journal of Verbal Learning
and Verbal Behaviour, 23,
M. C. Potter et al., Lexical
and conceptual representa-
tion in beginning and more
proficient bilinguals, pp.
23–38. Copyright © (1984),
with permission of Elsevier.
L2 speakers. They found that picture naming took approximately the same
time as translation in the case of both competent and less competent learners,
which they took as a support for the concept mediation alternative. Subsequent
studies (H.-C. Chen & Lueng, 1989; Kroll & Curley, 1988), however, found
that speakers who were less proficient than the lower proficiency group in Pot-
ter et al.’s study were faster at translation than picture naming. Other evidence
for the fact that beginning L2 students use the word association strategy when
retrieving words in L2 comes from studies examining the difference in the
speed of translating cognates and noncognates (Dufour, Kroll, & Scholl, 1996;
cf. Kroll & de Groot, 1997). The results of this study indicated that regardless
of language proficiency, L2 speakers translated words that were cognates
faster than noncognate words, and that less proficient speakers benefited more
from the cognate facilitation effect than their more proficient counterparts.
Talamas, Kroll, and Dufour’s (1995; cf. Kroll & de Groot, 1997) research, in
which speakers at two different levels of proficiency were asked to judge
whether words are translation equivalents, found that advanced speakers were
slower to reject word pairs as equivalents in which the meaning of the words
was related, whereas less competent speakers found it more difficult to decide
on word pairs the form of which was similar.
Kroll and Stewart (1990, 1994) drew up a new model of lexical and concep-
tual representation called the revised hierarchical model (RHM), which incor-
porated both the earlier concept mediation and word association model and
assumed different strengths of links between concepts and words at various
stages of language development. In this model, conceptual representations for
words were assumed to be shared. The model presumed that at the beginning of
L2 acquisition links between L1 words and concepts as well as between L2
words and L1 translation equivalents are stronger than links between L2 words
and the corresponding concept, and that with the development of proficiency the
weak conceptual links between L2 words and concepts become stronger (see
Fig. 4.12). To illustrate this for a Spanish learner of English, this means that links
between Spanish words and concepts such as “silla” and CHAIR are stronger
than links between English words and concepts (i.e., chair and the concept of
CHAIR). This theory therefore does not claim that there are no conceptual links
between L2 words and concepts in the case of beginning learners, but that these
links are not strong enough to allow direct access from L2 words to concepts.
The model also proposes that there are asymmetrical links between L2 and L1
words, namely that L2 words are more strongly related to their L1 translation
equivalents than vice versa, which results in L2 to L1 translation being faster
than L1 to L2 translation. The model has been tested by a number of studies, and
76 CHAPTER 4
FIG. 4.12. The revised hi-

erarchical model. Based on
Kroll and Stewart (1994).
Adapted from Journal of
Memory & Language, 33, J.
F. Kroll & E. Stewart, Cate-
gory inference in transla-
tion and picture naming:
Evidence for asymmetric
connections between bilin-
gual memory representa-
tions, pp. 149–174.
Copyright © (1994), with
permission from Elsevier.
its predictions concerning the differences in the speed of translation from L1 to

L2 and from L2 to L1 have largely been borne out (e.g., Keatley, Spinks & de
Gelder, 1992; Kroll & Stewart, 1994; Sholl, Sankaranarayan, & Kroll, 1995; but
see, de Groot & Poot, 1997; La Heij, Kerling, & van der Velden, 1996).
The hierarchical models outlined previously raise a number of questions
that have received little attention in the literature. First of all, it is often
claimed that these models are models of lexical and conceptual representa-
tion (Kroll & de Groot, 1997; Kroll & Stewart, 1990, 1994; Kroll &
Tokowitz, 2005), but in fact they attempt to explain lexical access. The hier-
archical models are not concerned with how concepts are represented (e.g.,
what the relationship of L1 and L2 concepts is), they merely state that con-
cepts are stored at a different level of production than words. Neither do they
specify what is meant by lexical representation. Questions such as whether
the lexical level contains information about word meanings, and if not what
the relationship is between word meanings (semantics) and concepts (see the
previous section), are not addressed. Therefore, these models do not account
for how words are represented in the bilingual lexicon but aim to explicate
word retrieval in different tasks. A further problem is that these models do
not distinguish between automatic access from concepts to words and con-
scious, effortful processing, and problem solving. Kroll and de Groot often
used the term “translation strategy,” which indicates that they regarded word
association as a conscious problem-solving mechanism and not as an in-
stance of automatic retrieval process, but they did not make this distinction
clear in their model.
Another problem with the hierarchical models is that they compare word
translation and picture naming based on the argument that word translation in-
volves lexical processing, whereas picture naming entails accessing concep-
tual representations as well. If we analyze the psycholinguistic processes

involved in word translation, we see that translation comprises a number of
substeps. If one is asked to translate a visually presented word from L1 to L2,
first he or she has to recognize the word (lemma). This L1 lemma will spread
activation to the concept linked to it via a concept node and to other L1 and L2
lemmas that are associated with it (e.g., semantically related lexical items) (see
Dijsktra, Van Heuven, & Grainger, 1998). For the sake of simplicity, now let us
assume that concepts are shared in L1 and L2. Based on the task instructions, a
language cue is added to the conceptual representation, and the concept will
activate the L2 lemma (La Heij, 2005). The important argument here is that
translation cannot simply involve accessing the equivalent L2 word through
the L1 lemma. There is no theory of lexical access in which one lexical item
can retrieve another one; lemmas are always accessed through conceptual rep-
resentations (see La Heij, Hooglander, Kerling, & van der Velden, 1996, for a
similar line of argumentation). It is possible, though, that because L2 words
are learned through associating them with their L1 equivalents, very strong as-
sociative links are formed between them. Thus perceiving the word in one of
the languages will raise the activation level of its translation equivalent to such
an extent that its selection through the conceptual representation can become
very fast. This is probably what happens in the case of learners who acquire
words by linking them to their L1 counterparts, and because this is typical at
the early stage of acquisition, beginning learners are fast at translating words.
In picture naming, the picture activates the concept associated with the picture,
and the concept spreads activation to the L1 and L2 words related to it. Be-
cause the task instructions specify that the word has to be named in L2, the
lemma corresponding to the concept and the language cue will receive the
highest level of activation. Due to the fact that the L1 word was not presented
earlier, there is nothing that would boost the initial level of activation of the L2
lemma; thus, selection will be slower for less advanced speakers. The reason
for the finding that more proficient learners perform translation and picture
naming during a similar amount of time (Potter et al., 1984) is that above a cer-
tain level of proficiency learners acquire words associating them with their
conceptual representations and not with their L1 counterparts; thus, the strong
associative links between L1 and L2 words become weaker and do not
facilitate translation any more.
We also have to note that it would deserve more careful consideration under
what circumstances strong associative relationships between L1 and L2 lexi-
cal items are established. It might be supposed that this is not just the function
of proficiency, but might depend on the context of acquisition, the methods of
78 CHAPTER 4
teaching, and individual learning strategies. In naturalistic learning environ-

ments (L2 context), word-association might be less frequent than in a foreign
language classroom situation. If teachers consistently present new vocabulary
by relying on the L1 and if the learner prefers learning words by associating
them with their L1 equivalents, it is more likely that strong connections be-
tween L1 and L2 words develop, and perhaps these connections remain active
even at a higher stage of proficiency.
The argument just outlined, that translation is always conceptually medi-
ated, can explain why less competent speakers are faster at word translation
than at picture naming, but there are other studies that have been taken as sup-
port for the word association model. One of them is Dufour et al.’s (1996) re-
search that compares the time needed to translate cognates and noncognates.
When discussing research on lexical access, we have seen that the fact that
names of pictures that are cognates in the two languages are retrieved faster is
due to the facilitation effect arising at the phonological level (Costa et al.,
2000). Therefore, it can be assumed that when an L1 word the phonological
form of which is similar to the L2 translation equivalent has to be translated,
the L1 lemma passes on activation to its phonological form, which facilitates
the phonological encoding of the L2 word. This might be the reason why cog-
nates are translated faster than noncognates. What is more difficult to explain,
however, is why the facilitation effect is higher for less competent speakers
than for advanced speakers as found by Dufour et al. One possible solution to
this problem might lie in the differing levels of automaticity with which word
form encoding is performed at different levels of L2 competence. Advanced
learners might access the phonological form of words in an automatic fashion,
which means that this process is generally fast, and the phonological facilita-
tion effect has a less noticeable effect. However, phonological facilitation
might be more apparent in the case of beginning learners, for whom phonolog-
ical processing is effortful and slow. Talamas et al. (1995; cf. Kroll & de Groot,
1997) study, which found that less competent L2 learners took longer to decide
whether orthographically similar L1 and L2 words are translation equivalents
also has a similar explanation. For learners at the beginning stage of L2 acqui-
sition, the lemma to word form mappings are not yet strongly encoded; there-
fore, they pay attention to these aspects of words first. For more proficient
learners, accessing the phonological form of the lemma is automatic; there-
fore, their attention is freed for considering different shades of meaning. In
sum, the three studies that have so far been regarded as support for the
existence of the word association alternative can be explained without
recourse to this model as well.
The RHM can be criticized on other grounds as well. As I have argued pre-
viously, theories of lexical access do not allow the retrieval of lexical entries
without activating their conceptual representations; therefore, I do not find
that the claim included in the RHM, that is, that at an early stage of acquisition
lexical links between L1 and L2 words are stronger than conceptual links be-
tween the concept and the L2 word, is justified. Conceptual links in this model
are the concept nodes through which activation spreads from concepts to
words, whereas lexical links are associative links established in the network of
L1 and L2 words stored together in the speaker’s lexicon. Access from con-
cepts to L2 lemmas either is automatic, and in that case only the extent of com-
petition between the lexical entries in the lexicon determines the speed of
retrieval, or is effortful and involves a search mechanism or the use of lexical
communication strategy, which slows down lexical encoding to a considerable
extent and might even render it unsuccessful. The RHM, however, is not
concerned with this latter alternative.
The model of bilingual lexical memory that is indeed concerned with lexi-
cal and conceptual representation is de Groot’s (1992) conceptual feature
model. In this theory, it is presumed that words are linked to concepts, which
are made up of a set of interconnected features. The theoretical assumptions
underlying this model are based on theories of memory representation
(Hintzman, 1986; see earlier discussion), namely that both concepts and word
meanings are represented as a network of interconnected features or memory
traces, a certain group of which is activated together to form a unit (concept or
lexical meaning). The most important claim of the distributed feature model is
that conceptual representations in the two languages of a bilingual speaker are
not necessarily shared; they might only overlap. Van Hell and de Groot (1998)
argued that cognates, concrete words, and nouns generally share more
conceptual features than noncognates, abstract words and verbs, which they
supported with the results of a series of word association tasks. A series of
translation experiments involving cognate and non-cognate as well as con-
crete and abstract word pairs also showed that words that share more
conceptual features are translated faster than those where the concepts in the
two languages differ to a great extent (e.g., Kroll & Stewart, 1994;
Schwanenflugel, Harnishfeger, & Stowe, 1988). Figure 4.13 illustrates the dis-
tributed feature model by depicting the conceptual feature overlap between the
cognate word pairs of the English word “lamp” and its German counterpart
“Lampe” and the abstract words “love” and “Liebe.”
Having presented the most important models of bilingual lexical represen-
tation, now I discuss what it means to know a word and how the different types
80 CHAPTER 4
FIG. 4.13. Illustration of the conceptual feature model.
of knowledge might be represented in the bilingual mind. It is an accepted

view in general L2 vocabulary research that when learning a new word, the
following types of information need to be acquired: (a) phonological, (b)
orthographical, (c) syntactic, (d) morphological, (e) semantic, (f) prag-
matic/sociolinguistic, and (g) idiomatic (Nation, 1990). There seems to be an
agreement among researchers concerning the first four types of knowledge:
The phonological characteristics of a word are stored in the mental lexicon at
the level called the lexeme and the syntactic and morphological information is
represented at the lemma level (see the section Levelt’s Modular Model of
Speech Production in chap. 1). In L1 production, idioms are also assumed to be
stored as one lemma in the mental lexicon (Levelt, 1989), and once acquired,
L2 idioms are also represented as one unit.
We have seen that there is considerable disagreement among researchers as
regards where information regarding semantic features is encoded. Levelt et
al. (1999) and Roelofs (1999) assumed that there is a separate conceptual level
where word meanings are stored. De Groot (1992) in her distributed feature
model also postulated that conceptual and semantic information are stored to-
gether in lexical memory, whereas Paradis (1997, 2000) and Pavlenko (1999)
argued that concepts are located outside the lexicon, which, however, contains
semantic as well as syntactic information. As regards L2 representation, de
Groot (1992, 2000), Paradis, and Pavlenko all agree that L1 and L2 concepts
are not separate entities but share a certain number of features or memory
traces. In both theories of semantic and conceptual representation, it is also as-
sumed that the meanings of translation equivalents overlap but are not com-
pletely identical. The storage of pragmatic and sociolinguistic information
associated with a particular word has received little attention. Although
Paradis’, de Groot’s, and Pavlenko’s views differ on levels of representation,
they all imply that the pragmatic and sociolinguistic information is stored at
the conceptual level. L2 pragmatic research suggests that especially in
decontextualized classroom settings pragmatic and sociolinguistic informa-
tion is difficult to acquire; thus, even advanced L2 speakers frequently rely on
the pragmatic and sociolinguistic knowledge associated with the L1 word
(Kasper, 1992).
As regards the organization of the bilingual lexicon, the final issue ad-
dressed in this section concerns the relationship between the items stored in it.
The lexicon is frequently characterized by the network metaphor and is often
conceived of as a “gigantic multidimensional cobweb” (Aitchison, 1987, p.72,
quoted by Wilks & Meara, 2002). Wilks and Meara called attention to the need
to refine this view of the mental lexicon. On the basis of computer simulations
and word association data collected from native and nonnative speakers of
French, they pointed out that in the core lexicon of both native and nonnative
speakers one can find a high number of connections between lexical items, and
that there are more connections between L1 items than L2 ones. Their results
suggest that in reality there are fewer connections between items than it would
be possible in the model, which is against the view that the mental lexicon has
very high network density. Wilks and Meara also speculated that the network
structure of L1 and L2 lexicon might be different, and that certain lexical items
might play a central role in the network (i.e., they might have connections to a
high number of other items), whereas others might be found at the periphery of
the network.
Wolter (2001) examined the structure of the mental lexicon based on the as-
sociations that exist between lexical items.1 Despite the fact that he started out
from the assumption that the L1 and L2 mental lexicons are separate, which is
hotly debated by most researchers in the field of psycholinguistics, his find-
ings are important concerning the relationship of lexical entries and can be
easily adapted to models that assume one single store of vocabulary in L1 and
L2. He argued that L2 words are organized in a network in which depth of
world knowledge determines whether the items occupy a central or a periph-
eral position. Well-known words are located at the core of the lexicon, and the
less words are known, the further away they can be found from the center of the
network (see Fig. 4.14). Wolter found that words that are well known by speak-
1
It is unclear in both Wilks and Meara’s (2002) and Wolter’s (2001) studies what information the bi-
lingual lexicon contains: semantic, syntactic, or both. This is especially problematic in Wolter’s re-
search, who discussed semantic and phonological relations between items, and it is not explicit whether
semantical information and phonological information about words is represented at the same or different
levels of the lexicon.
82 CHAPTER 4
FIG. 4.14.
Depth of word
knowledge model
of the mental lexi-
con. From Wolter
(2001). Copyright
2001 by Cam-
bridge University
Press.
ers tend to have semantic connections with other items in the lexicon, whereas
words on the periphery seem to have phonological or nonsemantic connec-
tions with other words. Wolter also noted that connections between L2 items in
the lexicon are not stable. In the course of learning, they might be strengthened
and the nature of the connection might change; moreover, connections be-
tween words might also be lost (see also Meara, 1984, 2004). Although Wolter
examined word knowledge primarily from the perspective of knowing the
meaning of the word, his research is important because it charts the way for
further studies that are needed to have a better understanding of what kind of
associative links exist between words in the mental lexicon and how these
links change with the development of proficiency.
CODE-SWITCHING AND LEXICAL PROCESSING
In discussing lexical selection and control, we have already mentioned the is-
sue of code-switching, but here we elaborate on code-switching and lexical en-
coding in more detail from the point of view of theories of speech production.
Code-switching involves the use of two or more languages in the same dis-
course (Myers-Scotton & Jake, 1995), and is obviously constrained by a num-

ber of pragmatic and sociolinguistic phenomena such as the relationship of the
speakers, the status of languages involved, and so on, which we do not discuss
in this book. Here we differentiate between intentional and unintentional
code-switching, the former being conscious whereas the latter results from ac-
cidental slip of the tongue. Unintentional code-switching might take place in
situations where the two speakers only share the language used in communica-
tion, whereas intentional code-switching is applied in the bilingual mode of
communication (Grosjean, 1998).
When discussing code-switching the first important question that needs to
be addressed is how the languages for communication are chosen. In the case
of unintentional code-switching, the language choice is outside the speaker’s
control, therefore here this question is not relevant. As regards intentional
code-switching, it needs to be decided which language should serve as the
dominant mode of communication, which, as mentioned earlier, is primarily
determined by sociolinguistic factors. There is considerable agreement among
researchers that the decision about which language to speak is made in the
conceptualizer, as this is the module, which, on the basis of the speaker’s
knowledge of the situation, can choose the situationally appropriate language
(de Bot, 1992, 2002; de Bot & Schreuder, 1993; Myers-Scotton & Jake, 1995;
Poulisse, 1999; Poulisse & Bongaerts, 1994). Therefore, most researchers as-
sume that the preverbal message—in addition to conceptual informa-
tion—also contains a language-specifying feature or language cue.
De Bot (1992) assumed that code-switching can be explained by proposing
that L2 speakers formulate two parallel speech plans, one for the selected lan-
guage (e.g., L2) and one for the active language, which is not used at the mo-
ment of speaking (e.g., L1). If problems occur in encoding the speech plan for
the selected language, speakers can stop and resort to the available L1 speech
plan. This solution was criticized for being highly uneconomical (Poulisse,
1997b), and de Bot and Schreuder (1993) soon worked out another hypothesis,
namely, that code-switching comes about when speakers ignore the language
cue that is added to the preverbal plan. This is again problematic because if it is
possible to ignore the language cue (either consciously or unconsciously), the
semantic specifications in the preverbal plan could also be disregarded; thus, it
would be impossible to account for how the appropriate lexical entries are
selected in error-free production (Poulisse, 1997b).
Recent theories of code-switching (de Bot, 2002; Myers-Scotton & Jake,
1995; Poulisse, 1999; Poulisse & Bongaerts, 1994) all assume that the infor-
mation on which language to use needs to be included in the preverbal plan in
84 CHAPTER 4
the form of a language cue. Myers-Scotton (1993) also added that one lan-
guage is always the more dominant mode of communication, which she called
Matrix Language. It is on the basis of this language that the basic grammatical
frame for the specific unit of discourse is established, and elements into this
frame might be inserted from the so-called Embedded Language, which is the
less dominant mode of communication.
The most comprehensive account of how intentional and unintentional
code-switching takes place in lexical encoding was provided by Poulisse and
Bongaerts (1994) and Poulisse (1999) and was also adopted by La Heij (2005).
Poulisse and Bongaerts (1994) and Poulisse (1999) proposed that besides hav-
ing semantic and syntactic tags, lemmas are also labeled with a language tag,
and lemma activation will take place only if all the features of the preverbal
message, including the language specification, match those of the lemma. As
mentioned in the section Control in Lexical Encoding, the only difference be-
tween La Heij’s views and Poulisse and Bongaerts (1994) and Poulisse’s
(1999) proposal is that La Heij argued that the lemmas do not need to contain a
language tag. Rather, a language cue at the conceptual level is sufficient be-
cause in Levelt et al.’s (1999) more recent model of lexical encoding, lemmas
do not contain semantic information; only syntactic information is stored at
this level. Poulisse and Bongaerts (1994) and Poulisse (1999) as well as La
Heij agreed that unintentional code-switching can occur due to the fact that the
concept to be encoded erroneously sends activation to both the L1 and L2
lemma. These lemmas then further activate the L1 and L2 lexemes, and be-
cause L1 lexemes are more frequently used in general than L2 lexemes and rest
at a higher level of activation, they will be selected for further phonological
processing. In this theory, it is also assumed that intentional switches are pro-
duced when speakers intentionally replace the L2 specification in the
preverbal plan with an L1 specification. This can have several reasons: the lack
of knowledge of the appropriate L2 lexical item (see chap. 7) or because the L1
lexical item meets the conceptual (semantic and/or lexical) specifications
better than the L2 word (see Myers-Scotton & Jake, 1995).
THE INFLUENCE OF L1 ON LEXICAL ENCODING
Various definitions of transfer exist (for a review, see Odlin, 2003), but for the
sake of simplicity, we take transfer to be the influence of L1 on acquisition,
language use, and comprehension. In terms of lexical processing, transfer can
arise at several levels. If we follow the steps in the process of lexical encoding,
the first level is conceptual transfer. Research on the conceptual system of bi-
lingual speakers shows that “L2 acquisition largely involves learning a new
system of linguistic forms to be mapped onto an already existing system of

mental concepts that has been constructed and organized according to a per-
son’s total experience with language and concepts” (Jarvis, 1998, p. 25). This
means that the L1 conceptual system is an important source of influence in L2
vocabulary use and acquisition. Swan (1997) distinguished various sources of
conceptual and semantic transfer. It is possible that both L1 and L2 have the
same concept for an entity or action, but the two languages “stick the linguistic
labels on in different places” (p. 157). He cited Clark (1993), who gave the ex-
ample of talking about dressing in English and Japanese. Although both Eng-
lish and Japanese speakers conceptualize putting on a garment in a similar
way, in English the verb “put on” is used for every kind of garment, whereas in
Japanese different verbs are used for different body parts. Another source of
conceptual transfer can be the case when entities or actions are categorized dif-
ferently in terms of both concepts and lexis in the two languages. Swan illus-
trated this with the example of the color spectrum, because it is well known
that different languages divide the color spectrum in different ways. Finally,
another source of transfer can be when languages conceptualize things (espe-
cially abstract concepts) so differently that it is hardly possible to match the L2
concept with an L1 equivalent. Pavlenko’s (1999) example of the problem
Russian speakers of English have conceptualizing the English word “privacy”
can serve as an illustration for this.
In psycholinguistic models of speech production, pragmatic, stylistic, and
frequency information concerning a particular word is also located in the
conceptualizer, and until learners acquire these aspects of lexical knowledge,
they might transfer this information from L1 as well. If we accept the main-
stream position in lexical processing research, namely that word meanings are
also stored at the conceptual level (see the section Models of the Organization of
the Bilingual Lexicon), transfer of word meanings also occurs in the conceptual-
izing phase. In terms of de Groot’s (1992) distributed feature model, transfer of
semantic and conceptual information (including pragmatic, stylistic, and fre-
quency information) can be conceived of in a fairly straightforward way. There
is consensus in L2 vocabulary research that when learners first store an L2 word
in their mental lexicon, they tend to associate it with almost identical conceptual
features as its L1 translation equivalent (see, e.g., N. Ellis, 1997; Jiang, 2004).
As a result of more encounters with the word, they will slowly establish new L2
specific conceptual features and memory traces encoding these features, but as
word association studies show (see, e.g., Jiang, 2004; N. Schmitt, 1998; N.
Schmitt & Meara, 1997), L2 learners hardly ever succeed in building up as rich a
conceptual structure for an L2 word as a native speaker.
86 CHAPTER 4
Transfer can also occur at the lemma and lexeme level. Studies of vocabu-
lary acquisition show that it is not only word meanings that are frequently
transferred from L1 but also the syntactic information concerning L2 words
(for a review, see Swan, 1997). It is possible that in the L2 learners’mental lexi-
con L2 lemmas point to the diacritic parameters of the corresponding L1
lemma. In this way, features such as gender and countability for nouns, transi-
tivity for verbs, as well as information about optional and obligatory comple-
ments might be transferred from L1. For example, a French learner of Italian
might transfer the French gender values for a particular word in Italian. The
transfer process might be intentional and conscious, in which case the learner
applies a communication strategy, or might be unintentional, when the L2
speaker does not even realize the gap in his or her knowledge. Transfer might
result in both a correct and incorrect L2 structure. Transfer at the lexeme level
is less frequent, and mostly occurs in the case of cognates. Though phonemes
are often transferred from L1 to L2 (see the section titled The Role of L1 in
Phonological and Phonetic Encoding and the Acquisition of L2 Phonology in
chapter 5), it is rare for learners to pronounce an L2 word as if it was an L1
word (Poulisse, 1999). This process can be conceived of as the recall of the
phonological structure of the L1 lemma as one unit, and probably occurs when
the L2 speaker believes that because the L2 word is a cognate it is also pro-
nounced in a similar way as its L1 translation equivalent. An example for this
is the case of beginning Hungarian learners of English who frequently pro-
nounce the English word “museum” in the same way as its Hungarian cognate
“múzeum.” If this happens consciously due to the lack of knowledge of the
phonological form of the L2 word, it can be considered a communication
strategy (see the section titled Communication Strategies and Language
Learning in chapter 7).
THE ACQUISITION OF L2 LEXICAL KNOWLEDGE
Although it is a well-received view in SLA research and language pedagogy
that learning vocabulary is essential for being able to communicate in L2, we
know surprisingly little about the mental processes involved in vocabulary ac-
quisition. As Meara (1997) pointed out, there is an abundance of studies con-
cerning what techniques are helpful in vocabulary learning (for a recent review
of this line of research, see de Groot & van Hell, 2005), but hardly any attempts
have been made to construct a model of vocabulary acquisition, not to mention
the scarcity of studies on the process of word learning. Based on the available
literature and our knowledge of lexical encoding and the bilingual lexicon, the
following issues can be identified in vocabulary acquisition research. One line
of studies in this field has been concerned with how memory traces for newly
acquired lexical items develop and how different aspects of word knowledge
are encoded (Meara, 1997; N. Schmitt, 1998; N. Schmitt & Meara, 1998;
Truscott & Sharwood-Smith, 2004). Another group of researchers have ad-
dressed how the organization of the mental lexicon changes as a result of the
development of L2 proficiency. This includes the hierarchical and revised hi-
erarchical models described earlier in the section titled Models of the Organi-
zation of the Bilingual Lexicon (for a review, see Kroll & de Groot, 1997; Kroll
& Tokowitz, 2005) and connectionist models of the lexicon (Meara, 1997).
Studies have also investigated what factors influence the retention of lexical
knowledge (Hulstijn & Laufer, 2001; Laufer & Hulstijn, 2001).
Interestingly, one of the most detailed accounts of how memory traces of
lexical entries are established comes from a model that is primarily concerned
with the acquisition of syntactic knowledge, namely Truscott’s and
Sharwood-Smith’s (2004) acquisition by processing theory (APT). We do not
discuss the model in detail here (for a description, see the section Transfer and
the Acquisition of Syntactic Knowledge in chap. 5), but concentrate only on
vocabulary acquisition. Truscott and Sharwood-Smith claimed that once a
speaker meets an unknown lexical item such as “horse,” it first creates an
empty syntactic structure that corresponds to the phonological form of the
given word. Next, the syntactic processor establishes the grammatical cate-
gory for the syntactic structure of the word based on the word’s syntactic envi-
ronment (and the constraints of Universal Grammar). The following step is
assigning meaning to the word, which is often based on contextual clues. Syn-
tactic information concerning a word such as the complements of verbs are as-
sumed to be encoded by raising the activation level of the various syntactic
features associated with the verb such as [transitive] for the verb “hit.” Truscott
and Sharwood-Smith adopted the connectionist position that learning takes
place through the increase of the activation level of items and through the
strengthening of connections between layers. In our example, if an L2 learner
repeatedly hears the sound string [ho:s] and infers from the context that it re-
fers to a four-legged animal that one can ride, the link between the conceptual
representation of HORSE and the phonological form of the word will be
strengthened, which will aid the understanding and production of this word
upon future use.
Meara (1997) considered the acquisition of a vocabulary from a slightly dif-
ferent perspective and argued that “an acquisition event consists of the build-
ing of a connection between a newly encountered word, and a word that
already exists in the learner’s lexicon” (p. 118). Meara claimed that the word
88 CHAPTER 4
with which associative links are established can be either the L1 translation
equivalent or an L2 word (e.g., a synonym or antonym). He did not make a dis-
tinction between the conceptual and lemma level in his definition of acquisi-
tion, nor did he discuss the creation of memory traces, which makes this model
simplistic, as he himself admitted. Nevertheless, the model is very useful in ex-
plaining changes that take place in the lexicon with the development of
language proficiency.
The two theories of vocabulary acquisition that we have discussed so far have
been concerned with rather limited aspects of vocabulary knowledge—word
meaning and syntax—and have ignored other information that is necessary in
order to know a word: orthography, phonology, style, frequency, and colloca-
tion. Unfortunately, none of the existing models covers these aspects of word
knowledge. N. Schmitt (1998), however, made an attempt to explore how differ-
ent aspects of lexical knowledge are acquired in a small-scale study, which in-
vestigated four advanced learners’ acquisition of the spelling, grammatical
information, meaning, and associations of 11 words. He found that the knowl-
edge of word meaning “moved from receptive to productive and from unknown
to receptive” (p. 301). Related to this, most students’ associations became more
nativelike. Schmitt’s results also indicated that his participants had appropriate
knowledge of the grammatical information concerning the investigated words
even if they knew the meaning(s) of words only partially, and they made very
few spelling errors. Schmitt also attempted to set up a developmental hierarchy
for word knowledge types assuming that if such hierarchy exists in the case of
syntax, it is logical that different kinds of lexical knowledge would be learned in
a specific sequence. He did not succeed in establishing a development order for
word knowledge types, which, however, might not mean that such an order does
not exist. It is more likely that this is due to the fact that few participants took part
in his study, and he used only a small number of words.
After discussing the first step in vocabulary learning, which is the establish-
ment of memory traces and the encoding of various types of information re-
lated to word knowledge, the next issue that we explore is how relationships
between lexical items change as a result of the development of language profi-
ciency. In the section Models of the Organization of the Bilingual Lexicon, we
have seen that the mainstream position in the cognitive view of vocabulary
learning is represented by the RHM (Kroll & Stewart, 1994), which claims that
at the beginning of the acquisition process L2 words are generally associated
with their L1 translation equivalents and through them with the corresponding
concepts, and that direct links to concepts develop only at later stages of learn-
ing. Criticism of this view was also discussed in that section. Meara’s (1997)
theory of vocabulary learning seems to be more detailed and with fewer prob-
lems than the RHM. As mentioned earlier, Meara claimed that vocabulary
learning consists of the establishment of associative links, which might not
mean connections only to L1 items but also to other L2 words. He also argued
that links might be unidirectional (e.g., only from word A to word B and not
vice versa) and bidirectional allowing for the flow of activation in both direc-
tions. The existence of these two types of links can explain why certain words
can be characterized as active/productive (bidirectional links) and others as
passive/receptive (unidirectional links). Meara postulated that words that are
well known by the speaker have a high number of links to other words in the
lexicon, whereas poorly known lexical items have few links to other items. In
other words, Meara saw acquisition as a link-building mechanism, in the
course of which new links can be established and unidirectional links can
become bidirectional (for a similar view, see also Wilks & Meara, 2002, and
Wolter, 2001).
In the case of the acquisition of vocabulary, memory plays an important role
because the words one learns need to be stored in long-term memory. Early
studies of encoding processes in long-term memory claimed that for some
piece of new information to be stored in long-term memory, in-depth process-
ing is necessary (Craik & Lockhart, 1972). Though it is intuitively correct that
the intensity of processing affects the success of memorization, it is unclear
what Craik and Lockhart meant by depth of processing (Baddeley, 1978). Nev-
ertheless, there seems to be an agreement among researchers that new infor-
mation is retained better if learners pay sufficient attention to it, and if they
form a high number of and rich associations between old and new knowledge.
Laufer and Hulstijn (2001) drew up a model of L2 vocabulary memorization,
called the involvement load hypothesis, which aimed to apply findings of cog-
nitive psychology concerning the depth of processing and elaboration to the
task of L2 vocabulary learning. In their theory, involvement in processing is
assumed to consist of three components: need (to learn the given word),
search, which refers to how the meaning of the word is found out, and evalua-
tion, which “entails the comparison of the word’s meaning with other words, a
specific meaning of a word with its other meanings, or comparing the word
with other words in order to assess whether a word does or does not fit its con-
text” (p. 544). These three factors can be either present or absent in vocabu-
lary-learning instructional tasks and natural situations and can have different
degrees. The components of involvement can be described by what Laufer and
Hulstijn called the involvement index. Laufer and Hulstijn hypothesized that
the higher the involvement index is, the better words will be retained in
90 CHAPTER 4
long-term memory. The assumptions of their model were largely borne out by
the experiments Hulstijn and Laufer (2001) conducted in Israel and the
Netherlands, which investigated how tasks with different involvement load
affect the success of vocabulary learning.
SUMMARY
This chapter explored what processes are involved in lexical encoding, what
the structure of the bilingual lexicon is like, as well as how code-switching and
transfer take place at the level of words and how lexical items are acquired. In-
vestigations in the field of cognitive psychology seem to suggest that in lexical
encoding both L1 and L2 lemmas are activated; moreover, there is converging
evidence that these lemmas are not only active but also compete for selection.
Researchers disagree, however, on the issue of how lexical selection is con-
trolled. The most convincing view seems to be that of “complex access and
simple selection” (La Heij, 2005; Poulisse, 1999; Poulisse & Bongaerts,
1994), in which it is hypothesized that the preverbal plan contains all the nec-
essary specifications to recall the appropriate word in the intended language.
Concerning the organization and structure of the bilingual lexicon, one of the
basic questions that has been addressed is whether conceptual and semantic in-
formation are represented at a single shared level or at separate levels. The
mainstream position in this respect suggests that there is no need to presume
that semantic information is distinct from conceptual information. In the sec-
tion Models of the Organization of the Bilingual Lexicon, I reviewed the hier-
archical models of the lexicon and pointed out a number of problematic
aspects of these models. I also argued that the network model seems to be a
more viable theory of how words are organized in the mental lexicon. Psycho-
logical mechanisms involved in code-switching and transfer have also been
discussed in this chapter. It was shown that not only is La Heij’s (2005),
Poulisse and Bongaerts’ (1994), and Poulisse’s (1999) theory of complex ac-
cess and simple selection the most viable model of control in lexical access,
but it is also able to provide adequate explanation of intentional and uninten-
tional code-switching. In discussing lexical transfer, an attempt was made to
account for how L1 influences the use of lexical items at every level of vocabu-
lary knowledge, namely semantics, syntax, morphology, phonology, style,
and pragmatics. As regards the acquisition of vocabulary, views on how mem-
ory traces for newly learned words are established and retained as well as on
how the associations between words develop as a result of learning have also
been described.
Syntactic
5 and Phonological Encoding
A GENERAL OVERVIEW OF SYNTACTIC

ENCODING PROCESSES
As we saw in chapter 2, syntactic encoding comprises a number of subprocesses

such as the activation of the syntactic information stored at the lemma level and
of grammatical morphemes, the selection of syntactic rules that build phrases
and clauses, and the application of word order rules that determine the sequence
of the sentence constituents. Some of the processes involve the use of declarative
knowledge, whereas some others entail the automatic application of rules,
which is also referred to as procedural knowledge (see chap. 3). The syntactic in-
formation encoded at the lemma level can be considered declarative knowledge,
whereas phrase and clause building as well as word order rules are part of an L1
speaker’s procedural knowledge. Ullman (2001) and Paradis (1994) cited em-
pirical evidence from aphasic and modern brain-imaging research, which sup-
ports the procedural versus declarative distinction by showing that these two
types of knowledge are stored in different parts of the brain
Before discussing syntactic processing in L2 in detail, it is important to re-
view the basic characteristics of the processes. This description is based on
Levelt’s (1989) and Kempen and Hoenkamp’s (1987) model of grammatical
encoding, because as argued in chapter 2, this model is the most detailed one
and has also been supported by a number of empirical studies. The model has
undergone several modifications, but the new theory called the unification
space model has been elaborated only for sentence comprehension (for the
most recent version of the model, see Vosse & Kempen, 2000). The basic pro-
cessing principles underlying Incremental Procedural Grammar (IPG) devel-
oped by Kempen and Hoenkamp’s have, however, remained mostly
unchanged. We also have to note that a number of other grammatical theories
exist to date (e.g., Chomsky’s Minimalist Program [Chomsky, 1995];
optimality theory [Prince & Smolensky, 1993]), but they are concerned with
the general principles and properties that govern language and not with how
language is processed in psychological terms.
91
92 CHAPTER 5
Four basic assumptions underlie IPG, the first of which is that “processing
components are autonomous specialists, which operate largely automatically”
(Pienemann, 1998, p. 2) at least in L1 production. In other words, in syntactic
encoding subprocesses work autonomously without conscious supervision,
which ensures that processing can proceed parallel and automatically. The
processing components work with their characteristic input; for example,
noun phrase (NP)-building procedures are triggered by the activation of a
lemma that belongs to the lexical category of nouns. The next principle of IPG
is incrementality, which means that a processing component can already start
working with a fragment of its characteristic input; that is, it does not have to
wait until the previous component delivers a “finished product.” In order for
this to work, it has to be assumed that certain bits of the already processed mes-
sage sometimes need to be “put aside” for a while, that is, stored somewhere,
because the order of conceptual information does not always translate directly
into the order of the sentence constituents. Therefore, the third principle of
IPG states that “the output of the processor is linear, while it may not be
mapped unto the underlying meaning in a linear way” (Pienemann, 1998, p. 2).
This linearization problem (Levelt, 1989) might refer to conceptual compo-
nents, such as in the sentence “Before going to university, he served two years
in the army”; the proposition “he served two years in the army” might be con-
ceptualized earlier than the one “before going to university.” In this case once
the first proposition is encoded, it has to be deposited in a memory store until
the second proposition is processed. Grammatical information might also
need to be stored temporarily, for example, in the case of subject–verb agree-
ment, where information about the person and number of the subject needs to
be deposited so that it becomes available when the verb phrase is encoded. The
fourth principle of IPG is concerned with the storage of this information and
states that there exists a special grammatical memory store, where the output
of intermediary processes can be held temporarily.
In chapter 2, we saw how grammatical encoding is envisaged to take place
in IPG, but I describe it here once more in detail. The first step in the process is
the activation of the lemma, which entails access to the syntactic properties en-
coded at this level. The syntactic information of a lemma includes its syntactic
category (e.g., noun, verb, adjective, pronoun), diacritic parameters such as
gender, singularity, transitivity, and so on, and specifications concerning
obligatory and possible complements. The next step is the so-called category
procedure, which “inspects the conceptual material of the current iteration (the
material currently being processed) for possible complements and specifiers
and provides values for the diacritic features” (Pienemann, 1998, p. 4). Fol-
SYNTACTIC AND PHONOLOGICAL ENCODING 93
lowing this, the phrasal procedure assigns a grammatical function to the

phrase, for example, whether an NP is the subject or object of a sentence. Fi-
nally, the so-called S-procedure builds the syntactic structure of the sentence
and calls on the word order rules to arrange the processed constituents in ap-
propriate order. If the sentence contains a subordinate clause, an additional
subordinate clause procedure encodes it. In the following, we look at each
phase of grammatical encoding and discuss the relevant research findings and
theories.
DIACRITIC FEATURES: THE ENCODING

OF GRAMMATICAL GENDER
One of the few areas of second language syntactic processing that has been
studied by means of experimental techniques is the encoding of grammatical
gender in a few Indo-European gender-marking languages. I describe gender
encoding in L2 in this section in detail, not only because this is the only dia-
critic feature that has been investigated in the L2 field, but because whatever
we can conclude from studies on gender might refer to the encoding of other
types of grammatical information stored together with a lexical item such as
countability status and plural markers of nouns, transitivity of verbs, and so
forth.
In L1 production, it is assumed that grammatical gender is the lexico-syn-
tactic property of nouns, which is looked up when the noun is produced (e.g.,
Roelofs et al., 1998; B. M. Schmitt et al., 1999; Schriefers & Jescheniak,
1999). In monolingual models, all nouns of a given gender are connected to
gender nodes that specify gender; in other words, there is one abstract gender
node for each gender. In L2 research, the question is whether the L1 and L2
gender systems can be shared across languages if both languages have similar
gender structure. Logically two possible answers exist to this question. One
possibility is that the gender system of the two languages is shared and L1 and
L2 words that have the same gender in the two languages are connected to the
same gender node (see Fig. 5.1). Costa, Kovacic, et al. (2003) called this the
gender-integrated view, for whose plausibility they referred to the correlation
of grammatical and semantic gender as well as the relationship between pho-
nological features and gender found in many languages. In gender-marking
languages, it is common that words referring to concepts that have male or fe-
male gender also have corresponding grammatical gender values (e.g., man,
woman, actor, actress). Moreover, in some languages certain phonological
features such as the last phoneme of the word often mark a particular gender
94 CHAPTER 5
FIG. 5.1. The repre-

sentation of gender-
integrated view for dif-
ferent gender words.
Based on Costa,
Kovacic, et al. (2003).
Copyright 2003 by
Cambridge University
Press.
(e.g., in Italian the majority of nouns ending with -o are masculine). If similar
correlations exist in gender marking in L1 and L2, L2 speakers might be led to
assume that a particular gender value in L2 is the same grammatical property
as in L1; thus, they might connect the acquired L2 words to the existing L1
gender nodes. The other possibility is that the gender systems of the two lan-
guages are separate, and therefore separate gender nodes exist for L2 words
(see Fig. 5.2), which Costa, Kovacic, et al. term the language autonomy view.
They did not list any supporting evidence for this view, but it is possible that
languages that have different gender systems (e.g., have three different gender
values: masculine, feminine, neuter in one of the languages, and only two val-
ues: masculine and feminine in the other language) or in which the gender
value has different consequences for NP encoding might not share the same
gender system. It might also be the case that L2 learners start out with a sepa-
rate gender system at the beginning stage, which becomes integrated with the
development of language proficiency or vice versa. As pointed out previously,
the two possible views as regards the relationship of gender information of L1
and L2 words might also be extended to other diacritic features, and one might
ask the question of whether information on the countability status of nouns or

the transitivity of verbs is stored together or separately in the mental lexicon of
an L2 speaker.
The other theoretically relevant question in gender encoding is whether the
selection of the gender feature is an activation-based mechanism or an auto-
matic process. In L1 processing, a number of researchers (e.g., Schriefers,
1993; Vigliocco et al., 2002) argue that the speed with which the gender value
of a noun is encoded is dependent on the level of the activation of the given
gender node. In other words, if a feminine noun needs to be encoded and previ-
ously also a feminine noun was accessed, the selection of the feminine gender
value will be faster than in the case if the previous noun was of masculine gen-
der. In some other studies, it is proposed that the gender value of a noun is al-
ways accessed when the noun itself is activated; therefore, this process is
automatic and does not depend on activation levels (Caramazza, Miozzo,
Costa, Schiller, & Alario, 2001; cf. Costa, Kovacic, et al., 2003; Schiller &
Caramazza, 2003). Costa, Kovacic, et al. concluded that following from the
fact that there are two options as regards the relationship of L1 and L2 gender
systems and another two concerning the selection of the gender value, four
possibilities exist. Both in the gender-integrated view and in the language au-
tonomy view, gender features might be accessed either automatically or with
the help of an activation spreading mechanism. If the two gender systems are
FIG. 5.2. The rep-

resentation of gen-
der in the language
autonomy view for
same-gender
words. Based on
Costa, Kovacic, et
al. (2003). Copy-
right 2003 by Cam-
bridge University
Press.
96 CHAPTER 5
separate, the fact that L1 and L2 values are the same does not facilitate gender
encoding. Therefore, in the language autonomy view neither the automatic ac-
cess account nor the spreading activation account would predict any difference
in the speed of the encoding of nouns whose gender is the same in L1 and L2.
Moreover, in the automatic access view no difference is assumed to exist in the
retrieval speed of same gender words even if the gender systems of the two lan-
guages are shared. The only situation when facilitation can be observed is if
the gender system is integrated and access is based on spreading activation, as
in this case naming latencies had been affected by the gender of the L1 transla-
tion equivalents. In the review of lexical encoding in L2 in chapter 4, we have
seen that in L2 lexical access L1 words also become activated to some extent.
Thus, if the activated L1 word has the same gender value, it also spreads
additional activation the relevant gender node, which results in quicker
selection (for a review of the four options, see Table 5.1).
Costa, Kovacic, et al. (2003) carried out a series of experiments with partici-
pants speaking languages whose gender system is structurally similar
(French-Italian, Catalan-Spanish) and also with languages where the gender
systems differ in their structure (Croatian-Italian). With minor variations, the
basic experimental procedure involved naming pictures in L2 whose gender
values were either shared or different in the two languages. The results in all of
the experiments with the three language pairs showed no difference in the time
needed to name the pictures, from which one conclusion can be drawn, namely
that if the gender system of the L1 and L2 is integrated, access of the gender
feature is not based on spreading activation. Therefore, further research is
needed to test whether L2 speakers rely on a single gender system for the two
languages, and if not, whether gender values are accessed automatically or
based on spreading activation. On the basis of more conclusive future studies,
inferences could be made concerning how other types of syntactic information
related to a given word are stored and accessed in L2 production.
TABLE 5.1
Description of the Predictions for the Naming Performance of L2 Speakers
for Words That Share the Gender Value in the Two Languages.
Selection Based on
Activation Spreading Automatic Selection
Gender-integrated view Facilitation No effect
Language autonomy view No effect No effect
Note. Table Based on Data From Costa, Kovacic, et al. (2003)

ACCESSING GRAMMATICAL MORPHEMES
Words are generally classified as content versus function words, or as open- versus
closed-class words in descriptive grammar; in psycholinguistic terms, however,
morphemes, that is, the smallest units of language that carry meaning, are charac-
terized from the perspective of how they are stored and accessed. Myers-Scotton
and Jake (2000) developed the 4-M model, which delineates four different types
of morphemes, based on code-switching and L2 developmental data as well as re-
search on aphasic language production. In this model, two basic types of mor-
phemes are differentiated: content morphemes, which are words that assign and
receive thematic roles (e.g., agent, patient) and head their maximal projections
(e.g., nouns head NPs), and system morphemes, which do not assign or receive
thematic roles. Typical content morphemes are nouns and verbs, whereas system
morphemes include among others determiners, inflections, and some preposi-
tions. System morphemes are further subdivided into three groups. The so-called
early system morphemes are conceptually activated and are dependent “on their
content morpheme heads in their immediate maximal projections for their form”
(Myers-Scotton, 2005, p. 338). For example, early system morphemes include de-
terminers that are activated based on the feature [+ accessible] (e.g., “the” in Eng-
lish) or [– accessible] (e.g., “a” in English) specified by the preverbal plan, the
plural marking of nouns, and derivational affixes. Late system morphemes can be
of two types: bridge late system morphemes and outsider late system morphemes.
Bridge late system morphemes are used to connect elements and ensure that the
constituents are well formed. An English example for this type of morpheme is
“of” in the phrase “the book of the prophets.” “Outsider late system morphemes
are called outsiders because they depend for their form on information from out-
side their immediate maximal projection” (Myers-Scotton, 2005, p. 338). An ex-
ample for outsider late system morpheme is subject–verb agreement, in the course
of which the inflection of the verb is dependent on information from the subject of
the clause. Table 5.2 contains a summary of the characteristics of the four different
types of morphemes.
Primarily based on code-switching data, which is discussed in more detail
in the section Code-Switching and Syntactic Encoding, Myers-Scotton (2005)
assumed that the four different types of morphemes are accessed differently in
both L1 and L2, as well as in situations of the simultaneous use of the lan-
guages. She argued that content morphemes and early system morphemes are
activated in the mental lexicon based on the conceptual specifications of the
preverbal message. Once content morphemes and early system morphemes
are selected, they further activate the syntactic building procedures that call
98 CHAPTER 5
TABLE 5.2
Description of the Four Different Types of Morphemes in Myers-Scotton
and Jake’s (2000) 4-M Model
Require Operations
Conceptually Thematic Role Outside the Maxi-
Morphemes Activated Assignment mal Projection
Content + + –
Early system + – –
Bridge late system – – –
Outsider late system – – +
the late system morphemes. On the basis of the assumptions of IPG,

Pienemann (1998) also classified morphemes in a similar way. He distin-
guished lexical, phrasal, and interphrasal morphemes. Lexical morphemes are
similar to Myers-Scotton and Jake’s (2000) early system morphemes, because
they are specified by the diacritic features of lemmas; that is, they are concep-
tually activated at the lemma level. Pienemann cited the example of the Eng-
lish determiners because their selection is based on whether the head of the
phrase (i.e., the noun) is singular or plural; thus the information concerning
this diacritic feature of the head has to be deposited in the NP-building proce-
dure and called on when the determiner is activated (e.g., “a” or “an” as in “a
book” or a zero determiner as in “books”). Outsider late system morphemes
(Myers-Scotton & Jake, 2000) correspond to Pienemann’s interphrasal mor-
phemes, the selection of which is governed by agreement between phrases of a
sentence (e.g., person marking of verbs). IPG assumes that first lexical mor-
phemes are activated, and this is followed by the selection of phrasal and fi-
nally by interphrasal morphemes.1 A basic tenet of processability theory (PT)
formulated by Pienemann is that highly proficient L2 speakers also encode the
three different types of morphemes in this order; but if learners have not ac-
quired the procedures necessary for activating the morphemes at a given level,
they will not be able to process their intended message grammatically at a fur-
ther level, and they will simply map the conceptual structures on the surface
form. A more detailed discussion of PT can be found in the section Transfer
and the Acquisition of L2 Syntactic Knowledge.
1
For Pienemann (1998), some of Myers-Scotton and Jake’s (2000) early system morphemes are phrasal
morphemes because they are dependent on the agreement between the head of the phrase and another phrasal
constituent. Pienemann did not discuss morphemes that would correspond to Myers-cotton and Jake’s con-
tent morphemes. It is also difficult to establish direct correspondence between bridge late system morphemes
in Myers-Scotton and Jake’s taxonomy and Pienemann’s categorization of morphemes.
THE ACTIVATION OF SYNTACTIC BUILDING PROCEDURES
Very few experimental studies have been conducted on the activation of syn-
tactic building procedures, which is partly due to the fact that even in L1 pro-
duction this is a less frequently researched topic. In chapter 2, we have seen
that syntactic processing at the level of phrases and clauses is primarily investi-
gated with the help of the method called syntactic priming. The major finding
of syntactic priming experiments was that the use of one syntactic structure in
a sentence (called the prime) increases the likelihood of the use of the same
structure in another sentence, which is called priming effect (Bock, 1986). The
experiments also showed that it is only the similarity of syntactic structure that
produces the priming effect, and that lexical, thematic, metrical, or phonologi-
cal similarities between the prime and target do not result in priming (for a re-
view, see Bock & Levelt, 1994; Levelt, 1989). This indicates that one syntactic
structure can activate another similar structure, and therefore the mechanisms
of spreading activation are also at work in syntactic encoding. In extensions of
the classical syntactic priming experiments (Potter & Lombardi, 1990; Tree &
Mejer, 1999) it was also found that L1 speakers use recently activated words to
reconstruct the sentence they have to recall, which supports the assumption
that syntactic encoding is lexically driven. The question that is asked in L2 pro-
duction as regards the activation of syntactic building procedures is whether
L2 lemmas activate specifically L2 syntactic building procedures or can they
point to processes in L1. De Bot (1992) and Pienemann (1998) assumed that
phrasal- and clausal-structure-building processes are language specific; that
is, L2 lemmas do not trigger L1 grammatical encoding processes. Pienemann
et al. (2005) added that transfer of L1 syntactic procedures is possible only if
L2 learners have already acquired earlier processes in the processing hierarchy
(for more detail see the next section). In their APT, Truscott and
Sharwood-Smith (2004) stated exactly the opposite and proposed that if L1
syntactic procedures are more highly activated than L2 processes, they are se-
lected instead of the target language process. As is shown in the next section,
although there is ample evidence for the viability of Pienemann et al.’s argu-
ment, the APT model has not been empirically tested yet.
Meijer and Fox Tree (2003) asked the question what happens if L1 and L2
syntactic procedures for specific structures are the same in both languages and
investigated this issue by means of syntactic priming. The participants of their
study were highly proficient Spanish-English bilinguals, whose first task was
to recall sentences containing dative verbs in English that can take either an
NP-NP structure as a complement (e.g., The mother gave the child the ice
100 CHAPTER 5
cream.) or an NP-PP structure (e.g., The mother gave the ice cream to the
child). The target sentence presented in English was followed by a Spanish
prime sentence containing either the same or a different complement structure
than the one in the English sentence. Following this a distractor word was pre-
sented, for which participants had to decide whether it was included in the sen-
tence or not. Finally, participants had to recall the originally presented English
sentence. In another experiment, the order of the direct-object pronoun was
manipulated in Spanish target sentences, and English prime sentences were
used. In addition, they also investigated the use of the double negative as op-
posed to single negation, which are both permissible in Spanish. The main
question of the study was whether seeing a different structure in the Spanish or
English prime sentence induces participants to use this structure in the sen-
tence to be recalled in the other language. In other words, they wanted to test
whether the activation of one particular phrase-building procedure in one lan-
guage affects selection of procedures in the other. Meijer and Fox Tree found
that speakers in both L1 and L2 switched from one structure to the other possi-
ble syntactic structure if they saw it in the prime sentence, with the exception
of double negative, which turned out to be a semantically marked structure in
Spanish. On the basis of this result, they argued that “syntactic rules necessary
for both languages are centrally stored” and that they “are not labeled with re-
spect to language” (p. 193). We have to note that they are probably right as-
suming that syntactic rules for L1 and L2 are stored at the same place once the
L2 rules become fully proceduralized, that is, when L2 speakers are able to ap-
ply them automatically. At lower proficiency levels, however, rules are often
used consciously and are stored in declarative memory, which has been found
to be located in a different part of the brain than procedural knowledge
(Paradis, 1994; Ullman, 2001). Pienemann et al. (2005) also argued that even
if L1 and L2 rules are the same, L2 learners have to acquire lower order
syntactic procedures first to be able to transfer this knowledge from their L1. In
sum, it is unlikely that unbalanced bilingual speakers store L1 and L2 syntactic
procedures in the same place.
TRANSFER AND THE ACQUISITION
OF L2 SYNTACTIC KNOWLEDGE
Transfer and the acquisition of L2 syntactic knowledge have often been re-
garded as two interrelated processes in L2 acquisition, because it was fre-
quently assumed that learners start out by applying L1 rules to construct L2
utterances, and the developmental path they take slowly reaches a state where
L2 rules are correctly used (see, e.g., Selinker’s, 1972, interlanguage hypothe-
sis). Somewhat later it was acknowledged that the acquisition of syntax does
not simply involve the transformation of the L1 grammatical system into the
L2 system, but also the application of creative construction processes (Dulay
& Burt, 1974), which are independent of both L1 and L2. In this section, I give
a brief overview of how major theories of language learning view the acquisi-
tion of L2 syntactic encoding processes and also discuss PT (Pienemann,
1998), which is concerned with the psycholinguistic constraints of syntax
learning and not with the actual process of how acquisition takes place. An im-
portant question in the acquisition of L2 grammatical encoding processes is
how L2 rules learners know consciously become automatic, in other words,
how declarative knowledge gets transformed into procedural knowledge, is
not elaborated here; I postpone the discussion of this process to chapter 8,
where it will be discussed together with other issues of the automaticity of
speech production processes.
The issue of the transfer of L1 knowledge and the use of cognitive construc-
tion processes in the learning of L2 syntax was first addressed from the per-
spective of Chomsky’s (1965) Universal Grammar, which assumes that
humans are equipped with a specific language acquisition device (LAD) that
helps them acquire their first language from the impoverished input they re-
ceive as young children. The LAD contains principles that are universal for all
languages and parameters that need to be set for the particular language to be
learned, which together are referred to as Universal Grammar (UG). For a long
time, in L2 research the question was whether L2 learners have access to UG,
and if so, whether they can access it fully or only partially (the study of transfer
and the role of UG is a wide area of SLA research, which we do not explore in
great detail here; for the most recent review, see White, 2003). A number of
studies in the nativist paradigm have proposed that L2 learners have full access
to UG, and that learning L2 syntax involves resetting the parameters estab-
lished for L1 in order to conform to the rules of L2. Among these researchers
the positions differ as regards the constraints on L1 transfer. In the most ex-
treme view, held by Schwartz and Sprouse (1996), it is argued that every aspect
of L1 syntax might be transferred, and the fact that L2 syntax is often not ac-
quired fully is explained with reference to fossilization, which takes place if
input necessary for restructuring L1 knowledge is not available or salient.
Other studies pose several restrictions on L1 transfer. For example, Vainikka
and Young-Scholten (1994) argued that transfer is limited to lexical categories
and word order rules, whereas Eubank (1993) allowed for the transfer of lexi-
cal and functional categories. A number of other researchers, such as Felix
(1985) and Clahsen and Muysken (1989), however, assume that L2 learners
102 CHAPTER 5
have limited or indirect access to UG, which explains why perfect acquisition
of L2 above a certain age is hardly possible. Finally, there are views that claim
that L2 learners no longer have access to UG, and they apply general prob-
lem-solving strategies to reconstruct the L2 grammar from the available input
(Meisel, 1991). White (1996) pointed out that the theory of UG has been mis-
takenly applied to explain the acquisition of grammar because it is a theory of
representation and not of development. Therefore, the question of whether L2
learners have access to UG has recently been reformulated as whether the
grammatical system of learners’ interlanguage follows the same principles as
natural languages or it is impaired in certain respects (see, e.g., Hawkins &
Chan, 1997). This question, however, is outside the scope of this book.
Connectionist approaches to language learning deny the existence of an in-
born language acquisition device and claim that language learning is not dif-
ferent from any other kind of learning (for a review, see N. Ellis, 2003). The
most well-known model of language acquisition in the connectionist para-
digm is the competition model originally developed by MacWhinney and
Bates (for a recent review of the model, see MacWhinney, 2001). In this
model, learning is influenced by the frequency and complexity of the relation-
ship of grammatical forms and communicative functions, and the existence of
UG is denied. It is assumed that learning L2 means acquiring how particular
surface forms express communicative intentions, which is called form-func-
tion mapping, and that learners do not need to have an innate language capac-
ity; they simply rely on available input. The aspects of input learners need to
process and acquire are called “cues.” The strength or salience of cues is deter-
mined by the frequency and availability of the particular form-function map-
ping in the input. Cues can also compete with each other, and certain cues
might override others. MacWhinney (1997) cited the example of Dutch word
order and case marking. In Dutch the noun phrase before the modal verb is
usually the subject of the sentence, which can be regarded as a word order cue.
However, when the noun phrase before the modal verb is marked accusative, it
is the object of the sentence; thus here the case-marking cue is stronger than the
word order cue. The competition model predicts that in both L1 and L2
acquisition cue strength influences the order in which the various cues are
learned.
As regards the acquisition of L2 syntax and transfer, the competition model
assumes that learners start out by attempting to transfer the form-function
mappings of the L1 to L2. MacWhinney (1997) argued that “because con-
nectionist models place such a strong emphasis on analogy and other types of
pattern generalization, they predict that all aspects of the first language that
can possibly transfer to L2 will transfer” (p. 119). If transfer does not produce
the correct output, the learners will further attend to cues in the input and as-
semble the structure step-by-step. The model also predicts that if a particular
structure has the same function in both languages, acquisition of the structure
will be facilitated, whereas syntactic structures that are formally similar in the
two languages but have different communicative values will be difficult to
learn. The competition model has mainly been applied to examine bilingual
and monolingual sentence comprehension; very few studies have been con-
ducted in the framework of this theory on acquisition of L2 grammatical
knowledge in speech production. One of them is Döpke’s (2001) investigation
of bilingual children’s production of L2 syntactic structure over the period of
1–3 years. Döpke argued that her data support that in bilingual-child first and
second language acquisition, syntactic knowledge is built up by learners
through attending to the surface structure of the utterances and by slowly
establishing the correct form and function mappings in both L1 and L2.
A new development in the field of connectionism concerning the acquisi-
tion of syntax is that successful computer simulations were carried out that
were able to show that if a connectionist architecture is exposed to vast amount
of input, it is able to generalize from the exemplars in the input and build mor-
phological, phonological, and syntactic structures (for a review, see N. Ellis,
1998; Murre, 2005). Though most of this type of work has been performed us-
ing L1 input, some studies in the L2 field have also been conducted. N. Ellis
and Schmidt (1998) recorded how a group of learners acquire morphology in
an artificial grammar and then modeled the learning process with a
connectionist computer network. The system showed a similar developmental
pattern as that of the language learners and was able to reproduce rulelike be-
havior without actually being equipped with prior knowledge of the rules; in
other words, it was able to infer rules from the input alone. Kempe and
MacWhinney (1998) also successfully modeled the acquisition of German and
Russian case marking in a connectionist network.
APT, developed by Truscott and Sharwood-Smith (2004), views acquisi-
tion and transfer from a different perspective than the previously described
models and theories, although it draws heavily on the work of connectionism
just like the competition model. The theory is based on Chomsky’s (1995)
Minimalist Program and Jackendoff’s (2002) view of modularity, in which it is
claimed that the message is constructed by three independent processors: the
conceptual processor, which is outside the language module, and the syntactic
and phonological modules, which together make up the language module. The
syntactic module is invariable across languages and has full access to UG. The
104 CHAPTER 5
source of interlanguage variation is located in the lexicon. In simple terms,

Truscott and Sharwood-Smith proposed that learning by processing involves
adding additional activation to items, whether words, functional categories,
inflections, and so on, which results in these items being more readily avail-
able for processing in the future. In the case of syntactic representations that
can have different features in L1 and L2 (e.g., strong vs. weak feature), the acti-
vation level of the L2 target feature is increased as a result of learning so that it
finally exceeds that of the L1 feature. As a consequence, Truscott and
Sharwood-Smith assumed that transfer, as seen in previous research, does not
exist. For them transfer means that in certain cases, especially at the beginning
of the acquisition process, the activation of L1 syntactic features is at higher
resting level, and therefore they will be selected instead of the L2 feature. Al-
though the activation-based explanation for learning and transfer has great po-
tential for SLA research, in its current state APT is not yet fully developed and
lacks empirical support. Table 5.3 contains a summary of how different
theories view the role of UG and transfer in the acquisition of L2 syntax.
PT, developed by Pienemann (1998), is primarily concerned with the con-
straints of acquisition and not with the representation of grammatical knowl-
edge. In this theory it is hypothesized that “L2 learners can produce only those
linguistic forms for which they have acquired the necessary prerequisites”
(Pienemann et al., 2005). PT is based on IPG (Kempen & Hoenkamp, 1987) and
assumes that processing components are autonomous specialists, which work
incrementally, and that the intermediary products of processing are stored in
grammatical memory (see the section Diacritic Features). In accordance with
Kempen and Hoenkamp, Pienemann postulated the following sequence in
which syntactic encoding takes place: (a) lemma access, (b) category procedure
TABLE 5.3
Overview of Theories of the Acquisition of Syntax by L2 Learners
The Role of Universal

Theory Grammar Transfer
Nativists Views range from limited Views range from no con-
to full access to UG. straint on transfer to the
existence of various con-
straints (developmental,
universal, etc.).
Competition model No UG Transfer is not constrained.
Acquisition by There is full access to UG. Transfer does not exist.
processing theory
Processability theory It does not consider the Transfer is developmen-
question of UG. tally constrained.
(builds the phrasal category), (c) phrasal procedure (encodes the phrase), (d) the
S-procedure (establishes the place of the phrase within the sentence), and (e)
subordinate clause procedure (for examples, see the detailed description of
Kempen and Hoenkamp’s, 1987, model in chap. 2). He also assumed that lem-
mas are separate for L1 and L2 words and contain language-specific diacritic
features as well as information on complements and specifiers, and that all the
syntactic procedures are language specific. The most important hypothesis of
PT is that because the syntactic encoding processes form a hierarchy, in which
each subordinate phase needs to be at least partially completed before the next
phase can start working, learners also need to acquire lower order grammatical
encoding procedures before they can process the following stage. In other
words, the acquisition of syntactic knowledge follows the order of the proce-
dures of syntactic encoding. Pienemann argued that if the learner has not ac-
quired procedures at a specific stage and above, he or she will have to resort to
mapping concepts to surface form from that level on. As de Bot (1998) rightly
pointed out, the question of what happens if processing is cut off at a particular
stage due to lack of knowledge is not explained in great detail by Pienemann. De
Bot suggested that one possible solution L2 learners can apply in this case is re-
sorting to communication strategies to compensate for their lack of knowledge
(see chap. 7 for more detail).
Pienemann also described his hierarchy in terms of the processing of differ-
ent morphemes. He proposed that lexical morphemes such as the marking of
past tense on English verbs can be produced without having recourse to
phrase-building procedures; therefore, they are the first types of morphemes in
the acquisition hierarchy. At the next stage of learning, phrasal morphemes,
the production of which is dependent on the agreement of the phrase, and an-
other phrasal element can be found (e.g., determiners in English that contain
information on the singularity of the head noun). Finally, interphrasal mor-
phemes (e.g., verbal inflections expressing agreement with the subject of the
sentence) are acquired (see Table 5.4). Empirical support for the PT has been
primarily provided by studies investigating the order of acquisition of specific
syntactic structures, in which it was found that syntactic structures indeed
emerged in L2 learners’ speech as predicted by the theory. Pienemann (in
press) reanalyzed Johnston’s (1985) and Pienemann and Mackey’s (1993)
studies investigating learners of English from various L1 backgrounds and the
work on learners of the ZISA (Zweitspracherwerb Italianischer und Spanisher
Arbeiter [Second Language Acquisition of Spanish and Italian Workers] re-
search group on learners of German (e.g., Clahsen, 1980; Clahsen, Meisel, &
Pienemann, 1983; Meisel, Clahsen, & Pienemann, 1981; Pienemann, 1980),
106 CHAPTER 5
TABLE 5.4
Hierarchy of Processing Procedures
Processing
Stage Procedure L2 Process Morphology Syntax
5 Subordinate Main and Cancel inversion
clause proce- subclause (e.g. I wonder
dure what he means)
4 S-procedure Interphrasal S–V agreement Do2nd (e.g. Do
information (e.g., Anna loves you like swim-
exchange swimming) ming?)
3 Phrasal Phrasal infor- Possessive pro- Do-fronting
procedure mation ex- noun (e.g., This is (e.g., I do not
change my room) like this)
2 Category Lexical Plural (e.g., two Canonical word
procedure morphemes cats) order (e.g., Me
no live here)
1 Word/lemma Words Invariant forms
Single constituents
Note. Table based on data from Pienemann et al. (2005).
and found that these learners followed the acquisition order described by his
theory. Moreover, recent studies with learners of Japanese and Italian (Di
Biase & Kawaguchi, 2002), as well as Chinese (Zhang, in press), Swedish
(Pienemann & Håkansson, 1999), and Arabic (Mansouri, 2000) as L2 also
lend support to PT. Research conducted in the framework of Myers-Scotton
and Jake’s (2000) 4-M model also came to similar conclusions as Pienemann
(1998) as regards the acquisition hierarchy of grammatical morphemes. Wei
(2000) claimed that content morphemes (i.e., lemmas that assign thematic
roles) are activated first in the processing hierarchy and are therefore the first
to be acquired. Next come early system morphemes, which are also conceptu-
ally activated and have an important role in conveying one’s message. Late
system morphemes are the last in the hierarchy because they are structurally
assigned, which makes their acquisition difficult. The accuracy order of
grammatical morphemes in the speech of Chinese and Japanese learners of
English examined in Wei’s study reflects a similar sequence as Pienemann’s
(1998) processing hierarchy.
It is a logical consequence of the processing hierarchy that it is impossible
that at the beginning of the L2 learning process students transfer all their knowl-
edge of the L1 syntactic system to L2. Pienemann et al. (2005) argued that in-
stead L2 learners reconstruct the L2 grammatical system from scratch starting
from the bottom of the processing hierarchy. They pointed out that “L1 transfer
is developmentally moderated and will occur only when the structure to be

transferred is processable within the developing L2 system.” To illustrate
Pienemann et al.’s view, this means that at Stage 1, L2 learners might transfer di-
acritic features, as well as possible and obligatory complements and specifiers
of L1 lemmas to L2; at Stage 2, where syntactic information about lemmas is al-
ready acquired, categorial procedures based on L1 knowledge might be applied,
and so on. Håkansson, Pienemann, and Sayehli (2002) provided empirical evi-
dence for this view by showing that Swedish learners of German do not transfer
rules from their L1 that are also to be found in L2 until they reach the stage where
they can process that particular rule. A number of studies with learners from dif-
ferent language backgrounds and acquiring different L2s also support this view
(e.g., Haberzettl, 2000; Johnston, 1997; cf. Pienemann et al., 2005).
In this section we have seen that four major theories exist as regards the
learning of L2 grammar and the role of transfer: the nativist paradigm,
connectionist theory (the most developed representative of which in the field
of syntax is the competition model), the acquisition by processing theory, and
the processability theory. From the previous discussion, it is also apparent that
these four theories approach the question of the acquisition of syntax from dif-
ferent perspectives. Nativists assume the existence of an inborn language ac-
quisition device that is also partly or fully available in L2 learning. The PT
focuses on the sequence in which various L2 syntactic encoding processes can
be acquired based on the constraints of the syntactic system, whereas the com-
petition model and APT are concerned with how syntax is learned from the
available input. The competition model claims that the acquisition of syntactic
rules is possible through the analysis of input, whereas in the APT and nativist
theories it is argued that even though learning is primarily an activation-based
mechanism, there exists a separate innate language module.
CODE-SWITCHING AND SYNTACTIC ENCODING
In one of the first studies on bilingual code-switching behavior it was observed

that code-switched utterances of proficient bilinguals are rule governed
(Poplack, 1981), and since then the syntax of code-switching has received dis-
tinguished attention. Several constraints on code-switching and rules concern-
ing the structure of code-switched sentences have been proposed, mostly in the
framework of various grammatical theories. Due to the complex nature of the
theories underlying these studies and to the fact that most of the research in this
vein does not consider the cognitive aspects of speech production, only one
study, Myers-Scotton’s (1993) Matrix Language Frame, which has cognitive
108 CHAPTER 5
psychological background, is discussed here (for linguistic theories on the

grammatical structure of code-switched utterances, see Belazi, Rubin, &
Toribio, 1994; MacSwan, 2000; Poplack, 1981; Woolford, 1983).
Myers-Scotton (1993) drew up her model based on psycholinguistic theo-
ries of speech production (primarily on Levelt’s, 1989, model), in which she
claimed that one language is always the more dominant mode of communica-
tion (Matrix Language), and that the basic grammatical frame for a specific
unit of discourse is established on the basis of this language. Elements might
be inserted into this frame, called Matrix Frame, from the so-called Embedded
Language, which is the less dominant mode of communication.
Myers-Scotton established two constraints on code-switching: the morpheme
order principle, which claims that the Matrix Language determined the order
of morphemes within a bilingual constituent, and the system morpheme prin-
ciple, which states that system morphemes that indicate grammatical relations
between phrasal constituents (called late system morphemes in the 4-M
model; Myers-Scotton & Jake, 2000—see the Accessing Grammatical Mor-
phemes section) also need to come from the Matrix Language. This model is
motivated by the assumption that certain grammatical morphemes might be
conceptually specified in the preverbal plan (early system morphemes),
whereas others are called on by syntactic building procedures, and therefore
they behave differently in code-switching. MacSwan (2000, 2003) cited sev-
eral counterexamples to the rules proposed in the Matrix Language Frame
model and pointed out an important problematic aspect of the model. He ar-
gued that Myers-Scotton’s assumptions concerning the existence of language
frames in syntactic processing were not supported by grammatical theory.
Moreover, the idea of syntactic frames is against the view that syntactic encod-
ing is lexically driven, which is also a basic assumption of Myers-Scotton’s
model. This results in a contradiction within the model, which, however, is the
only available psycholinguistic theory of syntactic processes operating in
code-switching to date.
SUMMARY OF GRAMMATICAL ENCODING PROCESSES
As the previous sections show, we are left with more questions than answers in
the field of syntactic encoding, and many of the issues in the field have not yet
been given sufficient attention. As regards the diacritic features of lemmas, it is
only gender that was investigated in a recent study by Costa, Kovacic, et al.
(2003). All they were able to conclude is that for advanced L2 speakers the en-
coding of gender might be either activation based or automatic, and either gen-
der features might be stored separately or L1 and L2 words might share the
same gender node, but out of the four combinations that arise only one can be
ruled out: If L1 and L2 gender systems are integrated, gender values are not ac-
cessed based on activation levels. The access of other diacritic features of
nouns and verbs has not been studied yet. We seem to have more insight into
the issue of activation of grammatical morphemes than the access of diacritic
features, and there also appears to be a consensus in this respect. Researchers
tend to agree that grammatical morphemes can be activated in two different
ways—by the specifications of the preverbal plan and by syntactic encoding
procedures—and that the way these morphemes behave in L2 processing, ac-
quisition, transfer, and code-switching is largely dependent on the mode by
which they are accessed. There is more disagreement concerning the question
as to whether L2 lemmas can activate L1 syntactic building procedures or only
L2 ones. The investigation carried out by Meijer and Fox Tree (2003) shows
that if certain grammatical processes are identical in L1 and L2, they can be
merged and might not have a specification for language in the case of advanced
L2 speakers. The PT (Pienemann, 1998; Pienemann et al., 2005), however,
claims that there is a processability hierarchy of syntactic structures, and L2
learners cannot process a structure if they have not yet acquired the procedures
to be found at earlier stages of the hierarchy. This also means that they cannot
transfer or apply an L1 process instead of the L2 one if they are not yet at the
stage where the L1 process is located in the hierarchy.
In the field of transfer and the acquisition of syntactic encoding processes,
we have reviewed three theories: the PT, the competition model, and the APT.
The main concern of PT is the sequence in which various L2 syntactic encod-
ing processes can be acquired based on the constraints of the syntactic system,
whereas the other two models concentrate on how syntax is learned from the
available input. PT has been extensively tested with learners acquiring differ-
ent languages and having various L1 backgrounds, and its assumptions have
largely been borne out. The competition model has been mainly applied to
studies of comprehension, and studies on its implications for bilingual syntax
acquisition are scarce. APT is a new theory that needs to be submitted to em-
pirical testing. Further psycholinguistic investigation of the syntactic
processes involved in code-switching is also imminent.
GENERAL OVERVIEW OF PHONOLOGICAL
ENCODING PROCESSES
In chapter 2, we reviewed Roelofs’ (1997b) WEAVER model of phonological

encoding, which presents one of the most detailed accounts of how phonologi-
cal processing might work in monolinguals. Let us recapitulate the basic steps
110 CHAPTER 5
in this model here once more. The first step in the phonological encoding pro-
cess is accessing the mental representation of the phonological word, which
contains information on the metrical structure of the word and the phonologi-
cal segments that constitute it. The syllabification process, which is the next
step, assigns the segments their position within the syllables based on the syl-
labification rules of the given language. When producing words that consist of
several morphemes and connected speech, this process also takes neighboring
morphemes and words into consideration. Syllabification proceeds from the
first segment to second, from second to third, and so on, which Roelofs com-
pared to weaving a fabric (hence the name WEAVER model). In phonetic en-
coding, metrical representations are used to set parameters for loudness, pitch,
and duration, and the program is made available for the control of the
articulatory movements. The model assumes incremental production, which
means that a fragment of the input is enough to trigger production. Therefore,
syllabification can start on the initial segment of a word if the metrical struc-
ture is available, and the interim results of the syllabification process can be
stored in a buffer until further segments are ready. In the articulation phase,
motor programs are retrieved from a store of learned programs, which is called
the syllabary. Syllables are produced as packages of scores for the articulatory
movements to be made. Scores also specify the gestures and their temporal re-
lationships. Assimilation of sounds is assumed to be the result of the overlap of
gestural scores. In the model, only forward spreading of activation is allowed.
Phonological encoding in L2 has received little attention by researchers
working in the field of psycholinguistics. In line with L1 research, one of the
issues that has been addressed is whether the phonological form of
nonselected but activated words can be activated, that is, whether activation
cascades from the lemma to the lexeme level (Colomé, 2001; Costa et al.,
2000; Hermans, 2000; Hermans et al., 1998; Kroll et al., 2000). The other
question that has been recently tested by means of experimental techniques is
whether representations of phonemes are shared or separate in L1 and L2
(Roelofs, 2003b). Poulisse (1999) investigated phonological slips of the
tongue and drew conclusions concerning L2 phonological encoding processes
from the types and distributions of the slips in her corpus. An attempt was also
made by Laeufer (1997) to set up a typology of bilingual phonological and
phonetic representation. As regards the role of L1 in phonological encoding
and the acquisition of L2 phonology, most studies apply a linguistic theory to
address these issues. Research that is concerned with the psycholinguistic pro-
cesses of learning L2 phonological encoding mechanisms is scarce (but see
Flege, Frieda, Walley, & Randazza, 1998; Hancin-Bhatt & Bhatt, 1992).
THE ACTIVATION OF THE PHONOLOGICAL FORM

OF LEXICAL ITEMS
In chapter 2 we saw that one of the central questions in psycholinguistic re-

search on word form encoding is whether activation can cascade from the
lemma to the lexeme level, in other words, whether the phonological form of a
given lexical item can receive activation from a nonselected, but nonetheless,
activated lemma. In L1 production research, support for the cascading of acti-
vation was found by, among others, Jescheniak and Schriefers (1997) and Pe-
terson and Savoy (1998), but counterevidence also exists (see, e.g., Jescheniak
et al., 2003; van Turennout et al., 1997). Interestingly, in L2 production most
studies have found that the phonological form of words in the nonselected lan-
guage also becomes activated.
The first piece of evidence for the assumption that activation spreads to the
phonological form of both L1 and L2 words comes from studies investigating
naming latencies of cognate words. A number of researchers (e.g., Costa et al.,
2000, for Spanish-Catalan bilinguals; Kroll et al., 2000, for Dutch-English
bilinguals) have observed that participants were faster naming pictures that
can be described by similar-sounding words in the two languages than pictures
where no phonological relationship exists between the words. The explanation
for this finding probably lies in the fact that in the case of cognates the phono-
logical form of the lemma in the nonselected language also becomes activated
and sends additional activation to the phonological features of the lemma in
the selected language (see chap. 4, Fig 4.3, for an illustration), and this speeds
up picture naming (see also Gollan & Silverberg, 2001).
Colomé (2001, Spanish-Catalan bilinguals) and Hermans (2000,
Dutch-English bilinguals) used a so-called phoneme-monitoring task to inves-
tigate whether activation cascades to the phonological level. The task of the
participants was to decide whether a given phoneme can be found in the word
describing an object. There were two different conditions in the experiment:
The phoneme was either present or not in the word to be named in the selected
language, and the phoneme was either present or not in the translation of the
given word in the other language, which yielded four different types of trials.
Colomé and Hermans both observed that decisions concerning the presence of
the given phoneme were slower if the phoneme was present in the translation
equivalent of the target word but not in the target word itself, which they ex-
plained with reference to the fact that the phonological form of the word in the
language not in use is also activated and interferes with the selection of the
phonological form of the word in the selected language.
112 CHAPTER 5
SHARED VERSUS SEPARATE PHONOLOGICAL

AND PHONETIC SYSTEMS
As at every phase of speech production, one of the central questions for re-
searchers in the field of bilingualism is to what extent encoding processes and
representations are shared. In a recent study, Roelofs (2003b) investigated to
what extent memory representations of phonological segments that are common
in L1 and L2 are shared, and whether phonological encoding in advanced
bilinguals proceeds in the same rightward incremental fashion as described by
the WEAVER model (Roelofs, 1997b) for monolingual speakers. Roelofs was
also interested in whether phonological segments common to both languages
are stored and accessed as one unit or as a combination of phonological features.
In the experiments that aimed to give insight into these questions, he used the
form preparation paradigm (also called implicit priming), which we described
in chapter 2. In the first experiment, Roelofs replicated Meyer’s (1990, 1991) ex-
periments in English with Dutch participants who were advanced speakers of
English. In the first phase of the research, the students had to learn pairs of
words. When the first word of a pair was presented visually, participants had to
produce the second word. Three different sets of words were involved in the ex-
periments: two homogenous sets, when response words shared either their first
or their last syllable, and a heterogeneous set, when there were no similarities
between the forms of words. The focus of interest in this experiment was to what
extent similarities speed up the production of the response. Roelofs (2003b)
found that producing the first syllable of the word in a previous response helped
participants to encode the target word faster in L2, but no such effect was de-
tected when the previous response and the target word shared their last syllables,
which results are in line with Meyer’s study (1990, 1991) with L1 speakers.
From this Roelofs concluded that the predictions of the WEAVER model for L2
phonological encoding are right as far as rightward incrementality is concerned;
in other words, L2 speakers also encode words phonologically starting from the
first segment on the left and move segment by segment to the right.
In the second experiment, the same design was used as in the first one, but
here word pairs came from mixed languages. For example, a Dutch-English
homogeneous set involved the following word pairs: punt-stip, vapor-steam,
ijzer-staal. Just as in the monolingual task, Roelofs (2003b) found a facilita-
tion effect when the response words shared their first segment, which he ex-
plained by arguing that mental representations of phonological segments that
are common in both languages are shared. In the final experiment, Roelofs’
(1999) study, which was described in chapter 2, was replicated for L2 produc-
tion. Here the research question was whether the facilitation effect arises as a
result of segmental or feature overlap. In other words, this experiment aimed to
find an answer to the question of whether L2 phonemes are stored as one unit
(e.g., [b]) or L2 phonemes are represented as a list of features (e.g., [+ voiced]
[+ labial] [– nasal] in the case of the phoneme [b]). Therefore two different
types of homogenous word pair sets were used: those containing words that
share their initial consonant (e.g., river-boat, girl-boy) and those sharing the
first segment except for one phonological feature (e.g., cat-dog, sugar-tea).
The results of the experiment indicate that only complete segmental overlap
speeds up production of the following word (i.e., if words start with the same
sound), and that partial overlap (e.g., if a word starting in [d] is followed by an-
other one whose first sound is [t]) does not produce any effect on phonological
encoding, which suggests that L2 phonological segments are also stored as
one unit and not as a set of features. This is in complete accord with Roelofs’
(1999) results in L1 speech production.
Poulisse (1999) investigated the phonological slips of the tongue in the
speech of Dutch learners of English at different levels of proficiency. She
found that sometimes it occurs that instead of the L2 phoneme, L1 phonemes
are accidentally activated and used in syllables that are otherwise constituted
of L2 sounds. Based on the existence of these types of slips of the tongue, she
claimed that L1 and L2 phonemes are probably stored in one single network
and are labeled for language. She noted that these lapses of performance are
rather rare, and that L2 words are usually encoded with L2 phonemes, and L1
words even when used in code-switching, that is, in an L2 utterance, also
activate L1 phonemes.
As Roelofs’(2003b) experiments show, it is possible that advanced L2 speak-
ers have shared memory representations of phonological segments that are com-
mon to L1 and L2; the picture, however, is more complicated in the case of
phonological segments that are different in the two languages and the ones
whose phonetic realizations are different in L1 and L2. Based on Weinreich’s
(1953) typology of bilingual representation, Laeufer (1997) argued that phono-
logical systems might also be of three types: coexistent, merged, and
supersubordinate. She illustrated these three different systems with stop conso-
nants ([b], [d], [g], [p], [t], [k]), which are present in many languages of the world
and which can be realized phonetically in three basic and universal ways along
the continuum of voice onset time (VOT) (time between the release of a stop and
the onset of voicing for the following vowel) (Keating, 1984). Stops can be pro-
duced with a so-called lead; these are the voiced stops such as English [b]. Stops
can have short-lag VOTs, which results in voiceless unaspirated consonants
114 CHAPTER 5
such as French [p], and long VOTs in the case of voiceless aspirated consonants
such as English [ph]. A French speaker of English might have coexistent
representations of the phoneme [p], which means that two different phonologi-
cal representations exist for this sound, which are also realized phonetically in
separate ways (see Fig. 5.3a). In the merged system, speakers have a common
representation of the phoneme for L1 and L2, which is phonetically encoded
separately for L1 and L2 (see Fig. 5.3b). In the supersubordinate system, no sep-
arate memory representation exists for the L2 phoneme; and the L2 phoneme is
realized phonetically similarly to the phoneme from L1 (see Fig. 5.3c). Lauefer
argues that nativelike realization of L2 sounds is possible only in the coexistent
system, and in the merged and supersubordinate system we can see various
degrees of interaction between L1 and L2 at the phonetic level. Lauefer re-
viewed research on the pronunciation of stop consonants, and concluded that
there is experimental evidence for the existence of each of the different
representation systems. With a few exceptions, studies cited by Lauefer also
suggest that coexistent systems mostly emerge in the case of L2 speakers who
acquired their L1 and L2 simultaneously or started learning the L2 before the
age of 7. Lauefer proposed that the merged system is characterized by nonnative
realizations of both the L1 and L2 phonemes, which usually happens in situa-
tions where L2 is the dominant mode of communication and the L1 attrition has
already begun. Supersubordinate systems are typical in the speech of beginning
to advanced speakers who acquire the L2 after the age of 7, and for whom mainly
L1 is used for everyday communication.
If one considers Roelofs’ (2003b) research and psycholinguistic theories of
speech production, Lauefer’s (1997) typology seems problematic for several
reasons. First of all, we have to note that the typology proposed by Lauefer
might not characterize every sound of the L2 because as Roelofs’ study sug-
gests, sounds that are phonologically and phonetically identical in the two lan-
guages might share phonological representations and gestural scores used to
produce these sounds. Moreover, it is also possible, especially at the beginning
phase of the L2 learning process, that L2 speakers simply equate the L2 pho-
neme with the L1 phoneme at the phonological level and also produce it identi-
cally as the L1 sound (see e.g., Flege, 1987). In terms of mental representation
and phonetic realization, there does not seem to be a difference in these two
cases: There is a shared representation that triggers a non-language-specific
phonetic encoding process. The other problem in Lauefer’s model is whether it
is possible that one shared phonological representation can activate two differ-
ent phonetic encoding mechanisms; in other words, how would the processor
know which gestural score to access: the one for L1 or that of the L2? Because
FIG. 5.3. (a) The

coexistent system of
phonetic and pho-
nological represen-
tation. (b) The
merged system of
phonetic and pho-
nological represen-
tation. (c) The
supersubordinate
system of phonetic
and phonological
representation.
Based on Laeufer
(1997). Copyright ©
1997 by Mouton de
Gruyter. Adapted by
permission.
there is a shared representation, we cannot assume that a language tag would

guide the encoding process; the only possible way of controlling language se-
lection would be inhibition, which we saw in chapter 4 gives rise to several un-
resolved issues. In psycholinguistic terms, it seems more likely that in certain
cases representations might be shared, otherwise L2 phonemes are
represented separately from L1 sounds.
116 CHAPTER 5
THE ROLE OF L1 IN PHONOLOGICAL AND PHONETIC EN-

CODING AND THE ACQUISITION OF L2 PHONOLOGY
Just as in the case of syntactic encoding, transfer and acquisition of L2 phonol-

ogy are strongly related processes. Research evidence suggests that L2 learn-
ers start out using L1 phonemes for similar but nonidentical L2 ones, often
apply L1 rules of encoding to L2 phonology, and find it very difficult to modify
gestural scores automatized for L1 production (for a review of these issues, see
Leather, 1999). Similarly to the acquisition of syntactic encoding processes
and in line with major theories of language learning, we can delineate three
different types of theories used in explaining how L2 phonology is learned.
The earliest models of the acquisition of phonological processing are based on
the assumption that the major influence in the course of learning this compo-
nent of speech production comes from the learners’ L1 (e.g., Broselow, 1984).
These theories were soon refined by models that argued that in addition to
transfer, universal linguistic principles also play an important role in language
learning including the acquisition of phonology. One of the important models
in this vein is Eckman’s markedness differential hypothesis (1977), which de-
fines markedness as the frequency of a particular linguistic structure in the
world’s languages: If a specific linguistic feature frequently occurs in lan-
guages, it is considered as unmarked, and if it occurs rarely, it is marked
(Eckman, 1977). The main assumption of the markedness differential hypoth-
esis is that those L2 structures that are more marked than the corresponding L1
structure are more difficult to acquire. Since the publication of Eckman’s pa-
per, several studies in the field of phonology have provided counterevidence
against this hypothesis and have criticized it on theoretical grounds (for a re-
view, see Major & Kim, 1999). A relatively recent development in the theories
of linguistic universals is optimality theory (Prince & Smolensky, 1993),
which instead of universal principles and parameters found in UG, assumes
that there exists a set of universal constraints that speakers of all languages
share. The novelty of the theory is that certain constraints might be violable
and might have different degrees of importance in constructing grammatically
acceptable utterances. Speakers of a language aim to produce optimal output
(hence the name optimality theory) that violates only those constraints that are
violable and that are shaped by constraints that they regard important.
Optimality theory has been used in explaining the acquisition of syllable struc-
ture of English by speakers of Spanish and Japanese (Hancin-Bhatt & Bhatt,
1997) as well as of Mandarin (Broselow, S.-I. Chen, & Wang, 1998). The third
important theory in the universalist tradition is Major’s (1987) ontogeny
model, which argues that universal developmental processes and transfer play
different roles at various stages of L2 phonological development. At the begin-
ning of the acquisition process, transfer exerts the greatest influence on L2
phonological encoding, but its role decreases with the development of L2 pho-
nological competence. Parallel to the diminishing influence of transfer, uni-
versal developmental processes begin to affect acquisition. Connectionist
theories, which do not presume the existence of linguistic universals, have be-
come influential in explaining how L2 phonological processing is learned only
recently; Hancin-Bhatt and Bhatt (1992), Hancin-Bhatt and Govindjee
(1999), and Keidel, Zevin, Kluender, and Seidenberg (2003) used models of
phonological feature acquisition that are based on connectionist architectures
that extract regularities from the input. In what follows next, I concentrate on
the acquisition of phonological encoding processes in speech production and
not on the entire process of learning L2 phonology. We look at four levels of
phonology—segments, syllables, stress, and intonation—and discuss how L1
comes to play role at these levels and how these aspects of L2 phonology are
acquired.
As regards acquisition and transfer at the level of single phonemes, four im-
portant theories are reviewed: feature geometry, the feature competition
model, lexical phonology, and the speech learning model. We also discuss the
study conducted by Flege et al. (1998), who investigated the factors affecting
the production of phonemes and whether it is sound-size phonemes that are the
targets of learning or L2 learners or sound patterns of entire words. The theory
of feature geometry is based on the assumption that phonological features are
organized in a hierarchical way; that is, certain features often occur together,
whereas certain others are dependent on each other (Rice & Avery, 1995). It is
also proposed that the structure of a phonological segment is determined by
contrastive features that make the segment different from other segments in the
phonological inventory of the given language. Rice (1995; cf. Archibald,
1998a) illustrated this with the example of liquids in English and Japanese:
The English featural inventory contains the features [approximant] and [lat-
eral], whereas the Japanese inventory includes only [approximant]. As a re-
sult, the phonemes [l] and [r] are not contrastive in Japanese and occur in free
variation, which means that they have one single phonological mental repre-
sentation. Brown (1998) investigated Japanese and Chinese speakers’ produc-
tion and perception of the English phonemes [l] and [r] and came to the
conclusion that if a particular feature is missing in the L1 feature geometry, L2
speakers are unable to create the appropriate mental representation for the L2
phoneme. Representations for new segments in L2 can, however, be created by
118 CHAPTER 5
the combination of existing features in L1. We have to note that this possibly
does not apply to L2 learners starting to acquire the language in their
childhood.
Hancin-Bhatt’s (1994) feature competition model draws on the competition
model of MacWhinney and Bates (for a review, see MacWhinney, 1997) and
claims that the acquisition of L2 phonemes is influenced by the prominence of
phonetic features available in the L2 input. L2 phonological features compete
to be noticed in the input, and those features that are more salient are perceived
and learned more easily. Though Hancin-Bhatt’s proposal is appealing be-
cause it considers the important role input plays in the acquisition of segments,
it poses several problems, the most important of which is how to establish the
prominence of phonological features. Hancin-Bhatt simply equated the fre-
quency of the particular feature in the L2 sound inventory with perceptual sa-
lience instead of establishing prominence based on empirical research
(Archibald, 1998a). Moreover, the results of her own study do not fully
support the model.
The third important theory concerning phonological segments is based on
lexical phonology (Mohanan, 1986), which assumes the existence of two
types of phonological rules: lexical and postlexical. Lexical rules operate at
the word level and produce phonemes that are contrastive in the given lan-
guage, whereas postlexical rules can be applied across word boundaries and
can result in allophones, that is, sounds that are not contrastive in the lan-
guage.2 Research evidence suggests that postlexical rules are frequently trans-
ferred from L1 to L2, whereas lexical rules are less susceptible to transfer
(Broselow, 1987; Rubach, 1984; Young-Scholten, 1997). Eckman and Iverson
(1995; cf. Archibald, 1998a) argued that when L2 learners want to acquire an
L2 sound that is an allophone in L1, they have to suppress the application of L1
postlexical rules in L2 phonological processing. Unfortunately, no studies
have been published yet on how the transfer of phonological rules takes place
in psycholinguistic terms.
Flege (1995) in his speech learning model proposes that when beginning L2
learners encounter an L2 sound that is not part of the L1 phonological inven-
tory, they first substitute the nearest L1 sound for the target phoneme. With
more exposure to L2, learners gradually establish a new phonological cate-
gory, that is, underlying mental representation for the L2 sound as well as ges-
tural scores and motor programs to produce the sound. As regards the factors
2
In this context, contrastive means that the given language uses this sound to differentiate the mean-
ing of words from each other. For example, the English phonemes [d] and [t] are contrastive because their
exchange alters the meaning of words, for example, bed and bet.
that influence this learning process, Flege synthesized many of the previously
described findings of L2 segmental phonology when he claimed that the ac-
quisition of L2 phonemes is constrained by the phonetic difference between
the target L2 sound and the corresponding most similar L1 sound and the fea-
ture inventory of the L1. In addition, he proposed that the age when L2 speak-
ers started learning the language and the frequency of L2 use also affect the
success of the acquisition process. Flege’s model was recently tested by Keidel
et al. (2003) with the help of a connectionist learning network, which was able
to reproduce how English speakers assimilate Zulu sounds to English pho-
nemes in real-life circumstances. In another study, Flege et al. (1998) were pri-
marily interested in whether the assumption of the speech learning model and
other theories of phonological learning are right in assuming that sounds are
the basic units of acquisition and not combinations of sounds as found in entire
words or morphemes. The other important question that they addressed in this
investigation was whether the cognate status of words in L1 and L2 influences
pronunciation. If evidence was found that sounds are produced differently in
cognate words from sounds in noncognates, it would support the assumption
that in phonological encoding L2 cognates are accessed indirectly through the
phonological form of the L1 translation equivalent. Flege et al. asked 20 native
speakers of English and 40 Spanish-English bilinguals to produce 60 words
beginning in /t/ and analyzed the VOT of this sound. Some of the words in the
list were Spanish-English cognates. In addition to calculating word frequency
from existing corpora, they also investigated how well the participants knew
the words, how familiar they were with them, when they learned them, and
how concrete they judged them to be. Regression analysis was applied to es-
tablish the importance of various factors. The major finding of the research
was that regardless of their level of L2 competence the participants were not
influenced by lexical factors in producing the sound under investigation. Al-
though Flege et al. warned against drawing far-reaching conclusions from
their study, they claimed that their results indicate that assumptions
concerning sounds being the basic unit of phonological acquisition might be
right. Furthermore, it seems that their participants did not access the
phonological form of L2 cognate words through their L1 counterpart.
Syllables have also been the subject of extensive research in L2 phonology.
Because the production of syllables is governed by the application of phono-
logical rules, most studies in this field have been interested in the workings of
these rules from the perspective of theoretical linguistics. With the exception
of connectionist theories, we can find investigations carried out in the frame-
work of the different models of phonological acquisition outlined earlier. The
120 CHAPTER 5
conclusions that can be drawn from these studies is that syllable production is
affected by the transfer of L1 syllable structure to L2 as well as by universal
markedness and universal constraints (for recent reviews, see Cutillas
Espinosa, 2002; Hansen, 2004). It has also been shown that the acquisition of
syllabification rules in L2 often takes place simultaneously with learning new
L2 phonological feature distinctions (Archibald, 1998b). Furthermore, re-
search evidence also suggests that L2 learners’acquisition of syllable structure
can be characterized more accurately as U-shaped rather than as being linear.
Studies reviewed by Abrahamsson (2003) indicate that beginning speakers’
production of L2 syllable structure is fairly accurate, but with general profi-
ciency development taking place, learners’ attention is diverted to other
aspects of speech production and thus a high number of syllable errors are
made. At further stages of development, the accuracy of L2 learners’ syllable
structure increases again.
The way stress is assigned in L1 at both the word and sentence level seems
to influence L2 speech to a great extent (Archibald, 1997, 1998a; Trammell,
1993). Archibald (1997, 1998a) investigated the production and perception of
English stress by native speakers of accentual languages (i.e., languages that
use pitch to signal stress) and of nonaccentual languages such as Chinese and
Japanese, in which pitch and/or tone is stored as part of the lexical entry. His
results suggest that participants whose L1 was an accentual language (Polish
and Hungarian) transferred the principles and parameters of L1 metrical struc-
ture to L2, but because Chinese and Japanese participants could not make use
of transfer, they stored L2 stress specifications for each lexical item in L2
rather than computed it on the basis of stress assignment rules. In an opposite
situation, when native speakers of accentual languages learned a tonal lan-
guage, L2 learners were found to transfer their knowledge of how tone is used
in intonation in their L1, which can be regarded as transfer across structural
levels (Leather, 1997). Intonational patterns also tend to be transferred from
L1 to L2 (Archibald, 1998a); moreover, speakers’ attitude as expressed by
intonation might also be interpreted based on L1 values (Holden & Hogan,
1993).
SUMMARY OF PHONOLOGICAL ENCODING PROCESSES
It is apparent from the preceding review of studies on phonological encoding

that this topic is a neglected area of psycholinguistic research. Whereas in the
case of syntactic encoding I have concluded that we are left with more ques-
tions than answers, in the psycholinguistic field of L2 phonology we do not
even find a sufficient number of questions that have been raised. The classic
issue of shared versus separate representations that has been addressed at ev-
ery stage of bilingual speech production also appears in the case of L2 pho-
nemes but is neglected in the case of syllables and the application of
phonological rules. Moreover, we also have very little insight into the cogni-
tive processes involved in learning L2 phonology. At the moment, the follow-
ing assumptions concerning L2 phonological encoding mechanisms have
gained support. First of all, there seems to be ample evidence that the phono-
logical form of translation equivalents in the nonselected language also be-
comes activated when accessing the phonological form of the word in the
target language; in other words, activation can cascade from the lemma in the
language not in use to its phonological form. As regards phonemes that are
identical in two languages, Roelofs’ (2003b) research suggests that in the case
of advanced speakers they have shared memory representations; whereas con-
cerning nonidentical L1 and L2 phonemes, Poulisse (1999) argued that they
are retrieved from a common store of L1 and L2 phonemes. Flege et al.’s
(1998) study indicates that L2 phonemes are acquired on an individual basis,
and that combinations of sounds constituting words or morphemes are not
learned as one unit. Studies in phonological acquisition all attribute a central
role to L1 influence, but there is considerable disagreement with respect to fac-
tors constraining transfer. At the moment, no unitary theory of how L2 phono-
logical encoding takes place and is acquired exists, and until more
psycholinguistic research is done in this field it is hardly possible to devise
such a model.
6 Monitoring
In chapter 2, we saw that three basic psycholinguistic models of monitoring exist

in L1 speech production research: the editor theories (Baars et al., 1975; Laver,
1980; Motley et al., 1982), the activation spreading theory (Berg, 1986; Dell,
1986; Dell & O’Seaghda, 1991; MacKay, 1987, 1992; Stemberger, 1985), and the
PLT (Levelt, 1983, 1989, 1993; Levelt et al., 1999). Editor theories of monitoring
assume that the editor can veto and replace the incorrect output of the speech pro-
duction processes. In this model, the editor has its own system of rules against
which the output is checked (Baars et al, 1975; Motley et al., 1982). In order to ac-
count for the occurrence of errors, these theories presume that either the system of
rules the editor uses is incomplete (e.g., Garnsey & Dell, 1984) or the rules used at
a given moment vary (e.g., Motley et al., 1982). The major shortcoming of these
types of models is that the editor can only check the final outcome of the processes
and is unable to intercept erroneous output at intermediary levels. Several re-
searchers working in the paradigm of editor theories of monitoring (e.g., Laver,
1980; Nooteboom, 1980) proposed that there should be a specialized monitor at
each stage of the processing system, which checks the correctness of the outcome
of each process. Such a model is called the distributed editor theory because the
monitor has access to the different stages of production. In Stemberger’s (1985)
and Dell’s (1986) model of interactive activation spreading, speech perception is
assumed to proceed through the bottom-up flow of activation, and this mechanism
is in operation when speakers monitor their own speech. Therefore, in this theory,
monitoring is “an automatic by-product of bottom-up activation spreading”
(Berg, 1986, p. 139). In chapter 2, two basic problems were pointed out concern-
ing this theory of monitoring: It does not account for the fact that many errors re-
main unnoticed by speakers (Levelt, 1983) and nor that monitoring also involves
perceiving the pragmatic inappropriacy of the message and the inadequacy of the
information conveyed (Levelt, 1992). In chapters 1 and 2, I also argued that
Levelt’s (1983, 1989, 1993; Levelt et al., 1999) PLT seems to provide the most de-
tailed and reliable account of how monitoring takes place in L1 production. In this
theory, it was proposed that the speech comprehension system is used for attend-
ing to one’s own speech as well as that of others and that there are three loops for
inspecting the outcome of processes. In the first loop, the preverbal plan is com-
122
MONITORING 123
pared to the original intentions of the speaker; in the second loop, the message is
monitored before articulation (called covert or prearticulatory monitoring; see
also Postma & Kolk, 1992, 1993), and finally, the generated utterance is also
checked after articulation, which constitutes the final, external loop of monitoring.
Models of monitoring have been put to the test not only in L1 production,
but also in L2 research (Kormos, 1999, 2000b; van Hest, 1996). In L2 produc-
tion, the investigation of monitoring involves the analysis of various types of
self-repairs found in the speech of learners, their syntactic structure, and the
timing of corrections. The study of monitoring also yields insight into how L2
learners allocate their attention to various aspects of speech processing. The
issue of how monitoring behavior changes with the development of profi-
ciency has also been addressed by a number of researchers. Monitoring is also
considered to be an important process of L2 production because it is believed
to contribute to language learning by making learners notice deficiencies in
their knowledge of the target language (Izumi, 2003; Kormos, 1999).
MONITORING PROCESSES IN L2
In both L1 and L2 research, monitoring is most frequently investigated by
means of analyzing the self-repair behavior of speakers based on the assump-
tion that self-corrections are overt manifestations of the monitoring processes.
A self-initiated self-completed correction comes about when the speaker de-
tects that the output has been erroneous or inappropriate, halts the speech flow,
and finally executes a correction. In many cases, however, the speaker notices
the error prior to articulation and either repairs it before the utterance is articu-
lated (this is called a covert repair) or decides not to correct the mistake in the
utterance. Before I go on to discuss monitoring research, it is important to note
that these two phenomena cause serious methodological problems for study-
ing monitoring via the investigation of self-repairs. Covert repairs can be ex-
plored reliably only under laboratory conditions or with the help of verbal
reports, whereas the decisions of the speaker not to correct an error can be ana-
lyzed only with the help of retrospection or by investigating the recognition of
errors rather than their production. Unfortunately, research on L2 self-repairs
has made limited use of these research methods (but see Kormos, 2000a,
2000b, 2003). In this section, I discuss the psycholinguistic processes underly-
ing various types of self-corrections, as well as what the structure and timing
of self-repairs reveal about the cognitive mechanisms involved in producing
self-repairs. In the light of the findings of self-repair research in these areas, I
argue that with minor modifications PLT is the model of monitoring that can
best account for L2 behavior among the various theories of monitoring.
124 CHAPTER 6
Inferences concerning basic psycholinguistic processes involved in moni-

toring are most frequently made by analyzing the types of repair that occur in
speech samples elicited from participants in various ways. The description of
monitoring processes presented here is based on Levelt’s (1989) and Levelt et.
al.’s (1999) speech production model. The first type of monitoring mechanism
discussed involves the realization that the content of the preverbal plan needs
to be changed. In the case of an error in the conceptualizing phase of the speech
production process, speakers might decide to encode new and different infor-
mation from the one they are currently formulating, or they might modify the
informational content of their current message. The former type of repair is
called different information (D-) repair, whereas the latter is often referred to
as appropriacy (A-) repair (Levelt, 1983). Levelt (1983) identified two reasons
why one might want to choose to convey different information: first, one can
realize that parts of the intended message need to be ordered differently, as in
Example 1, and second the information content of the message can prove to be
inappropriate or incorrect, as in Example 2. Examples with retrospective com-
ments are taken from the speech samples elicited in a research project on L2
monitoring behavior (for reports on the project, see Kormos, 2000a, 2000b):
1. Uhm well there’s a big dining table for forty person. And then we’ve
also got er well it’s well the dining table occupies half of the room.
Retrospection: I thought, I did not tell you first how big the room was,
so I said that the dining table occupies half of the room, and then I said
what I originally wanted to say.
2. you have to we have to make a contract
Retrospection: I realized that it is stupid to say that you have to make a
contract, it’s the restaurant that has to write it.
The analysis of L2 self-correction behavior has revealed that there might be

a third reason why L2 speakers might decide to encode new or different infor-
mation in the preverbal plan. It is especially characteristic of L2 learners that in
certain cases they might abandon their originally intended message all to-
gether and replace it with a completely new one (Kormos, 2000a). This usually
happens due to limited L2 competence, as in Example 3.
3. we have some er er v … maybe you have vegetarians in your group

Retrospection: Here the idea of vegetarians suddenly popped up, and I
abandoned what I was going to say because I would not have been able
to list any more types of food anyway.
MONITORING 125
It has to be noted, however, that in some cases this type of repair is very simi-
lar to the problem-solving strategy of message replacement, as the speaker does
not feel capable of executing the original preverbal plan, and, therefore inter-
rupts the encoding of the original message and substitutes it with a different one.
In the case of the communication strategy of message replacement, however,
very often the original message is not articulated and the replacement process
takes place even before the preverbal plan is sent to the formulator.
Appropriacy repairs also involve the modification of the preverbal plan, but
they are different from different-information repairs in that they are employed
when the speaker decides to encode the originally intended information but in
a modified way (Levelt, 1983). Speakers resort to appropriacy repairs when
they have encoded (a) inaccurate (Example 4) or (b) ambiguous information (
Example 5) that needs to be further specified, or if they have used (c) incoher-
ent terminology (Example 6) or (d) pragmatically inappropriate language (Ex-
ample 7). The first three classes of self-corrections were identified by Levelt
(1983), and the fourth one by Brédart (1991). He called this latter type repair
for good language, which included both pragmatic and good-language re-
pairs. Kormos (1999), however, proposed that these two groups of self-repairs
be more clearly separated, as their sources are different. Pragmatic self-correc-
tions concern meaning in context, whereas repairs of good language are car-
ried out to ensure a more sophisticated manner of expression (see Example 8).
Here are Examples 4 through 8:
4. There are very wide choice of er main courses er er steak er er several

kinds of steak.
Retrospection: I wanted to say it more precisely that we do not only
have one kind of steak but several kinds of steak.
5. In this um in this part of the town er there are many vegetarians. Er this
is because the university is here and vegetarians like it er like this res-
taurant.
Retrospection: I noticed that “it” could also mean the university, so I
wanted to make it clear that it is the restaurant that the vegetarians like
and not the university.
6. Participant: In this case er if it is so urgent and important for you, we
would like er you to to write us an order er in er 24 hours that you make
sure that you will er come and book this er room.
Researcher: I see, all right and then I can only pay the deposit next
week when I er find out how many people come and when I have talked
to all of the people.
126 CHAPTER 6
Participant: Er but this letter is er the order is er anyway needed and we …

Retrospection: I remembered that I had used the word “order” earlier, and
I wanted to stick to the same terms, so I replaced “letter” with “order.”
7. It doesn’t it’s not a problem.
Retrospection: First I wanted to say “it does not matter” but I realized
that in a business deal you cannot say “it does not matter.”
8. Thirty-five per … people.
Retrospection: First I wanted to say “persons” but I had used “per-
sons” several times before, so I said “people.”
The second psycholinguistically different monitoring mechanism is the

correction of linguistic errors which results in error (E) repairs. In the case of
these errors the preverbal plan is appropriate, but in the course of the message
formulation either an erroneously activated word, or an inappropriate syn-
tactic structure, or a wrong phoneme is selected. Levelt (1983) labeled these
lexical (Example 9), syntactic (Example 10), and phonetic repair (Example
11), respectively corresponding to the three main levels of processing in his
model:
9. Will er have to pay er five er sorry er twenty-five percent.

Retrospection: Here I said “five” instead of “twenty-five” acciden-
tally.
10. I think it a very nice it’s a very nice
Retrospection: I left out “is,” and I corrected it.
11. We could arrange er more smaller [teibiə] [teibəl] if you would like
that better.
Kormos (1999) identified a third type of repair mechanism, called rephras-

ing repair. As opposed to error repairs, when the same preverbal plan is issued,
this type of repair involves the modification of the preverbal plan but leaves the
content of the message unaltered. Rephrasing repairs are employed when L2
speakers are uncertain about the correctness of their utterance, which makes
this type of repair similar to communication strategies (Example 12). Rephras-
ing repairs indicate underlying competence problems, whereas error repairs
signal lapses of performance:
12. Uhm our fish fish meals er foods are very good too.
Retrospection: I corrected “fish meals” for “fish food” because I was
not sure you can say “fish meals” and “fish foods” sounded a bit better.
MONITORING 127
Having reviewed the basic psycholinguistic processes involved in self-cor-

rection behavior, let us examine what the timing of self-corrections reveals
about monitoring mechanisms. As we saw in chapter 2, a number of studies
have investigated the exact timing of different types of self-repairs and the rel-
evance of timing data for different theories of monitoring (e.g., Blackmer &
Mitton, 1991; Hartsuiker & Kolk, 2001; Levelt, 1989; Oomen & Postma,
2001; van Hest, 1996). Research on speech comprehension has shown that
word recognition takes place about 200 ms after word onset (Marslen-Wilson
& Tyler, 1980). On the basis of this, Levelt (1989) assumed that, in the case of
overt repairs, the shortest time between the detection of the error and the cutoff
point is also 200 ms. He estimated that the recognition of one’s internal speech
lasts for approximately 150 ms, and the time between the delivery of the pho-
netic plan and the articulation is between 200 and 250 ms. Thus, speakers have
a maximum of 100 ms for prearticulatory monitoring, which may not be
enough to prevent the articulation of the erroneous utterance. In this case, the
erroneous word is interrupted shortly after its articulation begins; that is, the
time between the onset of the error and the point of interruption will be less
than 200 ms. As Levelt’s (1989, 1993) model allows for parallel processing, it
is possible that there is already some processed material ready for articulation
in the articulatory buffer; consequently, speakers can intercept erroneous
output before it is articulated (covert repair).
In order to verify Levelt’s (1989) estimations, Blackmer and Mitton (1991)
carried out an empirical study in which they found a high number of repairs
with short error-to-cutoff and cutoff-to-repair intervals (less than 150 ms).
They argued that, with respect to corrections with cutoff-to-repair intervals
shorter than 150 ms, it is unlikely that the replanning of the utterance could
take place within this period of time. Therefore, they assumed that speakers of-
ten start processing the repair before the flow of speech is interrupted. This hy-
pothesis was confirmed by significant negative correlations between the
error-to-cutoff and the cutoff-to-repair intervals in the case of fast repairs in
their database. On the basis of these results, Blackmer and Mitton did not ac-
cept the cutoff point as a reliable measure of the point of the recognition of the
error, and they also argued that the cutoff-to-repair intervals do not equal the
total period of time spent replanning the utterance. Hartsuiker and Kolk (2001)
ran computer simulations using timing data collected by Oomen and Postma
(2001) to test the assumption that interruption and repair are “simultaneously
starting parallel processes, beginning immediately upon error detection” (p.
148), which is similar to Blackmer and Mitton’s conclusion outlined previ-
ously. Hartsuiker and Kolk’s research showed that the computer model could
128 CHAPTER 6
successfully reproduce the timing patterns if parallel interruption and plan-

ning were supposed. From the timing research on L1 monitoring, it becomes
apparent not only that interruption and the planning of repair can proceed par-
allel, but also that the very short cutoff times found in these studies do not lend
proof to the existence of distributed editors (Laver, 1980; Nooteboom, 1980),
because in the distributed editor models, detection is assumed to take at least
200 ms, and parallel processing is not allowed.
In the field of L2 monitoring, only two studies have been conducted on the
timing of self-corrections. Van Hest’s (1996) research was based on a corpus
of self-repairs produced by Dutch speakers both in their mother tongue and in
English in three different types of tasks (picture description, storytelling, and
personal interview). The results of her project suggest that phonological errors
are detected and interrupted faster than lexical errors, whereas inappropriate
words seem to be recognized with the slowest speed. Van Hest explained these
findings by arguing that, in Levelt’s (1989, 1993) model, the correction route
of phonological errors is the shortest, as all the other types of errors or
inappropriacies need to be checked in the conceptualizer against the original
communicative intention. This study also revealed that the cutoff-to-repair in-
tervals of L2 speakers were longer than those in L1 speech, which van Hest as-
sumed was due to a lower degree of automatization of the L2 production
processes.
Kormos’(2000b) research involved the analysis of the timing of self-repairs
in the speech of 30 Hungarian learners of English at three different levels of
proficiency. One of the most important findings of the project was that, on the
basis of the difference in the detection times of error, appropriacy, and differ-
ent-information repairs, the assumption of both the activation spreading the-
ory and the PLT—that monitoring involves the same mechanisms as speech
comprehension—gained support. The study also revealed that the speed of de-
tecting pragmatically inappropriate words and lexical errors was very similar,
which might mean that during monitoring the pragmatic features of the lexical
entry are checked simultaneously with its phonological and semantic form, as
well as its argument structure. This finding therefore provides indirect evi-
dence for the assumption that lexical entries do not contain only semantic
specifications, but also information concerning their pragmatic value
(Dörnyei & Kormos, 1998; La Heij, 2005; for more detail, see chap. 4, the
Control in Lexical Encoding section). The analysis of detection times sup-
ported the need for the distinction of error and rephrasing repairs, because it re-
vealed that the uncertainty of speakers about the correctness of the utterance in
the case of rephrasing repairs slows down the detection process to a consider-
MONITORING 129
able extent. The results concerning the cutoff-to-repair intervals indicated that
slight modifications in the linguistic form (e.g., error and rephrasing repairs)
and in the informational content of the utterance (e.g., appropriate-level-of-in-
formation repairs) take less time to implement—that is, they require less pro-
cessing effort—than large-scale changes in the informational content of the
message (e.g., message abandonment repairs). The similarity of the time peri-
ods necessary for replanning the utterance, in the case of error repairs and
rephrasing repairs, suggested that L2 speakers used the psycholinguistically
simplest strategies in the case of uncertainty about the correctness of the
output.
Whereas the analysis of different types of self-repairs yields insight into the
various types of monitoring processes, the timing data are useful in making in-
ferences about how these processes work. The study of the structure of
self-corrections can further refine our understanding of the mechanisms of
monitoring. Several studies have investigated whether the syntactic structure
of self-repairs shows any signs of systematicity (e.g., De Smedt & Kempen,
1987; Levelt, 1983) and found that the majority of self-corrections follow a
specific rule, which was named the well-formedness rule by Levelt (1983).
According to the rule, “an original utterance <O> plus repair <OR> is
well-formed if and only if there is a string of zero or more words <C> to com-
plete the utterance so that the string <OC or R> is well-formed, where C is a
completion of the constituent directly dominating the last element of O” (p.
78). In other words, this rule says that the utterance and the repair have to fol-
low to the rule of syntactic coordination. Example 13 illustrates a well-formed
repair, and Example 14 an ill-formed one:
13. all chairs have handles. And er sorry arms

14. you can this er reserve this er er room
Two studies have investigated the well-formedness of L2 self-repairs

(Kormos, 2002; van Hest, 1996), which found little difference between L1 and
L2 self-repairs in this respect. Following Levelt’s (1983) rule of classification,
80% of the L2 self-repairs were well-formed in Van Hest’s corpus whereas in
Kormos’ database 87.3% of the repairs followed the well-formedness rule. On
the basis of van Hest’s and Kormos’ results, it seems that the self-repair behav-
ior of L2 learners also follows the well-formedness rule. These results seem to
be explicable only in terms of the modular models of speech production
(Levelt, 1989, 1993; Levelt et al., 1999) as they indicate that L2 learners, just
like L1 speakers reprocess the relevant parts of the speech plan when making a
130 CHAPTER 6
correction and do not restart the utterance from an intermediary level of pro-
duction as assumed by the activation spreading theories of monitoring.
THE ROLE OF ATTENTION IN MONITORING L2 SPEECH
The role of attention in L2 acquisition has recently become an important issue in

SLA research (for a current review, see Robinson, 2003). In a series of studies
Schmidt (1990, 1993, 1994; Schmidt & Frota, 1986) claimed that conscious at-
tention to input (noticing, in his terminology) is necessary for learning to take
place. Robinson (1995) refined the conditions that are essential for acquisition
by asserting that input will become intake if the detection of input is followed by
rehearsal in working memory. VanPatten (1990, 1994, 1996; VanPatten &
Cadiorno, 1993) conducted a number of experiments in which he examined how
attention is divided between form and content in input processing. It is well
known from earlier studies on attention that due to working memory constraints,
attentional resources are limited (Broadbent, 1958; Gathercole & Baddeley,
1994). These limitations play an essential role in L2 speech processing, as its
mechanisms are only partially automatic and require conscious control, that is,
attention (de Bot, 1992). How L2 speakers manage their attentional resources
influences their performance; consequently the investigation of this phenome-
non is of crucial importance not only in SLA but also in L2 production research.
Therefore, an increasing number of studies have been conducted on the alloca-
tion of attention under various constraints and conditions in L2 production (e.g.,
Bygate, 1996, 1999; Foster & Skehan, 1996; Skehan & Foster, 1997, 2001;
Tarone, 1983, 1985; Tarone & Parrish, 1988).
The role of attention in speech monitoring, however, has been a slightly ne-
glected area of investigation despite the fact that the issue of the frequency of
certain types of self-corrections has been one of the most widely explored as-
pects of the self-repair behavior of L2 speakers. Most studies in this field were
only concerned with establishing the distribution of various types of self-re-
pairs, and did not attribute high importance to the discussion of the allocation of
attention. These studies mostly used raw percentages of occurrence rather than
standardized frequency data (e.g., Fathman, 1980; Lennon, 1984; van Hest,
1996) to investigate what type of errors L2 speakers’ monitor is sensitive to.
Thus, the results obtained by calculating only the proportion of various self-re-
pairs might provide a different view about the allocation of attention than results
that also take the actual frequency of self-corrections into consideration. An-
other shortcoming of the research in this field has been that with the exception of
Poulisse’s (1999) and P. S. Green and Hecht’s (1993) research, conclusions con-
cerning the monitoring skills of L2 learners were drawn without the examination
MONITORING 131
of the frequency and the correction rate of errors and their relationship to the fre-
quency of self-repairs. Despite these problematic issues of research methodol-
ogy, researchers of L2 production assumed that L2 learners pay considerably
more attention to lexical appropriacy than to grammatical accuracy (e.g.,
Fathman, 1980; Lennon, 1984; Poulisse, 1993; Poulisse & Bongaerts, 1994; van
Hest, 1996). Investigations concerning L2 self-repairs also revealed that the fre-
quency of repairs concerning the information content of the message varies
across different types of tasks (Poulisse, 1993; van Hest, 1996).
Kormos’ (2002) study, which investigated the distribution and frequency of
self-repairs and the correction rate of errors in the speech of 30 Hungarian learn-
ers at three levels of proficiency (preintermediate, upper-intermediate, ad-
vanced) and of 10 native speakers of Hungarian, was specifically devoted to the
examination of the role of attention in monitoring L2 speech. The global distri-
bution of self-repairs in the research showed that in an information exchange
task, Hungarian L2 learners paid approximately equal attention to the
appropriacy and adequacy of the informational content of their utterance as to
linguistic accuracy. The analysis of the correction rate of lexical and grammati-
cal errors seemed to indicate a similar tendency. Kormos, however, argued that
the similarity of the proportion of corrected lexical and grammatical inaccura-
cies does not necessarily mean that L2 speakers’ attention is equally divided be-
tween monitoring for the lexical appropriacy and the grammatical accuracy of
their message. The lack of observable differences between the correction rate of
grammatical and lexical errors might have been caused by the fact that in the
study covert repairs were not investigated. The retrospective comments sug-
gested that speakers made conscious decisions concerning the implementation
of the repair in L2. Kormos pointed out that this decision can be influenced by
several factors such as the accuracy demand of the situation, the learners’ per-
ception of how seriously the error impedes successful communication, and to
what extent the correction decreases the fluency of the utterance. Therefore, the
similar correction rate of grammatical and lexical errors might indicate that
upon deciding whether to repair a mistake, the participants in her project did not
attribute different importance to grammatical inaccuracies and incorrect lexical
choice. These results show that the general claim made by researchers in the
field that upon monitoring in L2, attention is focused more on information con-
tent than on linguistic form (e.g., Fathman, 1980; Lennon, 1984; Poulisse, 1993,
Poulisse & Bongaerts, 1994; van Hest, 1996) does not hold for all types of L2
learners. Formally instructed foreign language speakers in countries where ex-
plicit grammar teaching plays a significant role in the curriculum, everyday
teaching practice, and state-level language testing, can allocate their attentional
132 CHAPTER 6
resources and make decisions concerning error corrections in a different way

from learners in a second language environment or from students instructed with
communicative methods.
MONITORING AND SLA
Several studies have been carried out to compare the number and nature of
self-repairs with the development of competence and metalinguistic aware-
ness in L1 (e.g., Evans, 1985; Rogers, 1978) and L2 (Kormos, 2002;
O’Connor, 1988; van Hest, 1996; Verhoeven, 1989). Overall, the results of
these studies indicate that due to limited metalinguistic awareness at the begin-
ning of the acquisition process, learners make more errors and correct a
smaller proportion of these mistakes than more-advanced speakers. On the
other hand, with the general development of language skills, metalinguistic
awareness also increases and speakers make fewer mistakes, and are assumed
to have a higher correction rate of their erroneous output. Owing to a higher de-
gree of automatization, learners’ attention also seems to shift from lower level
lexical, grammatical, and phonological mistakes to problems arising at the dis-
course level.
In a longitudinal study, Verhoeven (1989) investigated the relationship of
L2 self-repairs and the language-learning process of 55 Turkish children living
in the Netherlands, who were observed for a period of 2 years. The findings of
Verhoeven’s study indicated that the number of phonological corrections and
restarts sharply decreased between the ages of 6 and 7, but later the number re-
mained constant. He also found a significant positive correlation between re-
starts and semantic corrections with L2 proficiency at any age, whereas the
number of syntactic corrections only increased between the ages of 6 and 8.
The results of Verhoeven’s study seem to confirm Evans’ (1985) findings for
L1 self-repairs, namely, that the number and type of self-corrections is related
to the children’s metalinguistic awareness and oral-language proficiency.
Several studies applied a cross-sectional design to compare the self-repair
behavior of L2 learners at different levels of proficiency. O’Connor (1988) an-
alyzed the speech of three beginning and three advanced American speakers of
French studying in France. She hypothesized that less-proficient speakers
would use more corrective repairs, whereas the self-corrections of advanced
learners would tend to be anticipatory in nature; that is, they would be used to
avoid possible breakdowns or communication difficulties, and they would in-
volve discourse-level corrections. Her hypotheses were borne out by the anal-
ysis of the data. O’Connor also found that it was indeed the nature of the repair
that differed in the case of the two groups of learners and not the number of re-
MONITORING 133
pairs themselves. She interpreted these results by arguing that the lack of
automaticity in the speech of beginners reduces their ability and possibility to
employ planning techniques to avoid problems. In the case of advanced learn-
ers, however, the increase of automaticity frees the attention for the employ-
ment of this strategy. A study by Lennon (1990) yielded somewhat different
results. He found that after 6 months’ residence in England, the speech rate of
the participants in his research project went up, and the number of pauses in
their speech decreased, but they produced more self-corrections at the end of
their stay than at the beginning. Similarly to Evans (1985) and O’Connor,
Lennon explained his findings by assuming that with the increase of language
competence, more attention becomes available for monitoring and self-repair-
ing. Van Hest (1996) found that beginning and intermediate learners produced
about the same number of self-repairs, whereas advanced learners corrected
themselves significantly less frequently. She explained this finding by claim-
ing that both the beginning and intermediate group were still in the
trial-and-error stage, as opposed to advanced speakers, whose production had
become more error-free. Kormos’ (2002) investigation of the allocation of at-
tention upon monitoring involved the analysis of the correction rate of lexical
and grammatical errors. She found that the amount of attention paid to the lin-
guistic accuracy of the message remained constant at various stages of SLA.
Her results also showed that owing to the high level of automaticity of the
speech-encoding mechanisms of advanced learners, these speakers had addi-
tional attention available for monitoring, which they use for checking the dis-
course level aspects of their message. The results of the four studies just
described show that with increasing L2 proficiency there is a shift from simple
error repairs to more complex discourse-level repairs, but the global frequency
of self-corrections does not seem to be affected by the level of L2 competence.
The findings of the studies investigating the effect of proficiency on self-re-
pair behavior have special relevance for theories of automatization in SLA. On
the one hand, owing to the fact that advanced speakers have more declarative
knowledge of the L2—that is, know more lexical entries, rules of grammar,
and so on—they make fewer errors due to lack of competence than beginning
learners, and as a result, a smaller number of low-level linguistic error repairs
can be found in their speech. On the other hand, not only do advanced learners
know more about the L2, but they can apply this knowledge in a more efficient
way. With the development of language skills, conscious controlled knowl-
edge, which is prone to errors when put to use, is gradually replaced by auto-
matic unconscious rule- or memory-based procedures, which, if stored
correctly, is error-free (DeKeyser, 1997; Robinson, 1997; Robinson & Ha,
134 CHAPTER 6
1993). Moreover, with practice, the strength of connections between stimulus

and response becomes stronger (MacKay, 1982), which is especially relevant
in lexical retrieval and the access of prefabricated chunks. The increased
strengthening of links between the conceptual and lemma level can contribute
to the fact that lexical slips of the tongue due to erroneous activation of lemmas
are less frequent in the speech of proficient learners than in the output of begin-
ners (Poulisse, 1999). As a result of the various mechanisms of the develop-
ment of automaticity, advanced learners make fewer errors than less-proficient
speakers do, which explains the decreased frequency of low-level linguistic er-
ror repairs in their speech. This line of reasoning suggests that error repairs
signal not yet fully automatized processes; thus, they can serve as good
indicators of automaticity in L2 speech production.
The development of automaticity in L2 acquisition not only accounts for
the fact that L2 learners make a decreasing number of linguistic error repairs
due to the declining frequency of errors. As mentioned previously, automatic
processes do not require attention, so attentional resources are freed for other
phases of speech processing. Therefore, advanced learners can have more at-
tention available for monitoring at the level of discourse and content than their
less-proficient peers, which is reflected in the finding of a number of studies
that advanced learners produce a high number of appropriacy repairs (Kormos,
2002; O’Connor, 1988; van Hest, 1996).
The role of monitoring in SLA has also been studied from the perspective of
Swain’s (1985, 1995) output hypothesis, which claims that output in general as
well as pushed output, that is, output that is slightly above the learner’s level of
competence, promotes second language acquisition. A number of researchers
have argued that because monitoring involves both attention and conscious pro-
cessing as well as producing output, it can enhance the efficiency of acquisition
in several ways outlined as follows (de Bot, 1996; Izumi, 2003; Kormos, 1999):
1. Because L2 monitoring involves the checking of both internal and ex-

ternal speech against learner’s existing linguistic system, and in PLT
(Levelt, 1989, 1993; Levelt et al., 1999) it is assumed to be similar to
the processes of comprehension, L2 learners can resort to “receptive
knowledge, which is assumed to be more stable and reliable than pro-
ductive knowledge” (de Bot, 1996, p. 551).The receptive knowledge
called for upon monitoring, however, may not always be stable in L2
use; for example, the given linguistic rule or item of vocabulary may
not be fully acquired yet, or it may not be sufficiently automatized. In
these cases, the L2 speaker sometimes cannot decide with certainty
MONITORING 135
whether the output is error free (see rephrasing repairs in Example 12

earlier). This can contribute to noticing the gap in one’s knowledge,
and it can trigger further acquisition processes (Robinson, 1995;
Schmidt, 1990, 1993, 1994; Schmidt & Frota, 1986; Swain, 1995;
Swain & Lapkin, 1995).
2. Not only perceiving a gap in one’s knowledge but also simply noticing
an error can promote L2 learning. Robinson (1995) argued that noticing
involves “detection plus rehearsal in short-term memory prior to encod-
ing in long-term memory” (p. 296). In the case of monitoring, this
means that the erroneous item is detected and the error-free solution is
rehearsed before it becomes stored in long-term memory. The memory
trace left in this way can contribute to proceduralization of declarative
knowledge (see Anderson’s, 1995, ACT–R theory), to creating memo-
rized solutions (e.g., Logan’s, 1988, instance theory) or to the strength-
ening of links between various levels of processing (e.g., MacKay,
1982, strength theory), and in turn can facilitate L2 acquisition.
3. Making a self-initiated and self-completed repair in L2 is basically ex-
ecuted in a similar way as the process of making repairs upon the con-
firmation or clarification requests of the interlocutor. The only
difference between the two processes is that in the former case it is the
speaker who perceives the error, whereas in the latter case, it is the con-
versational partner. Instances when corrections or rephrasings of are
elicited by the L2 learner’s interlocutor have been termed pushed out-
put, and they are believed to contribute to successful L2 acquisition
(Swain, 1985, 1995). Thus, just like pushed output, self-initiated
self-repairs also serve to test hypotheses about the L2, trigger creative
solutions to problems, and expand the learners’ existing resources
(Swain, 1995; Swain & Lapkin, 1995).
SUMMARY
In this chapter, we have seen that research on L2 self-repairs suggests that

mechanisms of L1 and L2 monitoring and self-repair behavior share a number
of similarities, in that the distribution and detection of self-repairs display an
analogous pattern in the processes of L1 and L2 acquisition and production.
However, due to lack of automaticity in L2, monitoring in L1 differs from
monitoring in L2 as regards the amount of attention available for error detec-
tion. Moreover, due to the fact that the L2 speakers’ system of knowledge is
typically incomplete and their production mechanisms are not fully automatic,
136 CHAPTER 6
certain repair mechanisms (e.g., message replacement repair and rephrasing

repair; Kormos, 1999) occur in L2 speech that are not—or only very
rarely—observable in L1 production. Studies on the timing of self-repairs
have revealed that the sequence of the detection of different types of errors and
inappropriacies is similar to the order in which the interlocutor’s speech is pro-
cessed. Therefore, recent modular and activation spreading models of speech
processing (Dell & O’Seaghda, 1991; Levelt, 1989, 1993, 1995; Levelt et al.,
1999) rightly assume that monitoring involves the same mechanisms as speech
comprehension. From research on the timing of self-repairs, there is also evi-
dence that parallel processing can take place even in L2 speech production.
Thus, theories that postulate the existence of distributed editors at different
stages of processing (e.g., Baars et al., 1975; Laver, 1980; Motley et al., 1982)
cannot be considered viable. The investigations of the syntactic structure of
self-repairs also show that speech production does not start from the interme-
diary level where the error occurred, but from the level of conceptualizing,
which provides a strong support for modular models of speech production
(e.g., Levelt, 1989, 1993, 1995; Levelt et al., 1999). Thus it can be concluded
that both theoretical considerations and the empirical results on monitoring
suggest the superiority of Levelt’s PLT over the spreading activation and dis-
tributed editor models in both L1 and L2 speech processing.
As regards the role of attention in monitoring, we have seen that a large
number of studies that have investigated the distribution of different types of
self-corrections suggest that L2 speakers tend to pay more attention to the in-
formational content than to the accuracy of their message. On the other hand,
Kormos’ (2002) research, which also considered the proportion of errors cor-
rected, showed that this may not hold for all formally instructed learners. Stu-
dents in whose instruction grammar teaching plays an important role might
devote more attentional resources to accuracy than to lexical appropriacy than
learners taught with communicative methods. In addition, research in this field
indicates that with the development of language proficiency, L2 speakers’ at-
tention in monitoring shifts from lower level linguistic errors to problems aris-
ing at the discourse level. There is now also evidence that monitoring plays an
important role in the process of L2 learning. It helps learners notice gaps in
their knowledge, proceduralize linguistic rules, and memorize chunks of
language, as well as pushes learners to stretch the limits of their language
competence.
Problem-Solving Mechanisms
7 in L2 Speech
In the introduction of a recent paper on managing problems in speaking, Clark

(1994) wrote that “when the participants of a conversation have problems, they
manage most of them quickly, skillfully, and without apparent effort” (p. 244).
Although this statement is true when the conversation is conducted in the par-
ticipants’ L1, even a brief analysis of any spontaneous piece of L2 oral dis-
course will reveal that L2 speakers tend to spend a great deal of time and effort
negotiating meaning and struggling to cope with the various problems they en-
counter during the course of communication (cf. Gass & Varonis, 1991). Un-
derstanding L2 problem management, therefore, is a principal issue in L2
research, with important potential implications for L2 theory. The language
devices applied to overcome communication problems have been the target of
extensive research in various subfields of applied linguistics, but very few at-
tempts have been made to provide a comprehensive treatment of the mecha-
nisms L2 speakers employ when encountering communication difficulties.
Indeed, Yule and Tarone (1991) pointed out in their discussion of the relation-
ship between the two central domains of problem-management, meaning ne-
gotiation (for reviews, see Gass & Selinker, 1994; Pica, 1994) and
communication strategies (for reviews, see Bialystok, 1990; Dörnyei & Scott,
1997; Poulisse, 1994) that the research literatures of the two areas have been
almost entirely independent.
The goal of this chapter is to provide a comprehensive overview of problem
management in L2 speech production. Following Dörnyei and Scott (1997),
three main problem sources in L2 speech are distinguished: (a) resource defi-
cits, (b) processing time pressure, and (c) perceived deficiencies in one’s own
language output, the last of which was discussed in chapter 6. The fourth type
of problem source identified by Dörnyei and Scott—perceived deficiencies in
the interlocutor’s performance—is not elaborated here because it is not related
to speech production (for a discussion of this issue, see Dörnyei & Kormos,
1998). The chapter is structured as follows: First, I review definitions and char-
acteristics of problem-solving mechanisms. Next, I analyze how L2 speakers
manage problems in their speech by discussing problem-solving mechanisms
related to resource deficits: First lexical communication strategies on the
137
138 CHAPTER 7
(slightly extended) basis of Poulisse’s (1993) framework of strategic language

processing are elaborated, then grammatical and phonological problem-solv-
ing mechanisms. I also examine problem-solving devices associated with pro-
cessing time pressure stemming from serial rather than parallel processing in
L2. Finally, the role of communication strategies in second language learning
is discussed.
REVIEW OF DEFINITIONS AND CHARACTERISTICS

OF COMMUNICATION STRATEGIES
The most extensively researched area of L2 problem-solving behavior has

been the study of communication strategies (CSs), a term first used by Selinker
(1972). Four main views concerning the nature of CSs can be identified in the
literature. In what Dörnyei and Scott (1997) called the “traditional view,” CSs
are seen as “potentially conscious plans for solving what to an individual pres-
ents itself as a problem in reaching a particular communicative goal” (Færch &
Kasper, 1983, p. 23). In other words, Færch and Kasper consider CSs prob-
lem-solving devices that are used to overcome problems of language produc-
tion arising at the planning stage. In the so-called interactional view, CSs are
defined as “a mutual attempt of interlocutors to agree on a meaning in situa-
tions where requisite meaning structures do not seem to be shared” (Tarone,
1980, p. 420). In this perspective, CSs are related not only to the speaker’s per-
formance problems but also to a range of comprehension problems that occur
in communication. In Dörnyei and Scott’s extended view, “every potentially
intentional attempt to cope with any language related problems of which the
speaker is aware during the course of communication” (p. 179) is considered a
communication strategy. Dörnyei and Scott conceptualized CSs in the broad-
est sense, as their definition includes problem-solving devices related to lack
of appropriate knowledge, the speaker’s own performance, meaning negotia-
tion mechanisms, as well as strategies used to gain time in conversation. Be-
cause in this book we are concerned with the psycholinguistic aspects of
speech production, I adopt Poulisse’s (1997a) definition, which sees CS as
“the expression of an alternative speech plan when the original plan proved to
be unencodable” (p. 5), and which belongs to the group of studies that take a
psycholinguistic perspective in CS research.
In their review of the CS literature, Dörnyei and Scott (1997) established
two defining criteria of CS—problem-orientedness and consciousness—and
point out that the diversity of definitions and taxonomies in CS research is
mainly caused by the fact that these criteria have been inappropriately defined.
PROBLEM-SOLVING MECHANISMS IN L2 SPEECH 139
One of the major sources of disagreement among researchers comes from the
difference in how the problems that arise in the course of communication are
defined. Dörnyei and Scott identified four major types of communication
problems: (a) resource deficits, which are “gaps in speakers’ knowledge pre-
venting them from verbalizing their messages” (p. 183), (b) own-performance
problems, which include self-repair mechanisms, and (c) other-performance
problems, in other words, meaning negotiation strategies and processing time
pressure, which are “associated with strategies such as the use of fillers, hesita-
tion devices and self-repetitions” (p. 183). Table 7.1 contains an overview of
how the four main views of CS treat these problems. The second criterion that
has resulted in the diversity of approaches to CS is consciousness. We have to
note that there is a great controversy both in psychology as well as in SLA re-
search concerning what is meant by consciousness, which we do not discuss
here (for a recent review, see Robinson, 2003). Dörnyei and Scott claimed that
three aspects of consciousness are relevant concerning CS: (a) consciousness
as awareness of the problem, (b) consciousness as intentionality, and (c) con-
sciousness as awareness of strategic language use. They pointed out that in or-
der to distinguish CS from errors and mistakes, it needs to be presumed that
when using a CS, speakers are aware that they are having a problem in encod-
ing their message. Consciousness as intentionality is also a necessary criterion
because it distinguishes time-gaining strategies from unconsciously applied
pauses and hesitations. Dörnyei and Scott also argued that speakers need to be
aware of the fact that they are using a strategy, in other words, a less than per-
fect solution, in order to distinguish situations of CS use and those in which the
speakers think they have managed to come up with an acceptable structure or
expression in L2.
By incorporating the special features of L2 speech production into Levelt’s
(1989) model, a comprehensive framework of problem-solving mechanisms
TABLE 7.1
Overview of the Main Views of CS
Own- Other-
Resource Performance Performance Lack of Pro-
Deficit Problem Problem cessing Time
Traditional view Included Not included Not included Not included
Interactional Included Included Included Not included
view
Extended view Included Included Included Included
Psycholinguistic Included Not included Not included Not included
view
140 CHAPTER 7
in L2 use can be outlined, and it can be discussed how the management of the
primary problem areas in the focus of this chapter (resource deficits and pro-
cessing time pressure) are related to the various phases of speech processing.
The first problem area, resource deficit (which is a product of L2 speakers’ de-
ficient L2 competence), is associated with three problem-solving processes in
the planning and encoding of the preverbal message: (a) Lexical problem-solv-
ing mechanisms handle the frequent inability to retrieve the appropriate L2
lemma that corresponds to the concepts specified in the preverbal plan; (b)
grammatical problem-solving mechanisms deal with the insufficient knowl-
edge of the grammatical form and the argument structure of the lemma, as well
as the phrase and clause structure rules of the L2 (Kempen & Hoenkamp,
1987; Levelt, 1989); and (c) phonological/articulatory problem-solving
mechanisms help overcome difficulties in the phonological encoding and
articulatory phases caused by the lack of knowledge of the phonological form
of a word as well as lexical and postlexical phonological rules.
The second main problem area, processing time pressure, is related to the
fact that L2 speech processing is (at least partially) serial and, therefore, re-
quires more attentional resources and processing time than speech production
in L1 (for a review, see chap. 8). In order to gain time and devote additional at-
tention to processing, L2 speakers can employ various stalling mechanisms
both when planning the message and when encoding the preverbal plan.
LEXICAL PROBLEM-SOLVING MECHANISMS
Communication strategies have been analyzed most thoroughly with respect
to lexical referential communication, where the main obstacle to the encoding
process is insufficient L2 lexical knowledge (e.g., Kellerman, 1991; Poulisse,
1993; Yule, 1997). According to Levelt (1989), speech formulation processes
are lexically driven; that is, “grammatical and phonological encoding are me-
diated by lexical entries” (p. 181). This would imply that a great proportion of
the problems speakers encounter during speech production are lexis related,
which has indeed been found to be the case in past research on communication
strategies (see Kellerman, 1991).
Poulisse (1993) assumed that lexical communication strategies were car-
ried out within Levelt’s (1989) framework as follows: Having planned the
message in the conceptualizer, the speaker issues the preverbal plan. The for-
mulator, however, is unable to retrieve the lemma corresponding to the specific
chunk of the preverbal plan, thus the speech production process comes to a halt
and an alarm signal is sent to the monitor, which in turn feeds this information
back to the conceptualizer. After some modifications are made in the speech
plan, the conceptualizer issues a new preverbal plan, which the formulator ei-
ther manages to process or, upon experiencing another problem, sets the
aforementioned mechanism in motion again.
Poulisse (1993) argued that the speaker could resort to one of two main op-
tions in case of difficulties in lexical retrieval: They can (a) can abandon or
change the original speech plan, or (b) keep the macroplan unchanged and
modify the preverbal message only. These two options are analogous to the di-
chotomy of reduction and achievement behaviors postulated by Færch and
Kasper (1983), and both processes can be further broken down to different
types of solutions (for a list of the various mechanisms with definitions, exam-
ples, and/or retrospective comments, see Table 7.2).
The first main option the speaker has (i.e., when the intended message or
macroplan is reformulated) can be executed in three different ways: (a) The in-
tended message can be given up as a whole, resulting in the avoidance strategy
called message abandonment; (b) parts of the intended communicative content
can be deleted (message reduction); or (c) parts of the intended communication
content can be replaced with other components (message replacement) (cf. also
Færch & Kasper, 1983; Tarone, 1977; Váradi, 1980). These processes can be
seen as “problem solving” in only a limited sense: Their application does not ac-
tually solve the original problem but rather helps the speaker get over the prob-
lem situation and thus avoid a complete communication breakdown.
The second option available to the speaker when experiencing difficulties
in encoding the message due to lexical deficits is to keep the macroplan of the
intended message unaltered and reformulate only the preverbal plan by means
of lexical problem-solving mechanisms to compensate for the L2 deficiency.
Poulisse (1993) asserted that three main psycholinguistic processes could un-
derlie lexical compensatory strategies (her term for lexical problem-solving
mechanisms). First, in the search of a new lemma, one or more conceptual
specifications set in the preverbal message might be changed or omitted, and
thus the original lexical item can be substituted by an alternative one; this
Poulisse called a substitution strategy. Second, in addition to the modification
of the conceptual specifications of the lemma, the speaker may also apply L1
or L2 morphological and/or phonological encoding processes, resulting in a
substitution plus strategy. The third process is termed reconceptualization
strategy because it involves the alteration of more than one chunk of the
preverbal message.
Although the three types of compensatory strategies postulated by Poulisse
(1993) are associated with three distinct psycholinguistic processes,
Kellerman and Bialystok (1997) pointed out that it was not always easy to
TABLE 7.2
Lexical Problem-Solving Mechanisms (PSM)
Class and Examples

Type of PSM Description and Retrospective Comments
Content reduction
Message Leaving a message unfin- that is a flat … in a house … [Ret-
abandonment ished because of some rospective comment:] Speaker:
language difficulty. First I wanted to explain “housing
estate” … and in the end I couldn’t
explain it. Interviewer: Why? S:
The words were missing.
Message Reducing the message by he is responsible … for the …
reduction avoiding certain language cleanness of the house and er …
structures or topics prob- he locks the door … at night and
lematic languagewise or opens it … in the morning [Retro-
by leaving out some in- spective comment:] I couldn’t say
tended elements for a what I wanted in English, that he
lack of linguistic re- was responsible for the running of
sources. the house so that things would go
smoothly and so on.
Message Substituting the original you can … stay here until … mid-
replacement message with a new one night or … how do you want. [Ret-
because of not feeling ca- rospective comment:] Here I
pable of executing it. wanted to say that until “dawn” or
“morning” and I found the word
but I did not like it, and I had to
say something so I said this.
Substitution
Code- Including L1 or L3 words [Retrospective comment after say-
Switching with L1 or L3 pronuncia- ing “ferrum”:] I immediately re-
tion in L2 speech; this membered chemistry classes. I
may involve stretches of knew we used the sign “Fe” which
discourse ranging from is “ferrum” in Latin and that an
single words to whole English speaker uses a word like
chunks and even com- that too. He might understand
plete turns. something of it. But I couldn’t re-
member “iron” at all.
Approximation Using a single alternative and er … takes the apple in its
lexical item, such as a mouth. [Retrospective comment:]
superordinate or a related Here I couldn’t remember “beak.”
term, that shares seman-
tic features with the target
word or structure.
Use of all- Extending a general The overuse of thing, stuff, make, do,
purpose “empty” lexical item to as well as words like thingie,
words contexts where specific what-do-you-call-it; e.g., I can’t can’t
words are lacking. work until you repair my … thing.
142
Complete Leaving a gap when not then … er … the sun is is … hm
omission knowing a word and car- sun is … and the Mickey Mouse …
rying on as if it had been [Retrospective comment:] I didn’t
said. know what “shine” was.
Substitution plus
Foreignizing Using an L1 or L3 word by my guest from the … ministerium
adjusting it to L2 phonol- [ministry] [with an English pronun-
ogy (i.e., with an L2 pro- ciation].
nunciation) or morphology.
Grammatical Creating a nonexisting L2 [Retrospective comment after us-
word coinage word by applying a sup- ing dejunktion and unjunktion for
posed L2 rule to an exist- “street clearing”: I think I ap-
ing L2 word. proached it in a very scientific
way: From “junk” I formed a noun
and I tried to add the negative pre-
fix “de-”; to “unjunk” is to “clear
the junk” and “unjunktion” is
“street clearing.”
Literal Translating literally a lexi- [Retrospective comment after say-
translation cal item, an idiom, a com- ing “snowman”: I don’t really
pound word, or a structure know the English expression, so
from L1 to L3 to L2. this is actually the literal translation
of the Hungarian word, and the
hesitation must be due to the fact
that I am not sure that this is how
to say it but there isn’t anything
better.
Macroreconceptualization
Restructuring Abandoning the execution She has to care about the house,
of a verbal plan because to care about the garbage, and to
of language difficulties, care about the … or to clean the
leaving the utterance un- house. [Retrospective comment:]
finished, and communi- Here I wanted to say “cleanness”
cating the intended but I couldn’t remember it.
message according to an
alternative plan.
Microreconceptualization
Circumlocution Exemplifying, illustrating, [Retrospective comment:] Well,
or describing the proper- here for instance, if I had known
ties of the target object or how to say “melt,” then I would
action. have said that. But I didn’t know
this and that’s why I said “it be-
comes water.”
Semantic Creating a nonexisting L2 snowsculpture for “snowman”
word coinage word by compounding
words.
Note. From Dörnyei and Kormos (1998). Copyright 1998 by Cambridge University Press.
143
144 CHAPTER 7
classify the overt manifestations of these strategies according to Poulisse’s

categories. Therefore, in order to establish more straightforward correspon-
dences between verbalized problem-solving devices and the underlying
psycholinguistic processes, Dörnyei and Kormos (1998) suggested that
Poulisse’s tripartite model and some definitions of the components should
slightly be modified.
Poulisse (1993) cited code-switching and approximation as the two pri-
mary examples of substitution strategies. With regard to code-switching, she
argued that the intentional use of an L1 lexical item in L2 speech involved
merely resetting the parameter of the language tag attached to the lexical con-
cept specified in the preverbal message. Thus, instead of the specification [+
L2], the speaker will choose the parameter [+ L1] (see also the section titled
The Influence of L1 on Lexical Encoding in chap. 4). This process is similar to
the one underlying approximation, where one or more features of the concept
are either deleted (e.g., if the speaker cannot retrieve the word corresponding
to the concept CARNATION, he or she will choose to remove certain specifi-
cations and reduce the notion to FLOWER) or substituted (as in cohyponyms);
in some rare cases, even extra features might be added to the lexical chunk (re-
sulting in a subordinate term, such as “pines” instead of “conifers”). Some re-
searchers in the past have indeed kept various types of approximation separate
(e.g., Yarmohamhadi & Seif, 1992), but from a psycholinguistic point of view
Poulisse’s substitution category subsumes these variations.
Besides approximation and code-switching, substitution processes under-
lie a third problem-solving device as well, the use of all-purpose-words. In
these, so many features of the concept are removed that only a general specifi-
cation such as [OBJECT] (e.g., “thing,” “thingie”) or [CAUSE TO HAPPEN]
(e.g., “make,” “do”) remains, and the interlocutor uses contextual clues to re-
construct the intended meaning.
Among substitution plus strategies, which involve modifying one or more
features of the lexical concept plus employing L1 or L2 morphological/phono-
logical encoding procedures, Poulisse (1993) listed foreignizing and gram-
matical word coinage. An interesting question is whether literal translation
can be subsumed under this category. Literal translation is a process in which
the speaker first substitutes the [+ L2] language tag of the concept to be en-
coded by [+ L1], and when the L1 lexical entry (which is usually a compound
word, or an idiomatic collocation) has become available, considers its compo-
nents separately and retrieves the corresponding L2 lemmas one by one,
thereby creating a new (often incorrect) L2 lexical entry not previously stored
in the mental lexicon. Thus, in applying literal translation, a substitution pro-
cess is followed not so much by morphological or phonological encoding but

rather by lexical encoding. Although literal translation, foreignizing, and word
coinage are obviously not produced by exactly the same psycholinguistic pro-
cesses, because all three involve an initial substitution process and subsequent
construction process leading to the creation of a new lexical entry, at this stage
literal translation can be categorized under substitution plus strategies by
extending the “plus” component to also include lexical encoding.
In Poulisse’s (1993) framework, reconceptualization strategies involve the
modification of more than one single chunk of the preverbal message. Poulisse
listed circumlocution, semantic word coinage, and mime as examples of
reconceptualization. In the case of circumlocution, the speaker encodes the
conceptual features of the intended lexical item separately, thus changing the
whole of the preverbal chunk. In the case of semantic word coinage, two lexi-
cal items are selected and combined into one word (e.g., a “suit carrier” for
“suitbag”). The third device, mime, posits a problematic case and is discussed
in the Phonological Problem-Solving Mechanisms section.1
Kellerman and Bialystok (1997) argued that Poulisse’s (1993a) tripartite
model “does not seem to be able to draw a clear distinction between substitu-
tion and reconceptualization strategies” (p. 45), for example, in cases of defi-
nition-like structures (e.g., “Stuff to kill flies”) and strategy tokens that
exemplify superordinate categories by lists of category members (e.g., “tables,
beds, chairs, and cupboards for FURNITURE”). It is indeed questionable how
many lexical concepts are involved in the verbalization of these examples. One
solution to the conceptual ambiguity may be to tie reconceptualizing strategies
more closely to the original concept of “reconceptualization” rather than to the
number of changes involved. The two problematic examples quoted by
Kellerman and Bialystok are clearly distinct from substitution strategies in
that they involve more than the mere retrieval of lexical items of less concep-
tual accuracy (which is what happens during substitution-based processes), as
1
The analysis of mime as an independent mechanism is problematic. It is not a substitution-based
mechanism: It involves more than just substituting a set of gestures for a word, in that it requires the anal-
ysis of the concept to be expressed in order for the speaker to be able to select the most appropriate ges-
tures for encoding it. Yet, mime is not a reconceptualization strategy either because only one preverbal
chunk is involved at a time and there does not seem to be any decomposition and recombination pro-
cesses involved. In fact, the question of mime raises the more general issue of how body language or
other nonverbal, gestural codes (e.g., sign language) can be made compatible with a system specifying
the production of verbal messages. Without attempting a detailed analysis, these diverse types of produc-
tion processes can be considered similar to speech production up to the point of conceptualizing the
preverbal message but are then processed by different formulators depending on the type of the commu-
nication code involved. If this is the case, however, then mime cannot be comprehensively discussed
within a speech production framework.
146 CHAPTER 7
they entail the analysis and decomposition of the preverbal chunk in order to
be able to express it through a combination of lexical items. This series of anal-
ysis, decomposition, and recombination can be summarized by the concept of
reconceptualization, which then makes up the core feature of the correspond-
ing strategy type.
If we accept that the process of reconceptualization (analysis-decomposi-
tion-recombination) is the primary defining criterion for reconceptualization
strategies, we can logically distinguish microreconceptualization, which in-
volves reconceptualizing one preverbal chunk (as is the case in circumlocution
and semantic word coinage), and macroreconceptualization, which involves
the modification of more than one single chunk in the preverbal message. The
advantage of this would be that restructuring, a CS often mentioned in the lit-
erature (e.g., Færch & Kasper, 1983), could be placed in the framework as an
example of macroreconceptualization because by resorting to it the speaker
seeks an alternative manner of expressing the intended message. In “On
Mickey’s face we can see the … so he’s he’s wondering,” for example, the
speaker cannot retrieve the lemma for “surprise” or “bewilderment” in the L2
and thus decides to completely reformulate the preverbal plan for the utterance
in order to be able to express his or her message with the available resources.
In sum, lexical problem-solving mechanisms are considered to be attempts
by the speaker to overcome problems in lemma retrieval. Following Poulisse
(1993), they can be classified as substitution strategies, which involve chang-
ing one or more features of the concept; substitution plus strategies, which en-
tail a combination of a substitution strategy and further phonological,
morphological, or lexical encoding; microreconceptualization strategies,
which involve the decomposition of the concept specified by the preverbal
message into components, which will then be retrieved separately; and macro-
reconceptualization strategies, where more than one single concept in the pre-
verbal message is modified.
GRAMMATICAL PROBLEM-SOLVING MECHANISMS
Grammatical encoding is a continuation of the lexical retrieval process, as this

is the point when the grammatical form of the lemma (information about the
diacritic parameters of the lemma such as person, number, tense, gender, etc.)
and the argument structure (determining what place the lemma can occupy in
the sentence and what obligatory and optional complements it can take) are ac-
cessed and encoded, and when the lemmas are ordered in a phrase. Problems in
grammatical encoding can arise at three different points of the encoding pro-
cess: (a) when the lemmas activated by the preverbal message are inspected for
optional and obligatory complements, specifiers, and diacritic values, (b)

when the complements, specifiers, and diacritic parameters are handled, and
(c) when phrases and clauses are assembled. Insufficient knowledge of the
grammatical form and the argument structure of the lemmas can prevent the
message from being encoded in the way it was originally planned, and in such
cases the speaker needs to resort to certain problem-solving mechanisms.
Problem-solving mechanisms triggered by deficiencies in grammatical
knowledge can be of several types. Because, according to Levelt (1989), gram-
matical information is stored by the lemmas, one way of getting around gram-
matical problems is by simply not activating the lemma associated with the
problem issue but calling into action some lexical problem-solving mecha-
nism instead. There are, however, two grammatical problem-solving mecha-
nisms specifically related to grammatically motivated communication
difficulties (see Table 7.3). First, we can conceive of grammatical substitution
mechanisms, which involve changing certain features of the lemma in terms of
either its grammatical form or argument structure. Such processes can draw on
two main sources, the syntactic information of the corresponding L1 or L3
lemma (transfer) and the syntactic information of a similar or synonymous L2
lemma (overgeneralization). These processes can be employed when the L2
speaker lacks the syntactic knowledge to process the complements, specifiers,
diacritic values, or phrase and clause structure. In this case, the speaker can re-
sort to the subroutines or rules that the corresponding L1 or L3 lemmas point
to, or overgeneralize L2 rules. These cases are very similar to “subsidiary
transfer” described by Færch and Kasper (1986) and can be in either
subsidiary or focal attention.
The second mechanism frequently applied is grammatical reduction,
whereby the speaker uses intentionally simplified grammar hoping that the in-
terlocutor will be able to reconstruct the grammatical meaning from the context.
Anecdotal evidence and our own experience suggests that a variety of this strat-
egy is very common in languages such as Russian or German, where speakers
often mumble or completely omit the inflections of adjectives, verbs, or nouns.
PHONOLOGICAL PROBLEM-SOLVING MECHANISMS
Once the L2 speaker has succeeded in retrieving the appropriate lemma and
has completed the grammatical processing phase, the surface structure needs
to be encoded phonologically and then articulated; as Tarone, Cohen, and
Dumas (1976) pointed out, these processing phases might also posit potential
problems to the L2 speakers, for example, when the retrieval of the lexeme
(i.e., the morpho-phonological form) of a particular lexical entry is hampered
TABLE 7.3
Grammatical and Phonological Lexical Problem-Solving
Mechanisms (PSM)
Examples and
Class and Type of PSM Description Retrospective Comments
Grammatical PSM
Grammatical substitution Changing certain gram- and this mouse put a
matical specifications of bowl to the table.
the lemma through trans-
fer or overgeneralization.
Grammatical reduction Using simplified gram- When she er come back
mar in the belief that the again [Retrospective
interlocutor will be able comment:] I’m always in
to reconstruct the gram- doubt what tense to use
matical meaning from and then I decided that
the context. I’d stick to the present
tense because that’s the
easiest.
Phonological and Articulatory PSM
Phonological retrieval
Tip-of-the-tongue In an attempt to retrieve it’s some kind of er … co
phenomenon and articulate a lexical … cop … copper
item, saying a series of in-
complete or wrong forms
or structures before reach-
ing the optimal form.
Phonological and articulatory substitution
Use of similar-sounding Compensating for a lexi- [In the following exam-
words cal item whose form the ple, the question intona-
speaker is unsure of with tion indicates that the
a word (either existing or speaker was aware that
nonexisting) that sounds she said only the approx-
more or less like the tar- imate form:] Speaker: …
get item. snowman smelt? or …
Interlocutor: Melt.
Phonological and
articulatory reduction
Mumbling Swallowing or muttering And uh well Mickey
inaudibly a word (or part Mouse looks surprise or
of a word) whose correct sort of XXX [the “sort of”
form the speaker is un- marker indicates that the
certain about. unintelligible part is not
just a mere recording
failure but a strategy].
Note. From Dörnyei and Kormos (1998). Copyright 1998 by Cambridge University Press.
148
for some reason. L2 speakers might experience problems in all the three major
phases of phonological encoding (see Levelt, 1989, 1993; Roelofs, 1997b): (a)
They might encounter difficulties upon generating the metrical frames, which
consist of phonological words; (b) adding the segmental information, the
specifications of the phonemes, and inserting them into the frames can also
pose a problem, if the L2 speaker has not acquired the lexeme of the given
word appropriately; and (c) problems can arise when the speaker maps “the
syllabified and metrically specified phonological strings onto phonetic or
articulatory programs” (Levelt, 1993, p. 5).
Similarly to grammatical problems, when phonological difficulties occur,
speakers can resort to lexical problem-solving mechanisms to avoid using the
word(s) they cannot verbalize. Additionally, although very little research has
been done on this aspect of L2 problem management, one can also conceive of
certain phonological problem-solving mechanisms (see Table 7.3). One mech-
anism often documented in the literature is phonological retrieval, whereby
the speaker attempts to retrieve a lexeme for which only incomplete phonolog-
ical information (e.g., some phonemes, usually the initial ones) is available; in
this case, the speaker experiences a “tip of the tongue” phenomenon, and artic-
ulates several versions of the item so that by running the alternatives through
the audition and speech comprehension modules he or she can test them and
select the best version.
As an analogy to lexical and grammatical substitution, we may conceptualize
phonological substitution, which allows the speaker to encode and articulate the
problematic lexical item by substituting certain phonological features (via
inter/intralingual transfer). It is an interesting question whether the use of simi-
lar-sounding words is a subtype of this mechanism: This device is applied when
the speaker finds a lemma that matches the preverbal chunk but cannot retrieve
the accompanying lexeme fully, and therefore utters a string of sounds that bears
some resemblance to the original item, which is hoped to help the listener make
the association with the target word. In this case, therefore, the word is substi-
tuted by an underspecified phonological representation. Levelt (1995) argued
that a lexeme’s phonological information was of two kinds—the word’s meter
(or accent pattern) and the word’s segments of morphemes—and as has found
that “phonological segments are not fixated in their position, but have to be in-
serted in the right metrical slot as we speak” (p. 19). Similar-sounding words,
then, can be seen as metrically similar versions of the original lexeme in which
one or more phonological segments have been replaced.
Finally, we can also identify two phonological reduction mechanisms. A
more extreme version of the use of a similar-sounding word is a mechanism
150 CHAPTER 7
Dörnyei and Scott (1997) labeled as mumbling, whereby a deliberately

nonunderstandable word is uttered in the slot of the problematic lexical item
within the utterance, and the listener is expected to guess the missing item
from the context. Mumbling is also a metrically similar-sounding version of
the originally intended lexeme, but it differs from similar-sounding words in
that the problematic phonetic segments are not properly substituted but rather
are swallowed.
TIME PRESSURE–RELATED
PROBLEM-SOLVING MECHANISMS
Because speech production for L2 speakers is less automatic than speech pro-
cessing in the L1, at certain phases of language production the encoding pro-
cesses can only proceed serially. This results in delayed production and, as a
consequence, retrieval may take “more time than the production system will
allow” (de Bot, 1992, p. 14). In addition, L2 speakers are usually aware that in
order to be able to remain in the conversation, they need to observe certain tem-
poral organizational principles, particularly (in the case of English, for exam-
ple) the need to avoid lengthy silences, which can terminate the conversation
or deter the interlocutor; in Hatch’s (1978) words, learners must do their best to
use “whatever fillers they can to show the native speaker that they really are
trying” (p. 434). Instances of needing more processing time than would be nat-
urally available in conversation occur in two phases of speech processing: (a)
during macro- and microplanning when the content and the form of the mes-
sage are generated, and (b) while the preverbal plan is processed to generate
the articulated message.
When speakers perceive that language production (i.e., conceptualization,
formulation, and articulation) will take more time than what the production
system or the communicative situation allows, they have three options: (a)
They may resort to message reduction or message abandonment to avoid ex-
treme hesitations caused by planning and processing; (b) they may employ
other resource deficit–related strategies, because the application of an alterna-
tive encoding mechanism may prove to be faster than the encoding of the origi-
nal preverbal plan; (c) in order to keep the communication channel open and
provide more time and attentional resources, speakers can apply various stall-
ing mechanisms (see Table 7.4). The three options are not mutually exclusive;
the first two options also require some cognitive attendance, although less than
the encoding of the original difficult preverbal plan, and can therefore also be
accompanied by stalling mechanisms.
TABLE 7.4
Time Pressure–Related Problem-Solving Mechanisms
Class and Type Examples and

of PSM Description Retrospective Comments
Nonlexicalized pauses
Unfilled pauses Remaining silent
while thinking.
Umming Using [Retrospective comment:] Interviewer:
and erring nonlexicalized filled Why were you “erring” here? Speaker:
pauses I didn’t know what to say … I was
(er, uh, mhm). thinking about how to phrase it.
Sound length- Lengthening a sound [Retrospective comment:] when I said
ening (drawling) in hesitation. “I’m” I lengthened the “m” to gain said
“uh.” And the same participant later:
Interviewer: When you said “look,” you
stressed the “k” at the end. Speaker:
Unfortunately, I didn’t have an “m” here
and I couldn’t lengthen it, that was how
I gained time. I: And what were you
thinking about? S: What to put after it.
Lexicalized pauses
Fillers Using filling words or Filling words or short phrases such as
gambits to fill well; you know; actually; okay; how can
pauses, to stall, and I say that; this is rather difficult to ex-
to gain time in order plain; E.g., Uhm, it’s interesting be
to keep the commu- cause the hall … is er … forty person.
nication channel [Retrospective comment:] Here I was
open and maintain still thinking over what I was going to
discourse at times of say and I said “it’s interesting.” I have
difficulty. no idea why I said it, it did not mean
anything in this context.
Repetitions
Self-repetition Repeating a word [Retrospective comment:] Interviewer:
or a string of words [Why did you say] if you … if you … ?
immediately after Speaker: I probably wanted to gain
they were said. some time because I couldn’t continue
immediately.
Other- Repeating some- Interviewer: Do you know whether you
repetition thing interlocutor have rubber washer at home?
said to gain time. Speaker: Rubber, rubber washer … er
[Retrospective comment:] I: Why did
you repeat “rubber washer”? S: What
can “rubber” mean … I was thinking
hard about it.
Note. From Döornyei and Kormos (1998). Copyright 1998 by Cambridge University
Press.
151
152 CHAPTER 7
Time-gaining mechanisms can surface in two major types of realization:

pauses (cf. van Hest, 1996) and repetitions. Pauses may involve (a) unfilled or
nonlexicalized filled pauses (e.g., silence or “umming and erring”), which re-
quire no additional processing but are inadequate in maintaining the appearance
of fluency as they result in hesitant and disjointed speech; (b) lengthening a
sound or drawling while thinking ahead, which is a more elaborate variation of
nonlexicalized filled pauses, effective in holding the floor; and (c) lexicalized
pauses, which involve the use of various filling words or more complex prefabri-
cated chunks (cf. Pawley & Syder, 1983; Raupach, 1984; Towel et al., 1996).
Based on Newell and Rosenbloom’s (Newell, 1990; Newell & Rosenbloom,
1981; Rosenbloom & Newell, 1987) general chunking theory, prefabricated
chunks are assumed to be stored as one unit in the lexicon and retrieved as a
block. In order for them to serve as time-gaining devices, they need to be fully
automatized so that their encoding does not require attention and thus their use
frees the speaker’s attentional resources (cf. Schmidt, 1992).
The second main type of stalling mechanisms, repetitions, can involve (a)
own repetition, which have the same function as lexicalized pauses, because
by retrieving a recently processed string of words as one unit from short-term
memory, the speaker does not use any attentional resources; and (b) other rep-
etition, whereby part of the interlocutor’s utterance is repeated by retrieving it
from the speech comprehension system as one unit, which again does not re-
quire much conscious encoding capacity.
Finally, I would like to note that stalling mechanisms are not L2-specific but
are also used by L1 speakers for both problematic and unproblematic process-
ing. Their role, however, may be more prominent in L2 use as the encoding
processes of L2 speakers are less automatized and therefore require more time
than L1 speech processing.
COMMUNICATION STRATEGIES AND LANGUAGE LEARNING
The role of communication strategies in language learning has been rather con-
troversial. For a long time, communication strategies have been seen as devices
used to compensate for lack of knowledge and as such being the signals of lack
of competence (e.g., Bialystok & Kellerman, 1987). A number of researchers
claimed that L2 learners can freely transfer the strategies they use in L1 to L2,
and therefore there is no need to develop students’ strategic competence by
means of explicit teaching (e.g., Bongaerts & Poulisse, 1989; Kellerman, 1991).
On the other hand, Dörnyei (1995) argued that communication strategies are
teachable; moreover, they should be taught in L2 courses in order to help learn-
ers express their intended message. The experimental study he conducted in
Hungary demonstrated that the teaching of certain types of CSs was successful
as students used these strategies more frequently after instruction, and the par-
ticipants’fluency also increased. Dörnyei’s study shows that CSs play an impor-
tant role in language learning for a number of reasons. First of all, they
contribute to increased fluency with which learners can express their message.
In addition, they help L2 speakers stay in communication, which contributes to
producing more output. The production of increased amount of output has been
found to promote second language acquisition as it serves to test hypotheses
about the L2, trigger creative solutions to problems, and expand the learners’ex-
isting resources (Swain, 1995; Swain & Lapkin, 1995).
How the use of CSs changes as a result of the development of L2 compe-
tence has also been researched. Poulisse and Schils (1989) investigated the dif-
ferences in three groups of learners’use of communication in different types of
tasks. They found that more-proficient learners applied fewer CSs than their
less-competent peers, which is the result of the fact that advanced students
have fewer gaps in their knowledge. Their results also indicated that compe-
tent L2 speakers tended to use more approximations, whereas intermediate
students often resorted to L1-based strategies such as transfer. Poulisse and
Schils explained these differences by pointing out that proficient L2 speakers
have a large enough vocabulary in L2, which aids them in finding words that
have similar meaning to the intended one
SUMMARY
In this chapter, I made an attempt to bring together the different mechanisms L2
speakers can employ when running into communication difficulty into an inte-
grative model that enables us to establish links between different processes of L2
production that have so far been handled by different conceptual frameworks. I
related the problem-solving devices used in the case of lack of linguistic knowl-
edge and under time pressure to encode one’s message to the various stages of
speech production. As regards CSs used to cope with resource deficit, lexical,
grammatical, and phonological problem-solving mechanisms were analyzed in
detail. The psycholinguistic mechanisms involved in coping with time pressure
were also discussed in the light of theories of automaticity. Finally, the role of
CSs in promoting second language acquisition was considered.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This chapter is a revised version of the following article: Dörnyei, Z., Kormos, J.
(1998). Problem-solving mechanisms in L2 communication: A psycholinguistic
perspective. Studies in Second Language Acquisition, 20, 349–385.
Fluency and Automaticity
8 in L2 Speech Production
Besides accent, one of the most easily noticeable differences between L1 and L2
speakers is the speed with which they talk. Whereas L1 speech is generally pro-
duced without any considerable effort, producing utterances in L2 requires at-
tention on the part of the speaker, which slows down the speed of delivery to a
considerable extent. Several studies have shown that speech rate and the mean
length of runs is considerably lower in L2 than in L1 (Deschamps, 1980;
Raupach, 1984; Wiese, 1984). This difference might be caused by a number of
factors such as the deficient knowledge of L2 lexis, syntax, morphology, and
phonology, attentional resources needed for suppressing L1 production proce-
dures, and greater demands on self-monitoring, which have all been discussed in
previous chapters of this book. Here we focus on one of the most important rea-
sons why L2 speech is slower than L1 speech, which is the degree of
automaticity with which L1 and L2 speech is produced. In L1 production, only
speech planning and monitoring require attention; the rest of the speech produc-
tion mechanisms can run automatically and in parallel without the speakers’
conscious supervision. In L2 speech, however, syntactic and phonological en-
coding might not be automatized at all in the case of beginners, or might only be
partially automatic even in the case of advanced learners (de Bot, 1992;
Rehbein, 1987; Sajavaara, 1987). Due to the lack of automaticity, processes of
L2 production cannot run in parallel as in L1, which slows speech down to a con-
siderable extent. In chapter 3, we saw how the development of automaticity can
be related to monolingual models of speech processing. In this chapter, an at-
tempt is made to explain L2 speech production fluency in the light of models of
automatization. I first discuss the definitions of fluency in second language
speech production. Next, I relate theories of automaticity and learning to the de-
velopment of L2 fluency. Finally, studies conducted on the measurement and
perceptions of fluency in L2 speech production are reviewed.
DEFINITIONS OF FLUENCY
The term fluency is usually used in two senses (Lennon, 1990, 2000). In the
so-called broad sense, fluency seems to equal global oral proficiency; in other
154
FLUENCY IN L2 SPEECH PRODUCTION 155
words, it means that a fluent speaker has generally high command of the for-
eign or second language. In its narrower sense, fluency is usually considered to
be only one component of oral proficiency, which is often used as one of the
scores in assessing candidates’ oral language skills in an exam situation. Fill-
more’s (1979) conceptualization is one of the examples of what fluency means
in the broad sense. He argued that the term fluency can have four different in-
terpretations. First, he defined fluency as the ability to talk at length with few
pauses and to be able to fill the time with talk. Second, a fluent speaker is capa-
ble not only of talking without hesitations but of expressing his or her message
in a coherent, reasoned, and “semantically dense” manner. Third, a person is
considered to be fluent if he or she knows what to say in a wide of range of con-
texts. Finally, Fillmore argued that fluent speakers are creative and imagina-
tive in their language use and a maximally fluent speaker has all of the
aforementioned abilities. Fillmore’s definition of fluency is very extensive,
but it is unclear how this conceptualization differs from the definition of global
oral proficiency. The definition proposed by Sajavaara (1987) can also be re-
garded as a broad conceptualization of fluency. He defined fluency as “the
communicative acceptability of the speech act, or ‘communicative fit’” (p.
62). He also pointed out that expectations concerning what is appropriate in a
communicative context vary according to the situation; therefore, his defini-
tion seems to be very difficult to operationalize. This conceptualization of flu-
ency bears resemblance to the third aspect of fluency described by Fillmore.
As regards the narrow interpretation of fluency, Lennon (1990) claimed that
fluency differs from the other scores in oral language exams (e.g., accuracy,
appropriacy) in that it is purely a performance phenomenon, and consequently
defined fluency as “an impression on the listener’s part that the
psycholinguistic processes of speech planning and speech production are
functioning easily and efficiently” (p. 391). Thus, he argued, “Fluency reflects
the speaker’s ability to focus the listener’s attention on his or her message by
presenting a finished product, rather than inviting the listener to focus on the
working of the production mechanisms” (pp. 391–392). Rehbein (1987) pro-
vided a similar definition, claiming that “fluency means that the activities of
planning and uttering can be executed nearly simultaneously by the speaker of
the language” (p. 104). He also added that fluency depends on the context,
namely on the “speaker’s evaluation of the hearer’s expectations” (p. 104).
Schmidt (1992) refined Lennon’s definition by adding that fluency in speech
production is an “automatic procedural skill” (based on Carlson, Sullivan, &
Schneider, 1989) and that fluent speech “is automatic, not requiring much at-
tention or effort” (p. 358). In a more recent study, Lennon (2000) synthesized
156 CHAPTER 8
earlier definitions and proposed that “a working definition of fluency might be

the rapid, smooth, accurate, lucid, and efficient translation of thought or com-
municative intention into language under the temporal constraints of on-line
processing” (p. 26).
THEORIES OF AUTOMATICITY AND THE DEVELOPMENT

OF L2 FLUENCY
As mentioned previously, one of the most comprehensive definitions of flu-

ency is that fluency means “the rapid, smooth, accurate, lucid, and efficient
translation of thought or communicative intention into language under the
temporal constraints of on-line processing” (Lennon, 2000, p. 26). If one con-
siders the theories of automaticity described in chapter 3, it becomes apparent
that two interrelated processes are responsible for the development of fluency
in L2: automatization of encoding processes and the use of prefabricated lan-
guage units called formulaic language. Automatization and learning might
take place in three different ways: (a) Consciously learned rules of language
might become automatic in the sense that their application does not require at-
tention on the part of the speaker; (b) phrases and clauses first assembled with
the help of syntactic and phonological rules might later be stored as one unit in
memory and retrieved as a whole; and (c) learners might start out using memo-
rized chunks of language without being aware of the syntactic and phonologi-
cal rules applying to those chunks and might deduce the rules from these units
of language at later stages of the learning process. In what follows, I discuss
these three possible ways of learning, relate them to theories of automaticity,
and review empirical studies in the field of SLA research that attempted to test
these theories.
One of the most comprehensive accounts of how the application of rules be-
comes automatic was provided by Anderson’s (1983) ACT* (adaptive control
of thought) and his (1995) ACT–R theory (adaptive control of thought–re-
vised). As described in chapter 3, in this model it is assumed that the develop-
ment of automatic processes not only involves the faster application of rules
and the withdrawal of attention from rule-based processing, but also qualita-
tive changes such as the creation of macroproductions, that is, chunks from
smaller units, generalization (widening the scope of the application of rules to
all the appropriate contexts), and discrimination (using the rules only in the ap-
propriate contexts). Anderson’s ACT* and ACT–R model have exerted signif-
icant influence on cognitive theories of language learning, but as Raupach
(1987) and Schmidt (1992) pointed out, little research has been carried out to
adapt this theory for the development of fluency despite the fact that it has a lot
to offer for the field of SLA. In an exploratory study, Towell et al. (1996) made
an attempt to relate Anderson’s theory to Levelt’s (1989) model of speech pro-
duction. They argued that the only logical place where proceduralization can
take place is the formulator module of Levelt’s model, the role of which is to
give linguistic shape to messages and forward these encoded messages to the
articulator. They hypothesized that proceduralization can be assumed to have
taken place if in the course of learning, the mean length of fluent runs in-
creases, the mean length of pauses does not change or decreases, and the
phonation time ratio remains either unchanged or increases; in other words, if
more time is spent speaking than pausing and if learners are able to produce
longer stretches of words without pausing. The quantitative analysis of 12
learners’ speech before and after a year spent in the target language environ-
ment showed that major improvement took place in the length of fluent runs.
The detailed qualitative analysis of two participants’ output revealed that this
change is mainly caused by the fact that these learners succeeded in
proceduralizing syntactic knowledge. Towell et al. argued that their partici-
pants converted “linguistic knowledge already acquired into rapidly-usable
on-line ‘productions’” (p. 113). Poulisse (1999), who investigated the slips of
the tongue found in the speech of Dutch learners of English at three different
levels of proficiency, also made an attempt to relate her findings to Anderson’s
ACT* theory. In accordance with the assumptions of ACT*-theory (but also
any other theory of learning), she found that less-proficient learners made
more slips, that is, displayed more variable performance, than advanced
speakers. The comparison of the different types of slips at the different stages
of language development showed that proceduralization took place mainly in
the processes of lexical access, morphological encoding of verbs, and phono-
logical encoding. Raupach acknowledged the potentials of ACT* theory, but
he warned against adapting it for the investigation of L2 learning without res-
ervation. He assumed that in SLA not every instance of procedural knowledge
is encoded via conversion from declarative knowledge; that is, it is possible
that learners acquire certain types of procedural knowledge directly or through
the transfer of L1 procedural knowledge. Moreover, his investigation of the
temporal variables in the speech of German learners of French before and after
a study abroad program showed that some learners acquired certain L2 struc-
tures by imitation, in other words, as unanalyzed linguistic units.
McLaughlin’s (1990) theory of L2 learning also drew on the ACT* model
and Cheng’s (1985) theory of restructuring. In McLaughlin’s theory, it is as-
sumed that first the automatization of speech production processes takes
158 CHAPTER 8
place, which is followed by restructuring. This order of psychological mecha-

nisms can explain the U-shaped behavior in the course of L2 learning (e.g.,
Kellerman, 1983), namely, that after a period of correct use (automatization),
L2 speakers implement qualitative changes in the application of a rule. Ini-
tially this might result in incorrect productions, and certain time is needed be-
fore the correct form reappears. In his article, McLaughlin did not discuss
whether this U-shaped development also applies to the attainment of fluency,
but theoretically it is possible that beginning learners rely on a limited reper-
toire of memorized units in order to keep communication going at an accept-
able speed. When they start analyzing these units and applying the rules
deduced from these chunks consciously, their speech might become slower.
Finally, these rules might be used automatically and efficiently combined with
memorized units, which results in increased fluency. Unfortunately, the
scarcity of longitudinal studies of fluency development do not allow for testing
this assumption empirically.
Anderson’s (1983, 1995) theory of learning has great relevance and high
applicability in L2 production research. L2 speech production has two impor-
tant processes where rule-based knowledge plays an important role: syntactic
and phonological encoding. Studies investigating the development of speech
production processes have shown that it is indeed in these two steps of encod-
ing where major changes contributing to fluency development take place.
Towell et al. (1996) found that the increased length of fluent runs was caused
by the proceduralization of syntactic knowledge, whereas Poulisse’s (1999)
research indicated that with the development of language proficiency, perfor-
mance becomes more stable and less error-prone in the field of morphological
and phonological encoding (she also found that lexical access was automa-
tized, to which we return later). The few experimental studies that have investi-
gated the acquisition of syntactic rules in laboratory settings to date
(DeKeyser, 1997; Robinson & Ha, 1993) also suggest that it is primarily An-
derson’s theory of proceduralization that can explain the patterns of learning
emerging from this type of research.
Logan’s (1988) instance theory is radically different from Anderson’s
ACT* (1983) and ACT–R (1995) model and addresses the issue raised by
Raupach (1987), namely that not all learning involves the conversion from de-
clarative to procedural learning. As mentioned in chapter 3, Logan assumed
that automatic processing equals memory retrieval; that is, the use of an algo-
rithm is substituted by a single-step retrieval of the solution from memory. In
one of the first studies that explored the relevance of instance theory in SLA,
Robinson and Ha (1993) investigated whether learners use algorithm-based
mechanisms or memory retrieval in making grammaticality judgments. The

findings of their study suggested that these two processes are not either/or op-
tions, but there seems to be an interface between them and both might contrib-
ute to the development of automaticity. DeKeyser (2001), in his discussion of
Robinson and Ha’s (1993) and Robinson’s (1997) research, pointed out that
perhaps the recently revised memory-based learning theories such as
Palmeri’s (1997) exemplar-based random walk model that allows for memory
retrieval in the case of similar (and not necessarily the same) stimuli can
account for the findings of these studies better than traditional instance theory.
Despite the fact that the role of memory-based theories of learning is often
questioned in SLA research (e.g., DeKeyser, 2001; N. Segalowitz, 2003), cer-
tain aspects of L1 and L2 fluency can be explained with reference to these
models. Pawley and Syder (1983) argued that nativelike fluency is determined
by the availability of prefabricated patterns and formulaic expressions, which
are retrieved from the memory as a whole. In other words, these authors
claimed that fluency involves not only the automatic application of rules but
also the memory retrieval of the appropriate expressions. In chapter 3, we saw
that the memorization of chunks of language plays an important role in L1
acquisition as many children (but not all of them) memorize formulaic expres-
sions used to express manipulative functions and apply them as unanalyzed
units. Wray (2002) in her review of research concerned with formulas in L2
learning concluded that this process is also typical of children learning the L2
in naturalistic settings (e.g., Bohn, 1986; Wong Fillmore, 1976). Several
studies have shown that adult learners acquiring the language both in natural
settings (e.g., Rehbein, 1987; Schmidt, 1983; Yorio, 1989) and in instructed
classroom environment (e.g., Myles, Hooper, & Mitchell, 1998; R. Ellis,
1984) memorize certain formulaic expressions without analysis and use them
to achieve particular communicative functions. Research evidence also
suggests that at later stages of learning, L2 speakers, especially instructed
ones, start analyzing these units, deduce rules from them, and apply these rules
and formulaic expressions in a creative manner (Bolander, 1989; Myles et al.,
1998; Myles, Mitchell, & Hooper, 1999). Studies on formulaic language
indicate that there is empirical support for the assumptions of theories of
chunking that cognitive skills such as speaking are learned by creating
macroproductions from smaller units and that it is possible to abstract rules of
the language from chunks memorized as a whole (N. Ellis, 2001, 2003). The
question is whether the opposite process is possible, that is, whether with prac-
tice word sequences that are first produced based on rule-based processing can
become stored as one unit in memory and be retrieved as a whole. Wray’s
160 CHAPTER 8
(2002) model of how vocabulary is acquired in L2 implies that this route of

acquisition is also possible. She claimed that:
Whereas the first language learner starts with large and complex strings, and
never breaks them down any more than necessary, the post-childhood second
language learner is starting with small units and trying to build them up. Phrases
and clauses may be what learners encounter in their input material, but what they
notice and deal with are words and how they can be glued together. The result is
that the classroom learner homes in on individual words, and throws away all the
really important information, namely, what they occurred with. (p. 206)
Strength theories of automatization (e.g., MacKay, 1982) also have relevance

for the development of fluency and the automaticity of lexical encoding in L2
production. In order to efficiently retrieve words, strong links between concepts
and words need to be established, and search mechanisms need to be replaced by
direct one-step retrieval. In strength theories, it is assumed that practice
strengthens the links between nodes in hierarchical networks such as language,
in this case, between concepts and lexical items. As described in chapter 3, lexi-
cal retrieval can be considered automatized if the concept that is activated by vi-
sual or other types of input passes on the highest level of activation to the
corresponding lexical node. In sum, the major process of automatization in lexi-
cal encoding involves the strengthening of links between concepts and L2 lexi-
cal items. Strength theory can also account for how formulaic sequences are
learned. At the beginning of the acquisition process, links between words that
form a particular phrase are weak; therefore, learners create variable phrases. In
the course of learning, strong connections between words are established, and
words constituting a formulaic sequence are retrieved as a unit. Oppenheim
(2000) investigated recurrent sequences in the speech of six nonnative speakers
of English when giving the same speech twice. She found that rather than using
exact repetitions of phrases, students tended to use partially overlapping se-
quences that they often varied by adding new elements, by reordering, and by
combining them into larger units. She argued that instance theory would predict
that participants would use exactly the same recurrent sequences when deliver-
ing their talk for the second time, and because this was not the case, this theory
does not seem to be a viable account of how L2 speech production processes are
learned. She claimed that strength theory and theories of chunking can explain
that participants applied the recurrent phrases in a variable manner. Strength the-
ory would allow for variability through the different levels of connections that
can exist between words, whereas theories of chunking can explain that students
create larger units from smaller ones or that they break down longer phrases into
shorter sequences (Table 8.1 contains an overview of the applicability of psy-

chological models of learning to speech production processes).
T. Ullman (2001) investigated automatization from a neurolinguistic per-
spective by a meta-analysis of research on what brain areas are activated in lex-
ical and syntactic processing in native and nonnative speakers, in early and late
language learners, as well as in proficient and nonproficient L2 learners. The
starting point of his analysis was his declarative/procedural model, which
assumes that:
The memorization, storage, and processing of the stored sound-meaning pairings

of lexical memory are subserved by declarative memory, a brain system rooted in
temporal lobe structures, and implicated in the learning and use of knowledge
about facts and events. In contrast, the learning, representation, and processing of
aspects of grammar depend largely upon procedural memory, a distinct brain
system rooted in left frontal/basal-ganglia structures, and implicated in the
learning and expression of motor and cognitive skills and habits. (p. 117)
He argued that L2 speakers who started to acquire the language after puberty,
especially if they did not have enough practice using the language, tended to rely
on declarative memory for processing grammar, which might mean that instead of
TABLE 8.1
An Overview of the Applicability of Psychological Theories of Skill Learning
to Processes in Speech Production
Instance Theory/
Exemplar-Based
Random Walk Strength Chunking
ACT Theory Model Theories Theories
Syntactic and Fast and effi- Competition of — Deduction of
phonological cient applica- rule-based rules from the
encoding tion of rules processing and analysis of
without memory retrieval chunks
attentional
supervision
Lexical — — Strengthening —
retrieval of links be-
tween con-
cepts and
lexical items
Use of formu- Macroproduct Formulas are Strengthen- Formulas are
laic language ions are cre- retrieved in a ing of links first learned as
ated from single step from between unanalyzed
smaller units memory words that units
of language form formulas
162 CHAPTER 8
using automatic computational mechanisms in procedural memory (e.g.,

encoding past tense by adding the suffix -ed to verbs), they memorize linguistic
forms as one unit (e.g., walked), apply rules consciously in declarative memory,
and exploit “the ability of the associative lexical memory to generalize patterns to
new forms” (p. 118). From the review of neuroimaging and electrophysiological
research as well as studies of aphasics, Ullman concluded that the predictions of
his model are largely borne out. Ullman’s model is similar to Anderson’s (1983,
1995) ACT theory in that it claims that learning takes place via conversion from
declarative to procedural knowledge, but it also allows for memory-based exem-
plar learning. It is, however, clearly different from connectionist theories, which
do not posit different computational systems for lexical and grammatical learning
and argue that this system has broad anatomic distribution (e.g., Bates &
MacWhinney, 1989).
MEASURES OF L2 FLUENCY
Just as defining fluency is rather problematic, the establishment of the compo-

nents of fluency is not without difficulty, either. Four different approaches to
delineating the measures of fluency exist in the investigation of L2 learner’s
speech. The first trend of research is concerned with the temporal aspects of
speech production (e.g., Lennon, 1990; Möhle, 1984), the second combines
the investigation of these variables with the study of interactive features such
as turn-taking mechanisms (e.g., Riggenbach, 1991), and the third approach
explores the phonological aspects of fluency (e.g., Hieke, 1984; Wennerstrom,
2000). Finally, recent studies have included the analysis of formulaic speech in
studying fluency in second language speech (e.g., Ejzenberg, 2000; Towell et
al., 1996). The empirical studies in this field used three different approaches:
Either they investigated the development of fluency longitudinally (Freed,
1995, 2000; Lennon, 1990; Towell et al., 1996), or compared fluent and
nonfluent speakers (Ejzenberg, 2000; Riggenbach, 1991; Tonkyn, 2001), or
correlated fluency scores with temporal variables (Fulcher, 1996; Rekart &
Dunkel, 1992). We have to note that the number of participants investigated
was very small in most of these research projects, and in many of them no sta-
tistical analyses and computer technology for identifying pauses reliably were
used. Table 8.2 contains the most frequently used temporal variables in these
studies and their definitions.
Nevertheless most of the studies conclude that the best predictors of fluency
are speech rate, that is, the number of syllables articulated per minute, and the
mean length of runs, that is, the average number of syllables produced in utter-
TABLE 8.2
An Overview of Measures of Fluency
Measure Definition
Speech rate The total number of syllables produced in a given
speech sample divided by the amount of total time re-
quired to produce the sample (including pause time),
expressed in seconds. This figure is then multiplied by
sixty to give a figure expressed in syllables per minute.
Riggenbach (1991) suggested that unfilled pauses un-
der 3 seconds should not be included in the calcula-
tion of speech rate.
Articulation rate The total number of syllables produced in a given
speech sample divided by the amount of time taken to
produce them in seconds, which is then multiplied by
sixty. Unlike in the calculation of speech rate, pause
time is excluded. Articulation rate is expressed as the
mean number of syllables produced per minute over
the total amount of time spent speaking when produc-
ing the speech sample.
Phonation-time ratio The percentage of time spent speaking as a percent-
age proportion of the time taken to produce the
speech sample (Towell, Hawkins, & Bazergui, 1996).
Mean length of runs An average number of syllables produced in utter-
ances between pauses of 0.25 seconds and above.
The number of silent The total number of pauses over 0.2 sec divided by
pauses per minute the total amount of time spent speaking expressed in
seconds and is multiplied by 60.
The mean length The total length of pauses above 0.2 seconds divided
of pauses by the total number of pauses above 0.2 seconds.
The number of filled The total number of filled pauses such as uhm, er, mm
pauses per minute divided by the total amount of time expressed in sec-
onds and multiplied by 60.
The number The total number of disfluencies such as repetitions,
of disfluencies restarts and repairs are divided by the total amount of
per minute time expressed in seconds and multiplied by 60.
Pace The number of stressed words per minute
(Vanderplank, 1993).
Space The proportion of stressed words to the total number
of words (Vanderplank, 1993).
ances between pauses of 0.25 seconds and above (e.g., Ejzenberg, 2000;
Freed, 1995, 2000; Lennon, 1990; Riggenbach, 1991; Towell et al., 1996).
Phonation-time ratio, that is, the percentage of time spent speaking as a per-
centage proportion of the time taken to produce the speech sample, was also
found to be a good predictor of fluency (Lennon, 1990; Towell et al., 1996; van
Gelderen, 1994). Research findings are equivocal concerning the frequency of
164 CHAPTER 8
filled and unfilled pauses as well as disfluencies such as repetitions, restarts,

and repairs. The studies with small numbers of participants found that the fre-
quency of silent and filled pauses distinguished between fluent and nonfluent
speakers (e.g., Freed, 1995, 2000; Lennon, 1990; Riggenbach, 1991). On the
other hand, in research projects in which a higher number of students partici-
pated, the number of filled and unfilled pauses and ratings of fluency did not
correlate (Rekart & Dunkel, 1992; van Gelderen, 1994). Most researchers
agree that disfluencies tend to occur in clusters in the speech of nonfluent L2
learners (e.g., Freed, 1995, 2000; Riggenbach, 1991), whereas fluent students
tend to pause at grammatical junctures (Lennon, 1990; Towell et al., 1996).
Based on the assumption that fluency is context-dependent (e.g., Lennon,
1990; Rehbein, 1987; Sajavaara, 1987), Riggenbach (1991) complemented
the analysis of temporal variables underlying second language fluency with
the investigation of interactive features. Her results revealed that topic initia-
tions, back channels, substantive comments, latching, and overlapping as well
as the amount of speech produced also contributed to fluency judgments,
though to a limited extent.
In the field of phonological research, Hieke (1985) established additional
measures of fluency on the basis of the assumption that fluent speech equals
connected speech, in which certain phonological procedures, such as conso-
nant attraction are at work. Consonant attraction “occurs where final conso-
nants are drawn to the following syllable if that begins with a vowel” (p. 140).
In an earlier study, Hieke (1984) found that consonant attraction can be a reli-
able indicator of the fluency of nonnative speech in informal English style.
Wennerstrom (2000) in her research investigated in what ways intonation in-
fluences the perception of fluency by means of analyzing dialogues between
speakers of English as a second language and native English speakers. Her
study suggests that it is the ability to speak in phrases instead of speaking
word-by-word that can lead to the perception of fluent speech, rather than lon-
ger utterances or shorter pauses. In another study, Vanderplank (1993) sug-
gested that pacing (the number of stressed words per minute) and spacing (the
proportion of stressed words to the total number of words) are better indicators
of difficulty in listening materials than standard speech rate measures such as
syllable per minute. Indirectly, this would mean that these variables are also
useful in predicting fluency scores.
In a recent study, Kormos and Dénes (2004) explored which variables pre-
dict native and nonnative speaking teachers’ perception of fluency and distin-
guish fluent from nonfluent L2 learners. In addition to traditional measures of
the quality of students’ output such as accuracy and lexical diversity, they in-
vestigated speech samples collected from 16 Hungarian L2 learners at two dis-

tinct levels of proficiency with the help of computer analysis of pauses. The
two groups of students were compared and their temporal and linguistic mea-
sures were correlated with the fluency scores they were awarded by three expe-
rienced native and three nonnative speaker teacher judges. The teachers’
written comments concerning the students’ performance were also taken into
consideration. For all the native and nonnative teachers, speech rate, the mean
length of utterance, phonation time ratio, and the number of stressed words
produced per minute were the best predictors of fluency scores. However, the
raters differed as regards how much importance they attributed to accuracy,
lexical diversity, and the mean length of pauses. The number of filled and un-
filled pauses and other disfluency phenomena were not found to influence
perceptions of fluency in this study.
SUMMARY
This chapter discussed how fluency can be defined and measured, how it can
be related to theories of automatization and learning, and what the results of
empirical studies reveal about the perceptions and development of fluency. In
reviewing various definitions of fluency, I pointed out that the term “fluency”
is generally used in two senses: meaning global oral proficiency and the ability
to produce talk smoothly within the time constraints of real-life communica-
tion. In this chapter, we were concerned with this second sense of fluency and
have adopted Lennon’s (2000) definition, which characterized fluency as the
“rapid, smooth, accurate, lucid, and efficient translation of thought or commu-
nicative intention under the temporal constraints of on-line processing” (p.
26). An attempt was also made to explain the development of fluency with ref-
erence to various theories of automatization and learning. I argued that in order
to account for how L2 learners’speech becomes fluent, three processes need to
be considered: the automatization of syntactic, morphological, and phonolog-
ical encoding processes, the creation of formulaic sequences from smaller
units of language, and the deduction of rules from memorized chunks acquired
as an unanalyzed unit. Anderson’s (1983, 1995) ACT* and ACT–R theory
were found to be appropriate for explaining how linguistic rules become au-
tomatized, whereas strength theory and theories of chunking could provide a
viable explanation for the acquisition of formulaic language. Theories of
chunking could also account for how various rules of language are inferred
from memorized units. The overview of research on the measurement of flu-
ency showed that the temporal variables that can predict fluency scores the
most accurately are speech rate and the mean length of fluent runs.
Conclusion: Toward an Integrated
9 Model of L2 Speech Production
In this concluding chapter, I draw up a comprehensive model of L2 speech pro-

duction, which is both in line with current theories of speech processing and
accommodates the research findings that I described in the previous chapters.
The model uses Levelt’s (1999a) blueprint for the speaker as a starting point,
but some of its theoretical underpinnings are modified in order to account for
the results of recent studies that suggest the possibility of cascading of activa-
tion. In this bilingual speech production model, I not only incorporate L2
knowledge stores and processing systems but also make an attempt to explain
how formulae are encoded and how speech production mechanisms are ac-
quired. I first outline the general theoretical considerations that underlie the
model, which are then followed by the presentation of the model. Finally, I
also describe how transfer, code-switching, communication strategies, and the
development of proficiency can be accommodated in this new bilingual
speech production framework.
THE GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE BILINGUAL

SPEECH PRODUCTION MODEL
The bilingual speech production model I propose is based on Levelt’s

(1989, 1999a) theory of speech production because, as I argued in the Sum-
mary section of chapter 2, this model is the empirically best supported theory
of monolingual speech processing. Consequently, I assume that bilingual
speech production is modular in the sense that it consists of separate encoding
modules: the conceptualizer, the formulator, and the articulator, which work
with their own characteristic input. It is postulated that similarly to L1 speech
processing, L2 speech production can also work incrementally; that is, a frag-
ment of a module’s characteristic input can trigger encoding procedures in this
module. For example, once the first syllable of a word is phonologically en-
coded, its articulation can start in the articulator. This also entails that for
learners above a certain level of proficiency, parallel processing is theoreti-
cally possible. However, as long as an encoding process requires conscious
attentional control, encoding can only work serially. Nonetheless, this bilin-
166
TOWARD AN INTEGRATED MODEL 167
gual speech production model is not a strictly serial model in the sense that the
cascading of activation is allowed from the lexical to the phonological level. In
other words, activated but not selected word nodes can pass on activation to
lower level phonological nodes. On the other hand, the model does not permit
the backward flow of activation between levels, and monitoring is done with
the help of the speech comprehension system.
In Levelt’s (1999a) model, there are three knowledge stores: the store for
the knowledge of external and internal world, the mental lexicon, and the syl-
labary. Based on major theories of memory research (e.g., Tulving, 1972), I
propose that the new model contains one large memory store, called long-term
memory, which consists of several subcomponents: episodic memory, seman-
tic memory including the mental lexicon, the syllabary, and a store for declara-
tive knowledge of L2 rules (see Fig. 9.1). Semantic memory contains
linguistic and nonlinguistic concepts as well as meaning-related memory
traces associated with these concepts, whereas episodic memory is the store of
temporally organized events or episodes experienced in one’s life. In order to
account for findings of speech production research, semantic memory is as-
sumed to have a hierarchical structure and consists of three levels: conceptual,
lemma, and lexeme level. The lemma level contains syntactic information and
the lexeme level morpho-phonological information related to lexical items.
The syllabary stores the automatized gestural scores used to produce syllables.
Based on empirical findings discussed in the earlier chapters of this book, it is
hypothesized that all the knowledge stores described so far are shared between
L1 and L2; in other words, there is a common episodic and semantic memory
for L1 and L2, a shared store for L1 and L2 lemmas and lexemes, and for L1
and L2 articulatory scores. In L2 production, however, we need to postulate
the existence of a fourth and L2 specific knowledge store: a declarative mem-
ory of syntactic and phonological rules in L2. In L1 production, rules are as-
sumed to be automatized and to be part of the encoding systems (Levelt, 1989).
On the other hand, for bilingual speakers many of the phrase- and clause-build-
ing as well as lexical and postlexical phonological rules are not automatic and
are stored in the form of declarative knowledge. T. Ullman (2001) cited several
pieces of evidence from neuroimaging research (for details, see the Theories
of Automaticity and the Development of L2 Fluency section in chap. 8) that
declarative knowledge concerning grammar is stored in a brain region distinct
from the area that is responsible for the processing of automatized rules of
grammar. Therefore, it seems to be justified that for L2 speakers a fourth
knowledge store for not yet automatized syntactic and phonological rules is in-
cluded in the model (see Fig. 9.1).
168 CHAPTER 9
FIG. 9.1. The model of bilingual speech production.
Episodic and semantic memory are closely related, which is indicated by

adjacent circles in the figure. This means that episodic memories can activate
concepts and vice versa. The hierarchical nature of the semantic memory en-
tails that in speech production activation flows from the conceptual to the
lemma and finally to the lexeme level, whereas in speech comprehension acti-
vation flows in the opposite direction.
The model aims to follow the principle of ecology and simplicity, which is
prevalent in human cognition. Therefore, except for the addition of a new
knowledge store for the declarative knowledge of production rules and the in-
corporation of L2 concepts, lemmas, lexemes, and syllable programs (gestural
scores), the bilingual production model proposed here is not significantly differ-
ent from a model constructed for monolingual speakers. Abutelebi et al.’s (2001,
2005) reviews of neuroimaging studies of L2 production seem to provide sup-
port for the essentially similar nature of L1 and L2 speech processing. Abutelabi
et al.’s meta-analyses of existing research in this field suggest that neither the ex-
tent of brain activation nor the regions involved in processing in L1 and L2 are
different for bilinguals who learned the L2 early in their lives and for highly pro-
ficient speakers with extensive L2 exposure. However, late bilinguals, espe-
cially those who are not proficient in the L2 and have had low exposure to the
target language, were found to activate larger and slightly different cerebral ar-
eas when speaking in L2 than in L1. The model accounts for this finding because
proficient bilinguals do not rely on the separate knowledge store of declarative
rules, whereas for learners at lower stages of proficiency grammatical and pho-
nological rules are stored in a separate region of the brain.
ENCODING MECHANISMS AND THE STRUCTURE
OF KNOWLEDGE STORES IN L2 SPEECH PRODUCTION
The processing of L2 speech starts with conceptualizing the message, which

involves the activation of the relevant concepts to be encoded and deciding on
the language in which the message will be spoken. As already mentioned in the
preceding section, L1 and L2 concepts are assumed to be stored together in the
semantic memory (see also Francis, 2005). In this model, a concept is seen to
be a conglomerate of interrelated memory traces consisting of information
concerning word meaning (see de Groot, 2000; Hintzman, 1986). When a con-
cept is called on, not all the memory traces are activated; only the contextually
relevant pieces of information become active (Hintzman, 1986). The assump-
tion that concepts consist of a network of memory traces allows that L1 and L2
concepts can be identical, shared, or rarely completely separate. The extent to
which L1 and L2 concepts are shared depends on the concept (e.g., concepts
expressed by concrete nouns tend to be shared, whereas those expressed by ab-
stract nouns show partial overlap), the situation in which the L2 was acquired
(e.g., if the two languages were learned and are used in different environments,
concepts might be separate), and the speaker’s level of proficiency (e.g., at the
beginning level L2 concepts are completely mapped on L1 concepts, whereas
at advanced levels the L2 conceptual representation is greatly enriched) (see
de Groot’s, 1992, conceptual feature model in the Models of the Organization
of the Bilingual Lexicon section in chap. 4).
The language of the message also needs to be set in the conceptualization
phase. Language choice is largely dependent on sociolinguistic factors such as
the nature of the communicative situation, relationship of the interlocutors,
prestige of the languages involved, and so on. In this model, we opt for the
most simple and economical solution, namely that language choice is indi-
cated in the form of a language cue, which is added to the activated conceptual
information. We have to emphasize that the language cue is added to each con-
cept separately, and therefore it is possible that in the case of encoding a sen-
tence, a preverbal plan consists of a string of activated concepts to which
different language cues are added. For example, upon encoding the sentence,
170 CHAPTER 9
“The policeman fined the motorist,” a German-English bilingual speaker

might add a language cue + English to the concepts of POLICEMAN and
MOTORIST, whereas the concept of FINE might receive a tag + German.
In line with Levelt’s (1989, 1999a) and Levelt et al.’s (1999) theory as well
as with the spreading activation accounts of speech production (Dell, 1986;
Dell & Juliano, 1996), this model also assumes that in semantic memory not
only the concept that the speaker wants to encode is activated, but semantically
related concepts also receive activation. For example, in the case of the con-
cept of MOTHER, related concepts such as FATHER, CHILD, LOVE, and so
on, also become active. This also entails that if separate concepts exist for the
same notion in L1 and L2, which is a rare case, when the bilingual speaker uses
one of his languages, the concept in the other language will also be activated. If
conceptual representations are identical or partly overlap, the cohort of the
conceptual features will be activated. The bilingual speech production model
assumes that only the intended concept in the selected language is chosen for
further processing (e.g., Bloem et al., 2004; Levelt, 1989). The selected con-
cept activates not only the matching lexical item but also semantically related
lemmas including lemmas in the nonselected language.
Remaining still at the phase of conceptualization, we also need to consider
the problem that not every instance of language is creatively constructed. In
fact, the majority of our utterances are combinations of memorized phrases,
clauses, and sentences, which together are called formulaic language (Pawley
& Syder, 1983). In order to account for the use of formulas, we need to assume
that chunking, that is, the creation of larger production units, is done at the
level of the conceptualizer. In other words, it is postulated that for expressing
various communicative functions such as requesting, apologizing, expressing
surprise, and so forth, native speakers have conceptual chunks consisting of a
group of concepts, which they activate as one unit when routinely expressing
certain communicative intentions. These conceptual chunks spread activation
to the corresponding linguistic chunks, which are also stored and retrieved as
one unit (i.e., one lemma).
In this bilingual speech production model, lexical encoding means the
matching of the conceptual specifications and the language cue with the ap-
propriate lexical entry in the mental lexicon. Based on empirical evidence
summarized in the Lexical Activation and Selection in L2 section in chapter 4,
the conceptual specifications send activation to both L1 and L2 lemmas (Costa
et al., 2000; Hermans et al., 1998), and they both compete for selection (Costa,
Colomé, et al., 2003; Hermans et al., 1998; Lee & Williams, 2001). The winner
of the competition is the lemma whose features match all the conceptual speci-
fications including the language cue (La Heij, 2005; Poulisse, 1999; Poulisse
& Bongaerts, 1994). Neither inhibitory nor additional checking mechanisms
are believed to be necessary to control bilingual lexical encoding.
The mental lexicon contains L1 and L2 lemmas and lexemes; in other
words, it is a depository of a speaker’s knowledge of word forms (lexemes) and
their syntactic and morphological features (lemmas). The bilingual lexicon is
assumed to consist of single L1 and L2 words as well as longer word sequences
in L1 and L2 that correspond to conceptual chunks. These longer sequences
can be idioms, conventionalized expressions, and phrases, which form a single
entry and have their own syntactic information. Like the conceptual system,
the lexicon is conceived of as a network in which entries have connections with
each other. Connections might exist between L1 and L2 lemmas and lexemes,
and between items within languages. Well-known and frequently used L2 en-
tries occupy a central position in the network and have a high number of links
with other items, whereas words not known very well by L2 speakers can be
found at the periphery of the network (Wilks & Meara, 2002; Wolter, 2001).
The strength of connections might also vary; at the beginning of the learning
process links between L1 and L2 items might be stronger than links among L2
lexical entries (Kroll & Stewart, 1990, 1994). Moreover, connections might
also be asymmetrical, which means that in certain cases it is possible that there
is only a one-way link pointing for example from an L2 entry to an L1 item
(passive vocabulary that one is able to recognize) (Meara, 1997).
Syntactic encoding in L1 production entails two important procedures: the
activation of syntactic information related to a lexical item such as gender,
countability status, and optional and obligatory complements, and the use of
syntactic encoding mechanisms to assemble phrases and clauses using the ac-
tivated words and their syntactic features. In the first phase, the L1 speaker re-
lies on declarative knowledge, whereas the second stage involves applying
procedural knowledge. We have rather limited knowledge of syntactic encod-
ing in L2; therefore, some of the claims made in the bilingual speech produc-
tion model are going to be speculative. In this model, I assume that as regards
the general process of syntactic encoding there is no fundamental difference
between L1 and L2 production, and that syntactic processing follows the steps
of Kempen and Hoenkamp’s (1987) Incremental Procedural Grammar (see the
Syntactic Processing section in chap. 2 and the General Overview section in
chap. 5). This means that syntactic encoding is lexically driven and consists of
distinct stages that follow each other.
The first major stage of the process is the activation of the syntactic proper-
ties of the lemma that corresponds to the first conceptual chunk of the mes-
172 CHAPTER 9
sage. It is hypothesized that for balanced bilinguals L2 lemmas point to

syntactic information that is specific for the given L2 entry, whereas for lower
level learners L2 lemmas might point to the syntactic information of the corre-
sponding L1 item. This is supported by the frequent occurrence of transfer er-
rors, when syntactic information concerning particular words is transferred
from L1 (e.g., Hungarian speakers of English frequently say “enter into a
room” because they transfer the VP + PP structure that the Hungarian equiva-
lent of “enter” points to). This processing stage draws on declarative knowl-
edge stored in the mental lexicon. The next major phase involves phrase and
clause structure building and arranging phrases in the appropriate order. At
this stage, L1 speakers and balanced bilinguals use procedural knowledge of
syntactic and morphological rules of the language, which are automatically
applied. L2 learners at a lower level of proficiency might proceed in several
ways. First of all, some of the rules might be acquired already in the form of
procedural knowledge, whereas other rules might be stored in declarative
memory and used consciously. It is also possible that some rules are not ac-
quired at all. In this case, some kind of communication strategy is used, which
might be the conscious transfer of the rule from L1 or simply juxtaposing the
lexically encoded concepts after each other to express the intended message
(for a discussion of communication strategies and the use of transfer see the
next section).
The next phase of processing is phonological encoding, which involves the
activation of the phonological form of the word to be encoded, syllabification,
and setting the parameters for the loudness, pitch, and duration of intonational
phrases consisting of several words. At this stage again, I propose that basic
mechanisms of phonological encoding are not different in L1 and L2 produc-
tion. As far as the activation of phonological word forms in L2 processing is
concerned, it is assumed that the phonological form of nonselected lemmas
can also be activated, which means that both L1 and L2 lexemes compete for
selection in bilingual phonological encoding (Colomé, 2001; Costa et al.,
2000; Hermans, 2000; Kroll et al., 2000). This implies that activation can cas-
cade from the lemma in the language not in use to its phonological form and
that cascading of activation is possible between lemma and lexeme level in this
model. As a next step, phonological word forms activate the phonemes of the
word in serial fashion, starting from the first phoneme and ending with the last
one (Roelofs, 1997b, 1999, 2003b). Phonemes are assumed to be stored and
retrieved as one unit such as [b] and not as a list of features such as [+ voiced]
[+ labial] [– nasal] (Roelofs, 1999, 2003b). L1 and L2 phonemes are stored in a
single network (Poulisse, 1999) within the lexicon at the lexeme level, and
memory representations for phonemes that are identical in L1 and L2 are

shared (Roelofs, 2003b). Once acquired, phonemes that are different in L1
and L2 are stored as separate representations. At the beginning of the acqui-
sition process, however, L2-specific phonemes are frequently equated with
an L1 phoneme that is similar to the target phoneme (Flege, 1987). In the case
of balanced bilinguals, syllabification and metrical encoding proceeds in the
same way. Similarly to the processes of syntactic encoding, L2 learners at
lower levels might need to resort to the declarative knowledge of lexical and
postlexical phonological rules or in the lack of it, transfer these rules from
their L1.
In phonetic encoding, articulatory gestures for syllables are retrieved. In
this model, it is assumed that syllable programs for L1 and L2 are stored to-
gether in the syllabary. In accordance with de Bot’s (1992) view, it is hypothe-
sized that beginning L2 speakers mostly rely on L1 syllable programs,
whereas advanced L2 speakers usually succeed in creating separate chunks for
L2 syllables.
The final process of speech production to be discussed is monitoring, which
proceeds in a similar way in both L1 and L2 production. Similarly to Levelt’s
(1989) model, three monitor loops are assumed to be responsible for inspect-
ing the outcome of the production processes. The first loop involves the com-
parison of the preverbal plan with the original intentions of the speaker. The
second loop concerns the monitoring of the phonetic plan (i.e., “internal
speech”) before articulation, which is also called “covert monitoring” (see
also Postma & Kolk, 1992, 1993; Postma, Kolk, & Povel, 1990; Wheeldon &
Levelt, 1995). Finally, the generated utterance is also checked after articula-
tion, which constitutes the final, external loop of monitoring, involving the
acoustic-phonetic processor. Upon perceiving an error or inappropriacy in the
output in any of these three loops of control, the monitor issues an alarm signal,
which, in turn, triggers the production mechanism for a second time starting
from the phase of conceptualization (Kormos, 2002). Monitoring is assumed
to involve the same mechanisms as speech comprehension.
The most important difference between monitoring in L1 and L2 is caused
by the fact that monitoring requires attention. Attentional resources are lim-
ited, and because L2 speech processing frequently needs attention at the level
of lexical, syntactic, and phonological processing (unlike in L1), L2 speakers
have little attention available for monitoring. Therefore, they often have to
make conscious decisions what they pay attention to when monitoring, and
these decisions most frequently involve prioritizing content over form, lexis
over grammar, or vice versa (Kormos, 1999).
174 CHAPTER 9
TRANSFER, CODE-SWITCHING, AND COMMUNICATION

STRATEGIES IN THE BILINGUAL SPEECH PRODUCTION MODEL
There are three important differences between L1 and L2 speech production,

the first of which is the influence of L1 on L2 processing, which can manifest
itself in the transfer of L1 knowledge and encoding procedures as well as in
code-switching. The second difference is the frequently incomplete knowl-
edge of the L2 for the compensation of which speakers resort to communica-
tion strategies, and the third is the speed with which utterances are constructed
(de Bot, 1992). This third difference is caused by the competition between L1
and L2 items, the frequently incomplete knowledge of the L2, and the con-
scious controlled nature of processing in the case of learners for whom syntac-
tic and phonological encoding procedures are not or only partially
automatized. In this section, we test whether the previously outlined model is
viable by making an attempt to account for transfer, code-switching, and the
use of communication strategies in L2 speech.
There are two possible causes of L1 influence in the case of both transfer
and code-switching. One possibility is that the L2 item (declarative knowl-
edge) or procedural rule has been acquired, but instead of the target word or
structure the L1 item or procedure is used erroneously, which can be regarded
as a lapse in performance. This happens because the knowledge stores are
shared, which means that L1 and L2 concepts, lemmas, lexemes, syllable pro-
grams, and proceduralized rules are stored together, and therefore they com-
pete for selection. In the case of L2 learners who are not balanced bilinguals,
L1 items and rules are more frequently used; therefore, they have a higher rest-
ing level of activation than L2 items and procedures. This can result in an erro-
neous selection of the L1 item or encoding process, which explains
unconscious code-switching at the lexical level (L1 lexeme is accidentally se-
lected instead of the L2 one; see La Heij, 2005; Poulisse, 1999; Poulisse &
Bongaerts, 1994), certain cases of the transfer of automatized rules of gram-
mar and phonology, and phonological slips of the tongue. The other possible
cause of transfer and code-switching is the lack of L2 competence, which
forces L2 speakers to rely on the knowledge of their mother tongue. Speakers
might be aware of their limited resources, in which case they use a communi-
cation strategy (Dörnyei & Scott, 1997), or might believe that the L2 works in
the same way as the L1. L2 learners might assume that certain features of L2
items might be associated with the features of their translation equivalents. In
conceptual memory, meanings of L2 words might be associated with that of
the corresponding L1 concept, which accounts for semantic transfer. In the
mental lexicon, L2 lemmas might point to the syntactic information belonging

to that of the L1 translation equivalent, which might explain a number of cases
of syntactic transfer. Syntactic transfer and some cases of phonological rule
transfer can also be the result of the application of the procedural knowledge of
L1 rules for encoding an L2 phrase or sentence. Because the model is based on
Kempen and Hoenkamp’s (1987) Incremental Procedural Grammar, it is as-
sumed that in the case of lack of L2 competence not every syntactic rule of L1
is transferable at any level of proficiency. In line with Pienemann’s (1998)
processability theory, transfer is constrained by the acquisition hierarchy. In
other words, L2 learners need to acquire lower order grammatical encoding
procedures before being able to transfer L1 syntactic structures at the
superordinate levels of the hierarchy.
Intentional lexical code-switching can also be accommodated in the bilin-
gual speech production model. It is assumed that intentional lexical switches
are produced when speakers intentionally replace the L2 specification for a
particular concept in the preverbal plan with an L1 specification (La Heij,
2005; Poulisse, 1999; Poulisse & Bongaerts, 1994). This can happen for sev-
eral reasons: the lack of knowledge of the appropriate L2 lexical item or be-
cause the L1 lexical item meets the conceptual (semantic and/or lexical)
specifications better than the L2 word (see Myers-Scotton & Jake, 1995).
What is more difficult to explain is how the syntactic structure for
code-switched utterances is established. In line with Myers-Scotton’s (1993)
matrix language frame model (see the Code-Switching and Syntactic Encod-
ing section of chap. 5), I assume that one language is always the more domi-
nant mode of communication, and the conceptual structure of the utterance is
going to be assembled based on this language. The conceptual structure of the
utterance is going to determine the order in which words are retrieved and how
the sentence is constructed. Within the utterance, however, it is possible to re-
set the language cue for certain concepts for the other, less dominant language
(embedded language). In this case, the lemma corresponding to the concept in
the embedded language will be retrieved, but the syntactic procedures related
to the matrix language and activated by the lemmas in the matrix language will
be used to encode the sentence.
Communication strategies can also be explained with reference to the bilin-
gual speech production model proposed here. L2 speakers might need to apply
communication strategies in order to solve four different types of problems:
(a) resource deficits, (b) processing time pressure, (c) perceived deficiencies in
one’s own language output, and (d) perceived deficiencies in decoding the in-
terlocutor’s message (this fourth problem source was not discussed in this
176 CHAPTER 9
book as this concerns speech comprehension rather than production) (Dörnyei

& Scott, 1997). Resource deficit might mean lack of lexical, syntactic, and
phonological knowledge of the L2. Lexical communication strategies can in-
volve three different processes: (a) the modification of one or more features of
the lexical concept for which the L2 speaker is unable to retrieve the appropri-
ate L2 lemma, which is called a substitution strategy, (b) the use of a substitu-
tion strategy in combination with further phonological and grammatical
processes, and (c) the modification of more than one lexical concept specified
by the preverbal plan (Dörnyei & Kormos, 1998; Poulisse, 1993). Grammati-
cal problem-solving mechanisms most frequently mean that L2 speakers con-
sciously change certain syntactic features of the lemma in terms of its
grammatical form and argument structure by relying on transfer from L1 or L3
or by overgeneralizing L2 rules (Dörnyei & Kormos, 1998). It is also hypothe-
sized that phonological problem-solving mechanisms generally involve the
encoding and articulation of the problematic lexical item by substituting one
or more of the item’s phonological features (Dörnyei & Kormos, 1998).
In addition to the lack of knowledge of L2 lexis, syntax, and phonology, L2
speakers often have to face the problem that due to limited attentional re-
sources they cannot process their message within the time constraints of
real-life communication. Based on Dörnyei and Kormos’ (1998) study, it is
proposed that in this case L2 learners might reduce or abandon their message,
might employ resource deficit–related strategies, or might resort to stalling
mechanisms such as filled, unfilled, and lexicalized pauses as well as to repeat-
ing what they or their interlocutors have just said. Lexicalized pauses and own-
and other-repetition help learners free their attentional resources as these
chunks are retrieved as one unit from memory and do not require conscious
encoding.
L2 speakers might also experience problems deciding on whether their
message has been accurate, appropriate, and understandable to the interlocu-
tor, which problems arise in the phase of monitoring. This might occur if cer-
tain encoding processes are not yet fully automatized or appropriately
encoded in memory, and as a result, the learner cannot decide whether what he
or she has said contains an error (Kormos, 1999).
DEVELOPMENT OF L2 COMPETENCE IN THE BILINGUAL MODEL
When discussing the development of L2 competence in speech production, we

need to consider three important aspects of what learning means in general: the
acquisition of declarative knowledge, the development of automatic encoding
procedures, and the memorization of responses to frequent stimuli. In L2

speech production, two basic types of knowledge are acquired as factual
knowledge: words including their semantic, syntactic, morphological, phono-
logical, stylistic, pragmatic, and idiomatic characteristics; and with a few ex-
ceptions, rules of grammatical and phonological encoding (in early childhood,
L2 acquisition rules are not learned consciously in the form of declarative
knowledge). Once rules are learned in the declarative form, their
proceduralization can begin, which means that conscious controlled knowl-
edge will become automatic. Not only can production rules be automatized but
so too can retrieval processes of factual information such as words. At the be-
ginning of the learning process, the word form corresponding to the intended
concept and the syntactic and phonological information related to a particular
word are generally retrieved by a search mechanism, whereas with the devel-
opment of proficiency these pieces of information become available automati-
cally. The third important aspect of language learning involves the
memorization of larger production units used to express a wide range of com-
municative intentions.
Now, let us see how these learning mechanisms can be accommodated in
the bilingual speech production model. The acquisition of words in L2 produc-
tion involves the creation of memory traces for word forms (lemmas), and es-
tablishing the semantic referent of the lemma in the conceptual system
(Truscott & Sharwood-Smith, 2004). As mentioned earlier, at the beginning of
the acquisition process L2 word forms are usually associated with the seman-
tic features of the corresponding L1 concept, and new L2 specific semantic,
stylistic, and pragmatic characteristics are created slowly in the acquisition
process (Jiang, 2004; N. Schmitt, 1998; N. Schmitt & Meara, 1997). The ac-
quisition of syntactic, phonological, and morphological information stored in
the mental lexicon also involves the creation of new memory traces. In certain
cases, it is also possible that L2 learners first connect the L2 lemma with the
syntactic and rarely the phonological information of the corresponding L1
lemma, and only later do they develop L2 specific representations.
Knowledge of rules of grammar and phonology can be acquired through the
memorization of the rule that is presented explicitly to the learner, in which
case students create a memory trace for the production rule in the store of de-
clarative knowledge for grammar and phonology. Rules can also be learned
deductively from the analysis of input, which most frequently leads to memo-
rizing the rule in the form of declarative knowledge and then converting it to an
automatic procedure. In naturalistic and early L2 acquisition, the automatic
application of rules can also take place directly through the input.
178 CHAPTER 9
Grammatical and phonological rules become proceduralized in the formu-

lator (Poulisse, 1999; Towell et. al, 1996), which means that through qualita-
tive and quantitative changes the declarative knowledge of rules is converted
into automatic procedures (for how this conversion can happen, see the section
Encoding Mechanisms and the Structure of Knowledge Stores). Lexical re-
trieval and the access of syntactic and phonological information can be consid-
ered automatized if the input item passes on the highest level of activation to
the corresponding lexical, syntactic, or phonological node (e.g., not to a node
in the nonintended language). The major process of automatization in fac-
tual-information retrieval involves the strengthening of links between the
input and the relevant piece of information (MacKay, 1982).
The acquisition of larger memorized production units is assumed to take
place in both the conceptualizer and the lexicon. Learners first establish con-
ceptual units for various communicative functions in L2 such as opening a
conversation, leave taking, requesting, apologizing, and advising by means of
creating chunks from concepts. The next steps are chunking and the strength-
ening of links between items. In the course of learning, strong connections be-
tween lemmas are established, and lemmas constituting a formulaic sequence
are retrieved as a unit.
SUMMARY
In this chapter, I outlined a bilingual speech production model that incorpo-

rates our recent knowledge of L1 and L2 speech processing. With some modi-
fications, the model is based on Levelt’s (1999a) blueprint of the speaker. The
bilingual speech production model I presented follows the principle of modu-
larity as it consists of processing modules that are specialists in their particular
functions, but it is not strictly serial because cascading of activation is allowed
between the lexical and phonological level of encoding. The model assumes
that production mechanisms are essentially the same in both L1 and L2 and
that most knowledge stores are shared between L1 and L2 items. The only ad-
ditional knowledge store that I postulated for L2 production is the store of de-
clarative knowledge of syntactic and phonological rules. The knowledge
stores of Levelt’s model were also slightly restructured in order to accord with
theories of memory research. In this model, all the knowledge stores are lo-
cated within the long-term memory, and they include four main memory sys-
tems: episodic memory, semantic memory, the syllabary, and the store for
declarative knowledge of L2 rules. Semantic memory is further subdivided
into a conceptual/semantic, syntactic, and phonological level.
In various phases of speech processing, the model assumes that the major
difference between L1 and L2 processing involves the competition of L1 and
L2 items and encoding procedures and the need for compensatory mecha-
nisms in order to make up for missing knowledge in L2 production. Separation
of the two languages is hypothesized to be controlled by the language cue
added to concepts in the conceptualization phase; that is, the encoding of lan-
guage-specific information is believed to take place by matching the language
cue with the appropriate items in the knowledge store.
The model is also able to account for the use of communication strategies,
code-switching, and transfer, and can accommodate formulaic language use as
well as the development of encoding procedures. However, the model is quite
sketchy in a number of respects, especially in the field of syntactic and phono-
logical encoding, and the syntactic processing of mixed-language utterances.
Further studies on the psycholinguistic processes of the acquisition of L2
speech could also help refining our knowledge of the development of memory
traces of declarative knowledge about language, the automatization of
rule-based mechanisms, and the creation of memorized formulas.
RECOMMENDED READINGS
1. de Bot, K. (1992). A bilingual production model: Levelt’s “speaking”

model adapted. Applied Linguistics, 13, 1–24. De Bot’s article is the first at-
tempt in the field of SLA to relate L2 speech production processes to Levelt’s
(1989) model of speech processing. De Bot claims that there are three major
differences between L1 and L2 speech: L2 speakers tend to speak more slowly
and hesitantly than L1 speakers do, L2 learners’ knowledge of the target lan-
guage is rarely complete, and L1 often affects the L2 verbalization process ei-
ther by means of transfer or by intentional code-switches. He argues that in
order to explain the first two of the differences no qualitative changes need to be
implemented in Levelt’s model. De Bot provides a detailed account of how the
influence of L1 on L2 speech production can be accommodated in Levelt’s the-
ory with special focus on the bilingual lexicon and the interaction of L1 and L2
syntactic, morphological, and phonological encoding processes.
2. Kroll, J., & de Groot, A. M. B. (Eds.). (2005). Handbook of bilingualism.
Psycholinguistic approaches. New York: Oxford University Press. This book is
an invaluable resource for students and researchers interested in the
psycholinguistic aspects of bilingualism. The chapters that are especially rele-
vant for the study of L2 speech production are Costa’s paper on the processes of
lexical encoding, La Heij’s chapter on control in lexical access, Pienemann and
180 CHAPTER 9
his colleagues’ article on the transferability of syntactic encoding processes,

Kroll and Tokowitz’s writing on the bilingual lexicon, Myers-Scotton’s work
on code-switching, and Segalowitz and Hulstijn’s chapter on automaticity. The
book also contains excellent reviews on theories of language acquisition and
recent neurolinguistic research.
3. Costa, A. (2004). Bilingual speech production. In T. K. Bathia (Ed.),
Handbook of bilingualism (pp. 201–223). Oxford, England: Blackwell.
Costa’s chapter in the Handbook of second language acquisition is an easily ac-
cessible and up-to-date overview of the field of second language speech pro-
duction. The author primarily concentrates on issues of lexical encoding, such
as lexical access and selection and control in lexical encoding, but brief sum-
maries of recent psycholinguistic work on syntactic and phonological encod-
ing can also be found in the chapter. The paper contains a good overview of
empirical studies in the field of lexical encoding.
4. Poulisse, N. (1999). Slips of the tongue: Speech errors in first and second
language production. Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins. This book
describes Poulisse’s extensive research on slips of the tongue in L1 and L2
speech production. The book starts with a detailed review of monolingual and bi-
lingual models of speech production, cognitive theories of language learning,
and previous research on slips of the tongue in L1 and L2 production. This is fol-
lowed by the meticulous description of the research and the results of the project.
The findings are discussed in the light of the theories of speech production and
learning presented in the first part of the book. The book is an excellent example
of how research using naturally elicited speech production data can be conducted
and what it can contribute to our understanding of L2 processing.
5. Meijer, P. J. A., & Fox Tee, J. E. (2003). Building syntactic structures in
speaking: A bilingual exploration. Experimental Psychology, 50, 184–195.
This study is one of the few research papers written on syntactic encoding in L2
speech production. The authors investigated what happens if L1 and L2 syntac-
tic procedures for specific structures are the same in both languages by means
of syntactic priming. The main question of the study was whether seeing a dif-
ferent structure in the Spanish or English prime sentence induces participants
to use this structure in the sentence to be recalled in the other language. They
found that speakers in both L1 and L2 switched from one structure to the other
possible syntactic structure if they saw it in the prime sentence, with the excep-
tion of double negative, which turned out to be a semantically marked structure
in Spanish. On the basis of this result, they argued that syntactic rules necessary
for both languages are centrally stored and that they are not labeled with respect
to language.
6. Roelofs, A. (2003). Shared phonological encoding processes and repre-

sentations of languages in bilingual speakers. Language and Cognitive Pro-
cesses, 18, 175–204. Roelofs’ study investigated to what extent memory
representations of phonological segments that are common in L1 and L2 are
shared and whether phonological encoding in advanced bilinguals proceeds in
the same rightward incremental fashion as described by his WEAVER model
for monolingual speakers. Roelofs was also interested in whether phonological
segments common to both languages are stored and accessed as one unit or as a
combination of phonological features. In the experiments, which aimed to give
insight into these questions, he used the form preparation paradigm (also called
implicit priming) developed by Meyer (1990, 1991) with Dutch speakers of
English. Roelofs concluded that the predictions of the WEAVER model for L2
phonological encoding are right as far as rightward incrementality is concerned
and that L2 phonological segments are also stored as one unit and not as a set of
features.
7. Leather, J. (1999). Second language speech research: An introduction.
Language Learning, 49, 1–56. This article provides an excellent summary of
phonological processes in L2 speech production. Although the primary focus
of the article is not the psycholinguistic processes involved in phonological en-
coding, one can gain a good insight into what is known today about various as-
pects of the acquisition of phonological knowledge such as phonemes,
phonological rules, stress, and intonation. Leather also discusses the different
theories of how L2 phonology is learned including connectionist and nativist
theories of learning.
8. Schmidt, R. (1992.) Psychological mechanisms underlying second lan-
guage fluency. Studies in Second Language Acquisition, 14, 357–385. In this
article, Schmidt discusses the most important cognitive theories of learning
such as Anderson’s ACT theory, instance theory, strength theory, theories of
competitive chunking and connectionism, and their relevance to second lan-
guage fluency. The article starts with the definition of fluency and in the subse-
quent sections, models of general skill learning are described and related to the
field of second language acquisition. In the conclusion of the paper, Schmidt
evaluates the models from the perspective of L2 learning and suggests further
directions of research, which were indeed taken up by a number of researchers
following the publication of the article.
Glossary
Activation spreading: the exchange of simple signals called activations via the
connections between items in a network or in a hierarchical system.
Appropriacy repair: correction of the message that involves the encoding of
the originally intended information in a modified way.
Cascading of activation: the flow of activation from the nonselected but to
some extent activated lexical item to its phonological form.
Code-switching: the use of two or more languages in the same discourse.
Cognates: orthographically and or phonologically similar words, which have
similar meanings in the two languages.
Communication strategy: intentional and conscious attempt made to solve any
kind of language-related problem in the course of communication.
Compound lexical representation: process wherein conceptual representa-
tions for a given word are shared in L1 and L2.
Conceptualization: the planning of one’s message.
Coordinate lexical representation: process wherein separate conceptual rep-
resentations exist for a given L1 lexical item and its L2 translation equivalent.
Covert monitoring: checking the correctness and appropriacy of one’s mes-
sage before it is articulated.
Covert repair: correction of the erroneous part of the message before it is
articulated.
Declarative knowledge: the knowledge of facts and figures stored in long-term
memory.
Different-information repair: correction of the message that involves the en-
coding of new and different information from the originally intended one.
Error repair: correction of a lapse of performance (syntactic, lexical, and pho-
nological mistakes).
183
184 GLOSSARY
Formulaic language (formulas): strings of words (phrases, idioms, expres-

sion, clauses, or even sentences) retrieved from the mental lexicon as one unit.
Formulas usually have a particular pragmatic function such as requesting,
apologizing, and so on.
Formulation: the lexical, grammatical, and phonological encoding of one’s
message.
Gestural scores: chunks of automatized movements used to produce the sylla-
bles of a given language.
Grammatical problem-solving mechanism: conscious attempt to solve a prob-
lem caused by the insufficient knowledge of the grammatical form and argu-
ment structure of the lemma and the phrase and clause structure rules of the L2.
Incremental processing: the ability of a processing component to work with a
fragment of its characteristic input.
Lemma: item in the mental lexicon that contains syntactic information about
the lexical entry.
Lexeme: item in the mental lexicon that contains morpho-phonological infor-
mation about the lexical entry.
Lexical problem-solving mechanism: conscious attempt to solve a problem
arising from the inability to retrieve the appropriate L2 lemma that corre-
sponds to the intended concept.
Mean length of runs: a frequently used measure of fluency expressed as the av-
erage number of syllables produced in utterances between pauses of 0.25 sec-
onds and above.
Output hypothesis: Swain’s (1985, 1995) theory that claims that output in gen-
eral as well as pushed output, that is, output that is slightly above the learner’s
level of competence, promotes second language acquisition.
Parser: the speech comprehension system.
Phonation-time ratio: a good predictor of fluency measured as the percentage
of time spent speaking as a percentage proportion of the time taken to produce
the speech sample.
Phonological problem-solving mechanism: conscious attempt to overcome
difficulties caused by the lack of phonological knowledge of a word or phono-
logical rules used in producing L2 speech.
GLOSSARY 185
Prearticulatory monitoring: see covert monitoring.

Preverbal plan: in modular models of speech production, the end product of
the conceptualization phase. It contains all the necessary information to con-
vert meaning into language.
Procedural knowledge: the knowledge of production rules such as “if an ac-
tion happens in the past, insert the suffix ‘-ed’ after the stem of the verb.”
Rephrasing repairs: correction of parts of the message about the accuracy of
which the speaker is uncertain.
Reconceptualization strategy: lexical problem-solving mechanism that in-
volves the modification of more than one concept in the preverbal plan.
Self-monitoring: the checking of the correctness and appropriateness of the
produced verbal output.
Self-repair: a self-initiated and self-completed correction of one’s message.
Speech rate: one of the most frequently used measures of fluency, calculated
by dividing the total number of syllables produced in a given speech sample by
the amount of total time required to produce the sample.
Subordinate lexical representation: the process wherein the concept for a
given lexical item is directly linked to the L1 word, therefore the concept can-
not be directly retrieved by the L2 word, only via the L1 translation equivalent.
Substitution strategy: lexical problem-solving mechanism that involves the
modification of the conceptual specifications of an L2 lemma.
Substitution plus strategy: lexical problem-solving mechanism that, in addi-
tion to the modification of the conceptual specifications of an L2 lemma, in-
volves the application of L1 or L2 morphological and/or phonological
encoding processes.
Syllabary: the store of chunks of automatized movements used to produce
syllables.
Transfer: the influence of L1 on acquisition, language use, and comprehension.
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Author Index
A Brown, C., 117

Brown, C. M., 22, 27, 51, 111
Abrahamsson, N., 120 Burt, M., 101
Abutalebi, J., 35 Bygate, M., 130
Aitchison, J., 81
Alario, F. X., 95
Allport, A., 66 C
Altenberg, B., xx
Anderson, J. R., 42, 44, 47, 48, 135, 156, Cadiorno, T., 130
157, 158, 162, 165, 181 Cappa, S. F., 35
Archibald, J., 117, 118, 120 Cappella, J., 16
Austin, J., 9 Caramazza, A., xxi, xxii, xxiii, 3, 26, 59,
Avery, P., 117 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 78, 93, 94,
95, 96, 108, 110, 111, 170, 172
B Carlson, R. A., 155
Chan, Y.-H. C., 102
Baars, B. J., 30, 122, 136 Chen, H.-C., 175
Baddeley, A. D., 89, 130 Chen, S.-I., 116, 118
Bates, E., 102, 118, 126, 162 Cheng, P. W., 41, 157
Bazergui, N., 162, 163, 164, 178 Chomsky, N., 4, 91, 101, 103
Beattie, G., 16 Clahsen, H., 101, 102, 104, 105
Belazi, H., 108 Clark, E. V., 85
Berg, T., 24, 31, 120 Clark, H. H., 136
Bhatt, R., 110, 117 Cohen, A. D., 147
Bialystok, E., 136, 141, 145, 152, 165 Colomé, A., xxi, xxiii, 3, 58 59, 60, 62,
Bierwisch, M., 17 66, 110, 111, 170, 172
Blackmer, E. R., 31, 33, 127 Costa, A., xxi, xxii, xxiii, 59, 60, 61, 62,
Bloem I., 56, 63, 170 63, 64, 66, 67, 78, 93, 94, 95,
Bock, K., 13, 14, 25, 26, 99 96, 108, 110, 111, 170, 172
Bohn, O. S., 159 Craik, F. I. M., 89
Boies, S. J., 40 Crystal, D., xvii
Bolander, M., 159 Curley, J., 75
Bongaerts, T., xxi, xxv, 3, 57, 58, 59, 60, Cutillas Espinosa, J. A., 120
62, 65, 67, 83, 84, 90, 110,
D
131, 152, 170, 171, 174, 175
Brédart, S., 125 Damian, M. F., 24, 95
Bresnan, J., 10 de Bot, K., xx, xxi, xxiv, 3, 57, 58, 59,
Broadbent, D. E., 130 60, 62, 65, 83, 110, 170
Broselow, E., 116, 118 de Gelder, B., 76
211
212 AUTHOR INDEX
de Groot, A. M. B., xxii, 3, 68, 69, 70, Franck, J., xxii, 93, 94, 95, 96, 108, 110
73, 75, 76, 78, 79, 80, 85, 87, Freed, B., 162, 163, 164
169, 179 Frieda, E. M., 110, 17, 119, 121
de Smedt, K., 129 Friedman, L. A., 13
DeKeyser, R. M., 39, 43, 133, 158, 159 Frota, S., 130, 135
Dell, G. S., xix, 3, 4, 5, 6, 24, 27, 30, 49, Fry, D., xix, 3, 4
122, 136, 170 Fulcher, G., 162
Dénes, M., 164
Deschamps, A., 154 G
Di Biase, B., xxv, 99, 101, 104, 106,
107, 109 Garnsey, S. M., 30, 122
Dijsktra, A., xxiii, 59, 77, 110, 111, 172 Garrett, M. F., xix, 3, 4, 24
Döpke, S., 103 Gass, S. M., 137, 191
Dörnyei, Z., xxiv, 137, 138, 139, 143, Gathercole, S. E., 130
144, 148, 152, 153, 174, 176 Gertsman, L., 16
Dufour, R., 75, 78 Goldman-Eisler, F., 16
Dulay, H., 101 Gollan, T. H., 111
Dumas, G., 147 Gomez, O., xxi, 62, 66, 170
Dumas, S. T., 39 Govindjee, A., 6, 117
Dunkel, P., 162, 164 Grainger, J., 77
Douglass, S., 44 Green, D. W., 65, 66
Green, P. S., 130
E Greene, J., 16
Grosjean, F., 56, 83
Eckman, F., 116, 118
Eeg-Olofsson, M., xx H
Ejzenberg, R., 162, 163
Ellis, N., 45, 46, 48, 55, 85, 102, 103, Ha, M. A., 133, 158, 159
159 Haberzettl, S., 107
Ervin, S., 72 Hagoort, P., 22, 27, 51, 111
Eubank, L., 101 Hahne, A., 22, 111
Evans, M., 132, 133 Håkansson, G., xxv, 99, 101, 104, 106,
107, 109
F Hancin-Bhatt, B., 110, 117, 118
Hansen, J. G., 120
Færch, C., xxiv, 138, 141, 146, 147 Harnishfeger, K. K., 79
Fathman, A. K., 130, 131 Hartsuiker, R. J., 33, 127
Feldman, L. B., 73, 74, 75, 77 Hatch, E. M., 150
Feldstein, S., 16 Havinga, J., 6
Felix, S., 101 Hawkins, R., 102, 44, 162, 163, 164, 178
Fiez, J. A., 15 Hecht, K., 130
Fillmore, C. J., 155 Hellwig, F., 24
Fincham, J. M., 44 Henderson, A., 16
Flege, J. E., 110, 114, 117, 118, 119, Hermans, D., xxi, xxiii, 57, 58, 59, 60,
121, 173 62, 63, 65, 110, 111, 170, 172
Foster, P., 130 Hieke, A. E., 162, 164
Francis. W. S., 68, 169 Hintzman, D., 68, 79, 169
AUTHOR INDEX 213
Hoenkamp, E., 8, 23, 104, 105, 140, Kolk, H., 11, 31, 33, 50, 123, 127, 173
171, 175 Kormos, J., xxiv, 123, 124, 125, 126,
Hogan, J., 120 128, 129, 131, 132, 133, 134,
Holden, K., 120 136, 137, 143, 144, 148, 151,
Hooglander, A., 76, 77 153, 164, 173, 176
Hooper, J., 80 Kovacic, D., xxii, 93, 94, 95, 96, 108,
Hudson, P. T. W., 21 110
Hulstijn, J. H., 87, 89, 90, 180 Kroll, J., xxii, xxiii, 59, 66, 72, 73, 75,
76, 78, 79, 87, 88, 110, 111,
I 171, 172, 179, 180
Kushnir, S. L., 57
Indefrey, P., 24, 33, 34, 37
Iverson, G., 118 L
Izumi, S., 123, 134
La Heij, W., xxv, 18, 19, 20, 21, 35, 45,
J 56, 63, 64, 67, 76, 77, 84, 90,
128, 170, 171, 175, 179
Jackendoff, R., 103 Laeufer, C., 110, 113, 115
Jacoby, L. L., 40 Lauer, M., 24, 95
Jaffe, J., 16 Lapkin, S., 135, 184
Jake, J., 83, 84, 97, 98, 106, 108, 175 Laufer, B., 87, 89, 90
Janssen, N., xxiii, 59, 110, 111, 172 Laver, J., xix, 3, 122, 128, 136
Jarvis, S., 70, 85 Leather, J., xxvi, 116, 120, 181
Jescheniak, J. D., 21, 22, 26, 111 Lee, M. W., xxi, 61, 62, 66, 170
Jiang, N., 55, 85, 177 Lennon, P., 130, 131, 133, 154, 155,
Johnston, M., 105, 107 156, 162, 163, 164, 165
Juliano, C., 6, 27, 170 Levelt, W. J. M., xix, xx, xxi, xxiv, 3, 4,
6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 15, 16, 17,
18, 20, 21, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28,
K 30 ,31, 32, 33, 34 ,35, 36, 37,
44, 45, 49, 51, 55, 56, 67, 68,
Kahnemann, D., 29 80, 84, 91, 92, 93, 99, 108,
Kasper, G., xxiv, 45, 81, 138, 141, 146, 122, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128,
147 129, 134, 136, 139, 140, 141,
Kawaguchi, S., xxv, 99, 101, 104, 106, 147, 149, 157, 166, 167, 170,
107, 109 173, 178, 179
Keating, P. A., 113 Lockhart, R. S., 89
Keatley, C., 76 Logan, G. D., 42, 43, 45, 46, 135, 158
Keidel, J. L., 117, 119 Lombardi, L., 25, 99
Kellermann, E., 140, 145, 152, 158, 165 Lueng, Y.-S., 175
Kempe, V., 103
Kempen, G., 8, 3, 91, 104, 105, 129, M
140, 171, 175
Kerling, R., 76, 77 MacKay, D. G., 27, 30, 32, 43, 47, 122,
Kim, E., 116 134, 135, 136, 160, 178
Kirsner, K., 16 Mackey, A., 105
Kluender, K. R., 117, 119 MacLeod, C. M., 57
214 AUTHOR INDEX
MacSwan, J., xxv, 108 O’Connor, N., 132, 133, 134

MacWhinney, B., 102, 103, 118, 126, Odlin, T., 55, 84
162, Ooemen, C. E., 33, 127
Major, R., 116 Oppenheim, N., 160
Mansouri, F., 106 O’Seaghda, G. P., xix, 3, 6, 122, 136
Marslen-Wilson, W., 127 Osgood, C. E., 72
Matessa, M., 47
McLaughlin, B., 157 P
McNamara, J., 57
Meara, P., xxii, 81, 82, 85, 86, 87, 88, Palmeri, T. J., 44, 46
89, 171, 177 Paradis, M., 68, 69, 70, 80, 91, 100
Meijer, P. J. A., 25, 50, 99, 109, 180 Parrish, B., 130
Meisel, J. 102, 104, 105 Pavlenko, A., xxi, 68, 69, 70, 71, 80, 85
Meisel, J. M., 102 Pawley, A., xx, 44, 152, 159, 170
Meringer, R., 3 Pechmann T., 6
Meyer, A. S., xix, xxi, 3, 6, 7, 9, 18, 20, Perani, D., 35
21, 24, 26, 27, 28, 45, 55, 67, Peters, A. M., 46
68, 80, 84, 93, 112, 122, 124, Peterson, R. R., 21, 111
127, 129, 134, 136, 170, 181 Phaf, R. H., 21
Meuter, R. F. I., 66 Pica, T., 137
Miozzo, M., xxi, 3, 26, 61, 62, 63, 64, 95 Pienemann, M., xxv, 92, 98, 99, 101, 104,
Mitchell, R., 80 105, 106, 107, 109, 175
Mitton, J. L., 31, 33, 127 Poot, R., 76
Mohanan, K. P., 162 Poplack, S., 55, 107, 108
Möhle, D., 162 Posner, M. I., 40
Moon, R., xx Postma, A., 11, 31, 33, 50, 123, 127, 173
Morton, J., 67 Potter, M. C., 25, 73, 74, 75, 77, 99
Motley, M. T., 30, 122, 136 Poulisse, N., xxi, xxiii, xiv, xxv, 55, 60, 86,
Mowrey, R. A., 27 110, 113, 121, 134, 137, 140,
Murre, J. M. J., 103 141, 144, 145, 146, 153, 157,
Muysken, P., 101 172, 176, 178, 180
Myers-Scotton, C., xxiii, 83, 84, 97, 98, Prince, A. S., 91, 116
106, 108, 175
Myles, F., 80
R
N
Rahman, R. A., 22
Nation, I. S. P., 80 Randazza, L. A., 110, 117, 119, 121
Neely, J. H., 40 Raupach, M., 152, 154, 156, 157, 158
Newell, A., 42, 152 Rehbein, J., 154, 155, 159, 164
Nooteboom, S. G., xix, 3, 31, 122, 128 Rekart, D., 162, 164
Noordanus, C., 33 Rice, K., 117
Norman, D. A., 31, 32 Riggenbach, H., 162, 163, 164
Nosofsky, R. M., 44, 46 Roberts, B., 16
Robinson, P., 130, 133, 135, 139, 158, 159
O Roelofs, A., xix, xxi, xxiii, 3, 6, 7, 9, 14,
18, 20, 21, 24, 26, 27, 28, 29, 35,
O’Connell, D. C., 13 36, 45, 49, 50, 55, 64, 67, 68, 69,
AUTHOR INDEX 215
70, 80, 84, 93, 109, 110, 112, So, K.-F., 73, 74, 75, 77
113, 114, 121, 122, 124, 127, Sommer, W., 22
129, 134, 136, 149, 170, 172, Spinks, J., 76
173, 181 Sprouse, R., 102
Rogers, S., 132 Starreveld, P. A., 20, 21
Rosenbloom, P., 42,152 Stemberger, J. P., xix, 3, 4, 24, 122
Rubach, J., 118 Stewart, E., 75, 76, 79, 88, 171
Rubin, E., 108 Stowe, R. W., 79
Sullivan, M., 155
S Swain, M., 134, 135, 153, 184
Syder, F. H., xx, 44, 152, 159, 170
Sajavaara, K., 154, 155, 164
Sankaranarayanan, A., 76 T
Savoy, P., 21, 111
Sayehli, S., 107 Talamas, A., 75, 78
Schiller, N. O., 95 Tarone, E., xxiv, 130, 137, 138, 141, 147
Schils, E., 153 Tokowitz, N., xxii, 66, 72, 76, 87, 180
Schmidt, R., 103, 130, 135, 152, 155, 156, Tonkyn, A., 162
159, 181 Toribio, A. J., 108
Schmitt, B. M., 26, 93 Towell, R., 162, 163, 164, 178
Schmitt, N., 85, 87, 88, 177 Trammell, R. L., 120
Schneider, W., 39, 40, 155 Tree, J .E. F., 25, 50, 99, 100, 109, 180
Schreuder, R., xx, xxi, 3, 57, 58, 59, 60, Treisman, A., 29
62, 65, 83, 110, 170 Truscott, J., 87, 99, 103, 104, 177
Schriefers, H., xxiii, 6, 21, 26, 59, 93, 95, Tyler, L., 127
110, 111, 172
Schwanenflugel, P. J., 79
Schwartz, B., 102
U
Scott, M. L., xxiv, 137, 138, 139, 150, 174,
176 Ullman, T., 91, 100, 161, 162, 167
Searle, J., 9
Sebastian-Gallés, N., xxi, xxiii, 59, 60, 62, V
66, 78, 111, 170, 172
Segalowitz, N., 40, 42, 159 Vainikka, A., 101
Segalowitz, S., 42 van den Boogaard, S., 56, 63, 170
Seidenberg, M. S., 117, 119 Vanderplank, R., 163, 164
Seif, S., 144 van der Heijden, A. H. C., 21
Selinker, L., 100, 137, 138 van der Velden, E., 76, 77
Servan-Schreiber, E., 42 van Gelderen, A., 163, 164
Sharwood-Smith, M., 87, 99, 103, 104, van Hell, J. G., 79, 86
177 van Hest, E., xxiv, 123, 127, 128, 129, 130,
Shattuck-Hufnagel, S., 27 131, 132, 133, 134, 152, 160
Shiffrin, R. M., 39, 40 van Heuven, W. J. B., 77
Sholl, A., 75, 76, 78 van Turennout, M., 22, 27, 51, 111
Silverberg, N. B., 111 VanPatten, B., 130
Skarbek, A., 16 Váradi, T., 141
Skehan, P., 130 Varonis, E. M., 191
Smolensky, P., 91, 116 Verhoeven, L. T., 132
216 AUTHOR INDEX
Vigliocco, G., 24, 95 Williams, J. N., xxi, 61, 62, 66, 170
Vinson, D. P., 24 Wolter, B., xx, 81, 82, 89, 171
Von Eckardt, B., 73, 74, 75, 77 Wong Fillmore, L., 159
Vorberg, T., 6 Wood, A., 42
Vosse, T., 91 Woolford, E., xxv, 108
Wray, A., 45, 46, 159
W
Y
Wang, C., 116, 118
Walley, A. C., 110, 117, 119, 121 Yarmohammadi, L., 144
Warner, R. M., 16 Yorio, C. A., 159
Wennerstorm, A., 162, 164 Young-Scholten, M., 101, 118
Wei, L., 106 Yule, G., 140
Weinreich, U., 71, 72, 74, 113
Wheeldon, L. R., 32
White, L., 101, 102 Z
Widdowson, H., 55
Wiese, R., 154 Zevin, J. D., 117, 119
Wilks, C., 81, 171 Zhang, Y., 106
Subject Index
A C
Adaptive Control of Thought Star Chomsky, Noam, 4, 91, 101, 103

(ACT*) model, 41–42, 47, 135, Cascading
156–159, 161–162, 165, 191 of activation, xxiii, 21–23, 35–37,
Acquisition by Processing Theory 110–111, 161, 167, 172, 178
(APT), 87, 99, 103–104, 107, Chunking, 41–42, 45–46, 152, 159–161,
109 165, 170, 178
Activation spreading, xix, 4, 12, 95–96, Code switching, xxviii, xxv, 3, 55–56,
122, 128, 130, 136, 207 64, 92–84, 97, 107–109, 113,
backward, xix, 6, 11–12, 30, 37, 122, 142, 144, 174–175
167 in syntactic encoding, 107–108, 175
Activation flow intentional, 55, 64, 67, 83–84, 175
from concepts to lexical items, 168 lexical, xxv, 64, 67, 82–84, 175
from the lexical to the phonological unintentional, xxv, 3, 55, 83–84
level, xxiii, 21–23, 110–111, Cognates, 59, 75, 78–79, 86, 111, 119
167, 172 Communication strategies, xviii,
Activation level, xxii, 21, 24, 62, 65, 67, xxiv–xxv, 79, 86, 105,
77, 87, 95, 104, 109 125–126, 137–153, 174–176
Age of acquisition, 102, 114, 119 characteristics of, 139
Aphasia, 69–70, 91, 97, 102 definitions of, 138
Articulator, xxvi, 157, 166 grammatical, 146–147, 176
Attention, xviii, xxiv, xxv, xxvi, 16, 21, lexical, 140–146, 176
30, 38–40, 43, 48, 66, 68, phonological, 147–150, 176
78–79, 120, 130–134, 136, Competition model, 102–103, 118, 126,
140, 147, 152, 154–156, 173 162
Automatization, xxvi, 38–48, 128, 132, Complex access, simple selection, 67, 90
133, 154, 156–165, 178–179 Compound lexical representation, see
of rules, 47–48, 157–159, 161–162 Lexical representation
of lexical access, 47–48, 160 Comprehension, 7–10, 31–33, 36–37,
42, 84, 91, 103, 109, 122,
127–128, 134, 136, 138, 149,
B 152, 167–168, 173
Concepts
Bilingual lexicon, xxii, 55, 68–82, 171 lexical, xxi, 64, 69–70, 144, 167, 176
Bilingual mode, 83 non-lexical, xxi, 69, 167
Brain, 91, 100, 161, 167–169 representation of, 32, 64–65, 68–72,
Broca area, 34–35 75–77, 90, 92, 169
selection of, 19–22, 34, 56–57, 63
217
218 SUBJECT INDEX
Concept mediation model, 74–75, 78 F

Conceptual feature model, xxii, 79–80
Conceptual transfer, see Transfer Facilitation effect, 28, 57–60, 62–63, 75,
Conceptualizer, 7, 10, 17, 48, 53, 85, 78, 112–113
128, 140–141, 166, 170, 178 cognate, 59–60, 75
Complements, 10, 23, 86–87, 92, phonological, 57–59, 78
99–100, 105, 107, 146–147, translation, 62–63
171 Feature theory of word meaning, see
Concreteness Word meaning
of words, 72, 79, 119, 169 Fluency
Connectionist models, 48, 87, 102–103, definitions of, 154–156
107, 117, 119, 162 measurement of, 162–165
Content morphemes, see Morphemes development of, 156–162
Control Formulaic language, xx, 44–46, 48, 156,
in L1 lexical encoding, xxi–xxii, 20–21 159–162, 165, 170, 178–179
in L2 lexical encoding, 65–67 Formulator, xxvi, 7, 10, 23, 44, 125,
Convergence problem, 16–17 140–141, 157, 166, 178
Coordinate lexical representation, see Functional magnetic resonance imaging
Lexical representation (fMRI), 15
D G
Declarative knowledge, 39–42, 44, 91, Gender, xxii, 19, 21, 24, 26–27, 86,
101, 133, 135, 157, 162, 92–96, 108–109, 146, 171
167–169, 171–174, 176–179 Gestural scores, xxvi, 7, 29, 110, 114,
Declarative/procedural model, 91, 161, 118, 167–168
167 Go/no go task, 22
Determiners, 4, 23–24, 26, 97–98, 105,
107–109, 146–147
Diacritic value, xxii, 23, 86, 92, 93–96, H
105, 107–109, 146–147
Discourse model, 7 Hypernym problem, 17
Distributed feature model, 79–80, 85
I
E
Incremental processing, 7–8, 28, 50, 92,
Early system morphemes, see Mor- 104, 110, 112, 166, 181
phemes Incremental procedural grammar, 23,
Editor, 122, 128, 136, see also Monitoring 91–92, 98, 104, 171, 175,
Embedded language, 84, 108, 175 In-depth processing, 89
Episodic memory, see Memory stores Inhibitory control (IC) model, 65–66
Event-related brain potential (ERP), 14, Inhibitory processes, 65–67, 115, 171
22 Instance theory, 42–43, 45–46, 135,
Exemplar-based random walk model, 158
44, 46, 159, 161 Intonation, 117, 120, 164, 172
SUBJECT INDEX 219
J semantic, 71–82,
Message abandonment, 141–142
Message replacement, 141–142
James, William, 45
Minimalist program, 91, 103
Modularity, 21, 103, 178
L Monitoring, xviii, xxiv–xxv, 6, 10–11,
29–33, 36–37, 108–110, 119,
121, 149
Language acquisition device, 101–102,
editor theories of, 30, 32–33, 122–123,
107
135–136
Language choice, 83, 169 production theory of, 31–33, 122–123,
Language cue, xxi, 67, 77, 83–84, 135–136
169–171, 179 and attention, xxiv, 130–132
Language tag, xx, 64–65, 67, 84, 115, and proficiency, 130–132, 133–134
144 Morpheme order principle, 108
Late system morphemes, see Mor- Morphemes, 4, 6, 10, 27–28, 49, 91,
phemes 97–98, 105–16, 108–110, 119,
Law of contiguity, 45 121, 149
Lemma bridge, 97–98
activation of , 9, 22, 84, 56–60 content, 97–98, 106
selection of, 9, 22, 19–22, 56–66, 160, interphrasal, 97–98, 105–106
170–171 lexical, 98, 105
language specific, 60–66 phrasal, 98, 105–106
non-language specific, 60–66, 170–171 system, 97–98, 105–106, 108
Lexeme, xxii–xxiii, 10, 21, 57, 80, 84, bridge late, 97–98, 106, 108
86, 110–111, 148–150, outsider late, 97–98, 106, 108
167–168, 171–172, 174
Lexical representation, see also Bilin- N
gual lexicon
compound, 71–74 Naming latency, 14
co-ordinate, 71–74
Neuroimaging, 3, 12, 14–15, 35–37,
sub-ordinate, 71–74
162, 167–168
Lexicon, see Bilingual lexicon
Node structure theory, 30, 32–33,
Linearization problem, 92
135–136
Linguistic input, 48, 101–103, 107,
117–118, 130, 160, 177
O
M
Ontogeny model, 116–117
Optimality theory, 91, 116
Markedness differential hypothesis, 116
Output hypothesis, 134–135, 153
Matrix language, 84, 108
Matrix language frame model, 107–108,
175 P
Mean length of runs, 154, 162–163
Memory stores, xix, xxiv, 23–24, 71–82, Parallel speech plan, xx, 83
92, 167 Parser, 7, 10
episodic, 167–168, 178 Pauses, 13, 16, 133, 139, 151–153,
grammatical, 23–24, 92 162–165, 176
220 SUBJECT INDEX
filled, 13, 151–152, 163–165 S

lexicalized, 151–152, 176
unfilled, 151–152, 163, 165 Self-correction, see Repair
Perceptual loop theory, 31–33, 122–123, Self-monitoring, see Monitoring
135–136 Semantic memory, see Memory
Phonation time ratio, 157,163, 165 Semantic interference, 57–60, 62
Phonemes, xxiii, xxv–xxvi, 4, 6, 16, Simple access, complex selection, 45,
22–28, 36, 49, 58–59, 61, 86, 64–65
93, 110–121, 126, 149, Slip of the tongue, xxi, 13, 57, 83, 110,
172–173 113, 134, 157, 174
representation of, 110, 112–115, 173 Specifier, 23, 92, 105, 107, 147
Phonological features, 4, 6, 93, 111–113, Speech learning model, 117–119
117–118, 120, 149, 176 Speech rate, 133, 154, 162–165
competition of, 118
Spreading activation theory, xix, xx,
Phonological score, 10
xxiv, xxvi, 3–7, 11–12, 15, 25,
Positron Emission Tomography (PET), 15
27, 31, 35–37, 49
Power law of practice, 43
Stalling mechanisms, 140, 150–151
Preverbal plan, xx–xxii, 7, 9–11, 15, 18,
Strength theory, 43, 47–48, 135,
32, 36, 48, 67, 83–84, 90, 97,
160–161
108–109, 122, 124–126,
Stress, 10, 28, 117, 120
140–141, 144–147, 149–150,
Stroop task, 13, 20, 66
169, 173, 175–176
Sub-ordinate lexical representation, see
Procedural knowledge, 40–41, 91,
Lexical representation
100–101, 157, 162, 171–172,
Supervisory attentional system (SAS), 65
175
Switching cost, 66
Proceduralization, 41, 44, 47–48, 135,
Syllable, xxiv, xxvi, 4–7, 28–29, 32,
157–158, 177
49–50,110, 112–113, 116–117,
Processability theory, 92, 98–99, 101,
119–121, 166–168, 173–174
104–107, 109, 175
Syllabary, xxiv, xxv, 7, 10, 29, 110, 167,
173, 178
R Syntactic frames, 4, 6, 11, 23–25, 36, 49,
84, 108
Reconceptualization, 141, 143 Syntactic rules, 23, 44–48, 91–93,
Repairs, 123–135 99–107, 158, 174–175, 133,
appropriacy, 125–126, 128–129, 131 167
covert, 123 System morphemes, see Morphemes
different information, 124–125,
128–129
error, 126, 128–129, 131 T
pragmatic, 125, 131
rephrasing, 126–127, 128–129 Task activation, 20
syntactic structure of, 129–130 Temporal cycle, 15–16, 34
timing of, 128–129 Tip-of-the-tongue phenomenon, 26, 148,
Resource deficit 150
in lexical encoding, 140–146 Transfer, xxv, 84–86, 101–104,
in grammatical encoding, 146–147 106–118, 120, 147–149,
in phonological encoding, 147–150 152–153, 157, 172–175
Restructuring, 143, 146 conceptual, xxv, 84–85
Revised hierarchical model, 75–76, 87 conscious, xxv, 86, 174
SUBJECT INDEX 221
lexical, xxv, 84–86 W

syntactic, xxv, 86, 99, 101–104,
106–107, 109, 147–148, 157,
172, 175 Wernicke area, 34
phonological, xxv, 116–118, 120, 149, Word association model, 74–75, 78
173, 175 Word form Encoding by Activation and
unconscious, xxv VERification (WEAVER)
Translation-facilitation effect, see Facili- model, 27–29, 109–110, 112
tation effect Word knowledge, 83, 86–90
acquisition of, 86–90
active, 89
U passive, 89
Word meaning, xxi, 4, 17–18, 68, 76,
Universal grammar, 87, 101–104, 116 79–80, 85–86, 88, 169
feature theory of, 17
Word order, 4, 24, 91, 93,101–102, 106
V
Word translation, 74, 76–78
Working memory, 39, 41, 46, 130, 135,
Voice Onset Timing (VOT), 119 152

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LAWRENCE ERLBAUM ASSOCIATES, PUBLISHERS

Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc., Publishers

Cover design by Tomai Maridou

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Books published by Lawrence Erlbaum Associates are printed on acid-

Printed in the United States of America

Series Editor’s Preface xiii

Introduction: Issues in L2 Speech xvii

Issues at the Major Stages of L2 Speech Production xx

General Issues in Speech Production xxiv

1 An Overview of Theories of First Language 3

Levelt’s Modular Model of Speech Production 7

2 Issues in First Language Speech Production Research 12

Research Methods Used in Studying Language Production 12

Conceptualization and Speech Planning 15

Neurological Studies of Language Production 33

3 Theories of Automaticity and Their Relation to Speech 38

The Role of Theories of Automaticity in L1 Learning 44

4 Lexical Encoding and the Bilingual Lexicon 55

Lexical Activation and Selection in L2 56

Control in Lexical Encoding 64

Conceptual and Lexical Representation in Bilingual Memory 68

Models of the Organization of the Bilingual Lexicon 71

Code-Switching and Lexical Processing 82

The Influence of L1 on Lexical Encoding 84

The Acquisition of L2 Lexical Knowledge 86

5 Syntactic and Phonological Encoding 91

A General Overview of Syntactic Encoding Processes 91

Diacritic Features: The Encoding of Grammatical Gender 93

Accessing Grammatical Morphemes 97

The Activation of Syntactic Building Procedures 99

Transfer and the Acquisition of L2 Syntactic Knowledge 100

Code-Switching and Syntactic Encoding 107

Summary of Grammatical Encoding Processes 108

General Overview of Phonological Encoding Processes 109

The Activation of the Phonological Form of Lexical Items 111

Shared Versus Separate Phonological and Phonetic Systems 112

The Role of L1 in Phonological and Phonetic Encoding 116

Monitoring Processes in L2 123

The Role of Attention in Monitoring L2 Speech 130

Monitoring and SLA 132

7 Problem-Solving Mechanisms in L2 Speech 137

Review of Definitions and Characteristics of Communication 138

Grammatical Problem-Solving Mechanisms 146

Phonological Problem-Solving Mechanisms 147

Time Pressure–Related Problem-Solving Mechanisms 150

Communication Strategies and Language Learning 152

8 Fluency and Automaticity in L2 Speech Production 154

Definitions of Fluency 154

Theories of Automaticity and the Development of L2 Fluency 156

Measures of L2 Fluency 162

9 Conclusion: Toward an Integrated Model of L2 Speech 166

Recommended Readings 179

Author Index 211

Subject Index 217

Richard Carlson, Pennsylvania State University

The Cognitive Science and Second Language Acquisition (CSSLA) series is