Early Christian Sīrah Writings of Subcontinent: A Comparative Study of their

Methods, Impact and Cogitating on New Contemporizing Methodology

Farman Ali
Humaira Ahmad
Department of Islamic Thought and Civilization,
University of Management and Technology, Lahore
Abstract
This article is an attempt to study the methods adopted in the Christian missionary
biographies of Prophet Muhammad (SAW) in subcontinent from early nineteenth century
to the first half of the twentieth century. These missionaries came into this region with
their strong missionary convictions and they set up a new literary apologetic trend in the
religious history of subcontinent in order to prove the superiority of Christianity over
Islam and to trivialize its norms, values, religious figures and traditions. Though this
trend was not novel in the history of Christian-Muslim relation however, a distinguished
feature of it, in India, was that it took the shape of direct confrontation and animosity e.g.
the great debate between Pfander and Rahmatu-Allah-Kīrānvī held in 1854. This early
confrontational contact between Islam and Christianity played a pivotal role in the
development of an academic environment and had an impact on the Christian-Muslim
relations in the subcontinent in the nineteenth and early twentieth century. This study is
an attempt to explore this early intellectual confrontational landscape and its impact upon
each other’s communities. Furthermore, it also attempts to investigate how modern
Christians and Muslims can develop new ways for mutual understanding in the light of
contemporary intellectual traditions. Last but not the least, after highlighting major
shortcomings in their methods, this study cogitates on new contextual approach for the
study of Christianity and Islam.
Keywords: Christian-Muslim Relation, Christianity, Subcontinent, contextualization,
apologetic, Great Debate, Sīrah
Introduction
The history of Christian-Muslim apologetic literary movement goes back to the
very early beginning of Islam. Qur’ān, the basic source of Islamic knowledge, raised
serious and critical objections upon standard Christian doctrines like, trinity, incarnation,
atonement, crucifixion, divinity of Jesus and Marry — the mother of Jesus, Jesus as the
son of God, and last but not least their weak concept of monotheism.1 In response, Syriac

Correspondence concerning the article should be addressed to Farman Ali, Doctoral Candidate,
Department of Islamic Thought and Civilization, University of Management and Technology, Lahore,
Pakistan, farmaniiui@gmail.com
1
For full detail to see Qur’ānic views about these Christian doctrines see: Abul A‘lā Mowdūdī,
Nasrāniyyat Qur’ān kī Rowshnī main [Christianity in the Light of Qur’ān, Urdu] (Lahore: Tarjumān al-
Qur’ān, 2008).

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and Arabic Christians who had the first hand interaction with Muslims gave initial
response of these objections and rejected the authority of Qur’ān and Muḥammad over
Christian doctrines. A Jacobite Patriarch John I (d.648) wrote a report to answer the
questions a Muslim official named ‘Amr posed.2 Another author Theodore Abu Qurra
(750-820) also wrote a treatise in which the author answers the Muslim objections in a
dialogical way. One of his students raised different objections against Muslims and
Theodore answered these questions in the light of the Christian teachings.3
However, two early Syrian-Arabic writings are important, as these had an impact
upon the development of literary apologies not only in the Muslim world but also in the
west just like, Abu Rā’ita (755-835),4 ‘Abdul Masīh al-Kindī and the John of Damascus.5
These writers wrote their work in the Muslim context. Later in Byzantine, more ironic
work was developed by Nicetas of Byzantium (d.850) and Theophanes the Confessor
(758-817) as a result of the military confrontation between Abbasid rulers and Byzantine
during that era. Their writings were more harsh and critical while making comments
towards the Qur’ān, Muhammad (SAW) and the Muslim traditions.6 This apologetic
legacy had an impact upon the subsequent Christian authors as Goddard states that “Later
Byzantine accounts of Islam in the main reproduce much of Nicetas's argument and also
much of his tone”.7 Moreover, Muir frequently quoted al-Kindī in his Life of Mohemt8
and the themes presented in the apology of John of Damascus became classical Christian
themes in their apologies.9
In all of the above-mentioned Syrian-Arabic, Byzantine and later European
writings two things were common firstly, the Christian apologetic writings under the
Muslim Rule, and secondly, the Christian apologetic under the Church. However, under
the European colonization movement in the eighteenth century most of the Middle
Eastern, Asian and African countries became colonies of the Europe and the Britain. This
situation not only changed the political landscape but also the religious milieu. For
example, countries that were ruled by Muslims like India came under the direct control of
the British colonial power. They patronized Christianity and invited Christian

2
Uri Rubin, edit. The Life of Muhammad (Great Britain: Ashgate Publishing Company, 1998) 345.
3
Ibid., 346.
4
For full detail see: Mark Beaumout, Christology in Dialogue with Muslims: A Critical Analysis of
Christian Presentations of Christ for Muslims from the Ninth and Twentieth Century (Great Britian:
Paternoster, 2005), 44-63.
5
Hugh Goddard, A History of Christian Muslim Relations (London: Edinburg University Press,
200), 53-55.
6
Ibid., 55-60.
7
Ibid., 58.
8
Muir, 49-50.
9
Clinton Bennett, In Search of Muhammad (Continuum, 1998), 77.

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Missionaries to convert people into Christian faith.10 Christian missionaries started

preaching their Christian faith to the Indian people and they publically started denouncing
Islam and Prophet Muhammad (SAW).11 This confrontation not only played an important
role in developing relationship between Christians and Muslims in the nineteenth and
early twentieth century in India, but also built a negative imagery of the Prophet (SAW)
for all those who converted to Christianity in that era and today constitute the second
largest minority in Pakistan known as Ahmadīs—the followers of Ghulam Ahmad
Qadiyani (1835-1908). Keeping in view this background, this article explores these basic
questions; what are the early biographies of Christians in the subcontinent and how these
present the life of the prophet (SAW). What was the influence of these writings upon the
adherents of each religion? Which methods Christian biographers adopted in these early
sīrah writings? What are the shortcomings in their methods? How we can develop a
suitable method for contemporary Christian sīrah writers in Pakistan? Here, I have only
selected those writers which have written full length biographies of Prophet Muhammad
(SAW), and deliberately excluded those scholars who have written about Islam in general
and devoted a chapter on the life of the Prophet (SAW).
2. Aloys Sprenger (1813-1897)
Aloys Sprenger (1813-1897) produced the first ever full length biography of the
prophet (SAW) titled Life of Muhammad from Original Sources which was published in
India in the year 1851. 12 He was a renowned Austrian orientalist who joined the East
India Company in 1843, as a medical doctor. In 1850, he became the principal of Delhi
College,13 where he wrote Life of Muhammad, and many other books.14 Following is a
short critical analysis of the major themes he discussed and the methodology he used.
His biography received a lot of attention from his contemporary evangelical
orientalists. He made an unproductive effort and tried to convince his readers to reject the
conceptions related to the illiteracy of the Prophet (SAW) and how Ka‘bah was built after
the advent of Islam.15 In addition, he also mitigated the role of the Prophet (SAW) in
spreading Islam to all the parts of the world. As he states; “the successful prophet of the
Arabs, in founding a new religion, did nothing more than gather the floating elements,
10
For full detail of this religious and political change see: Arvin A. Powell, Muslim and
Missionaries in Pre Mutiny India (NewYork: Rutledge Press, 2003), 295.
11
M. Naeem Qureshi, Pan-Islam in British Indian Politics: A Study of the Khilafat Movement,
1918-1924 (Leiden/Boston: Brill, 1999), 293.
12
Aloys Sprenger, Life of Muhammad from Original Sources (Allahabad: Presbyterian Mission
Press, 1851). For internet edition of the book visit;
https://ia800306.us.archive.org/35/items/lifemohammadfro00aloygoog/lifemohammadfro00aloygoog.pdf.
13
Ikram Chaghatai, “Dr. Aloys Sprenger (1813-1893): His Life and Contribution to Urdu
Language and Literature,” Iqbal Review 36 (1), (1995)
14
Rauf Parekh, “Literary Notes: Aloys Sprenger and Delhi College: a Part of History Recreated,
Daily Dawn, 24 March 2015, https://www.dawn.com/news/1171434.
15Life of Mohammad from Original Sources, op. cit., 13-38.

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which had been imparted or originated by others, in obedience to their resistible force of
the spirit of the time.”16
Sprenger, firstly denied the historicity of the event of surah al-Feel17 and then
questioned the Muslim historical method employed in it. Moreover, he also suggests an
alternative method in relation to Muslim Muhaddisīn. He questions the authenticity of
Hadīth literature declaring it as a fraud and fictitious writing, which was later carried by
Muir in his books; revolving around the life of Muhammad. He states, “To supply what
seemed to be wanting, pious fraud assisted imagination, by furnishing arguments for its
creations. Well calculated fictions were believed in the age of faith; and many of them
became dogmas for succeeding centuries.”18 While talking about the source of sīrah, he
considered the Qur’ān, Ibn Ishāq (704-768), Ibn Hishām (d.833) and Wāqidī (747-823) as
the prominent sources. Later, he expresses his ideas about these sources in a way which
would make them seem unreliable and appreciated the work of Wāqadī alone. He states
“There is no trace of a sacrifice of truth to design, or of pious fraud, in his work. It
contains few miracles; and even those which are recorded in it admit of an easy
explanation.”19
Sprenger also confirmed classical Christian theme of epilepsy and suggests that
like all “hysterical people had a tendency to lying and deceit” and it is epilepsy that
causes his nymphomania.20
3. William Muir (1819-1905)
Sir William Muir (1819-1905) was a Scottish orientalist who joined East India
Company in 1837. During his service he performed three different roles in India,
including the educational role, the governmental role and the missionary role.21 He was a
close friend of C.G. Pfander (1803-1865), a German missionary who was recruited by
CMS to work in northern India, and it was upon the latter’s encouragement that he
proceeded to research and publish his biography of the Prophet Muhammad (SAW).22
To accomplish Pfander’s request he authored a book titled The Life of Mahomet:
in four volumes. It aims to study Muhammad’s life only in the light of information drawn
from Islamic and original sources so that Muslims can recognize it. He combined
scholarly and missionary objective in this biography, but failed in achieving his goal as
Avril A. Powell, states that the work of Muir’s is purely evangelical in nature; and writes
that, “William’s purpose was more overtly evangelical, for he mentioned in his preface

16
Ibid., 44.
17
Al-Qur’ān: Feel 105:1-5.
18
Ibid., 48.
19
Ibid., 72.
20
Ibid., 210.
21
Norman Daniel, Islam, Europe and Empire (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1966), 279.
22William Muir, The Life of Mahomet, 1st edition 1861 (London: Smith, Elder and co., 1931), iii.

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that he had been urged by a local missionary to write, in the Hindoostanee language a
scholarly history of Muhammad, based on Arabic sources, and suitable for the perusal of
his followers in order to satisfy the local ‘ulāmā that the missionary criticisms of Islamic
belief and practice were justified.”23
After a very brief preface, the author has written a very long introduction of
almost two hundred and seventy pages. This introduction is divided into four chapters of
which the third is further divided into six sections. In these chapters, he expresse his
views about the primary sources of sīrah, biblical accounts of Arabia, Islamic sources
about the history of Arabia, and the historical account of the ancestors of the Holy
Prophet (SAW). In first and second volume of the book, the author discusses the life,
time, teachings and work of the Holy Prophet (SAW) during his Makkan life. In the last
chapter of the second volume, he throws light upon different aspects in relation to the
association between the two religions. In the third volume, which starts with chapter
eight, he analyzes the battles fought by the Holy Prophet (SAW) and the Muslims in their
defense. In the last volume, he includes the historical events of the Madīnan period,
which starts from the sixth year of Hijra. Like, pilgrimage to Makkah, embassies from
Tā‘if and other surrounding regions, the Farewell Pilgrimage, sickness of the Holy
Prophet (SAW), his demise and burial, and campaign of Osama Ibn Zayd (d. 674) to
Syrian border. Finally, he reviews the personality and character of the Holy Prophet
(SAW).
Muir, in his attempt to write about the life of the prophet (SAW), rejected the
standard version of Sīrah available within the Muslim literature and gave his own
interpretations. For example, he called the Muslim account of Night Journey and
Ascension as a pious fraud from the Muslims who came after24 and raised objections on
this miracle, as provided in the Hadith literature, calling it a pious fabrication.25 He also
denigrated Prophet’s personality labeling him a polygamist and stated that he suffered
from epilepsy etc. He also rejected links between Muhammad (SAW) and Ismail (AS).26
His depiction about the wives of the Prophet (SAW) is vulgar, particularly when he
describes the account of his marriage with Zaynab bint Jahsh (d.641) who was married to
Zayd ibn Hārith (d.629). All in all, Muir’s biography presented Prophet’s life contrary to
the standard Islamic version.
4. The Legacy of Muir and Sprenger
The legacy of Muir and Sprenger had a two-way impact upon both the Christian
and Muslim intellectuals. Their work was highly appreciated by subsequent indigenous
23
Avril A. Powell, “Reciprocities and Divergences Concerning Religious Traditions in two
Families of Scholars in North India,” in Jamal Malik, (edit.,) Perspectives of Mutual Encounters in South
Asian History, 1760-1860 (Leiden. Boston. Koln: Brill, 2000), 193.
24
Muir, 117.
25
Muir, III.
26
William Muir, The Muhammedan Controversy (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark 1897), 42.

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Christian and missionary writers who reiterated the themes and findings of Muir and
Sprenger in their biographies. Three examples are included here, two of indigenous
writers and one from a missionary writer. First and foremost, is G. L. Thākur Dās (1852-
1910),27 who wrote a full length biography of Prophet (SAW) titled “Sīrat-ul-Masīh wa
al-Muhammad (i.e., The Character of Christ and Muhammad).”28 Here, the author judges
Muslim tenants in the light of Christian theology to prove the superiority of Jesus over
Muhammad. He provides numerous statements to justify his claim, and here three
examples have been quoted to show writer’s bias and prejudice in the study of sīrah. (a)
In introduction, he describes Muir objective, as he states ‘to release Muslim brothers with
the hope that they will listen to him and, consequently, will repent.’ 29 And then turns to
present a Christian view of the life of Prophet (SAW). (b) In the first section of the book,
he says, “Worshiping Ka‘bah, polygamy, divorce, slavery, denying the sacrifice of
Christ, rejecting godhead of Christ, worshipping Kalimah and grave, Hajj, killing the
followers of other religions are all the acts of goodness and the matters of faith from
Muslim perspective which will lead them to Paradise. However, all these things are
wrong, bad and sin from Christian perspective because they keep man away from God’s
nearness and presence.”30 (c) In the second section of the booklet, the writer states that
Christ was steadfast in his theory and practice. He was resolute in what he said and what
he did. He was not dominated by vain desires of his self and he fulfilled the Law of God
perfectly. However, the author asserts that the Holy Prophet Muhammad (SAW) “was not
steadfast in sayings and actions. He was dominated by mean desires. He broke many
ethical laws.”31 To support his blames and charges, the author presents examples from the
battles and fights of the Holy Prophet (SAW) with polytheists and disbelievers; his
marriages with a number of wives, which he calls prostitution; his marriage to the widow
of his adopted son; abrogation in the Qur’ān and other laws of Islam, etc.32
In his second book entitled “Zunūb-e-Muhammadiyyah (Was Muḥammad a
Sinner?).”33 The author questions the infallibility of the Holy Prophet (SAW) and asserts
that Muhammad (SAW) and his believers are equally sinners and sinners are criminals;
hence they will enter hell.34 He justifies his claim arguing that “If Muhammad was asking
for forgiveness constantly, and God had declared him Daal also, he would certainly have

27
G. L. Thākur Dās, ‘Adam-e-Zarūrat-e-Qur’ān (Ludhyana: Punjab Religious Book Society,
1886). The book can be accessed through: http://www.study-islam.org/urdu/urdu-books/absence-any-need-
quran. Accessed at 28-06-2018.
28
G. L. Thākur Dās, Sīrat-ul-Masīh wa al-Muhammad (Amritsar: Mission Press, 1897; Lahore:
Punjab Religious Book Society, 4th n.d.).
29
Sīrat-ul-Masīh wa al-Muhammad, op. cit., 4-5.
30
Ibid., 6.
31
Ibid., 16-17.
32
Ibid., 17-32.
33
G. L. Thākur Dās, Zunūb-e-Muhammadiyah, (1905).
34
Zunūb-e-Muhammadiyyah, preface.

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committed a number of greater sins.”35 At the end, in his concluding remarks, he asserts,
“According to the nature of his prophet-hood which we have shown in the above
discussion, Muhammad (SAW) cannot be included in the class of forgiven saints.”36
Another important book from an indigenous author was ‘Imād-ud-Dīn Lāhiz’s
(1856-1899) Tawārīkh-e-Muhammadī (Life of Muḥammad).”37 The author was born in a
reputed Muslim family of India and Robert Clark (b. 1825) of the Church Missionary
Society baptized him at Amritsar in 1866.38 Lāhiz divided his books into three
chronological eras. Firstly, account of the years six to thirteen, seventeen, twenty to
twenty-five, and thirty-five to forty-one since the birth of the Holy Prophet (SAW);
secondly, account of the years five to ten, twelve and thirteen since the proclamation of
his prophethood; and thirdly, account of the eleven years of his life after Hijrah.
He also presents the life of prophet (SAW) in the light of the early medieval
Christian thinking. He questions the views of Muslims in relation to the pious nature of
Holy Prophet’s parents and then states “The belief that all the persons in the lineage were
pure and holy is never right. There is no need search about all. Just see ‘Abdullah (d. 570)
and Aminah (d. 577). They were worshippers of idols.”39 He like Muir, rejects the
unanimous Muslim view of Muhammad’s genealogy to Ismail and states that Muslim
believes “Muhammad is one of the descendants of Ishmael but they have no evidence for
that. Only for the sake of fame he is called the son of Ishmael.”40 Moreover like springer
and Muir he rejected the miracle of prophet SAW e.g. shaqq al-Sadr.41 He concludes his
book in seven points. They are: (a) “the Prophet (SAW) had a bad temperament who very
frequently became angry; (b) he was not a tolerant man; (c) he was very fond of his
praise; (d) he was aggressive towards his enemies; (e) he was a selfish man; (f) he was so
sex-addicted that it seems he was born in the world only for this; (g) he was totally
ignorant of the knowledge of God and heavenly ideas.”42
After this brief analysis and evaluation of the thoughts and views presented by the
author in this book, we note that he was similar to Sprenger. Although he claimed that his
book is grounded on the writings by Muslims, all charges pressed by him against the
Prophet (SAW) are false. This was a brief impact of Christian missionary sīrah writings

35
Ibid., 8.
36
Ibid., 8-11.
37
‘Imād-ud-Dīn Lāhiz, Tawārīkh-e-Muhammadi (Lahore: Punjab Religious Book Society, 1904).
38
For more detail see: Wherry E. M., The Muslim Controversy (London: Christian Literature
Society, 1905), 15-66; Aslam Barkat, Tārīkh Kalīsiya-e-Pakistan 52-1992 CE (Clārkabād, Punjab: St.
Peters Publication Society, 1st ed., 1993), 266; G. L. Thākur Dās, Khudāwand Masīh kay Nao Rattan
(Lahore: MIK, 3rd ed., 1995), 9-18.
39
Ibid., 22-23.
40
Ibid., 23.
41
Ibid., 39.
42
Ibid., 186-187.

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upon the development of subsequent indigenous Christian biographies of Prophet (SAW).

It is evident that these indigenous biographies were enormously influenced from the
writings of Muir and springer. However, these biographies created a reactionary
movement among Indian Muslims and following is an attempt to juxtapose indigenous
Christian and Muslim attitudes towards these early Christian biographies of Prophet
Muhammad (SAW).
5. The Impact upon Indian Muslims
The above-mentioned Christian sīrah writings elevated Muslim grief, which was
already touching heights due to similar anti-Islamic writings by other Christian
missionaries like Pfander’s Mizan-ul-Haq (scale of truth). Rahmatu-Allah-Kiranvi (1818-
1991) stood against him and he wrote Azalat al-auhām (destroyer of Imaginations)
published in 1852-3 to answer the objections raised in Mizān. Earlier, it produced a first
Muslim apology in Urdu language43 entitled “Kitāb al-Istifsār (Book of Questions)” by
Āl Ḥasan Mohani (1788-1877).44 He also wrote another book al-Istibshār (Good News)
in response of Pfander’s Hal-ul-Ashkāl (Solution of Problems).45 This tract war against
each other finally led them to open debates. The great debate of Agra held in 1954
between Kiranvi and Pfander is the most important one.46
On the other hand, to answer missionary objections on the life of Prophet (SAW)
Syed Ahmad Khan (1817-1898) was the first to give a scholarly response to Muir’s life
of Mohamet. He considered these writings detrimental to Islam. As Altaf Hussain Hali
(1837-1914) states that Syed Ahmad used to say “Islam is under attack and the Muslims
even did not know about it.”47 Abul A‘lā Maudūdī (d.1979) declared his book as the first
major scholarly work on the life of Prophet (SAW).48
Another response came from Molvi Chiragh ‘Ali (1844-1895) who wrote
“Muhammad the True Prophet” in English and in Urdu language “Tā‘liqāt” in response
to the writings of Imad al-Din Lahiz. Altaf Hussain Hali wrote “Taryaq-e-Masmum” in
response to Imad al-Din’s Tahqiq al-Imān. He also wrote Tārikh-e-Muhammadi par aik

43
I think it is not true; the publisher may make a mistake calling it a first apology in Urdu
Language. In my point of view the first ever book written in Urdu language in Christian apology was Nasir
Ali bin Fazal’s Khulasa Sawlat al-Zaygham, published from Matba’ Sangeen Hulya Taba’a Powsheeda in
1842.
44
He belonged to Lucknow. He also served as Judge in Hyderabad Deccan. Along with Kitab al-
Istifsaār he also wrote Kitab al-Istibshār which was the response of Pfander’s book Hal-ul-Ishkāl. Both
books are considered as the basic source upon Christianity. For complete detail see: Āl-e-Hasan Muhānī,
Kitāb al-Istifsār (Lahore: Dār-ul-Ma‘ārif, n.d) 35-50.
45
Ibid., 36.
46
For full detail of this great debate see: Arvin A. Powell, Muslim and Missionaries in Pre Mutiny
India (Rutledge, 1995).
47
Sayyed Ahmad Khan, al-Khutbat-ul-Ahmadiyah fi al-Arab wa al-Sira al-Muhammadiya
(Preface), (Aligarh: Sir Syed Academy Aligarh Muslim Universitu, 2003).
48
For detail see: http://www.sirsyedtoday.org/books/?cid=64. Accessed at 30-06-2018.

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Munsifana Ra‘i in response to Imad al-Din’s Tārikh-e-Muhammadi. Last but not the
least, Syed Amir ‘Ali, who was named Molvi Syed Amir ‘Ali by Syed Ahmed wrote
Critical Examination of the Life and Teachings of Muhammad49 published in 1873 to
prove the superiority of Islam over all religions of the world.50
From the above mentioned examples it is evident how biographies of Muir and
Sprenger caused a Muslim backlash, just to fulfill their missionary and evangelical
objectives of reiterating the classical image of Prophet (SAW). However, they claimed
that these writings were intended to present an original version of Prophet’s life.
However, it is evident from the content and the findings that they failed in their efforts
and evangelical motives were dominating in their thought-process. As Buaben
emphasized that Muir failed in his attempt to construct a biography of the Prophet (SAW)
which Muslims would accept as an accurate and reliable account. 51 And this aspect is
also evident from the following discussion in relation to the themes and method that were
adopted to study the life of Prophet (SAW).
6. Themes and Methods in their Studies
Even a cursory glance at the above-mentioned discussion makes it evident that the
basic theme of Christian Missionaries is to study the life of Prophet Muhammad (SAW),
apologetically and polemically. To accomplish their target, they created doubt, denied the
historicity of numerous Islamic events and disregarded the life events of the messenger of
Islam. There are numerous sub-themes that are prevalent in their writings like, the denial
of the historicity of the Ka‘aba and structuring the Ka‘aba by Ibrāhīm and his son Ismail
(A.S), the holiness of the black stone, denial of the Prophet’s miracles and labeling them
as inventions of his companions. They criticized the Muslim practice of Jizya (tribute),
arguing that Islam does not give equal rights to its citizens. They tried to convince people
that Jihad has always been the basic weapon for spreading Islam, leading people to
believe in the barbaric nature of the Prophet (SAW) who only wanted bloodshed by
referring to the incident of banu Quraiza in 6 AH.
Other sub-themes include the critique upon the marriages of Prophet (SAW),
attempts to disapprove the illiteracy of the Prophet in order to prove that the Qur’ān is
Prophet’s (SAW) own creation, denying that the Prophet (SAW) was sinless by
misinterpreting some verses of the Qur’ān, dishonoring the character of the wives of the
Prophet (SAW), denial of the Qur’ān as a revealed text and to prove it Muhammad’s own
creation with the help of previous revealed texts of Torah and Psalm, denial of the

49
Syed Amir ‘Ali, Critical Examination of the life and Teachings of Muhammad (London: William
& Norgate, 1873) available on: https://archive.org/details/criticalexaminat00alis.
50
Sayyed Ahmad Khan, al-Khutbat-ul-Ahmadiyah fi al-Arab wa al-Sira al-Muhammadiya, preface
(Aligarh: Sir Syed Academy Aligarh Muslim University, 2003).
51
Clinton Bennett, In Search of Muhammad, 116.

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Prophet’s early childhood miraculous events and last but not the least, denial of
Muhammad (SAW) as the messenger of Allah.
In retrospect, we can safely surmise that these early Christian writers of the
Subcontinent used each and every aspect related to the life of the Prophet (SAW) in a
negative way and left no stone unturned to malign and misinterpret the righteous nature
of the Prophet and the historicity of his life and works. Moreover, these sub-themes
highlight that their heinous objectives were not novel, innovative or new. These are the
same allegations that were made by early Christian writers, like in the apology of Kindī
and other apologists during the medieval era.
They largely relied upon secondary western sources to write their biographies on
the life of Prophet (SAW) and that is why they failed to bring any new objection. The
sources are: Bush’s ‘Life of Mohammed’ (1837), Washington Irving’s ‘Life of Mahomet’
(1850), Religious Tract Society’s ‘Life of Mohammed,’ Sale’s Koran and Preliminary
Treatise, and Gibbon’s History. They merely reiterated centuries old objections which
have already been answered by Islamic scholars and hence failed in producing something
new.
7. A Critical Analysis of their Methods, Approaches and Cogitating on New
Contemporizing Approach
The missionaries applied numerous methods and approaches to study the life of
Prophet Muhammad (SAW). The basic methods are: (a) Comparative method; (b)
Contextual method (c) Evangelical method (d) Pessimist approach (e) and Subjective
method. Their detail is as following:
In terms of the comparative method, all of the above mentioned authors used it in
their studies. However, the authors of Zunūb-e-Muhammadiyah, Masīihya Muhammad
Sīrat-ul-Masīih wa al-Muhammad paid the most amount of attention to it. A common
element in the comparative methods is that all of these writers approved the superiority of
Jesus over Muhammad (SAW). But any conclusion drawn upon pre-conceived notions
and suppositions would always be questionable and have almost no use in academic
circles. Such writings only adorn book shelves and have no relevance or intellectual
merit. The Christians of Pakistan also see no use of such works in the modern context of
Pakistan.
The contextual method is also another important avenue for the study of religions.
But it can be useful only when the sensitivities of specific context have been taken care
of. As the author of Life of Muhammad states, “Several Lives of Mohammad already
exist in English language… But upon examination it was not found that any of them
possessed the particular merit of being adapted to the people of India.”52 However, in
reality the contents of the book do not fulfill the author’s claim, as it hurts the feelings of

52
Life of Muhammad (Bombay: American Mission Press, 1851), iii.

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 Ali and Ahmad, Early Christian Sīrah Writings of Subcontinent

millions of Indian Muslims for writing derogatory comments about the character of
Prophet Muhammad (SAW).
Another important method that was used by these Christian writers was
evangelical method which is a method used by writers to convert the people of other
faiths to their faiths or religions. Here the writer creates doubts in the religious beliefs of
their subjects in order to win them into their religion. William Muir’s purpose was purely
evangelical, for he mentioned in his preface that he had been urged by a local missionary
to write a scholarly history of Muhammad in Hindoostanee language, based on Arabic
sources, suitable for the perusal of his followers and for satisfying the local ‘ulāmā in
relation to the criticisms made by missionaries against Islamic beliefs and practices.53
Moreover, ‘Imād al-Dīn Lāhiz states in the preface of his book that there were
three main objectives for writing this book; (a) the need of a book to assist them in their
religious debates with Muslims; (b) such a book was needed for Muslims who were
unable to read the history of the Holy Prophet (SAW) in Arabic or Persian languages.
People, who had no knowledge about the history of the Holy Prophets Isa Masīih and
Muhammad, were considered untrue to the religion; (c) a book was needed to train the
Muslim converts to Christianity because some of them rejected Christianity after
embracing it. These statements clearly express evangelical purpose of these writings.
These early writers adopted a pessimist approach regarding Muslim sources to
study the life of Prophet (SAW). They categorically rejected them and only relied upon
secondary sources.
Lastly subjective methods are also visible in their writings. These writers used
Christian theological concepts to criticize the life and works of the Prophet Muhammad
(SAW). The author of ‘Adm-e-Ma’sūmiyyat-e-Muhammad was inclined towards proving
the sinful nature of Muhammad (SAW) on the basis of the Christian concept of sin. He
discusses the issue from the Christian theological perspective and emphasizes upon the
Christian meaning of sin. The verses and Hadiths that he quoted to prove the sinful nature
of Muhammad (SAW) also mentions Jesus, but the author failed in reaching to similar
results regarding him.
Some Christian institutions and seminaries of Pakistan have been using the
above mentioned approaches to teach their students about Islam. Furthermore, there are
some religious groups among Christians and Muslims who are engaging themselves in
religious debates, playing a significant role in reviving these methods of study in both
Christian as well as the Muslim institutions like the Gujranwala Theological Seminary
(founded in 1877). The polemical writings of Barkat-ul-Allah and G. L. Thākur Dās were

53
Avril A. Powell, “Reciprocities and Divergences Concerning Religious Traditions in two
Families of Scholars in North India” in Jamal Malik, (edit.,) Perspectives of Mutual Encounters in South
Asian History, 1760-1860, 193.

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 Ali and Ahmad, Early Christian Sīrah Writings of Subcontinent

used as textbooks for a long period of time.54 Faith Theological Seminary founded by
Kundan Lāl Nāsir (1918-1996) in 1968 is another institute in Gujranwala that provides
special training to its students for responding to the Muslims’ objections against their
faith.55 Moreover, New Life Institute established by Navīd Malik56 (Multan) provides
training on Christian-Muslim polemics. Christian Theological Research Center (Lahore),
founded by Rev. Jamīl Nāsir57 have organized courses on the study of Islam that are
purely apologetic in nature.58 However, this confrontational approach will not lead the
Christian and Muslims of Pakistan anywhere; there is a pressing need to develop more
dialogical and contextual approach in the study of Islam and Christianity.
8. Conclusion
All of the above-mentioned Christian writers ranging from Sprenger to Thākur
Dās have attempted to describe the life of the Prophet (SAW) using their religious
perspectives. Some of them attempted to find out the similarities and differences from the
lives of the Prophet Muhammad (SAW) and Jesus (AS) to prove the superiority of Jesus
over Muhammad. Some went further and tried to assassinate the character of the Prophet
(SAW) to prove him sinful, warmonger and immoral person and did not hesitate in
making faulty and misleading interpretations of Islamic texts, the Qur’ān and Hadith;
attempting to relate the Muslim scripture to Christianity. There were also some authors
who tried to apply psychological tactics, disregarding the mental health of the Prophet
(SAW). It can be rightfully concluded here in the light of above-mentioned writings that
the intellectual landscape of the nineteenth and early twentieth century was
confrontational and constituted of attacks and counter attacks. Consequently, this
intellectual landscape gave birth to polemical writings by Muslim theologians in large
numbers; if not equal in proportion. However, these writings are important as the native
Christian authors used these missionary writings as their reference books for not only
writing about Islam but also making apologetic or polemical talk with the Muslims.
The major shortcoming in their approach towards Islam, especially to the life of
the Prophet (SAW) is that they paid no heed towards acculturating and translating the
message of Christianity in the theology of Islam. No attempt was made to investigate the
life of the Prophet Muhammad (SAW) without giving proper attention to the Islamic
sources and its theology, which is indeed a valid and fruitful approach. It was not the
54
Farmān ‘Alī, “Christian-Muslim Religious Education and Society: A Comparison of Gujranwala
Theological Seminary and Nusrat-ul-Uloom,” M. Phil Diss. (Islamabad: International Islamic University,
2012), 59.
55
Ibid., 36.
56
For further information visit: http://www.newlifeinstitute.org/Home/About/naveed.php.
(Accessed at. 10-05-2018).
57
For full detail of founder’s introduction please visit; http://khudakiawaz.com/guests/guests-we-
had/71-rev-dr-jamil-nasir.html. (Accessed at: 10-05-2018).
58
Kang San Tan, Jonathan Ingleby and Simon Cozens, Understanding Asian Mission Movements
(UK: Wide Margins, 2011), 156.

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 Ali and Ahmad, Early Christian Sīrah Writings of Subcontinent

scope of this article to investigate them and hence they have been intentionally exempted
from it. It was not until the early years of the 20th century that some thoughtful
missionaries argued for adopting a sympathetic and positive treatment for studying
different religions within India. One of those missionaries was Daniel Fleming59 (1877-
1969) who worked at Forman Christian College; for a short period of time, and
emphasized that the similarities between Christianity and Islam should not be overlooked.
As he stated, “there are many valuable resemblances between Muhammedanism and
Christianity. We have many things in common with the Muhammedans which we cannot
afford to overlook.”60 So, here the responsibility falls upon the contemporary Christian
theologians of Pakistan. They should take into account the similarities existing between
both religions seriously and contextualize Christianity in the context of Pakistan. An
important development is that the command of theology is in the hands of native
theologians these days. The intellectual landscape which existed for the first native
Christian generation has thoroughly changed; the theology of inclusivism is replacing
exclusivism; theology of dialogue is taking place instead of confrontational theology;
those who were each others’ enemies in olden times have signed peace treaties and last
but not the least; theology of white-man burden has faded away and indigenous
theologies are taking place in each and every country across the globe.
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