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Federalism in the Philippines

Emilio Aguinaldo and Apolinario Mabini intended the Philippines to be divided into three federal
states, Luzon, the Visayas and Mindanao.

Federalism in the Philippines (Filipino: Pederalismo sa Pilipinas) is a proposed form

of government in the country.
HistoryEdit
The concept of a federal government for the Philippines was proposed as early as
the Philippine Revolution with Filipino revolutionaries Emilio
Aguinaldo and Apolinario Mabini suggesting dividing the islands into three federal
states.[1]
One of the first proponents of federalism in the Philippines in the 21st century
is University of the Philippines professor Jose Abueva who argued that a federal form
of government is necessary to more efficiently cater to the needs of the country
despite its diversity.[2] The primary goals of a constitutional amendment is to increase
decentralization, greater local power and access to resources most especially among
regions outside Metro Manila which has long been dubbed as rather imperial.[3]
Aside from Abueva, senator Aquilino Pimentel, Jr. is a prominent supporter of
federalism who, since 2001, has advocated for federalism. He sees the proposed
system as a key component in alleviating the Mindanao crisis and appeasing Moro
insurgents. According to Pimentel, even though federalism was never intended to
appease any followers of any specific ideology of religion, it will also hasten economic
development, since resource and financial mobilization is upon each state's or
province's discretion without significant constraint from the central government.[4]
However, in 2009, after Senate and House resolutions supporting charter change were
released, an estimated 13,000 to 15,000 people gathered in Makati to protest against
these executive department-deriving proposals for constitutional reform. This was
due to speculations that Philippine president Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo would use such
amendments to extend her hold in office.[5] In addition, Pulse Asia published in the
same year their survey regarding public support for the proposed charter change; the
survey reported that four out of ten Filipino adults, or 42% of all respondents,
opposed the amendment, with 25% still undecided and 33% in favor. Pulse Asia
furthered that from 2006 to 2009 there was no significant change of sentiment against
the charter change proposal, although indecision increased by 6%.[6]
In late 2014, then-Davao City mayor Rodrigo Duterte launched a nationwide campaign
calling for a charter change for federalism. During his visit to Cebu City in October of
the same year, Duterte stated that federalism will facilitate better delivery of services
to the people.[7] He also saw the current system as "antiquated"[8] where distribution
of public funds is disproportionately biased towards Manila. Aside from the economic
aspect, federalism is also seen as the best means to address problems in Mindanao
which suffers the most from ethno-religious conflicts.[9]Duterte added that the current
unitary form of government has not worked well given the ethnic diversity in the
country.[10] In spite of initially rejecting several calls for his candidacy for the 2016
presidential elections, he cited his organizational reforms if he were to become
president. Parallel to his campaign for federalism, Duterte planned to privatize tax
collection and abolish the Congress to make way for a unicameral legislature, contrary
to the originally proposed Joint Resolution No. 10.[11]
Movements for federalism further intensified from when the draft of the Bangsamoro
Basic Law was submitted by Philippine president Benigno Aquino III to the 16th
Congress on September 10, 2014.[12] From approval, this law establishes
the Bangsamoro as an autonomous region with its own parliamentary government
and police force.[13] Approval of the Bangsamoro structure would provide federalism
proponents and supporters added confidence to clamor for the national government
to enact reforms towards a more decentralized system for the rest of the country.[8]
In May 2016, President-elect Rodrigo Dutertestated that a plebiscite on the proposed
replacement of the unitary state with a federal one will be held in two years.[14] On
December 7, 2016, Duterte signed Executive Order No. 10 creating a consultative
committee to review the 1987 Constitution.[15]
InitiativesEdit
Under President Gloria Macapagal ArroyoEdit
Joint Resolution No. 10Edit
The resolution may require the revision of 14 of the 18 Articles of the 1987 Philippine
Constitution and the addition of two new articles. It sought to adopt
a federal and presidential form of government with a bicameral legislature. This
proposed resolution was backed by 12 senators of the Philippines: Aquilino Pimentel
Jr., Edgardo Angara, Rodolfo Biazon, Pia Cayetano, Juan Ponce Enrile, Francis
Escudero, Jinggoy Estrada, Gregorio Honasan, Panfilo Lacson, Francis
Pangilinan, Ramon Revilla Jr., and Manuel Villar[16]
In 2008, senator Aquilino Pimentel, Jr.proposed Joint Resolution No. 10, which would
revise the current 1987 constitutionand have created eleven autonomous regions out
of the Philippine Republic, establishing eleven centers of finance and development in
the archipelago.[17]
The proposal would result in the creation of eleven "states" and one federal
administrative region.[18][19]
Proposed designations, capitals, and geographic extents (prior to 2017 revisions)[17]
States (11)
Letter State Capital
A Northern Luzon Tuguegarao
B Central Luzon San Fernando, Pampanga
C Southern Tagalog Tagaytay
D Minparom Mamburao
E Bicol Legazpi
F Eastern Visayas Catbalogan
G Central Visayas Toledo
H Western Visayas Iloilo City
I Northern Mindanao Cagayan de Oro
J Southern Mindanao Davao City
K BangsaMoro Marawi
Other (1)
Letter Federal Administrative Region
M Metro Manila
 Within the joint resolution are certain proposals such as election of senators based on
states, senators representing overseas voters and the state governor and vice-
governor as one team. The Judicial and Bar Council which screens nominees to the
judiciary would be abolished. Geographic locations of the three branches of the
government would also be reconsidered. In the proposal, the legislative
department would be transferred to what would become the State of Central Visayas
while the judicial department would be moved somewhere within the State of
Northern Luzon. The executive department would remain within the federal
administrative region of Metro Manila.[20]
House Concurrent Resolution No. 15Edit
Rep. Monico O. Puentevella on May 7, 2008, filed House Concurrent Resolution No. 15
which supported Senate Resolution No. 10 backed by 16 senators. Unlike the Nene
Pimentel Senate Resolution, Puentevella included the option of holding
a constitutional convention, but excluded the People's Initiative mode.[21] Prospero
Nograles, a self-proclaimed advocate of federalism, on May 1, 2008, announced: "This
federal system of government is close to my heart as a Mindanaoan leader and I'm
sure most of the leaders in Mindanao will agree that we have long clamored for it.
Senate Resolution 10 is a pleasant surprise because the Senate has a long history of
opposing any move to amend the Constitution."[22] The joint Senate resolution called
for the creation of 11 federal states in the country, by convening of Congress “into
a constituent assembly for the purpose of revising the Constitution to establish a
federal system of government.”
Under President Rodrigo DuterteEdit
Renewal of Pimentel's proposalEdit
Federalism advocate, Aquilino Pimentel Jr.renewed his campaign. In May 2016,
Aquilino 'Nene' Pimentel Jr., stated in an interview with Teodoro Locsin Jr. and Tina
Monzon-Palmathat a North Mindanao state may be separated into two distinct states,
namely, Northwest Mindanao and Northeast Mindanao.[23]
While Pimentel Jr.'s earlier proposal for a Federal Philippines was to include the area
currently governed by the Cordillera Administrative Region to the Northern Luzon
state, Pimentel mentioned on August 2017 two possible setups for the Cordilleras
under a federal government at the North Luzon Federalism Summit: An autonomous
Cordillera region within the Northern Luzon state or the region as a separate federal
state from Northern Luzon due to the existence of a long-standing autonomy
movement in the region and a provision in the current Constitution for giving the
Cordilleras autonomy. He also made the same pronouncements during a live interview
with journalist Karen Davila.[24] After the abolition of the Negros Island Region on
August 9, 2017, there have been several regional movements driven by
the Negrenses in support of the unification of the twin Negros provinces (Negros
Occidental and Negros Oriental) under one federal state.[25][26]
In January 2017, under a federalism forum, Pimentel clarified twenty-eight points,
namely:

 (1) the Cordillera will have its own federal state;

 (2) the boundaries of Northern Luzon state still needs to be clarified as the state includes two
distinct regions;
 (3) Masbate will be included in the Central Visayas state;
 (4) the Northern Mindanao state shall include the entire Zamboanga region, the entire North
Mindanao region including Bukidnon, Agusan del Norte, Butuan City, Dinagat Islands, and
Surigao del Norte;
 (5) the Southern Mindanao state shall include the entire Soccsksargen region, the entire Davao
region, Agusan del Sur, and Surigao del Sur; /(6) Minparom (Mindoro, Palawan, Romblon, and
Marinduque) shall be classified as a Visayan state and not a Luzon state as it is geographically
part of the Visayas, which Pimentel says is "contrary to the beliefs of Imperial Manila";
 (7) the Bangsamoro state is the most important as it is vital to peace in Mindanao and
Minparom;
 (8) Shariah law can only be applied in the Bangsamoro state if the two parties are Muslims, but
if one or both parties are non-Muslims, national law will always apply;
 (9) Scarborough Shoal/Bajo de Masinloc shall be part of Central Luzon state through
Zambales;
 (10) the Philippine territories in the Spratly Islands shall be part of Minparom state through
the municipality of Kalayaan, Palawan;
 (11) if the bicameral Congress is retained, then the members of the House of Representatives
will voted the same way as its is today;
 (12) if the bicameral Congress is retained, the members of the Senate shall be voted, not
nationally anymore, but per state, where each state shall have six Senate seats, the Federal
Capital (Metro Manila) will have six Senate seats, and the overseas Filipino population will
have nine Senate seats, for a total of at least 87 Senate seats, which provides proper
representation to all states;
 (13) the Supreme Court shall be mandated to have a decision on a case within 2 years from its
filing;
 (14) the Court of Appeals, Sandiganbayan, and other appellate courts shall be mandated to
have a decision on a case within 1.8 years from its filing;
 (15) the RTC shall be mandated to have a decision on a case within 1.6 years from its filing;
 (16) the City and Municipal courts shall be mandated to have a decision on a case within 1
year from its filing;
 (17) each federal state shall have a Federal Governor and Federal Vice Governor; (18) each
federal state shall have a Federal State Legislature, whose members members shall be
representatives from every province, highly urbanized cities, and sectoral groups;
 (19) warlordism and political dynasties shall be prohibited by the Constitution itself;
 (20) federal states shall have 80% of their respective state's revenues, while the federal
government will only have 20%;
 (21) an Equalization Fund shall be created by the Constitution so that federal states that are in
dire need of additional fund can be helped by the federal government;
 (22) there will be a unified educational system, but the indigenous peoples and Muslims shall
be allowed to input certain educational resources into their educational system to better serve
their peoples;
 (23) the Federal Executive Department will hold office in the Federal Administrative Region of
Metro Manila;
 (24) the Federal Legislature will hold office in the Federal State of Central Visayas;
 (25) the Federal Supreme Court and the Constitutional Court will hold office in the Federal
State of Northern Mindanao;
 (26) secession will not be enhanced under the federal form of government as it is a crime
under the Constitution;
 (27) the Bangsamoro state shall be divided into two autonomous regions, namely, mainland
Muslim Mindanao and Sulu archipelago, as the two Muslim areas are distinct from each other
in terms of culture; and
 (28) the Philippines will include its claim in Sabah under the federal form of government.
Pimentel, however, did not clarify that the Philippines can only claim the eastern half of
Sabah.[27]

In January 2018, Pimentel suggested the inclusion of the Malaysian-administered

territory of Sabah as a Philippine federal state in itself to assert the Philippine claim
over the disputed territory in a way "acceptable under international laws".[28]
In February 2018, under a new federalism forum, Pimentel noted that new
information have been funneled in regarding federalism in the Philippines and the
actual want and need of the people in a federal form of government. In the forum, he
clarified and revised six points from his initial forum back in January 2017, namely: (1)
the proposed Northern Mindanao state may be divided into the Northwest Mindanao
state (the entire Zamboanga region, Misamis Occidental, Lanao del Norte, Iligan City,
Misamis Oriental, Cagayan de Oro city, and Camiguin) and the Northeast Mindanao
state (Bukidnon, Agusan del Norte, Agusan de Sur, Butuan City, Dinagat Islands,
Surigao del Norte, and Surigao del Sur); (2) If the Northern Mindanao state is divided
into two states, Agusan del Sur and Surigao del Sur will shift into the Northeast
Mindanao state from the initially-proposed Southern Mindanao state; (3) The
president and the vice president shall continue to be elected through a nation-wide
election, but they must be elected in tandem; (4) the qualifications for president, vice
president, and members of Congress shall be the same with the current Constitution,
but with the addition that the candidates must at least have a bachelor's degree from a
college/university recognized by the government; (5) the term of the elected president
and vice president shall be six years without reelection; and (6) a former president is
not eligible to run for the presidency anymore as the new Constitution shall limit the
term of a president into one term only.[29]
Alvarez proposalEdit
In 2017, House Speaker Pantaleon Alvarez's vision for a federal Philippines called for
14 states: 7 in Luzon, 2 in Visayas and 5 in Mindanao. He also proposed that the capital
of the Philippines under a federal government should be somewhere in Negros
island saying that it would be accessible to all people from the three island groups
 while he added that the state's territory does not have to be contiguous.[30] Alvarez
has hinted that the new capital may be established between the towns of Kabankalan,
Negros Occidental and Mabinay, Negros Oriental. Indigenous groups are in favor of the
proposal, but are wary of the possibility of a 'no term limit' for politicians, which is a
grave scandal in many Filipino indigenous societies, especially in the Cordilleras.[citation
needed] In February 2018, Alvarez reiterated that he shall input an indigenous state in
the Cordilleras in Luzon and an indigenous state in Mindanao, whatever federal set-up
is approved by the President.[31]

Proposed states by House Speaker Pantaleon

Alvarez (2017)
Luzon Visayas Mindanao
 Bicol
 Eastern Mindanao
 Ilocos
 Western Mindanao
 Metro Manila
 Eastern Unnamed Moro State
 Mimaropa Visayas (Sulu Archipelago)
 Central Luzon  Unnamed Moro State
 Western
(Maguindanao /
 Southern Visayas
Lanao del Sur)
Tagalog
 Unnamed I.P. State
 Unnamed I.P. (Lumads)
State (Igorot)

2018 House Sub-Committee 1 proposalEdit

The Sub-Committee 1 of the House of Representatives Committee on Constitutional
Amendments proposed that a federal Philippines would comprise five states. Each
states to be led by a premiere as its executive head will have a State Assembly
according to the proposal. The proposal has been hit by massive criticism due to
general lumping and a lack of representation. According to the proposal, politicians
will have 'more than' two consecutive terms, making them eligible to run for office
with no term limit.[32]
Proposed states and capitals
House of Representatives Committee on Constitutional
Amendments
(Sub-Committee-1 proposal)[33][34]
Metro Manila
Luzon
Visayas
Mindanao
 Bangsamoro
League of Provinces proposalEdit
In February 2018, the League of Provinces of the Philippines (LPP), whose members
are the 81 provincial governors, gave its support to the country's shift to federalism,
but stated that the 81 existing provinces should be converted into “independent
states”, instead of regional lumping.[35]
Con-Com proposalEdit
Consultative Committee 2018 proposed
charter[36]
Federated regions (16)
National Capital Region (Metro Manila)
Ilocos
Cagayan Valley
Central Luzon
Calabarzon
Mimaropa
Bicol
Negros Island
Eastern Visayas
Central Visayas
Western Visayas
Northern Mindanao
Davao
Soccksargen
Caraga
Zamboanga
Asymmetrical regions (2)
ARMM (or Bangsamoro)
Cordillera
In April 25, 2018, the consultative committee (Con-Com), created by President
Rodrigo Duterte to propose revisions to the 1987 Constitution, agreed that the starting
point for the federalism discussions will be the establishment of 17 federated regions
and the National Capital Region, the proposed federal capital region. The 17 federated
regions will be Ilocos, Cordillera, Cagayan Valley, Central Luzon, Calabarzon, Bicol,
Mimaropa, Eastern Visayas, Central Visayas, Negros, Panay, Caraga, Northern
Mindanao, Davao, Soccsksargen, Muslim Mindanao, and Zamboanga.[37][38]
In July 4, 2018, the Consultative Committee (ConCom) tasked to review the
Constitution unanimously approved the draft constitution which would shift the
present government form into federalism. Under the approved proposed constitution,
the Philippines will be divided into 18 federated regions, where the National Capital
Region (which initially was suppose to be a 'capital region') will now be a federated
region as well.[39]
Tenure and eligibility for re-election of incumbent officialsEdit
See also: Constitutional reform in the Philippines

The draft constitution formulated by the Concom 'allows the president to assume all
the necessary powers of government – executive, legislative, and judiciary – to prevent
the breakup' of the proposed federated republic, according to Consultative Committee
chairman Reynato Puno.[40][41] An July 6, 2018, it was revealed by ConCom member
Julio Teehankee that under the proposed federal constitution, Duterte and Vice
President Leni Robredo may run again for president for two consecutive terms or an
additional 8 years in office after 2022, paving the way for a possible 14 years in
office.[42]
This was met with opposition from some critics, including lawyer and former Solicitor
General Florin Hilbay and Albay province Rep. Edcel Lagman.[43] It was feared that the
proposed charter would enable an authoritarian regime similar to that of Ferdinand
Marcos during the Martial Law era. Hilbay found it suspicious when a copy of the draft
charter was leaked by an unknown source, which the commission said was "not final".
In a statement, he said that the proposed constitution was “overtly designed to secure,
if not coerce, popular anointment of the Consultative Committee’s handiwork which
was approved without the benefit of prior extensive local consultations.”[44]
Later however, Teehankee stated that he "misspoke" during the interview, saying that
the president and vice president are barred from running, and assured that their terms
will not be extended, referring to Section 16 of the draft charter, which was not yet
available to the public at that time.[45] In contrast, Concom member and former
senator Aquilino Pimentel Jr. said, “Theoretically it is true (Duterte can seek re-
election), but in Digong’s case, I am convinced that he does not want to run again. He
has been saying that once it is approved, he will resign.”[46]
Rodrigo Duterte has also announced that he had no intention to serve beyond his term,
and that he is willing to step down earlier than 2022, in case the shift to Federalism
pushes through. He then asked the Consultative Committee to include a provision that
prevents him from seeking re-election, which was subsequently added by the
Concom.[47][48][49]
Public opinion and awarenessEdit
Generally, Filipinos' stance on a shift to federalism is mixed. These are reflected by
nationwide opinion polls conducted by Pulse Asia and Social Weather Stations (SWS).
By the end of March 2018, 37% of Filipinos agree, while 29% disagree, when asked if
they are in favor of a federal system of government, based on a survey of 1,200 adults
aged 18 in above by SWS.[50] Opposition to Charter change (cha-cha) went up from 44
percent in July 2016 to 64 percent in March 2018, and the opposition to federalism
went the same way, except by a larger margin—from 33 percent to 66 percent.[51]
 Meanwhile, in June 2018, a Pulse Asia poll answered by 1,800 respondents yielded
with 67% being against charter change.[52][53]Support and awareness for federalism is
strongest in Mindanao and within the Filipino Muslim community.[54][53][50]
The Philippine government cites lack of information as the reason for low public
support. Presidential Spokesperson Harry Roque stated that, “For this reason, we
cannot expect our people to support an initiative, which they know only little about.
There is clearly much work to be done in terms of spreading awareness and
knowledge on the aforementioned issue." The Philippine government has repeatedly
presented its intention to drive up its effort to educate Filipinos about
federalism.[55][56]
Position of parties on Federalism
The ruling political party Partido Demokratiko Pilipino-Lakas ng Bayan (PDP-
LABAN) is currently the main and strongest advocate of federalism in the
Philippines.[57][58][59] PDP-Laban currently only allows pro-federalism politicians to be
admitted to the party.[60] In contrast, the opposing Liberal Party is mostly against the
movement. Incumbent Vice President Leni Robredo, who is the current party leader,
has expressed her opposition towards charter change and federarlism.[61][62]This
sentiment is shared also by various opposition senators and representatives,
including Senators Francisco Pangilinan and Antonio Trillanes IV.[63] Left-wing
political parties such as the democratic socialist Akbayan and the more radical Bagong
Alyansang Makabayan have also voiced disapproval against charter change.[64]
See also
References
External links

Last edited 6 days ago by Joshay.16

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Palace 'welcomes' all inputs on federalism shift amid

concerns on costs, economic impact
ABS-CBN News
Posted at Aug 13 2018 01:45 PM

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MANILA - President Rodrigo Duterte “welcomes” inputs from all members of society including
the business community, presidential spokesperson Harry Roque said Monday amid concerns of
the economic impact of the shift to federalism.

Business groups on Sunday raised concerns on "ambiguous provisions" in the division of

revenues and expenditures between the federal and regional governments under the proposed
charter drafted by the consultative committee (ConCom).

They also raised concerns on the fiscal deficit that could go way beyond what the economic
managers see as sustainable, the statement said.

Preliminary estimates on the cost of federalism range from P72-billion to P130-billion, it said.

“He (President Duterte) is now aware of these concerns and he said that it is not
insurmountable,” Roque said in a press briefing.

“We want these kind of discussion. We want people to think deeply of the ramifications and we
welcome all sorts of inputs from all members of society,” he added.

 Business groups back calls to weigh cost of federalism

Roque said these were the kind of inputs the President will consider and that he hoped the
legislators reviewing the draft would also consider.

“We’re hoping that the legislators who will tackle Charter Change will also consider the position
of the business community,” Roque said.
 Finance Secretary Carlos Dominguez, Budget Secretary Benjamin Diokno and Socioeconomic
Planning Secretary Ernesto Pernia have all raised various concerns about the draft federal charter
relating to the country’s economy, national debt payment and fiscal position.

Malacañang had earlier urged the economic managers to come up with "alternatives" should their
questions on a draft federal charter are left unanswered.

 Finance chief 'absolutely' against draft federal charter

 Federalism a 'priority,' Palace says after economic managers criticize draft charter
The Employers Confederation of the Philippines, Philippine Chamber of Commerce and
Industry, Makati Business Club, Management Association of the Philippines, Philippine
Exporters Confederation, Financial Executives Institute of the Philippines and the Cebu Business
Club were among the business groups that signed the statement released on Sunday.

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Duterte still wants federalism - Palace

Dharel Placido, ABS-CBN News
Posted at Aug 13 2018 04:36 PM
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MANILA - Malacañang on Monday stressed that President Rodrigo Duterte still wants to
shepherd the Philippines towards federalism, even as his own economic managers and several
business groups have apprehensions.

Presidential Spokesperson Harry Roque said Duterte “has been listening” to the concerns of his
economic team about the draft charter of the Palace-backed consultative committee and has
given orders to ensure that the shift to federalism will not hurt the economy.

“He still wants it because he is the foremost proponent of charter change towards federalism. But
of course he wants it done in a manner that will not put the country in trouble,” Roque said in a
press briefing.

“He is exploring now all options and ordered that everyone should study it. He’s asking members
of Congress to look into the matter very seriously because ultimately it’s Congress that will
submit to the people its proposal.”

Finance chief Carlos Dominguez, budget chief Benjamin Diokno, socioeconomic planning
secretary Ernesto Pernia, and even defense secretary Delfin Lorenzana have all expressed
reservations over the draft charter and the shift to federalism.

Dominguez earlier told lawmakers that he was "absolutely" against the proposed federal charter
from a Palace-backed committee due to unclear provisions on revenue and expenditure
assignments.

 Finance chief 'absolutely' against draft federal charter

Citing fiscal provisions of the draft charter, Dominguez said the country risked bloating the
budget deficit, which could lead to a credit rating downgrade.

He also warned of massive layoffs in the national government and reduction of funds for the
“Build Build Build” program if the draft is adopted.

Dominguez’s remarks has prompted law dean Fr. Ranhilio Aquino, a member of the consultative
committee, to question whether the President still wants federalism.

 Concom member asks: Does Duterte still want federalism?

Roque said Duterte finds the disagreements within the administration about federalism “not
insurmountable.” He said this debate should in fact spur more inputs from all stakeholders.

The spokesman added Duterte has talked to his economic managers about the matter.

“He has listened attentively to what they were saying, but he wants solutions,” Roque said.
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 Federalism
POLITICAL SCIENCE

WRITTEN BY:

 The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica

Federalism
POLITICAL SCIENCE

KEY PEOPLE

 Daniel Webster
 Roger B. Taney
 Louis Brandeis
 Johannes Althusius
RELATED TOPICS

 States' rights
 Secession
 Local option
 Nullification
 Sovereignty association
 Fiscal federalism
 Unitary system
 Federal state
 Political system

Federalism, mode of political organization that unites separate states or other polities within an
overarching political system in such a way as to allow each to maintain its own fundamental
political integrity. Federal systems do this by requiring that basic policies be made
and implemented through negotiation in some form, so that all the members can share in making
and executing decisions. The political principles that animate federal systems emphasize the
primacy of bargaining and negotiated coordination among several power centres; they stress the
virtues of dispersed power centres as a means for safeguarding individual and local liberties.
The various political systems that call themselves federal differ in many ways. Certain
characteristics and principles, however, are common to all truly federal systems.
READ MORE ON THIS TOPIC

democracy: Unitary and federal systems

In most older European and English-speaking democracies, political authority inheres in the central
government,…

Written Constitution

First, the federal relationship must be established or confirmed through a perpetual covenant of
union, usually embodied in a written constitutionthat outlines the terms by which power is
divided or shared; the constitution can be altered only by extraordinary procedures. These
constitutions are distinctive in being not simply compacts between rulers and ruled but involving
the people, the general government, and the states constituting the federal union.
The constituent states, moreover, often retain constitution-making rights of their own.
Noncentralization

Second, the political system itself must reflect the constitution by actually diffusing power
among a number of substantially self-sustaining centres. Such a diffusionof power may be
termed noncentralization. Noncentralization is a way of ensuring in practice that the authority to
participate in exercising political power cannot be taken away from the general or the state
governments without common consent.
Areal Division Of Power

A third element of any federal system is what has been called in the United
States territorial democracy. This has two faces: the use of areal divisions to ensure neutrality
and equality in the representation of the various groups and interests in the polity and the use of
such divisions to secure local autonomy and representation for diverse groups within the
same civil society. Territorial neutrality has proved highly useful in societies that are changing,
allowing for the representation of new interests in proportion to their strength simply by allowing
their supporters to votein relatively equal territorial units. At the same time, the accommodation
of very diverse groups whose differences are fundamental rather than transient by giving them
territorial power bases of their own has enhanced the ability of federal systems to function as
vehicles of political integration while preserving democratic government. One example of this
system may be seen in Canada, which includes a population of French descent, centred in the
province of Quebec.
Elements Maintaining Union

Modern federal systems generally provide direct lines of communication between the citizenry
and all the governments that serve them. The people may and usually do elect representatives to
all the governments, and all of them may and usually do administer programs that directly serve
the individual citizen.

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The existence of those direct lines of communication is one of the features distinguishing
federations from leagues or confederations. It is usually based on a sense of common nationality
binding the constituent polities and people together. In some countries this sense of nationality
has been inherited, as in Germany, while in the United States, Argentina, and Australia it had to
be at least partly invented. Canada and Switzerlandhave had to evolve this sense in order to hold
together strongly divergent nationality groups. In the newly formed federal systems of India,
Malaysia, and Nigeria, the future of federalism is endangered by the absence of such a common
national sense.
Geographic necessity has played a part in promoting the maintenance of union within federal
systems. The Mississippi Valley in the United States, the Alps in Switzerland, the island
character of the Australian continent, and the mountains and jungles surrounding Brazil have all
been influences promoting unity; so have the pressures for Canadian union arising from that
country’s situation on the border of the United States and the pressures upon the German states
generated by their neighbours to the east and west. In this connection, the necessity for a
common defense against common enemies has stimulated federal union in the first place and
acted to maintain it.
Elements maintaining noncentralization. The constituent polities in a federal system must be
fairly equal in population and wealth or else balanced geographically or numerically in their
inequalities. In the United States, each geographic section has included both great and small
states. In Canada, the ethnic differences between the two largest and richest provinces have
prevented them from combining against the others. Swiss federalism has been supported by the
existence of groups of cantons of different size categories and religiolinguistic backgrounds.
Similar distributions exist in every other successful federal system.
A major reason for the failure of federal systems has often been a lack of balance among the
constituent polities. In the German federal empire of the late 19th century, Prussia was so
dominant that the other states had little opportunity to provide national leadership or even a
reasonably strong alternative to the policy of the king and government. During the Soviet era
(1917–90/91), the existence of the Russian Soviet Federated Socialist Republic—occupying
three-fourths of the area and containing three-fifths of the population—severely limited the
possibility of authentic federal relationships in that country even if the Communist system had
not.
Successful federal systems have also been characterized by the permanence of their internal
boundaries. Boundary changes may occur, but such changes are made only with the consent of
the polities involved and are avoided except in extreme situations.

In a few very important cases, noncentralization is given support through the constitutionally
guaranteed existence of different systems of law in the constituent polities. In the United States,
each state’s legal system stems directly and to a certain extent uniquely from English (and, in
one case, French) law, while federal law occupies only an interstitial position binding the
systems of the 50 states together. The resulting mixture of laws keeps the administration
of justicesubstantially noncentralized, even in federal courts. In Canada, the existence of
common-law and civil-law systems side by side has contributed to French-Canadian cultural
survival. Federal systems more often provide for modification of national legal codes by the
subnational governments to meet special local needs, as in Switzerland.
The point has often been made that in a truly federal system the constituent polities must have
substantial influence over the formal or informal constitutional-amending process. Since
constitutional changes are often made without formal constitutional amendment, the position of
the constituent polities must be such that serious changes in the political order can be made only
by the decision of dispersed majorities that reflect the areal division of powers. Federal theorists
have argued that this is important for popular government as well as for federalism.
Noncentralization is also strengthened by giving the constituent polities guaranteed
representation in the national legislature and often by giving them a guaranteed role in the
national political process. The latter is guaranteed in the written constitutions of the United
States and Switzerland. In other systems, such as those of Canada and Latin America, the
constituent polities have acquired certain powers of participation, and these have become part of
the unwritten constitution.
Perhaps the most important single element in the maintenance of federal noncentralization is the
existence of a noncentralized party system. Noncentralized parties initially develop out of the
constitutional arrangements of the federal compact, but once they have come into existence they
tend to be self-perpetuating and to function as decentralizing forces in their own right. The
United States and Canada provide examples of the forms that a noncentralized party system may
take. In the two-party system of the United States, the parties are actually coalitions of the state
parties (which may in turn be dominated by specific local party organizations) and function as
national units only for the quadrennial presidential elections or for purposes of organizing the
national Congress. Party financing and decision makingare dispersed either among the state
organizations or among widely divergent nationwide factions.
In Canada, on the other hand, the parliamentary form of government, with its requirements of
party responsibility, means that on the national plane considerably more party cohesiveness must
be maintained simply in order to gain and hold power. There has been a fragmentation of the
parties along regional or provincial lines. The party victorious in national elections is likely to be
the one able to expand its provincial electoral bases temporarily to national proportions.

Federal nations with less-developed party systems frequently gain some of the same
decentralizing effects through what the Latin Americans call caudillismo—in which power is
diffused among strong local leaders operating in the constituent polities. Caudillistic
noncentralization apparently exists also in Nigeria and Malaysia.
Elements maintaining the federal principle. Several devices found in federal systems serve to
maintain the federal principle itself. Two of these are of particular importance.
The maintenance of federalism requires that the nation and its constituent polities each have
substantially complete governing institutions of their own, with the right to modify those
institutions unilaterally within limits set by the compact. Both separate legislative and separate
administrative institutions are necessary.
 The contractual sharing of public responsibilities by all governments in the system appears to be
a central characteristic of federalism. Sharing, broadly conceived, includes common involvement
in policy making, financing, and administration. Sharing may be formal or informal; in federal
systems, it is usually contractual. The contract is used as a legal device to enable governments to
engage in joint action while remaining independent entities. Even where there is no formal
arrangement, the spirit of federalism tends to infuse a sense of contractual obligation.

Federal systems or systems strongly influenced by federal principles have been among the most
stable and long-lasting of polities. But the successful operation of federal systems requires a
particular kind of political environment, one that is conducive to popular government and has the
requisite traditions of political cooperation and self-restraint. Beyond this, federal systems
operate best in societies with sufficient homogeneity of fundamental interests to allow a great
deal of latitude to local government and to permit reliance upon voluntary collaboration. The use
of force to maintain domestic order is even more inimical to the successful maintenance of
federal patterns of government than to other forms of popular government. Federal systems are
most successful in societies that have the human resources to fill many public offices
competently and the material resources to afford a measure of economic waste as part of the
price of liberty.
The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica

LEARN MORE in these related Britannica articles:

democracy: Unitary and federal systems

In most older European and English-speaking democracies, political authority inheres in the central
government,…


 court: Courts in federal systems

Many countries, such as the United Kingdom, France, and Japan, have unitary judicial systems in
which…

history of Europe: Ever closer union?

…precise thinking of the English federalists,” he echoed it in the declaration he drafted for a secret…

India: Constitutional framework

 …in modified form, of a federal structure (a constitutional division of power between the union
[central]…

United States: Constitutional framework

…of Confederation (1781–89), defines a federal system of government in which certain powers are
delegated…

MORE ABOUT Federalism

14 REFERENCES FOUND IN BRITANNICA ARTICLES

Assorted References

 constitutional law
 In constitutional law: The distinction between unitary and federal states
 courts
 In court: Courts in federal systems
 democracy
 In democracy: Unitary and federal systems
 development of Anarchist theory
 In anarchism: French anarchist thought
 structure of government
 In political system: Federal systems
  theory of Althusius
 In Johannes Althusius
 unification of Europe
 In history of Europe: Ever closer union?
government of

 Germany
 In Germany: Constitutional framework
 India
 In India: Constitutional framework
 revolutionary France
 In France: Girondins and Montagnards
VIEW MORE

©2018 Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc.

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Federalism

How federalism works: Federal form of government in the

Philippines, explained
Author: Holden De La Cruz
UPDATED: A MONTH AGO
VIEWS: 62007

Category: Political News, Tagalog, Features, Opinion

Introducing a federal form of government in the Philippines is one of the goals of President
Rodrigo Duterte in his six-year term. KAMI wants to tackle the question on how federalism
works and how it can affect the country.

With this topic explained, Filipinos would hopefully be better equipped in judging whether a
federal government in the Philippines is a good idea or not.

PAY ATTENTION: Click "See First" under the "Following" tab to see KAMI news on your News
Feed

The Philippines is currently under a unitary form of government - this means that the central
government is the highest governing power. It receives a large part of every region's income and
redistributes it, often disproportionately so. Our autonomous regions, provinces, municipalities
and barangays can only exercise powers and enact policies that the central government chooses
to delegate to them.

What is federalism in the Philippines (Filipino: Pederalismo sa Pilipinas)?

Federalism is a proposed type of government wherein sovereignty is constitutionally divided

between the national government and subdivisional governments (such as states or
provinces). Federalism divides the country into several autonomous states with a national
government.
How federalism works?

The autonomous states are even further divided into local government units. They will have the
main responsibility over developing their local industries, public health and safety, education,
transportation, and culture. These states have more power over their finances, policies,
development plans, and laws.

The United States, Switzerland, Germany and Australia, Canada, India, Malaysia and Brazil are
examples of countries with a federalist form of government.

In the past, the Philippines has had attempts at a reform towards a federal system of government
- during the administration of former President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, she recommended
federal decentralization as one of the goals of the proposed charter change. However, the
attempt failed because opposition from various sectors believes this reform was used to extend
her term limit.
Pros and cons of federalism in the Philippines

What are advantages of federal form of government and why is it attractive to

Filipinos?

Firstly, under a federal government, states are empowered to make their own decisions. They no
longer need to rely on the central government to decide for them. This is important to note in the
Philippine context because of the vast geographical and cultural differences between regions -
differences that the central government may not always be able to cater to.

Furthermore, decentralization in the Philippines would allow states to keep more of their income
to themselves. They do not have to rely on collecting real estate tax and business permit fees -
80% of their total earned income stays, while only 20% goes back to the national government.
This means that states are able to channel their own income for their own development, creating
policies and programs suitable for them without having to wait for the national government to
approve. Within the 80% budget that remains with these states, 30% will be funneled to the local
state government, and 70% will be allocated to the provinces, cities, municipalities and
barangays.

RELATED: Advantages of federalism in the Philippines

Because states are able to both make their own decisions and retain the income they have to fund
these decisions, it's possible for federalism to promote specialization and competition.This
affects both the national government and the states - since the national government turned
certain administrative powers over to the regional governments, it can now funnel its resources
more intensively towards the issues it is assigned to, such as foreign policy and nationwide
defense. Likewise, the states are now better able to nurture their individual strengths and selling
points because the people who have the decisions and funding are the people who are personally
involved in the state's development.

These self-reliant states will compare their growth to the growth of surrounding states.
Hopefully, this will lead to friendly competition between states that will help raise the quality of
life and economic development for everybody involved.

Mayor Duterte presents federalism as a possible solution to the Mindanao conflict instead of
implementing the Bangsamoro Basic Law. According to him, "nothing short can bring peace in
Mindanao.". This is likely a reference to the numerous revisions the BBL has undergone, and the
number of years it has stayed in Congress.

All in all, a federal form of government in the Philippines is a hot topic among Filipinos because
it is expected to accommodate regional preferences and diversity - a matter of great importance
in a country with 7,107 islands and more than 40 different ethnic groups.

Geoffrey de Q. Walker, Emeritus Professor of Law at Queensland, believes that "by these means,
overall satisfaction can me maximized and the winner-takes-all problem alleviated," especially
in policies with divided opinions. if we allow people to make decisions with reference to their
cultural and ethnical beliefs, as well as their economic and social backgrounds, we allow them
to coexist with others and achieve solidarity as a whole.

What are disadvantages of a federated Philippines?

Like all forms of government, federalism has its ugly side too. The first problem the Philippines
would have to iron out would be the overlaps in jurisdiction.Unless responsibilities of state
governments and national governments are very clearly stated in the amended Constitution,
there will be ambiguities that can lead to conflict and confusion.

Next, there is always a chance that it will bring more division than unity in the Philippines. It
can arise from more than just increased hostility between ethnic groups - competition between
states can quickly become unhealthy, and can lead to the regionalism that is currently already
challenging the unity of the country.

READ ALSO: Disadvantages of federal government for Filipinos

Moreover, development of the states in a federal form of government might not even work at
all. Some states may not be as gifted or as ready for autonomy as others. A major concern is that
while some states may progress faster, the converse is also true because other states may devolve
faster as well - even more so without a national government to back them up. However, in some
federal countries, the national government provides funds to help underdeveloped states. A
proposed Equalization Fund will use part of the tax from rich states for the funding of poorer
states.

What would the Philippines look like under transition to a federal form of
government?

Past proposals divided the Philippines into 10 or 11 autonomous states. President

Duterte envisions 18 federated regions – 16 federated regions (including the new Negrosanon
region) and the federated regions of Bangsamoro and Cordillera.

Regional states will have greater power over raising their own revenues, determining their own
legislation and choosing their economic development models.

In a federal system, billions of pesos will have to be spent on setting up state governments and
the delivery of state services. States will then have to spend for the elections of their own
officials.

While the idea of federalism in the Philippines is attractive for most Filipinos, the possible
benefits that are marketed by the idea will inevitably come at a cost, and will require extensive
time and effort from both governments and citizens alike. President Duterte has to make sure the
people are satisfied with the division of responsibilities that will be stated in the Amendment, and
that the work towards building a federalist country will not alienate other states or leave them
behind, the way they are being left behind right now.

POPULAR: Read more news about President Rodrigo Duterte here

In this episode, we are going to find out what makes someone true Filipino. We will ask people of
different gender and age to give you an unbiased answer. Are you ready to face the truth? You
Are Filipino If... What Makes Us Unique? – on KAMI HumanMeter YouTube channel!

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Basahin sa ibang wika

Pederalismo sa Pilipinas
Ang Pederalismo sa Pilipinas ay ang iminungkahing anyo ng pamahalaan sa bansa.
Sa kasaysayan ng Pilipinas, iba't ibang mga indibiduwal ang nagmungkahi na
gawing pederasyon ang Pilipinas kabilang sina Emilio Aguinaldo, Apolinario
Mabini, Jose Abueva, Aquilino Pimentel, Jr. at Rodrigo Duterte. Sa kasalukuyan, ang
anyo ng pamahalan ng Pilipinas ay yunitaryong estado at kailangang baguhin
ang Saligang Batas ng Pilipinasupang mabago ang anyo nito.

Ang lathalaing ito na tungkol sa Politika at Pilipinas ay isang usbong.

Makatutulong ka sa Wikipedia sa pagpapalawig nito.

Last edited 25 day ago by an anonymous user

 Maaaring gamitin ang nilalaman sa ilalim ng CC BY-SA 3.0 maliban kung nabanggit.

 Paglilihim
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Ano ba ang Federalismo?

Last updated Oct 11, 2016

By Gani Oro

86,404

Share

Sinimulan nating magsaliksik tungkol sa federalismo, isang uri ng pamahalaan na isinusulong ng

gobyerno ni Pangulong Rodrigo Duterte.

Marami kasing tanong ang ating mga taga-subaybay, lalo na nang maging panauhin natin sa ating radio-
tv program sa DZRJ ang mga convenor ng constitutional reform to federalism na sina Atty. Raul Lambino
at Atty. Larry Gadon.

Mula sa isang blog ng manunulat na si Arpee, ipinaliwanag na ang federalismo ay isang uri ng
pamahalaan na ginagamit ng US, Australia, India at ilang mga bansa sa Europe. May pagkakaiba ang
federalismong ginagamit nila kung saan binabago nila ang sistema para tumugma sa mga
pangangailangan nila.

Ang federalismo sa Pilipinas ay matagal nang isinulong ni dating Senador Nene Pimentel, kung saan
nakasaad ito sa isang dokumentong sinulat ni Jose Abueva.

Ang federalismo ay isang sistema ng pamamahala kung saan ang bawat estado (state) ay may
sariling pamahalaan na may kalayaan mula sa central o ‘yung federal na pamahalaan.

Bawat estado ay may kakayanang gumawa ng batas na papairalin sa kanilang mga nasasakupan. Dito
pumapasok ‘yung mga bagay na maaaring ligal sa isang estado, ngunit iligal sa iba. Pinaka halimbawa
nito ay ang US.
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Inilahad ni Abueva ang mga bentaha ng federalismo, at kabilang dito ang sumusunod: Una,
makapagtatatag umano ito ng makatarungan at pangmatagalang balangkas para sa kapayapaan sa
pamamagitan ng pagkakaisa ng iba’t ibang pangkat etniko, relihiyon, at kultura, lalo sa panig ng mga
Bangsamoro at lumad.

Ang ganitong mungkahi ay ipinalalagay na ang buong bansa ay watak-watak, nasa yugto ng digmaan
at wala nang magagawa pa kundi pagbigyan ang paghahati-hati ng teritoryo.

Ang federalismo ay lalong makapagpapalakas para sa mga armadong pangkat na magsulong ng rebel-
yon, at tuluyang kumawala sa saklaw ng Pilipinas.

Ipinupunla ng federalismo ang pagkakawatak ng mga mamamayan, dahil ang sinasabing labing-isang
nasyon ay nagpapahalaga sa rehiyonalismo imbes na sa kabansaan ng buong Pilipino.

Ikalawa, ang desentralisasyon at debolusyon ng kapangyarihan, ani Abueva, ay hindi makauusad sa

lumang sistemang unitaryo kahit pa nakasaad iyon sa Saligang Batas ng 1987 at Kodigo ng Pamahalaang
Lokal ng 1991.

Subalit hindi lahat ng nakasaad dito ay kokopyahin batay sa mungkahi na ipatutupad na porma ng ating
pamahalaan. May mga babaguhin umano depende sa kalagayan at pangangailangan ng ating bansa.

May mahabang paliwanag pa sa ating research material na ito ang ating isusulat sa mga susunod na
article natin.
DZRJNene PimentelRodrigo Duterte

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Noong nakaraang ika-10 ng Mayo ay

naihalal na si Pang. Rodrigo Roa Duterte bilang ika-16 pangulo ng Pilipinas. “Change is
coming” yan ang katagang tumatak sa isipan ng mga Pilipino dahil simula pa lamang ng
kanyang pamumuno ay marami nang nagbago. Kasama sa pagbabagong ito ang
pagpapahayag ni Pang. Duterte na nais nyang palitan ang sistema ng pamahalaan ng
sistemang Federalismo.

Lingid sa kaalaman ng nakararami na binibisita ni Pang. Duterte ang iba’t ibang bahagi ng
bansa upang itaguyod ang Federalismo. Ano ba ang Federalismo? Sa ngayon, ang gobyerno
ng Pilipinas ay isang Unitary Form of Government ibig sabihin halos lahat ng
kapangyarihan at kapamahalaan ay tinatalaga sa isang Sentralisadong Pamahalaan. Isang
aspeto nito ay ang mga kita at pondo ng bawat rehiyon ay mapupunta lahat sa
Sentralisadong Pamahalaan at mula doon ang budget ay ipamamahagi pabalik sa bawat
rehiyon batay sa halaga na itinakda ng pamahalaan. Sa Federalismo, ang kapangyarihan ay
mahahati sa pagitan ng National Federal Government at Local State Government. Ang
Pilipinas ay mahahati sa iba’t ibang estado. Halimbawa, sa pinanukalang federal structure ni
Sen. Nene Pimentel, ang Northern Luzon ay magiging isang estado at gayon din ang Central
Luzon at mga iba pa. Bawat estado ay mapapanatili ang 80% ng kanilang kita at pondo
samantalang ang 20% naman ay mapupunta sa National Federal Government. Mula sa 80%
ng bawat estado, ang 3o% nito ay mapupunta sa Local State Government at ang 70% naman
nito ay mapupunta sa mga probinsya, lungsod, munisipalidad at barangay. Bawat estado ay
mayroong sariling hanay ng senador at mga kinatawan. Ang Legislative Powers ay hahatiin
sa pagitan ng National Federal Government at Local State Gorvernment. Sa madaling salita,
ang Federal Government ay reponsable sa usaping militar at proteksyong ng buong bansa at
ang Local State Government naman ang magiging responsable sa sarili nilang estado kung
saan ang bawat Lokal na Pamahalaan ay may mas kontrol sa mga proyekto, budgets at
pagpasa ng mga batas.

Ang Pilipinas ay mayroong 7,107 na isla at ito rin ay isang arkipelago. Bawat isa ay may
iba’t ibang tribo at kultura. Malinaw na bawat rehiyon ay may kanya-kanyang
pangangailangan. Sa panahon ng kagipitan o kalamidad ang mabilis na pagtugon ay
maraming beses nang hindi nakakamit dahil ang mga pasilidad, teknolohiya, at ang pondo
ay nakatuon lamang kung saan matatagpuan ang Sentralisadong Pamahalaan. Maraming
beses nang nabigo ng Unitary Form of Government ang mga Pilipino pero sa pamamagitang
ng paglipat mula sa Unitary Form of Government sa isang Federal na uri ng pamahalaan,
naniniwala si Pang. Duterte na maaari makamit ng mga Pilipino ang repormang pang-
ekonomiya, pantay-pantay na hustisya, pag-unlad sa bawat estado at sa pagpapaluwag ng
Kamaynilaan.

Gaya ng karamihang klase ng pamamahala, ang Federal at State Government ay parehong

may tatlong sangay ng pamahalaan. Ang Ehekotibo (Executive) ang siyang nagpapatupad at
nagtataguyod ng batas na tinatag ng Lehislatura. Pinamumunuan nito ng President o Prime
Minister sa Federal Government at Governor o Premier sa State Government. Ang
Lehislatura (Legislative) ang siyang nagdedebate at bumuboto sa mga batas na ipinakikilala.
Pinamumunua ito ng Congress o Parliament sa parehas na estado. Ito ay maaaring
unicameral o bicameral na kung saan ay binubo ito ng House of the Senate at House of
Representatives. Ang Judiciary ang siyang nagbibigay kahulugan sa mga batas at
nagpapasya na kung ang dalawang sangay pa ng pamahalaan ay kumikilos sa loob ng
kanilang mga kapangyarihan. Sa Federal at State Government ay mayroong Supreme Court
at Lower Federal Courts.

Ayon sa isang eksperto ng Federalismo na si Prof. Jan Erk, may tatlong pangako ang
Federalismo. Unang pangako, mas mahusay na demokrasya. Kung ang isang sistema ng
pamamahala sa Pilipinas ay Federal, magkakaroon ito ng mas mahusay na demokrasya
dahil mas nailalapit ang demokrasya sa mga mamamayan. Mas nabibigyan ng tinig at
kapangyarihan ang mga lokal na komunidad at mas naisusulong ang tinatawag na
demokratikong pananagutan kung saan ang ordinaryong mamamayan, mga partidong
politikal at iba pang personalidad ng demokrasya ay nakakapagbigay ng reaksyon,
karangalan o maging parusa sa mga opisyal na namumuno sa pagpapatupad ng
pampublikong patakaran. Ang ikalawang pangako, mas mahusay na pamamahala. Kung ang
sistema ng pamamahala sa Pilipinas ay isang Federal, naitataguyod nito ang mas epektibong
pamamahala. Ayon nga sa United Nations, ang mahusay na pamamahala ay may walong
natatanging katangian. Una na rito ay ang participatory o nagbibigay ng oportunidad sa
lahat upang makalahok sa pagdedesisyon. Ikalawa ay ang consensus oriented o isang
proseso ng paggawa ng desisyon kung saan ang isang grupo ay bumubuo at sumasang-ayon
 sa isang desisyon para sa interes ng lahat ng myembro nito. Ikatatlo ay ang accountable o
ang pagbibigay ng sapat na katwiran sa mga aksyon o desisyon. Ikaapat ay ang transparent
o ang obligasyon ng mga namumuno na ibahagi sa mga nauukulan ang mga aksyon at
desisyon ng mga ito. Ikalima ay ang responsive o pagbibigay ng madalian at epektibong
aksyon. Ikaanim ay ang effective and efficient o ang mabisa at mahusay na pamamalakad.
Ikapito ay ang equitable o ang makatarungan at walang kinikilingang pamumuno. At ang
ikawalo ay ang inclusive o ang sistema ng pamamahala na may kakayahang tumugon ng
mga pampublikong serbisyo at sinisigurong lahat ay kasali at walang anumang bahid ng
diskriminasyon. Ang ikatlong pangako ay ang pamamahala ng mga katangian ng iba’t ibang
kultura. Kung ang sistema ng Pilipinas ay Federal, maitataguyod nito ang mas mahusay na
pamamahala ng mga katangian ng iba’t ibang kultura at ang mga pagkakaiba at mga
relasyon sa pagitan ng mga ito. Dahil iba-iba ang mga kultura ng mga Pilipino at marami
ring pagkakaiba sa pananalita o dialekto, nararapat lamang ang federalismo. At dahil may
iba’t ibang estado o rehiyon sa federalismo na kung saan ang mga lugar na may
pagkakatulad sa kultura at pananalita ay maaaring maging isang estado o rehiyon. Mas
mapapahusay ang pamamahala dahil mas mabibigyan ang ganitong pamayanan ng
awtonomiya para pamahalaan ang kanilang sariling gawain.

Hindi lamang sa pamahalaan nakasalalay at nakabatay ang patutunguhan o ikauunlad ng

isang bansa kung di sa mga mamamayang nakapaloob dito. Sa sistemang Federal nakikita ni
Pang. Duterte na may pag-asa o kakayahan pa ang Pilipinas upang maging isang ganap na
maunlad na bansa sa Asya. Ang Federalismo ay isang sistema na nangangailangan ng
mahaba-habang panahon para sa proseso. Walang pagbabago ang hindi nagsisimula sa
mahirap na pakikibaka sa kasalukuyan tungo sa ikakaunlad ng sambayanan. Matalinong
pagpapasya at disiplina sa sarili ang kailangang maintindihan ng maraming Pilipino dahil sa
kalooban ng isang tao nagmumula ang matuwid at tunay na pagbabago.
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