Gen. Fidel Valdez Ramos, AFP (Ret.) CCLH GCMG (Hon.) (Spanish: [fiˈðel βalˈdes ra.

mos]: born Fidel

Ramos y Valdez; March 18, 1928),[2] popularly known as FVR and Eddie, is a retired Filipino
general and politician who served as the 12th President of the Philippines from 1992 to 1998. During
his six years in office, Ramos was widely credited and admired by many for revitalizing and renewing
international confidence in the Philippine economy. At age 90, he is currently the oldest living former
Philippine President.
Prior to his election as president, Ramos served in the cabinet of President Corazón Aquino, first as
chief-of-staff of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP), and later as Secretary of National
Defense from 1986 to 1991.[3] He was the father of the Philippine Army's Special Forces and
the Philippine National Police Special Action Force.
During the 1986 EDSA People Power Revolution, Ramos was hailed as a hero by many Filipinos for
his decision to break away from the administration of President Ferdinand Marcos and pledge
allegiance and loyalty to the newly established government of President Aquino. Thirty years later,
he however shifted to the side of Rodrigo Duterte, who he persuaded to run for president against
Aquino's ally, Mar Roxas, and his nemesis, Miriam Defensor Santiago. Ramos also supported
the Philippine Drug War, which has killed more than 14,000 Filipinos in less than two years. Five
months under the Duterte regime, Ramos admitted that he made the wrong decision to campaign for
a Duterte presidency.

Fidel Ramos was born on March 18, 1928 in Lingayen, Pangasinan and he was raised later
in Asingan, Pangasinan.[4] His father, Narciso Ramos (1900–1986), was a lawyer, journalist and five-
term legislator of the House of Representatives, who eventually rose to the position of Secretary of
Foreign Affairs.[5] As such, Narciso Ramos was the Philippine signatory to the ASEAN declaration
forged in Bangkok in 1967, and was a founding member of the Liberal Party. According to Fidel
Ramos's biography in his presidential inauguration in 1992,[6] Narciso Ramos also served as one of
the leaders of the anti-Japanese guerrilla group the Maharlika founded by Ferdinand Marcos. His
mother, Angela Valdez (1905–1978), was an educator, woman suffragette, and member of the
respected Valdez clan of Batac, Ilocos Norte, making him a second degree cousin to former
Philippine President Ferdinand E. Marcos.[5]
He received elementary education in Lingayen Public Schools. Ramos began secondary education
at the University of the Philippines High School in the City of Manila, and continued in the High
School Department of Mapúa Institute of Technology. He graduated high school from Centro Escolar
University Integrated School in 1945. He later on obtained his degree in Civil Engineering at National
University in Manila. He was Top 8 in the Civil Engineering Board Exam in 1953.[4][5] Afterwards he
went to the United States and he graduated from the United States Military Academy, with Bachelor
of Science in Military Engineering and the University of Illinois, with a master's degree in civil
engineering. He also holds a master's degree in National Security Administration from the National
Defense College of the Philippines and a master's degree in Business Administration from Ateneo
de Manila University. In addition, he received a total of 29 honorary doctorate degrees.[4][5][7]

Marriage
He married Amelita Martinez on October 21, 1954, and together they have five daughters: Angelita
Ramos-Jones, Josephine Ramos-Samartino, Carolina Ramos-Sembrano, Cristina Ramos-
Jalasco and Gloria Ramos.[4][5]

Military career
Early career
Ramos went to the United States Military Academy at West Point, and he graduated in 1950.
Ramos, along with the Philippines' 20th Battalion Combat Team and the Philippine Expeditionary
Forces to Korea (PEFTOK), fought in the Korean War. He was an Infantry Reconnaissance Platoon
Leader.[5] Ramos was one of the heroes of the Battle of Hill Eerie,[8] where he led his platoon to
sabotage the enemy in Hill Eerie.[9] He was also present in the Vietnam War as a non-combat civil
military engineer and Chief of Staff of the Philippine Civil Action Group (PHILCAG).[5] It is during this
assignment where he forged his lifelong friendship with his junior officer Maj. Leonard Geromo, who
went on to become his National Security Advisor throughout during his administration from 1992 to
1998.
Ramos has received several military awards including the Philippine Legion of Honor (1988, 1991),
the Distinguished Conduct Star (1991), the Distinguished Service Star (1966, 1967, 1981), Philippine
Military Merit Medal (1952), the United States Legion of Merit, the French Legion of Honor, the U.S.
Military Academy Distinguished Graduate Award and Legion of Merit (1990).[5]
During his stint at the Philippine Army, Ramos founded the Philippine Army Special Forces. And
then, he was named to the commander of the Army's 3rd Division based in Cebu City, Cebu.

Martial Law and the EDSA Revolution

Ramos headed the Philippine Constabulary, then a major service branch of the Armed Forces, that
acted as the country's national police until 1972, when Ferdinand Marcosimposed Martial
Law.[5] Ramos is held responsible by for human rights abuses committed under Martial Law as head
of the Philippine Constabulary chief; the unit responsible in the arrest tortures of civilians.
In 1975, all civic and municipal police forces in the country were integrated by decree, and it became
known as the Integrated National Police (INP), which was under the control and supervision of the
Constabulary. As head of the PC, Ramos was ex officio the INP's first concurrent Director-General.
Martial Law was formally lifted nine years later on January 17, 1981, but Marcos retained absolute
powers.
Due to his accomplishments, Ramos became one of the candidates to become the new chief of staff
of the Armed Forces of the Philippines in 1981, to replace retiring General Romeo Espino. longest
Martial law, chief of staff. However, Marcos instead opted and appointed his trusted military officer,
General Fabian Ver, a graduate of the University of the Philippines, into the top military post. Thus,
Ramos, Marcos' cousin was named AFP Vice-Chief of staff in 1982, became the military's second
most powerful official after Ver and receiving the rank of three-star general. On May 12, 1983 by the
former Philippine Constabulary as the Philippine Constabulary Special Action Force[10] as a
requirement of General Order 323 of Philippine Constabulary Headquarters, Fidel Ramos
and Renato de Villa were the founders of the unit. De Villa asked Col. Rosendo Ferrer and Gen.
Sonny Razon to organize a Special Action Force.[11] After which, a training program called the SAF
Ranger Course, was used to train the 1st generation of SAF operators, which had a number of 149
operatives.[12] Out of them, 26 were known commissioned officers with the others being enlisted
personnel from a wide range of PC units such as the defunct PC Brigade, the Long Range Patrol
Battalion (LRP), the K-9 Support Company, PC Special Organized Group, the Light Reaction Unit
(LRU) of PC METROCOM, the Constabulary Off-shore Action Command (COSAC) and other PC
Units.[12] Later on, they changed the name of the course to the SAF Commando Course.[12]
On 8 August 1983, during a speech in Camp Crame to commemorate Philippine Constabulary Day,
Marcos announced his removal of Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile from the chain of command,
and the creation of a new arrangement with himself as Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces
until AFP Chief of Staff Ver. Marcos also removed the operational control of the Integrated National
Police from the Philippine Constabulary under Ramos and transferred it under direct control of Ver;
the Constabulary then had only administrative supervision over the INP.
When Ver was implicated in the August 21, 1983 assassination of former
opposition Senator Benigno Aquino, Jr., Ramos became Acting AFP Chief of Staff until Ver's
reinstatement in 1985 after he was acquitted of charges related to the killing. Ramos at this time also
formed the Special Action Force of the Philippine Constabulary to deal with terrorist-related crimes.
On 22 February 1986, Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile protested alleged fraud committed by
Marcos in the 1986 snap elections, withdrawing support and triggering the non-violent People Power
Revolution. General Ramos later also defected and followed Enrile into Camp Crame, and the duo
shifted their fealty to Corazón Aquino, the widow of Senator Aquino and Marcos' main election rival.
On 25 February, the "EDSA Revolution" reached its peak when Marcos, along with his family and
some supporters, fled into exile in Hawaiiwith the assistance of the United States government,
ending his 20-year rule, leaving Aquino to accede as the country's first female President.

Combat record
When belittled by the press regarding his combat record, Ramos responded with
trademark sarcasm (July 31, 1987):
I fought the communists as part of the battalion combat teams, I went up the ladder. Battalion staff
officer. Company commander. Task Force commander. Special Forces group commander. Brigade
commander. All in different periods in our country. Huk campaign. Korean War campaign.
The Vietnam War, and I was the head of the advance party of the PHILCAG (Philippine Civil Action
Group to Vietnam) that went to a tiny province at the Cambodian border – the so-called Alligator Jaw
– War Zone Z where even Max Soliven said ‘The Viet-Cong will eat us up.’ Of course, we were
physically there as non-combat troops. But you try to be a non-combat troop in a combat area – that
is the toughest kind of assignment.
Korea – as a platoon leader. Recon leader. What is the job of a recon leader? To recon the front line
– no man’s land. And what did we do? I had to assault a fortified position of the Chinese communists
and wiped them out. And what is this Special Forces group that we commanded in the Army – '62–
'65? That was the only remaining combat unit in the Philippine Army. The rest were training in a
division set-up. We were in Luzon. We were in Sulu. And then, during the previous
regime, Marawiincident. Who was sent there? Ramos. We defended the camp, being besieged by
400 rebels.
So next time, look at the man’s record, don't just write and write. You said, no combat experience, no
combat experience. Look around you who comes from the platoon, who rose to battalion staff,
company commander, group commander, which is like a battalion, brigade commander, here and
abroad. Abroad, I never had an abroad assignment that was not combat. NO SOFT JOBS FOR
RAMOS. Thirty-seven years in the Armed Forces. REMEMBER THAT. You’re only writing about the
fringe, but do not allow yourself to destroy the armed forces by those guys. You write about the
majority of the Armed Forces who are on the job.
That's why we're here enjoying our freedom, ladies and gentlemen. You are here. If the majority of
the Armed Forces did not do their job, I doubt very much if you’d all be here.[13]

Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces and Secretary of National

Defense
After Aquino assumed the Presidency, she appointed Ramos as Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces
of the Philippines (1986-1988), and later Secretary of National Defense as well as Chairman of
the National Disaster Coordinating Council (1988-1991).[5] During this time, Ramos personally
handled the military operations that crushed nine coup attempts against the Aquino government.
During Ramos' presidency, the National Unification Commission was created, and its
chairman Haydee Yorac, together with Ramos, recommended to President Aquino to grant amnesty
to the rebel military officers of the Reform the Armed Forces Movement (RAM) led by Col. Gregorio
"Gringo" Honasan.
1992 presidential election
Main article: Philippine presidential election, 1992
In December 1991, Ramos declared his candidacy for President. However, he lost the nomination of
the then-dominant party Laban ng Demokratikong Pilipino (LDP) to House Speaker Ramon Mitra,
Jr. Days later, he bolted from the party LDP and cried foul and founded his own party, the Partido
Lakas Tao (People Power Party), inviting Cebu Governor Emilio Mario Osmeña to be his running
mate as his Vice Presidential candidate. The party formed a coalition with the National Union of
Christian Democrats (NUCD) of Senator Raul Manglapus and the United Muslim Democrats of the
Philippines (UMDP) of Ambassador Sanchez Ali. Ramos and Osmeña, together with Congressman
(later House Speaker) Jose de Venecia, campaigned for economic reforms and improved national
security and unity.
He won the seven-way race on May 11, 1992, narrowly defeating popular Agrarian Reform
Secretary Miriam Defensor Santiago. His running mate, Governor Osmeña, lost to Senator Joseph
Estrada as Vice President. Despite winning, he garnered only 23.58% of the vote, the lowest
plurality in the country's history. The election results were marred by allegations of fraud as Santiago
was leading the race for the first five days of counting but became second after a nationwide energy
black-out, putting Ramos in first place. International media were already calling Santiago as the
president-elect but withdrew because of the sudden change in positions. Santiago filed an electoral
protest, but it was eventually junked by the Supreme Court. The quote, "Miriam won in the elections,
but lost in the counting" became popular nationwide.[14] These allegations were resurrected
when WikiLeaks, in September 2011, released US Embassy reports that Libyan ruler Muammar
Gaddafi contributed Php5 million to finance Ramos's campaign. Philippine election laws prohibit
accepting contribution from foreigners.[15]

Presidency
Main article: Presidency of Fidel V. Ramos

Presidential styles of
Fidel V. Ramos

Reference style His Excellency

Spoken style Your Excellency

Alternative style Mr. President

At the time of his accession in 1992, he was the first Protestant President of the majority-Catholic
country and the only Filipino officer in history to have held every rank in the Philippine military from
Second Lieutenant to Commander-in-Chief. He is also the second oldest person at the age of 64 to
assume the presidency following Sergio Osmeña.
The first three years of his administration were characterised by an economic boom, technological
development, political stability and efficient delivery of basic needs to the people. He advocated
party platforms as outline and agenda for governance. He was the first Christian Democrat to be
elected in the country, being the founder of Lakas-CMD (Christian-Muslim Democrats Party). He was
one of the most influential leaders and the unofficial spokesman of liberal democracy in Asia.[16]

Cabinet (1992–1998)
OFFICE NAME TERM

President Fidel Valdez Ramos June 30, 1992 – June 30, 1998
Vice-President Joseph Ejercito Estrada June 30, 1992 – June 30, 1998

Executive Secretary Peter Garuccho July 1, 1992 – September 13, 1992

Edelmiro Amante September 14, 1992 – June 30, 1993
Teofisto Guingona, Jr. July 6, 1993 – May 19, 1995
Ruben Torres May 20, 1995 – January 8, 1998
Alejander Aguirre January 9, 1998 – June 30, 1998
Secretary of Agrarian Reform Ernesto Garilao July 1, 1992 – June 30, 1998
Secretary of Agriculture Roberto Sebastian July 1, 1992 – January 31, 1996
Salvador Escudero III February 1, 1996 – June 30, 1998
Secretary of Budget and Management Salvador Enriquez, Jr. June 30, 1992 – February 1, 1998
Emilia Boncodin February 1, 1998 – June 30, 1998
Secretary of Education, Culture and Sports Armand Fabella July 1, 1992 – July 6, 1994
Ricardo Gloria July 7, 1994 – December 1997
Erlinda Piafanco February 2, 1998 – June 30, 1998
Secretary of Energy Rufino Bomasang June 30, 1992 – January 11, 1993
Delfin Lazaro January 12, 1993 – September 19, 1994
Francisco Viray September 20, 1994 – June 30, 1998
Secretary of Environment and Natural Resources Angel Alcala September 8, 1992 – June 30, 1995
Victor Ramos July 1, 1995 – June 30, 1998
Secretary of Finance Ramon del Rosario, Jr. July 1, 1992 – June 1, 1993
Ernest Leung June 2, 1993 – January 31, 1994
Roberto de Ocampo February 1, 1994 – March 30, 1998
Salvador Enriquez April 1, 1998 – June 30, 1998
Secretary of Foreign Affairs Roberto Romulo July 1, 1992 – April 1995
Domingo Siazon, Jr. May 1995 – June 30, 1998
Secretary of Health Juan Flavier July 1, 1992 – January 30, 1995
Jaime Galvez Tan January 30, 1995 – July 5, 1995
Hilarion Ramiro, Jr. July 10, 1995 – March 22, 1996
Carmencita Reodica April 8, 1996 – June 29, 1998
Secretary of the Interior
Rafael Alunan III July 1, 1992 – April 15, 1996
and Local Government
Robert Barbers April 16, 1996 – February 3, 1998
Epimaco Velasco February 4, 1998 – May 30, 1998
 Nelson Collantes June 1, 1998 – June 30, 1998
Secretary of Justice Franklin Drilon July 1, 1992 – February 1995
Demetrio Demetria February 1995 – May 1995
Teofisto Guingona, Jr. May 1995 – February 1998
Silvestre Bello III February 1998 – June 30, 1998
Secretary of Labor and Employment Nieves Confesor June 30, 1992 – June 30, 1995
Jose Brillantes July 1, 1995 – January 16, 1996
Leonardo Quisumbing January 16, 1996 – January 26, 1998
Cresenciano Trajano January 26, 1998 – June 30, 1998
Secretary of National Defense Renato de Villa June 30, 1992 – September 15, 1997
Fortunato Abat September 16, 1997 – June 30, 1998
Secretary of Public Works and Highways Jose de Jesus June 30, 1992 – March 1, 1993
Eduardo Mir March 1, 1993 – June 1, 1993
Gregorio Vigilar June 1, 1993 – June 30, 1998
Secretary of Science and Technology Ricardo Gloria July 1, 1992 – July 6, 1994
William Padolina July 7, 1994 – June 30, 1998
Secretary of Social Welfare and Development Corazon Alma de Leon July 1, 1992 – June 1995
Lilian Laigo 1995 – June 30, 1998
Secretary of Tourism Narzalina Lim June 30, 1992 – September 10, 1992
Vicente Carlos September 11, 1992 – July 3, 1995
Eduardo Pilapil July 4, 1995 – March 29, 1996
Evelyn Pantig March 29, 1996 – April 7, 1996
Guillermina Gabor April 8, 1996 – June 30, 1998
Secretary of Trade and Industry Rizalino Navarro July 1, 1992 – 1996
Cesar Bautista 1996 – June 30, 1998
Secretary of Transportation and Communications Jesus Garcia July 1, 1992 – April 1, 1996
Amado Lagdameo, Jr. April 1, 1996 – April 16, 1997
Arturo Enrile April 16, 1997 – January 14, 1998
Josefina Lichauco January 15, 1998 – June 30, 1998
Presidential Spokesperson Rodolfo Reyes July 1, 1992 – May 10, 1993
Jesus Sison May 11, 1993 – June 20, 1995
Hector Villanueva June 21, 1995 – June 29, 1998

Chairperson
Ricardo Gloria May 18, 1994 – June 30, 1995
of the Commission on Higher Education
Angel Alcala July 1, 1995 – June 30, 1998
Director-General
Cielito Habito July 1, 1992 – June 30, 1998
of the National Economic and Development Authority
Solicitor General Ramon Desuasido June 30, 1992 – July 5, 1992
 Eduardo Montenegro July 6, 1992 – August 10, 1992
Raul Goco August 11, 1992 – September 22, 1996
Silvestre Bello III September 23, 1996 – February 3, 1998
Romeo dela Cruz February 4, 1998 – June 8, 1998
Silvestre Bello III June 9, 1998 – June 30, 1998
Chairman
Ismael Mathay July 1, 1992 – 1994
of the Metropolitan Manila Authority
Prospero Oreta 1994 – March 1, 1995
Chairman
Prospero Oreta March 1, 1995 – June 30, 1998
of the Metropolitan Manila Development Authority
National Security Adviser Jose Almonte July 1, 1992 – June 30, 1998
Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process Haydee Yorac July 1, 1992 – August 9, 1993
Oscar Santos August 20, 1993 – March 22, 1994
Manuel Yan March 22, 1994 – June 30, 1998

Power crisis: The Philippines then was experiencing widespread blackouts due to huge demand for
electricity and antiquity of power plants, the abolishment of the Department of Energy and
discontinuation of the Bataan Nuclear Power Plant during the Aquino administration. During his
State of the Nation address on July 27, 1992, he requested that the Congress enact a law that would
create an Energy Department that would plan and manage the Philippines' energy demands.
Congress not only created an Energy Department but gave him special emergency powers to
resolve the power crisis. Using the powers given to him, Ramos issued licenses to independent
power producers (IPP) to construct power plants within 24 months. Ramos issued supply contracts
that guaranteed the government would buy whatever power the IPPs produced under the contract in
U.S. dollars to entice investments in power plants. This became a problem during the East Asian
Financial Crisis when the demand for electricity contracted and the Philippine peso lost half of its
value.
Ramos personally pushed for the speedy approval of some of the most expensive power deals, and
justified signing more contracts despite warnings from within the government and the World Bank
that an impending oversupply of electricity could push up prices, a situation that persists in the
Philippines up to the present. Individuals linked to Ramos lobbied for the approval of some of the
contracts for independent power producers (IPPs), which came with numerous other deals, including
lucrative legal, technical, and financial consultancies that were given to individuals and companies
close to the former president. Among the deals tied to IPP projects were insurance contracts in
which companies made millions of dollars in commissions alone. All the IPP contracts came with
attractive incentives and guarantees. Every contract was designed to give IPP creditors some
degree of comfort in financing ventures that would usually involve huge capital and risks. Most IPPs
were funded by foreign loans secured with a form of government guarantee or performance
undertaking, which meant that the Philippine government would pay for the loans if the IPPs
defaulted. The Ramos government continued signing IPP contracts even after the power crisis had
been considered solved by the end of 1993. The World Bank came up with a report in 1994 warning
that power rates may rise if the government continued to enter into more IPP contracts that would
mean excess power. The World Bank questioned the ambitious projections of the government on
economic growth and power demand from 1994 to 1998. It also warned that the power generated by
private utilities' IPPs could duplicate those of the National Power Corporation and create an
overcapacity. The World Bank said that the factors create considerable uncertainty in power
demand, like substantial overcapacity, particularly under take-or-pay conditions, would require
considerable tariff increases that would be unpopular with the public. It was said that, presidents
since Corazon Aquino catered mostly to the needs of big business for power and allowed the private
sector to profit from this lucrative industry rather than craft an energy plan that would meet the needs
of the Filipinos.[17]
The country was considered risky by investors due to previous coup attempts by military
adventurists led by Gregorio Honasan, and experienced blackouts at an almost daily basis lasting 4–
12 hours during the term of President Aquino. The low supply of power and perceived instability had
previously held back investments and modernization in the country. Under Ramos, the Philippines
was a pioneer in the Build-Operate-Transfer (BOT) scheme where private investors are invited to
build certain government projects (i.e. tollways, powerplants, railways, etc.), make money by
charging users, and transfer operation to the government after a set amount of time.

Economic reforms
Economy of the Philippines under
President Fidel Ramos
1992–1998

Population

1992
63.82 million

Gross Domestic Product

1992 Php 718,941 million ($ 28.2 billion)

1997 Php 893,151 million ($ 30.3 billion)

Growth rate, 1992-1998 average 4.9%

Per capita income

1992 Php 11,265

1997 Php 12,147

Total exports

1992 Php 250,610 million

1997 Php 743,469 million

Exchange rates
 1 US$ = Php 29.47

1 Php = US$ 0.034

Sources: FIDEL V. RAMOS

[4]

During his administration, Ramos began implementing economic reforms intended to open up the
once-closed national economy, encourage private enterprise, invite more foreign and domestic
investment, and reduce corruption. Ramos was also known as the most-traveled Philippine
President compared to his predecessors with numerous foreign trips abroad, generating about
US$20 billion worth of foreign investments to the Philippines. To ensure a positive financial outlook
on the Philippines, Ramos led the 4th Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Leaders' Summit
in the Philippines on November 1996.
Under his administration, the Philippines enjoyed economic growth and stability. The Philippine
Stock Exchange in the mid-1990s was one of the best in the world and his visions of 'Philippines
2000' that led the country into a newly industrialized country in the world and the "Tiger Cub
Economy in Asia".[18]
Philippines 2000 Five-Point Program:

 Peace and Stability

 Economic Growth and Sustainable Development
 Energy and Power Generation
 Environmental Protection
 Streamlined Bureaucracy
Death penalty
Main article: Capital punishment in the Philippines
While campaigning for the presidency, Fidel Ramos declared his support for reinstating the death
penalty. Capital punishment was abolished for all crimes in 1987, making the Philippines the first
Asian country to do so. In 1996 Ramos signed a bill that returned capital punishment with the electric
chair (method used from 1923 to 1976, making Philippines the only country to do so outside
U.S.) "until the gas chamber could be installed".[19] However, no one was electrocuted or gassed,
because the previously used chair was destroyed earlier and the Philippines adopted the method
of lethal injection. Some people were put to death by this means, until the death penalty was
abolished again in 2006.

Peace with separatists

Ramos, a military general himself, made peace with the rebel panels. He was instrumental in the
signing of the final peace agreement between the government and the Moro National Liberation
Front (MNLF) led by Nur Misuari in 1996.
Although he battled Communist rebels as a young lieutenant in the 1950s, Ramos made a bold
move[according to whom?] when he signed into law the Republic Act 7636,[20] which repealed the Anti-
Subversion Law.[21] With its repeal, membership in the once-outlawed Communist Party of the
Philippines became legal.[22]

Spratly Islands
President Fidel V. Ramos troops the honor guards at the Pentagon with Secretary of Defense William
Cohen during a state visit in 1998.

In early 1995, the Philippines discovered a primitive Chinese military structure on Mischief Reef in
the Spratly Islands, one hundred and thirty nautical miles off the coast of Palawan. The Philippine
government issued a formal protest over China's occupation of the reef and the Philippine
Navy arrested sixty-two Chinese fishermen at Half Moon Shoal, eighty kilometers from Palawan. A
week later, following confirmation from surveillance pictures that the structures were of military
design, President Fidel Ramos had the military forces in the region strengthened. He ordered
the Philippine Air Force to dispatch five F-5 fighters backed by four jet trainers and two helicopters,
while the navy sent two additional ships. The People’s Republic of China had claimed that the
structures were shelters for fishermen but these small incidents could have triggered a war in
the South China Sea.

Migrant workers protection

A perceived weakness[according to whom?] of his administration was the situation in handling migrant
workers' protection, a very major issue in the Philippines, as there are millions of Filipinos abroad
throughout the world serving as workers in foreign countries, and their remittances to relatives at
home are very important to the Filipino economy. On the eve of his 67th birthday on March 17, 1995,
Ramos was on a foreign trip when Flor Contemplación was hanged in Singapore. His last-minute
effort to negotiate with Singapore President Ong Teng Cheong and Prime Minister Goh Chok
Tong never succeeded and Ramos' return home was marred with protests after his arrival in Manila.
The protests also caused the resignation of Foreign Affairs Secretary Roberto Romulo and Labor
Secretary Nieves Confesor from the cabinet. He immediately recalled Philippine ambassador to
Singapore Alicia Ramos and suspended diplomatic relations with Singapore. He created a special
commission to look into the case, which was in part an effort to try to rescue his sagging
popularity.[citation needed] The commission was led by retired Supreme Court Justice Emilio Gancayco.
As recommended by the Gancayco Commission, Ramos facilitated the enactment of Republic
Act 8042, better known as the "Magna Carta for Overseas Workers" or more formally as the Migrant
Workers Act, which was signed into law on June 7, 1995. Learning from the lessons of the
Contemplación case, Ramos immediately ordered UAE Ambassador Roy Señeres to facilitate
negotiations after learning of the death penalty verdict of Sarah Balabagan in September 1995.
Balabagan's sentence was reduced and she was released in August 1996. After tensions cooled off,
Ramos restored diplomatic relations with Singapore after meeting Goh Chok Tong on the sidelines
during the 50th anniversary of the United Nations in New York City.

Asian financial crisis

Main article: Asian Financial Crisis
The 1997 Asian Financial Crisis, which started in Thailand, was a major blow to the Ramos
administration. The economy was hit by currency devaluation.[23] The same was true for the Thai
baht, Malaysian ringgit and Indonesian rupiah. Growth fell to about −0.6% in 1998 from 5.2% in
1997, but recovered to 3.4% by 1999. It also resulted to the shutdown of some businesses, a decline
in importation, a rising unemployment rate and an unstable financial sector.

Controversies
Clark Centennial Expo Scandal
Supposedly, one of his notable contributions to the Philippines was the revival of nationalistic spirit
by embarking on a massive promotion campaign for the centennial of Philippine Independence
celebrated on June 12, 1998. However, charges of alleged massive corruption or misuse of funds
blemished the resulting programs and various projects, one of which was the Centennial Expo and
Amphitheater at the former Clark Air Base in Angeles City, Pampanga, supposedly Ramos' pet
project. The commemorative projects, particularly those undertaken at Clark, were hounded by
illegal electioneering and corruption controversies even years after the Centennial celebrations.
A special report by the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ) showed how the
projects relating to the Expo site not only revealed the extravagance and inefficiency of the
administration, but also served as convenient vehicle to effect election fund-raising for the LAKAS
political party of Ramos at the expense of the tax-paying Filipinos and in violation of the Election
Code. The Centennial Expo Pilipino project, intended to be the centerpiece for the celebrations for
the 100th anniversary of the country's independence from Spain, also earned extensive criticisms for
being an expensive white elephant project that disadvantaged the government at the cost of P9
billion, or 1.7 percent of the country's 1998 national budget.[24] Six ranking Ramos cabinet members
and officials, headed by Salvador Laurel (former Vice-President), chairman of the Centennial
Commission, were cleared by the Ombudsman and Sandigan Bayan (People's Court). Ramos
appeared before a Congressional Committee in October 1998 to help exonerate said officials of any
wrongdoing.
WikiLeaks
In 2011, WikiLeaks released a leaked 1994 diplomatic note from the US Embassy in Manila,
recounting a private conversation between a diplomat and Joel de los Santos, a retired Filipino
university professor who specialized in Islamic affairs. De los Santos alleged
that Libyan leader Muammar al-Qaddafi had channeled $200,000 (5 million pesos) to Ramos' 1992
election campaign.[25] Ramos dismissed the claim as "hearsay by itself, and is further based on a
string of successive hearsay conversations" and challenged anyone who believed the claim to
produce evidence.[26]

Charter Change
During his final years in office, Ramos tried to amend the country's 1987 constitution; a process
popularly known to many Filipinos as Charter Change or the so-called "Cha-Cha". Widespread
protests led by Corazon Aquino and the Catholic Church stopped him from pushing through with the
plan. Political analysts were divided as to whether Ramos really wanted to use Cha-Cha to extend
his presidency or only to imbalance his opponents, as the next presidential election neared. He also
intended to extend the term limits of the presidency to remain in power but her political rival Miriam
Defensor-Santiago went to the Supreme Court and negated extending the term limit of the president,
which preserved democracy at the time.[27]

Post-Presidency
Activities
EDSA II
In January 2001, Ramos was instrumental in the success of the so-called second EDSA
Revolution that deposed Philippine president Joseph Estrada and placed then-Vice President Gloria
Macapagal-Arroyo in the presidential seat.[citation needed]
Ramos is currently the Chairman Emeritus of the Lakas CMD (Christian-Muslim Democrats) Party,
formerly known as Lakas NUCD-UMDP or the Partido Lakas Tao-National Union of Christian
Democrats-Union of Muslim Democrats of the Philippines.
Hello Garci Scandal
At the height of the election-rigging scandal in July 2005, Ramos publicly convinced President Gloria
Macapagal-Arroyo not to resign from office.[citation needed] Ramos, who was also hounded by charges of
electoral fraud during the 1992 elections which were never proven in the Supreme Court, repeatedly
stated that the scandal is nowhere as grave as that of People Power Revolutions of 1986 and 2001,
citing factors such as the stagnant Philippine economy in the final years of the Marcos regime as
well as the allegedly massive corruption of the Estrada administration.

Advocacies

Ramos at the Malacañan Palace State Dining Room in July 2016

Ramos also unveiled his proposals for constitutional change of the country. Citing the need to be
more economically competitive in the midst of globalization and the need to improve governance for
all Filipinos, Ramos suggested that government should start the process of Charter Change with a
set deadline in 2007 (by which time the new charter and new government would take effect). Ramos
supports the transformation of the country's political system from the Philippine presidential-
bicameral-system into a unicameral parliament in transition to a federal form.
Ramos is currently[when?] representing the Philippines in the ASEAN Eminent Persons Group, tasked
to draft the Charter of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). He was also a member
of numerous international groups and fora, and is currently the Chairman of the Board of Directors of
the Boao Forum for Asia (also one of the co-founders of BFA) and Co-Chairman of the Global
Meeting of the Emerging Markets Forum (EMF). Ramos was heavily recommended for the position
of the United Nations envoy to Myanmar (formerly known as Burma) in June 2006.
He served as the Carlyle Group Asia Advisor Board Member until the board was disbanded in
February 2004. At present, as a private citizen, Ramos is engaged in various private sector
advocacies where he plays prominent roles. These include: Chairman, Ramos Peace and
Development Foundation; Chairman, Boao Forum for Asia; Trustee, International Crisis
Group (ICG); Member, Advisory Group, UN University for Peace; Honorary Director, General
Douglas MacArthur Foundation; Founding Member, Policy Advisory Commission, World Intellectual
Property Organization (PAC-WIPO); Honorary Member, World Commission on Water for the 21st
century; Member, International Advisory Council, Asia House; Patron, Opportunity International
(Philippines); Global Advisor, University of Winnipeg; Honorary Chairman, Yuchengco Center, De La
Salle University; Member, Advisory Board, Metrobank; Honorary President, Human Development
Network (HDN) Philippines; Lifetime Honorary President, Christian Democrats International (CDI);
and Chairman Emeritus, Lakas-Christian Muslim Democrats (CMD) Party.
Ramos is also a firm backer of the proposed Philippine Reproductive Health bill. During a meet-up
with fellow RH bill supporters in May 2011, he urged President Benigno Aquino IIIto certify the RH
bill as urgent, saying it is the "right thing" to do.[28] During his administration, the Department of
Health under Juan Flavier launched an intense drive to promote family planning. Asiaweek reported
in August 1994 that under Ramos, "family planning funding has quintupled." They also noted that
President Ramos "has gone the farthest of any administration in opposing the Church's positions on
contraception and abortion."[29] At present,[when?] Ramos is listed by the Forum for Family Planning and
Development as one of its Eminent Persons.[30] The Forum is a non-governmental organization
working to advance "national policies on population management, health, and family welfare."[31]
Ramos is a member of the Global Leadership Foundation, an organization which works to support
democratic leadership, prevent and resolve conflict through mediation and promote good
governance in the form of democratic institutions, open markets, human rights and the rule of law. It
does so by making available, discreetly and in confidence, the experience of former leaders to
today’s national leaders. It is a not-for-profit organization composed of former heads of government,
senior governmental and international organization officials who work closely with Heads of
Government on governance-related issues of concern to them.

Ramos Peace and Development Foundation

He founded the Ramos Foundation for Peace and Development (RPDEV) with offices located in the
Urban Bank Building (now ExportBank Plaza). The Ramos Peace and Development Foundation, Inc.
(RPDEV) is a non-partisan, nonprofit, non-stock organization dedicated to the promotion of peace
and development in the Philippines and in the larger Asia-Pacific region. RPDEV supports Philippine
national interests and people empowerment.
Operating as a network of individuals and institutions inside and outside the country, it will serve as a
catalyst of constructive change, a medium for fostering unity, stability and progress, and a force for
mutual understanding.

Philippine Envoy to China

Rodrigo Duterte revealed in June 2016 that Ramos was the one who pushed him to run for office so
that 'Mindanao will finally have a Filipino president'. On 23 July 2016, Ramos was appointed by
President Rodrigo Duterte as the Philippine Envoy to China to strengthen bilateral ties again after a
much-heated diplomatic war over the West Philippine Sea. On 1 November 2016, however, Ramos,
stating that he miscalculated the possibilities and effects of a Duterte presidency, sent his
resignation due to Duterte's drug war which has killed at least 8,000 Filipino drug suspects at the
time. President Duterte accepted his resignation from the post on the same day.[32] He was replaced
by veteran journalist Jose Santiago "Chito" Sta. Romana. Months later, Ramos admitted that he
made the wrong decision to persuade Rodrigo Duterte to run for president. During that time, Filipino
deaths caused by Duterte's Philippine Drug War exceeded 14,000, the worst genocidal government
activity since the Marcos dictatorship, which ironically, Ramos pursued to topple during People
Power Revolution.[33]

Criticisms
Ramos in 2004

Leftist groups have also criticized Ramos for his economic reforms such as privatization,
deregulation and trade liberalization, claiming that the economic growth posted during his presidency
was "artificial". They blamed him for the slowdown of the Philippine economy during the 1997 East
Asian financial crisis.[34] The sale of 40% of Petron to Aramco is specifically criticized for resulting in
the loss of the government's effective leverage on domestic oil prices.
In 1998, the Union for Socialist Ideas and Action told a left-wing Australian organization that Ramos
hesitantly admitted that contrary to his government's earlier claim, the economic fundamentals of the
country may actually be unsound. His admission came following the discovery of a secret
memorandum issued by the National Economic Development Authority director-general urging the
president to tell the Filipinos the truth about the state of the economy and that they ought to prepare
for worse. According to former University of the Philippines president Francisco Nemenzo, Ramos
"has done nothing to reverse or slow down the implementation" of the harmful IMF-imposed
structural reforms.[35]
In 2016, Ramos was widely criticized for persuading Rodrigo Duterte to run for president, which
Duterte eventually won in May 2016. Duterte initially declined all offers for a presidential or vice
presidential run, but Ramos insisted that Duterte must be president.[36]