Haydn Grove PDF
Haydn Grove PDF
Haydn Grove PDF
https://doi.org/10.1093/gmo/9781561592630.article.44593
Published in print: 20 January 2001
Published online: 2001
(b Rohrau, Lower Austria, March 31, 1732; d Vienna, May 31, 1809).
Austrian composer, brother of Michael Haydn. Neither he nor his
contemporaries used the name Franz, and there is no reason to do
so today. He began his career in the traditional patronage system of
the late Austrian Baroque, and ended as a ‘free’ artist within the
burgeoning Romanticism of the early 19th century. Famous as early
as the mid-1760s, by the 1780s he had become the most celebrated
composer of his time, and from the 1790s until his death was a
culture-hero throughout Europe. Since the early 19th century he has
been venerated as the first of the three ‘Viennese Classics’ (Haydn,
Mozart, Beethoven). He excelled in every musical genre; during the
first half of his career his vocal works were as famous as his
instrumental ones, although after his death the reception of his
music focussed on the latter (except for The Creation). He is
familiarly known as the ‘father of the symphony’ and could with
greater justice be thus regarded for the string quartet; no other
composer approaches his combination of productivity, quality and
historical importance in these genres. In the 20th century he was
understood primarily as an ‘absolute’ musician (exhibiting wit,
originality of form, motivic saturation and a ‘modernist’ tendency to
problematize music rather than merely to compose it), but
earnestness, depth of feeling and referential tendencies are equally
important to his art.
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J. Haydn
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Hungarians were also prominent. His immediate ancestors were not
peasants (as legend has it), but artisans and tradespeople. His
grandfather and his father, Mathias (1699–1763), were master
wheelwrights; Mathias also functioned as Marktrichter (magistrate)
of the ‘market village’ (as Haydn called it) Rohrau, near Bruck an
der Leitha. Rohrau was a possession of Count Karl Anton Harrach
(1692–1758); his grandson Karl Leonhard (1765–1831) erected a
monument to Haydn in the castle garden in 1793. Haydn’s mother,
Anna Maria Koller (1707–54), had before her marriage in 1728 been
a cook at the Harrach castle.
Haydn’s talent became evident early on. ‘As a boy of five I sang all
[my father’s] simple easy pieces correctly’; according to Griesinger
he still remembered these melodies in old age. ‘Almighty God …
granted me so much facility, especially in music, that when I was
only six I boldly sang masses down from the choirloft, and could also
get around on the harpsichord and violin.’ In 1737 or 1738 Johann
Mathias Franck, a cousin of Mathias Haydn’s by marriage and a
school principal in the nearby town of Hainburg (Mathias’s
birthplace), heard Haydn sing in the family circle; Griesinger and
Dies also have him pretending to be playing a violin by scraping a
stick against his arm. Franck was so impressed by Haydn’s voice and
musical accuracy that he suggested that he come to live with him,
‘so that there I could learn the rudiments of music along with other
juvenile necessities’. It being clear that his abilities could not be
developed in Rohrau, his parents agreed, whether in the hope that
he might amount to something as a musician or the belief that
musical and educational accomplishments might be useful in what
they (especially his mother) imagined as his true calling, that of a
priest.
Franck was not only a school principal but the choir director of a
Hainburg church; presumably he oversaw Haydn’s education
personally. The latter was scarcely an autodidact, as myth used to
have it. Griesinger writes:
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Such exaggerations aside, he doubtless made rapid progress; his
account of mass singing and harpsichord and violin studies ‘in my
sixth year’ implies that these took place in Hainburg. As Griesinger
says, his schooling was not musical alone; this was also the case
when he was a choirboy in Vienna, where his non-musical studies,
though ‘scanty’, included Latin, religion, arithmetic and writing.
In 1739 or 1740 (‘in my 7th year’; Griesinger and Dies: in his eighth
year) Haydn was recruited to serve as choirboy at the Stephansdom
in Vienna: ‘Kapellmeister Reutter, on a trip through Hainburg, heard
my thin but pleasant voice from a distance, and at once accepted me
into the Capell Hauss’ (choir school). Georg Reutter the younger,
Kapellmeister at the Stephansdom since 1738 (later
Hofkapellmeister), was travelling through the provinces in search of
new talent; in Hainburg the parish priest, an old friend, suggested
that Haydn might be a suitable candidate. According to several
accounts Haydn did not know how to trill but, after Reutter
demonstrated, triumphantly got it right on his third attempt, thus
sealing his acceptance. For the next ten years, ‘I sang soprano both
at St Stephan’s and at court to great applause’. At the choir school,
‘I was taught the art of singing, the harpsichord and the violin by
very good masters’; in singing these included Adam Gegenbauer and
the tenor Ignaz Finsterbusch (both d 1753). To be sure, there was
apparently little formal training in theory or composition, although
the singing included solfeggio and the harpsichord instruction
probably entailed figured bass. But in their enthusiasm for the
notion that Haydn’s development amounted to ‘making something
out of nothing’ (Dies, allegedly quoting Haydn), most accounts again
exaggerate this supposed lack of instruction. ‘Haydn recalled having
had only two lessons [in theory] from the worthy Reutter’, writes
Griesinger, but if he could recall two, he might have had more. In
any case, ‘Reutter encouraged him to make whatever variations he
liked on the motets and Salves that he had to sing in church, and this
discipline soon led him to ideas of his own, which Reutter corrected’;
this scarcely implies outright neglect.
It was surely not on Haydn’s own that ‘he also came to know
Mattheson’s Der vollkommene Capellmeister (1739) and Fux’s
Gradus ad Parnassum (1725). With tireless exertion Haydn sought to
understand Fux’s theory; he worked his way through the entire
treatise’. However, although both Griesinger and Dies mention Fux
in the context of the choir school, Haydn’s study of him would more
plausibly have taken place during the 1750s. In any case, his copy of
Gradus is heavily annotated (in Latin); he made it the basis of his
own teaching of composition, as did Mozart. Another activity
entrusted to competent older choirboys was the instruction of their
younger colleagues in musical fundamentals; among those whom
Haydn taught was his brother Michael, who joined him there about
1745. Most important, for ten full years, at a highly impressionable
age, Haydn rehearsed and sang in performances of the greatest art-
music then being produced in Catholic Europe, amid the pomp and
splendour of the cathedral and court of an imperial capital. This
experience will have fundamentally shaped his musical intellect even
without formal training in composition.
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But this life could not last; his voice broke. A characteristic anecdote
adds insult to injury by relating that after one performance Maria
Theresa said that he sang ‘like a crow’, while rewarding Michael for
his beautiful singing. Griesinger states that Reutter had earlier
suggested that Haydn might become a castrato, but his father
refused permission (although this seems potentially inconsistent
with his parents’ original hope that he become a priest). Be this as it
may, soon after his voice broke he was dismissed from the choir
school. Haydn wrote that he remained there ‘until into my 18th
year’ (i.e. April 1749 to March 1750); Griesinger’s estimate, ‘in his
sixteenth year’, is generally thought to be too early. Carl Ferdinand
Pohl, who had access to many documents now lost but gives no
source in this instance, writes: ‘We find Haydn on the street; it was a
damp November evening in 1749’. Pathos aside (the date and
atmosphere derive from Framery), the date is consistent with
Haydn’s statement.
2. Vienna, c1750–61.
James Webster
This period comprises three stages, of which the first two overlap
without clear division. (1) During the ‘lean years’, about 1749 to the
mid-1750s, Haydn was a freelance musician, teacher and budding
composer. Even then, however, he was reaping professional and
social advantage from contact with figures such as Porpora and
Metastasio. (2) Beginning around 1753, and increasingly after 1755,
his compositional activity expanded, as his reputation and access to
patronage grew. (3) His first regular appointment, as director of
music for Count Morzin, began probably in 1757 and lasted until
winter 1760–61 or spring 1761.
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February 1749). This situation obviously could be no more than
temporary, especially as Spangler’s wife was soon pregnant with
their second child, Maddelena (b 4 September 1750); these
birthdates are consistent with Haydn’s having moved there in
November 1749 and with Framery’s account. (In 1768 Haydn
engaged Maddelena Spangler as a soprano at the Esterházy court,
where among other roles she created Vespina in L’infedeltà delusa
and Rezia in L’incontro improvviso; she was also the first Sara in Il
ritorno di Tobia.) Another good deed was done him by Johann
Wilhelm Buchholz, a lacemaker, whose granddaughter was
remembered in Haydn’s will ‘because her grandfather lent me 150
gulden without interest in my youth and great need’; the amount was
close to a year’s salary for an ordinary musician at a minor court. It
was perhaps in the following spring (1750) that he journeyed to the
huge Benedictine pilgrimage church in Mariazell (Styria). Griesinger
relates that he took with him ‘several motets which he had
composed and asked the regens chori there for permission to put out
the parts in the church and sing them’, and continues with an
anecdote according to which Haydn the next day got his way by
trickery. If ‘motet’ means a liturgical work other than a mass, it can
only have been his first Lauda Sion hymns, HXXIIIc:5; another
possibility is the Missa brevis in F. In any case this pilgrimage was
important to Haydn; later he composed both the Missa Cellensis and
the ‘Mariazellermesse’ with Mariazell in mind.
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In the same house … lived as well the famous poet
Metastasio. He was raising one Fräulein Martinez; Haydn
was engaged to give her lessons in singing and on the
clavier, in return for which he received free board for three
years. At Metastasio’s he also made the acquaintance of the
aging Kapellmeister Porpora. Porpora was teaching singing
to the mistress of the Venetian ambassador, Correr;
however, because he was too proper and too fond of his
ease to accompany at the piano himself, he delegated this
task to our Giuseppe. ‘There was no lack of Ass, Blockhead,
Rascal and pokes in the ribs, but I willingly put up with it
all, for I profited immensely from Porpora in singing,
composition and Italian.’ In the summer Correr travelled
with the lady to the popular bathing resort Mannersdorf …;
Porpora went as well … and took Haydn with him. For three
months Haydn served there as Porpora’s valet; he ate at
Correr’s officers’ table, and was paid six ducats [c25
gulden] a month. From time to time he was required to
accompany Porpora on the clavier at one Prince von
Hildburghausen’s, in the presence of Gluck, Wagenseil and
other famous masters; the approval of these connoisseurs
was especially encouraging to him.
All these events took place during the first half of the 1750s.
Haydn’s instruction of Martínez began in 1751 or 1752; presumably
his three years with Metastasio were from 1751 to 1754. Porpora
arrived in Vienna from Dresden in late 1752 or early 1753; Haydn
might well have met him in March 1753, when Metastasio was
considering him as composer of his new opera L’isola disabitata
(which in the event he assigned to Bonno; Haydn himself set this
libretto in 1779). Given the mastery of Haydn’s music by 1755–6,
1753 or 1754 are the latest plausible dates for his having ‘learnt the
true fundamentals of composition’ from Porpora, whose expert
knowledge of singing and Italian – ‘singing’ in this context implies
Italian opera and oratorio – was also of great importance; Haydn
became fluent in Italian and the italianate singing style. In addition,
it may well have been at Porpora’s instigation that he systematically
worked through Fux’s Gradus ad Parnassum (the only work
mentioned by any source that offers ‘true fundamentals’). Another
important musical encounter was Haydn’s discovery of Carl Philipp
Emanuel Bach, but this is unlikely to have taken place as early as
about 1750, as the biographers claim. Dies portrays Haydn asking
for ‘a good theoretical textbook’; this can refer only to the second
volume of Bach’s Versuch über die wahre Art das Clavier zu spielen.
However, it appeared far too late (1762) to serve the function Dies
attributes to it; even Bach’s first volume (1753) was apparently not
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sold in Vienna until the 1760s. Moreover, unlike Fux or Mattheson,
neither volume figures in Haydn’s library catalogue (1804) or his
estate. Indeed Griesinger speaks more plausibly of compositions:
An important early personal contact was with Joseph Felix von Kurz,
a well-known comic actor (under the stage-name Bernardon) and
minor impresario active at the Kärntnertortheater, for whom Haydn
supplied music to Der krumme Teufel, a comedy of the Hanswurst
type. It was apparently given its première in the 1751–2 season and
revived in May 1753, with considerable success. Neither libretto nor
music of this, his earliest stage work, survives; a libretto does
survive for a later version of 1759, often called Der neue krumme
Teufel, but, again, there is no music. It has been speculated that
many anonymous numbers in contemporary Viennese collections of
theatrical songs stem from this work or others that Haydn might
have composed, although documentation is lacking.
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In this period Haydn was also leader of the orchestra in the
convent of the Barmherzige Brüder … at 60 gulden a year.
Here he had to be in the church at eight o’clock in the
morning on Sundays and feast days, at ten o’clock he played
the organ in what was then the chapel of Count Haugwitz,
and at eleven o’clock he sang at St Stephan’s. He was paid
17 kreutzer for each service. In the evenings Haydn often
went ‘gassatim’ with his musical comrades, when one of his
compositions was usually performed, and he recalled having
composed a quintet [possibly HII:2] for that purpose in
1753.
The precise dates of the final two stages of Haydn’s early ‘progress’
– Fürnberg and Morzin – also remain uncertain. Griesinger writes:
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The following, purely coincidental circumstance led him to
try his hand at the composition of quartets. A certain Baron
Fürnberg had an estate in Weinzierl, several stages from
Vienna; from time to time he invited his parish priest, his
estate manager, and Albrechtsberger (a brother of the well-
known contrapuntist) in order to have a little music.
Fürnberg asked Haydn to compose something that could be
played by these four friends of the art. Haydn, who was
then 18, accepted the proposal, and so originated his first
quartet [incipit of HIII:1], which, immediately upon its
appearance, received such uncommon applause as to
encourage him to continue in this genre.
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musical establishment. Although the early biographers again
disagree as to the date, Haydn’s marriage certificate (26 November
1760) refers to him as ‘Music Director with Count v. Morzin’, so he
probably moved from Morzin to Esterházy without meaningful
interruption. Haydn’s compositions during the Morzin years include
about 15 symphonies; keyboard sonatas (including HXVI:6, probably
not later than 1760), trios, divertimentos (including HXIV:11, 1760)
and concertos; string trios; partitas for wind band (including HII:15,
1760) and possibly the quartets op.2 nos.1–2.
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and other instrumental works including an entertaining ‘Musical
Calendar’ (1748); in 1804 Haydn honoured his predecessor by
publishing six introductions and fugues from his oratorios, arranged
for string quartet. Paul, who from 1750 to 1752 was ambassador in
Naples and travelled widely elsewhere, collected a large quantity of
vocal and instrumental music (he had a catalogue made during the
period 1759–62; it lists one symphony by Haydn, acquired in 1760).
By about 1760 Werner was becoming infirm and his musical
orientation increasingly conservative; Paul set about modernizing
and enlarging the establishment, appointing several new musicians
before recruiting Haydn and others in 1761.
… Whereas
mo
1 a Kapellmeister at Eisenstadt named Gregorius
Werner has devoted many years of true and faithful service
to the princely house, but now, on account of his great age
and the resulting infirmities … is not always capable of
performing his duties, therefore said Gregorius Werner, in
consideration of his long service, shall continue to serve, as
Ober-Kapellmeister. On the other hand the said Joseph
Haydn, as vice-Kapellmeister, shall be subordinate to … said
Gregorio Werner, quà Ober-Kapellmeister, in regard to the
choral music [Chor-Musique] in Eisenstadt; but in all other
circumstances where any sort of music is to be made,
everything pertaining to the music, in general and in
particular, is the responsibility of said vice-Kapellmeister.
mo
14 His Highness not only undertakes to retain the said
Joseph Haydn in service during this period [three years,
renewable], but, should he provide complete satisfaction, he
shall also have expectations of the position of
Oberkapellmeister.
Although the contract is dated 1 May 1761, Haydn may have begun
working for the court earlier that year. Griesinger states that he
began on 19 March 1760; this cannot be correct, unless it was an
error for 1761 (Dies also names 1760), and the specific date ‘19’ is
suspect (the surviving contracts begin on the first of the month). But
the Prince was in Vienna in March 1761 (music was performed at
the Esterházy palace several times that month); indeed he may have
remained there much of the time until his death in March 1762.
Moreover, the contracts with several musicians appointed 1 April
1761 include a clause requiring them to obey not only the
Kapellmeister but the vice-Kapellmeister, but the latter position did
not exist until Haydn’s appointment. Hence he may well have
selected most or all of the musicians hired from April on, and so
helped to shape the newly constituted orchestra himself.
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Haydn’s contract, once thought to be demeaning, is now understood
as a standard document of its type; its terms were favourable to a
young man of 29 with only one previous position to his credit. He
was no servant, but a professional employee or ‘house officer’; he
received 400 gulden a year, plus various considerations in kind
including uniforms and board at the officers’ table. He was in charge
of the ‘Camer-Musique’, which comprised not only all instrumental
music but secular vocal and stage music as well. He had full
authority over the musicians, both professionally and in terms of
their behaviour; but he was close to many of them personally as well,
often serving as godfather to their children. His duties included
responsibility for the musical archives and instruments (including
purchase, upkeep and repair), instruction in singing, performing
both as leader and as soloist (‘because [he] is competent on various
instruments’) – and, of course, composition:
to
4 Whenever His Princely Highness commands, the vice-
Kapellmeister is obligated to compose such works of music
as His Highness may demand; further not to communicate
[such] new compositions to anyone, still less allow them to
be copied [for others], but to reserve them entirely and
exclusively for His Highness; most of all to compose nothing
for any other person without prior knowledge and gracious
consent.
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movements). Haydn led from the violin; no keyboard continuo was
employed except in the theatre. Beginning in the 1770s, the
ensemble was gradually enlarged, owing primarily to the increasing
importance of the court opera; at its height in the 1780s it counted
22–4 members. Especially at first, it was manned largely by
virtuosos (including Luigi Tomasini, violin, Joseph Weigl and later
Anton Kraft, cello, Carl Franz, horn and baryton), some of whom
remained at the court for decades. This situation is reflected in many
difficult and exposed passages in Haydn’s symphonies, as well as
numerous concertos from the 1760s. Indeed symphonies nos.6–8, Le
matin, Le midi and Le soir (1761) – among his first compositions in
his new position; Dies states that the ‘times of day’ topic was
suggested by the prince – were expressly calculated to show off the
new ensemble, both as a whole and in terms of the individual
players, all of whom receive solos. But Haydn was also
demonstrating his own prowess: although the topics were
traditional, the works have no precedent, either generally or in his
own output.
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(ii) Kapellmeister, 1766–90.
In late 1765 and early 1766 Haydn’s status and activities at the
Esterházy court changed radically. First came a series of crises in his
relations with the prince. In September 1765 the flautist Franz Sigl
accidentally burnt down a house; the chief court administrator,
Ludwig Peter Rahier (with whom Haydn often clashed),
recommended that Sigl be imprisoned, and Haydn was reprimanded
by the prince. Haydn however eloquently defended himself and
succeeded in having Sigl’s punishment reduced to simple dismissal
(indeed he was later rehired). In October, Werner, having just signed
his last will, wrote a vituperative letter to the prince in which he
accused Haydn of neglecting the instruments and musical archives
and the supervision of the singers. In late November or early
December Nicolaus again sent Haydn a reprimand (perhaps drafted
by Rahier), instructing him to see to these matters and to prepare a
catalogue of the archives and instruments of the Chor-Musique. At
the end stood the following postscript: ‘Kapellmeister Haydn is
urgently enjoined to apply himself to composition more zealously
than heretofore, and especially to compose more pieces that one can
play on the [baryton]’. The baryton was a member of the viol family,
on which the performer could ‘accompany himself’ by plucking a
series of sympathetically vibrating strings while also playing
normally with the bow; the prince was an accomplished performer.
Haydn, though doubtless angry and dismayed, at once began to
compose baryton trios in quantity. On 4 January 1766 he submitted
three new ones (Nicolaus pronounced himself satisfied and awarded
him 12 ducats, while immediately ordering six more), and completed
a ‘book’ of 24 (they were elegantly bound in sets) that autumn; two
additional books followed by July 1768. Thereafter production
dropped off somewhat, though remaining steady into the mid-1770s,
for a total of 126 trios plus sundry other works.
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Such an extension occasioned the ‘Farewell’ Symphony (no.45,
autumn 1772), in which the pantomime of the departing musicians
brought home to the prince the need to return to Eisenstadt.
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of Countess Lamberg, the prince’s niece. After a pause, operatic
composition resumed in 1773 with L’infedeltà delusa, given on 26
July (the nameday of the dowager Princess Maria Anna, Paul Anton’s
widow), and Philemon und Baucis, a German marionette opera,
given on 2 September during the festivities in honour of a ‘state’
visit by Empress Maria Theresa to Eszterháza. (Hexenschabbas,
another marionette opera from about this time, is lost.) L’infedeltà
delusa was also given for the empress; the performance occasioned
her famous remark (if it is genuine) that in order to see a good opera
she had to go to the country. Haydn’s last opera during this phase
was L’incontro improvviso, first given on 29 August 1775, during a
visit by Archduke Ferdinand and his court.
During the late 1760s and early 1770s Haydn continued to compose
instrumental works, albeit at a slower rate than before (except
during the operatic hiatus of 1770–72). But they became longer,
more passionate and more daring. The symphonies comprise nos.26,
35, 38, 41–9, 52, 58–9, 65; many of these are among his best-known
before the London period, as is evident from their nicknames, which
include ‘Lamentatione’, ‘Maria Theresa’, ‘La passione’, ‘Mourning’,
‘Farewell’ and ‘The Schoolmaster’. He also took up the string
quartet, not cultivated since the 1750s, producing three increasingly
imposing opera in rapid succession: op.9 (c1769–70), op.17 (1771)
and op.20 (1772). The reason is unknown: there is no documentation
of quartet performances at the Esterházy court, and it has been
speculated that he composed them for Viennese patrons (Burney
described the audience’s transports at a performance of Haydn
quartets in Vienna in September 1772). He also composed numerous
keyboard sonatas for connoisseurs: HXVI:45 (1766), 19 (1767), 46
(late 1760s), 20 (in C minor, 1771), as well as seven lost works and
one that survives only as a fragment (HXVI:2a–g, XIV:5) which, to
judge from the incipits, were on the same scale. A few concertos
date from this period as well. Many of these works are so bold and
expressive that in the 20th century they became subsumed under
the appellation Sturm und Drang. The term has been criticized:
taken from the title of a play of 1776 by Maximilian Klinger, it
properly pertains to a literary movement of the middle and late
1770s rather than a musical one of about 1768–72, and early
proponents of this interpretation assumed implausibly and without
evidence that these works expressed a ‘romantic crisis’ in Haydn’s
life. Nevertheless, his style during these years was distinctive;
furthermore, similar traits are found in the contemporary music of
many other Austrian composers, including the young Mozart’s G
minor Symphony K183/173dB and D minor String Quartet K173.
In Haydn’s case this development may have been related to his turn
to vocal music beginning in 1766: perhaps the demand for
expressive depth in sacred works and dramatic effectiveness in
opera, as well as the tendency towards through-composition in both
genres, stimulated this expansion of his instrumental music. In 1769
Nicolaus began engaging a theatrical troupe each summer season; in
the seasons 1772–7 it was the famous one directed by Carl Wahr,
which played primarily comedies and other entertainments, although
Shakespeare’s tragedies were also mounted. It has been speculated
that Haydn supplied incidental music for these productions
(including even Hamlet and King Lear) and that some Sturm und
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Drang symphonies recycle this music, although the only documented
example is Symphony no.60 (‘Il distratto’, 1774), from a very un-
Shakespearean French comedy. In any case, from about 1773
Haydn’s instrumental music became generally lighter in style – the
reason (if any) is again unknown; there is no evidence of princely
intervention – and was again addressed to amateurs as well as
connoisseurs. The string quartet was abandoned. Both the
symphonies of 1773–5 (nos.50–51, 54–7, 60, 64, 66–9) and two
contemporaneous sets of keyboard sonatas, HXVI:21–6 (1773) and
especially 27–32 (1774–6), exemplify this mixed orientation; the
former was published in Vienna in 1774 (the first authorized
publication of Haydn’s music) with a dedication to the prince, who
presumably paid the costs. A third set (nos.35–9 and 20), again
mixed in style, was published in 1780.
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mondo della luna (given on 3 August 1777, on the marriage of
Nicolaus’s younger son). La vera costanza (1778–9) is the subject of
implausible and conflicting anecdotes in Griesinger and Dies,
according to which it was originally commissioned for the
Burgtheater in Vienna but scuttled by intrigue (neither Joseph II nor
his musicians were well-disposed towards Haydn); in fact it had its
première at Eszterháza, on 25 April 1779. It was lost in the fire that
largely destroyed the Eszterháza opera theatre on 18 November
1779; the surviving version represents Haydn’s reconstruction of the
work from 1785. It is a measure of the prince’s commitment (or
obsession) that an opera was given just three days after the fire, in
the marionette theatre, which had been hastily adapted for staged
opera (yet another noble marriage was to be celebrated). Haydn’s
L’isola disabitata to a libretto by Metastasio also had its première on
schedule on 6 December (the prince’s nameday). Next came La
fedeltà premiata (1780; given on 25 February 1781, on the
inauguration of the rebuilt opera house). In 1783 Haydn took the
unusual step of publishing the great scena for Celia in Act 2, ‘Ah,
come il core … Ombra del caro bene’, in full score; it received a
detailed and laudatory review by C.F. Cramer in his Magazin der
Musik. Haydn’s last two Eszterháza operas were Orlando paladino
(1782, for the prince’s nameday) and Armida (1783; given 26
February 1784). The later 1770s saw three German marionette
operas, also all lost in the 1779 fire: Dido (1776), Vom abgebrannten
Haus (date uncertain) and Die bestrafte Rachbegierde (1779; its
production can be inferred only from the printed libretto); the
occasionally seen Die Feuersbrunst is either spurious or represents
an arrangement of Vom abgebrannten Haus.
After 1783 Haydn composed no more operas for the court. It is not
known why he abandoned the genre, which he had cultivated
intensively since 1766 and in which he was proud of his
achievements (see §6 below), or how he persuaded the prince to
consent at a time when the number of productions was still rising.
Perhaps he was increasingly drawn to his new career as composer of
instrumental music for publication (see §(iv) below). In any case all
his other duties for the court theatre remained in force; in particular
he still revised the operas in production to suit his provincial stage
and limited personnel. Haydn made many cuts, both of entire
numbers and within them, re-orchestrated (often adding winds),
changed tempos (usually speeding them up) and ‘tailored’ arias to
‘fit’ his singers, as Mozart would have said. He composed about 20
substitute (‘insertion’) arias (HXXIVb) as well as long passages
within numbers not rejected as a whole.
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4. Joseph Haydn: engraving by Luigi Schiavonetti after the second
version of a portrait by Ludwig Guttenbrunn, c1792; the first version of
the portrait probably dates from c1770
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towards his elder brother Pietro (b 1777); he taught them both
music and maintained contact with them throughout his life. As for
Luigia, following the dissolution of the Kapelle in 1790 Haydn
attempted to procure engagements for her in Italy; however, he
would not have her with him in London, even though her sister was
engaged there as a singer (see §4 below). Although there are no
letters from the 1780s by which we might assess the nature of their
feelings, he wrote to her often (in Italian) during his first London
visit. Those up to early spring 1792 are ardent: ‘Perhaps I shall
never regain the good humour that I used to have with you; you are
always in my heart, and I shall never, never forget you … Think from
time to time about your Haydn, who esteems you and loves you
tenderly, and will always be faithful to you’ (14 January). But those
from May and June are notably cooler – he had entered a new
relationship – and none survives from his second London visit. He
acceded to Polzelli’s requests for money, but not always immediately
or in the demanded amount, while complaining (misleadingly) how
little he had, as well as (accurately) how hard he had to work.
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next decade. This would not have been possible on the terms of his
1761 contract, which forbade him from selling music on his own or
composing for anyone else without permission. However, he signed a
new contract on New Year’s Day 1779, in which these prohibitions
were omitted; the conjunction with Artaria’s founding in 1778 and
Haydn’s publication of music with them beginning in 1779–80
cannot be coincidental. The prince was losing interest in
instrumental music; Haydn must have persuaded him to strike a
compromise, whereby he remained in residence at court, continued
in charge of the opera and drew his full salary, but was granted
compositional independence in other respects, including the income
from sales of his music. In addition, he began to market his music in
other countries: in England beginning in 1781 with Forster, to whom
he sold more music than to anyone except Artaria; in France
beginning in 1783, selling Symphonies nos.76–8 (composed 1782) to
Boyer and offering nos.79–81 (1783–4) to Naderman. (To be sure,
certain works not composed for the court – for example, the ‘Paris’
Symphonies – were still performed, or at any rate tried out, there
before being sent into the world, and others, such as the piano
sonatas HXVI:40–42, were dedicated to members of the princely
family.)
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It was with astonishment that I read … that you intend to
publish my quartets in four weeks … Such a proceeding
places me in a most dishonourable position and is very
damaging; it is a most extortionate step on your part … Mr
Hummel [the publisher] also wanted to be a subscriber, but
I did not want to behave so shabbily, and I did not send
them to Berlin solely out of regard for our friendship and
further transactions; by God! you owe me more than 50
ducats, since I have not yet satisfied many of the
subscribers, and cannot possibly send copies to those living
abroad; this step must cause the cessation of further
transactions between us.
Another risk arose from the circumstance that many publishers sold
works from their own catalogues to business partners in other
markets. Forster naturally assumed he had exclusive rights in
England to the works Haydn had sold him. However, when Artaria
sold some of the same works to Longman & Broderip, two ostensibly
authorized editions were suddenly in direct competition. To make
matters worse, among the works Haydn sold Forster was a set of
piano trios HXV:3–5, the first two of which were almost certainly
compositions of his former pupil Pleyel. Later, Pleyel sold them to
Longman & Broderip; when the latter edition appeared, Forster
embarked on a lawsuit with Longman, in which Haydn became
entangled when he went to England; it was settled out of court.
Despite such difficulties, his methods of exploiting multiple markets
became a model for the next two generations of composers; he
‘taught’ it to Beethoven (who learnt his lesson well, including the
unscrupulous aspects), and it was still used by Mendelssohn and
Chopin. He was also adept at ‘marketing’. He described Symphonies
nos.76–8 as ‘beautiful, impressive and above all not very long
symphonies … and in particular everything very easy’, and his first
authorized Viennese publication of orchestral music (late 1782) was
devoted, not to symphonies, but to the ‘easier’ genre of the overture.
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For all these reasons Haydn’s compositional activity underwent a
radical change in the 1780s. His music, which been well known and
much praised since the mid-1760s, was now genuinely popular: he
could scarcely keep up with the demand. He concentrated on what
was salable: instrumental works that would appeal to both amateurs
and connoisseurs, opera excerpts and lieder. As long as his works
had been destined for the court or published without his
participation, he had had little need to follow the ‘opus’ principle;
now he adopted it for almost all his publications. Even the string
quartet was subject to another pause of six years (and the example
of Mozart’s quartets dedicated to him) before he composed three
sets in rapid succession during 1787–90: op.50 (Artaria; dedicated to
the King of Prussia), op.54/55 (a single set of six, sold to Johann Tost,
formerly a violinist at court, who resold them to various publishers)
and op.64. The English publisher John Bland visited him at
Eszterháza in November 1789, when Haydn promised him a new
quartet in return for a new razor (Haydn thanked him for the razors
in April 1790). However, a ‘new’ quartet could not have been the one
now known as the ‘Razor’ (op.55 no.2, composed in 1788 and never
published by Bland); it is more likely that the story has to do with op.
64 (1790), which Bland did publish in an authorized edition.
A genre that Haydn had not cultivated since the mid-1760s but
which now again became important was the piano trio, with 13
works in the 1780s. HXV:5 (1784) and 9–10 (1785) were sold to
Forster; nos.6–8 (1784–5) and 11–13 (1788–9) to Artaria, as was no.
14 (1789–90). Nos.15–17 (1790) were composed for Bland; they
specify a flute rather than a violin as the melody instrument (no.17:
flute or violin). The piano sonatas nos.33, 34 and 43 were assembled
post facto and published in 1783; by contrast, nos.40–42 are an
‘opus’ (published 1784; dedicated to Marie Hermenegild, wife of the
later Prince Nicolaus II). Two important single sonatas date from
1789–90: HXVI:48 in C, composed for Breitkopf in Leipzig, and HXVI:
49 in E♭, for Maria Anna von Genzinger; the Capriccio HXVII:4,
composed ‘in a launige hour’ in 1789, is equally fine. Another genre
made newly popular through publication was the lied; Haydn
composed 24 in 1781–4 (HXXVIa:1–24) and published them with
Artaria in two sets of 12.
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The other commission was a highly unusual one from Cádiz, for a
series of orchestral pieces on the last words of Christ, to be
performed in a darkened church as a kind of Passion during Holy
Week, presumably on Good Friday. Haydn described them to Forster
as
Griesinger commented: ‘Haydn often stated that this work was one
of his most successful’. It was widely performed and favourably
received, not least owing to its avoidance of what were taken to be
the chief dangers of tone-painting, excessive literalness and
triviality. Haydn also sold the Seven Last Words in arrangements,
one for string quartet and one for keyboard.
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there are no further records of his participation, and (despite one
further letter) it appears that freemasonry was of no particular
significance to him.
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unusual (although cynics note that he might have attempted to
recruit the latter, but failed), and Griesinger relates an anecdote
according to which he defended Haydn against a stupid criticism by
Kozeluch: ‘neither you nor I would have hit on that idea’. But
Haydn’s expressions of admiration went further. In a famous (albeit
unauthenticated) letter of 1787 to the impresario Franz Rott in
Prague, he admitted that he feared comparison with ‘the great
Mozart’, at least on the stage:
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Here I sit in my wilderness – forsaken – like a poor waif –
almost without human society – sad – full of the memories of
past glorious days – yes! past, alas! – and who knows if
those days will return again? Those wonderful parties? –
where the whole circle is one heart, one soul – all the
beautiful musical evenings? … For three days I didn’t know
if I was Kapellmeister or Kapell-servant. Nothing could
console me, my whole house was in confusion, my
pianoforte, which I usually love, was perverse and
disobedient … I could sleep only a little, even my dreams
persecuted me; and then, just when I was happily dreaming
that I was listening to Le nozze di Figaro, the horrible North
wind woke me and almost blew my nightcap off my head …
Alas! alas! I thought to myself as I was eating here, instead
of that delicious slice of beef, a chunk of a 50-year-old cow
… Here in Eszterháza no one asks me: ‘Would you like some
chocolate, with milk or without? … What may I offer you, my
dear Haydn, would you like a vanilla or a strawberry ice?’
But the year 1790 was to prove even more disruptive than Haydn
could have suspected in early February. Joseph II died on 20
February, throwing Vienna into mourning; five days later, Nicolaus
Esterházy’s wife died (Haydn had his hands full keeping him from
succumbing to depression), followed on 28 September by the prince
himself. Anton, his son and successor, immediately dissolved the
musical and theatrical establishment, although Haydn was kept on at
a reduced salary without official duties; he also received 1000
gulden a year from Nicolaus’s estate. He at once moved to Vienna,
taking rooms with a friend, J.N. Hamberger. He declined an offer to
become Kapellmeister for Prince Grassalkovics (Nicolaus’s son-in-
law, resident in Pressburg), and made it clear to King Ferdinando
that he would not fulfil any vague promises he might have made to
travel to Naples. Whatever his intentions were, they were soon
overtaken by events.
4. London, 1791–5.
James Webster
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they were composed ‘for the English gentlemen, and I intended to
bring them over myself and produce them’ at the Professional
Concert (the successor to the Bach-Abel Concerts of 1774–82); in
July 1787 he contemplated composing an opera and instrumental
works for G.A.B. Gallini, the impresario of the Italian opera. Salomon
himself had had business dealings with Haydn, who in a letter to
Bland of April 1790 referred to 40 ducats owed him by Salomon.
However, as long as Nicolaus Esterházy was alive Haydn had been
unwilling or unable to negotiate his freedom; now, Prince Anton
willingly granted him a year’s leave.
London was the largest and economically most vibrant city in the
world, made even more cosmopolitan by refugees from the French
Revolution. Haydn settled in the same house where Salomon lived
and also had a studio at Broadwood’s music shop, although he
complained of the noise and later moved to a suburb. He
immediately plunged into a hectic social and professional life which,
however stimulating, competed with his need to compose:
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about 40 players, in 1795 by about 60. The typical concert was a
mixed affair, including symphonies, sonatas, arias and duets. A
special feature was the massed choral performances in Westminster
Abbey; Haydn’s experience of hearing Handel’s oratorios there was
the chief stimulus for The Creation.
Haydn arrived with relatively few new works except the string
quartets op.64; they were published in 1791–2 by Bland, ‘composed
r
by Giuseppe Haydn, and performed under his direction, at M
Salomon’s Concert’. However, Symphonies nos.90–92 had not yet
been printed in England; Haydn made use of nos.90 and 92 in 1791,
as well as lyre notturnos (arranged for flute and oboe) and Arianna a
Naxos. Symphony no.92 soon became a favourite, and was one of
several symphonies performed on the occasion of his receiving the
honorary doctorate of music at Oxford, 6–8 July 1791 (whence its
nickname). This event meant a great deal to him; thereafter he often
referred to himself in public documents (or when needing to assert
his status) as ‘Doktor der Tonkunst’.
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6. Advertisement from ‘The Times’ (16 May 1791) concerning Haydn’s
benefit concert, to be given on that day
By the end of the 1791 season Salomon and Haydn were agreed that
he would stay for another year. However, Anton Esterházy (who had
written to Haydn cordially in February) wanted him to return; when
Haydn informed him that he had signed a new contract with
Salomon and requested an additional year’s leave, the prince
refused, demanding that he inform him ‘by the next post the exact
time when you will arrive back here again’. Haydn feared outright
dismissal; as so often, it did not come to that. The summer and
autumn gave him ample opportunity to compose, travel and expand
his social circle. In August and early September he stayed on the
estate of Nathaniel Brassey, a banker, in Hertfordshire. By mid-
September he was back in London; on 5 November he attended an
official banquet given by the newly installed Lord Mayor (amusingly
described in the Notebooks). On 24–5 November he stayed at
Oatlands, a property of the Duke of York, who the previous day had
been married to a daughter of the King of Prussia; the new duchess
became one of his most loyal patrons.
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My D[ear]: I was extremely sorry to part with you so
suddenly last Night … I had a thousand affectionate things
to say to you, my heart was and is full of TENDERNESS for
you, you are DEARER to me every day of my life … I am truly
sensible of your goodness, and I assure you my D. if
anything had happened to trouble me, I would have opened
my heart, & told you with the most perfect confidence. Oh
how earnestly [I] wish to see you. I hope you will come to
me tomorrow. I shall be happy to see you both in the
Morning and the Evening.
Haydn’s and Salomon’s plans for the 1792 season were complicated
by the organizers of the Professional Concert, whom Haydn had
disappointed in the 1780s and who in 1791 had printed scurrilous
notices alleging that his talent had dried up. As he wrote to
Genzinger (17 January), complaining of overwork:
Pleyel’s music, similar to but far less brilliant and complex than his
master’s, was then very popular. Haydn’s outward modesty and good
manners notwithstanding, he was not about to be upstaged by a
former student whose talent lay far beneath his own. Even his most
famous ‘surprise’, in the eponymous symphony, played a role.
Griesinger writes:
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The Professional Concert having disbanded, in 1794 Haydn and
Salomon had the stage to themselves. Symphony no.99 had its
première on 10 February 1794, no.101 on 3 March, no.100 on 31
March. In the summer Haydn travelled to Portsmouth, the Isle of
Wight, Bath and Bristol. For the 1795 season, however, Salomon
abandoned his concerts, owing to the difficulty of obtaining ‘vocal
performers of the first rank from abroad’ (he resumed them in
1796). Haydn therefore allied himself with the so-called Opera
Concerts, directed by the violinist and composer Giovanni Battista
Viotti, with an even larger orchestra, of approximately 60 players;
Symphony no.102 was first given on 2 February, no.103 (‘Drumroll’)
on 2 March, and no.104 – ‘The 12th which I have composed in
England’, Haydn wrote on the autograph, doubtless with more than
a touch of pride – at his benefit concert on 4 May. His success was
greater than ever; following the benefit, Burney wrote that his 1795
symphonies were ‘such as were never heard before, of any mortal’s
production; of what Apollo & the Muses compose or perform we can
only judge by such productions as these’. Another important work
given its première at this concert was the cantata Berenice, che fai
(HXXIVa:10), composed for the reigning prima donna, Brigida Giorgi
Banti.
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composing trios and canzonets and seeing to the publication of many
of his English compositions – he established new, long-term
relations, for example with the ‘musick seller’ F.A. Hyde, an agent
for Longman & Broderip, with whom he signed an elaborate contract
in 1796 – he departed (according to Dies) on 15 August, travelling
via Hamburg and Dresden and arriving in Vienna presumably around
the beginning of September. His new house still not being ready for
occupancy, he took lodgings on the Neuer Markt in the old city.
5. Vienna, 1795–1809.
James Webster
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Hummel and, in 1807, Beethoven. The absence of new masses in
1797 and 1800 doubtless reflects Haydn’s intense work on The
Creation and The Seasons, respectively, during those two years.
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subsidized the copying and performance. Haydn, whose enthusiasm
for the project was bound up with his experience of Handel in
London, conceived the remarkable notion of disseminating the work
in both German and English (it is apparently the first original
bilingual composition). Swieten translated the libretto and adapted
the English prosody to his German version; he also made
suggestions regarding the musical setting, many of which Haydn
adopted. He began the composition apparently in autumn 1796
(Albrechtsberger wrote to Beethoven in December that he had heard
him ‘improvise’ from it); it was at least half done by summer 1797
and according to F.S. Silverstolpe (see Stellan Mörner, E1969) was
completed during the autumn, in Eisenstadt, although the
preparation of performance materials (which entailed revisions)
lasted up to March 1798.
No one, not even Baron van Swieten, had seen the page of
the score wherein the Creation of Light is portrayed …
Haydn had the expression of someone who is thinking of
biting his tongue, either to hide his embarrassment or to
conceal a secret. And in that moment when Light broke
forth for the first time, one would have said that light-rays
darted from the composer’s blazing eyes. The enchantment
of the electrified Viennese was so profound that the
performers could not proceed for some minutes.
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The success which my Oratorio The Creation has been
fortunate enough to enjoy … [has] induced me to arrange
for its dissemination myself. Thus the work will appear …
neatly and correctly engraved and printed on good paper,
with German and English texts; and in full score, so that [at
least] one work of my composition will be available to the
public in its entirety, and the connoisseur will be in a
position to see it as a whole and to judge it.
The edition appeared at the end of February 1800 with a list of more
than 400 subscribers.
Other than masses, Haydn’s only important liturgical work from this
period is the Te Deum ‘for the Empress’ (HXXIIIc:2), probably
composed in 1800 and apparently first given in September in
Eisenstadt, perhaps in conjunction with the visit there of Lord
Nelson (whence the nickname ‘Nelson Mass’ for the Missa in
angustiis). A very different kind of vocal composition is represented
by the 13 partsongs (HXXV), composed in the years 1796–9. A
number of lieder and canons date from the same years; the latter
were also ‘private’ works, the autographs of which Haydn framed
and mounted on the walls of his house. A chapter in its own right is
the hundreds of arrangements of British folksongs he sold to the
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publisher George Thomson in Edinburgh, not all from his own pen;
as in so many other respects, Beethoven followed him in this
lucrative commission.
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comprehensive ‘Catalogue of all those compositions that I
approximately recall having composed from my 18th to my 73rd
year’, or ‘Haydn-Verzeichnis’.
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frail man his first biographers knew. Insight into the personality and
behaviour of the vigorous and productive composer, performer,
Kapellmeister, impresario, businessman, conqueror of London,
husband and lover, whose career had already spanned 50 years
when Griesinger met him in 1799, must be inferred from his
correspondence (which is more revealing than is usually assumed)
and from other sources.
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I discovered in Haydn as it were two physiognomies. One
was penetrating and serious, when he talked about anything
sublime, and the mere word ‘sublime’ was enough to excite
his feelings to visible animation. In the next moment this air
of exaltation was chased away as fast as lightning by his
usual mood, and he became jovial with a force that was
visible in his features and even passed into drollery. The
latter was his usual physiognomy; the former had to be
induced.
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This little bit of freedom, how sweet it tastes! I had a good
prince, but at times I was forced to be dependent on base
souls. I often sighed for release; now I have it in some
measure … Even though I am burdened with more work, the
knowledge that I am not bound to service makes ample
amends for all my toil. And yet, dear though this freedom is
to me, I long to be in Prince Esterházy’s service on my
return, if only for the sake of my poor family. However, I
doubt that this longing can be satisfied, in that my prince …
absolutely demands my immediate return, which however I
cannot comply with, owing to a new contract I have entered
into here.
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likeness of himself. Several sculptures survive from the last Vienna
years, including two busts by Grassi; there is also a deathmask,
taken by Elssler.
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with Lor. Sterne’ (Triest). In fact, his irony goes beyond wit: a
passage may be deceptive in character or function (the D major
interlude in the first movement of the ‘Farewell’ Symphony sounds
like a minuet out of context, but it is not a minuet and plays a crucial
tonal and psychological role), or a movement may systematically
subvert listeners’ expectations until (or even past) the end (the finale
of the Quartet op.54 no.2). Like Beethoven, Haydn often seems to
problematize music rather than merely to compose it (the tonal
ambiguity at the beginning of op.33 no.1).
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concertinos etc. stand seemingly opposed to larger-scale
symphonies, string trios and keyboard trios. The three op.20
quartets with fugal finales project, in order of composition, severe
tradition (no.5), the galant (no.6) and a studied mixture of both (no.
2); yet these monuments to high art originated precisely in the
middle of his baryton-trio decade. In the late 1770s most of his
symphonies were unambiguously intended as entertainment, but no.
70 is selfconsciously learned. In 1785–90 he composed some 45
weighty symphonies, quartets and piano works, but also lyre
concertos and notturnos, flute trios and other light works. Of course,
the distinction between ‘art’ and ‘entertainment’ cannot be
simplistically correlated with differences in artistic quality. Haydn’s
early string quartets are arguably his most polished pre-Esterházy
works; the baryton trios and lyre notturnos are finely wrought
compositions, as rewarding in their way as the raw expressionism of
the ‘Sturm und Drang’. These stylistic dualities are found even in his
late sacred vocal music and long hindered its appreciation. His
quotation of the buffa-like contredanse from no.32 of The Creation in
the Schöpfungsmesse so offended the empress that she insisted that
he alter it in performances at the Habsburg court, many of her high-
minded contemporaries took offence at the ‘Tändeleien’ (trifling) and
dance-like triple metres in his late masses, and as recently as the
1970s noted authorities still wrote of the ‘triviality’ of the Kyrie of
the Missa in tempore belli. Now, however, their stylistic heterodoxy
seems as gloriously uplifting as that of Die Zauberflöte.
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broadly humorous sallies, that concealed (or developed into) the
highest art. Indeed these aspects of his style intensified in his
London and late Vienna years, along with the complexity of his music
and its fascination for connoisseurs. One of the best early comments
on Haydn’s music was Gerber’s: he ‘possessed the great art of
appearing familiar in his themes’ (emphasis added): that is, their
popular character is neither merely given nor a direct reflection of
his personality, but the result of calculated artistic shaping. This
becomes obvious when he employs folk tunes, as in the Andante of
Symphony no.103 and the finale of no.104: the piquant raised fourth-
degree of the one, the horn pedal of the other, are not quoted, but
adapted to the character of a grand symphony. Haydn’s ‘pretension
… to a simplicity that appears to come from Nature itself is no mask
but the true claim of a style whose command over the whole range of
technique is so great that it can ingenuously afford to disdain the
outward appearance of high art’ (Rosen, I1971).
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11. Title-page of Haydn’s ‘Erdődy’ Quartets op.76 (Vienna: Artaria,
1799)
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between God and a foolish sinner’ (unidentified; perhaps from no.7,
22 or 26). In his vocal music Haydn (like Handel) was a brilliant and
enthusiastic word-painter. This trait is but one aspect of his musical
imagery in general: in addition to rhetorical figures and ‘topoi’ it
comprises key associations (e.g. E♭ with the hereafter), semantic
associations (e.g. the flute with the pastoral) and musical
conceptualizations (e.g. long notes on ‘E-wigkeit’ in The Creation or
‘ae-ter-num’ in the late Te Deum).
Vocal music constitutes fully half of Haydn’s output. Both his first
and last completed compositions were mass settings, and he
cultivated sacred vocal music extensively throughout his career
except during the later 1780s, when elaborate church music was
inhibited by the Josephinian reforms, and the first half of the 1790s
in London.
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and the chorus. The remaining masses fall into two groups of six
each: nos.2, 4–8 (1766–82; no.3 is probably spurious) and nos.9–14
(1796–1802); except where noted they are of medium length (30 to
40 minutes). The former are notably heterogeneous. The huge and
impressive Missa Cellensis in C (begun 1766) is of the solenne type
(often miscalled ‘cantata mass’); each of the five main sections is
subdivided into numerous complete and independent movements.
These include choruses both festive and ominous, elaborate arias,
ariosos, ensembles and four massive concluding fugues. The Kyrie
and certain arias are traditional in style, while the remainder is
distinctly modern; the fugues are powerfully expressive despite their
contrapuntal fireworks, especially the overwhelming ‘Et vitam
venturi’, which functions not merely as a concluding highpoint but as
the through-composed goal of the entire Credo. The Missa ‘Sunt
bona mixta malis’ (1768) survives only in an autograph fragment
transmitting the Kyrie and the first part of the Gloria; it is not known
whether Haydn completed the work, and the import of ‘mixed good
and bad’ (from a classical proverb) remains obscure. It is set for
chorus and organ continuo in stile antico; strict fugal expositions
alternate with free counterpoint and occasional homophonic
passages. The ‘Great Organ Mass’ in E♭ (c1768–9) is more personal
in tone: the dark english horns contrast with exuberant treble
obbligato organ parts in the Kyrie, Benedictus and Dona nobis
pacem. The Missa Sancti Nicolai (1772) is often described as
‘pastoral’, owing to its key of G major and the lilting 6/4 rhythm of
the Kyrie (which returns for the Dona nobis pacem), although the
Crucifixus and Agnus Dei are serious indeed. In the mid-1770s
followed the ‘Little Organ Mass’ in B♭, a quiet, almost pietistically
fervent missa brevis. The ‘Mariazellermesse’ in C (1782) resembles
the Missa Cellensis in key, scoring and purpose, although it is more
compact and more closely allied with sonata style.
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Although Haydn’s late masses indubitably reflect the experience of
the London symphonies, their symphonic character has been
exaggerated. Even in the Kyrie, which usually consists of a slow
introduction and a fast main movement, the latter freely combines
fugato and sonata style in a distinctly unsymphonic way. The Gloria
and Credo are divided into several movements, fast–slow–fast with
the slow middle movement(s) in contrasting keys and featuring the
soloists (e.g. the ‘Qui tollis’ of the Missa in tempore belli, a bass aria
with solo cello in A major; or the ‘Et incarnatus’ of the Heiligmesse,
based on Haydn’s canon Gott im Herzen); they usually conclude with
a fugue on a brief subject, which often enters attacca and always
leads to a homophonic coda. The Sanctus often adopts the ‘majesty’
topic, admixed with mysterious passages; it leads directly into the
brief ‘Pleni sunt coeli – Osanna’, which may or may not return
following the Benedictus. The latter is a long movement and an
emotional highpoint; it usually features the soloists and is in, or
based on, sonata form. The Agnus Dei opens with an initial slow
section, either threatening in the minor or serenely confident in a
remote major key; it leads to a half-cadence and thence to the fast
‘Dona nobis pacem’, usually a free combination of fugato and
homophony, leading (again) to a homophonic wind-up.
The other liturgical works date primarily from the first half of
Haydn’s career; their original destinations and purposes are almost
entirely unknown. According to liturgical function they comprise
offertories (HXXIIIa), Marian antiphons (HXXIIIb), hymns (HXXIIIc)
and pastorellas (HXXIIId; Haydn called them ‘cantilenas’). They vary
widely in style and scale, from the massive, dark, traditional Stabat
bis
mater (HXX , 1767) to the tender devotion of the Lauda Sion hymn
complexes; from the festive jubilation of the choral Te Deum settings
with trumpets and drums in C to the stylized folk idiom of the
pastorellas for solo voices and strings. Even subgenres exhibit
marked contrasts: the Lauda Sion hymns from the 1750s (HXXIIIc:5)
are all in C, Vivace 3/4, while those from the later 1760s (HXXIIIc:4)
are in a tonally interesting set of four different keys and alternate
Andante 3/4 with Largo alla breve. Similarly, the Salve regina in E
(HXXIIIb:1, 1756) features ornate italianate writing for the solo
soprano, whereas that in G minor (HXXIIIb:2, 1771) is expressively
brooding, with no trace of vocal ornamentation. Of the three late
works, the offertory Non nobis, Domine in D minor (HXXIIIa:1, ?
1780s) is an a cappella work reminiscent of the Missa ‘Sunt bona
mixta malis’, while the six ‘English psalms’ of 1794 (HXXIII,
Nachtrag), Haydn’s only Protestant church music, adumbrate the
elevated but plain style of ‘The heavens are telling’ in The Creation.
The late Te Deum ‘for the empress’ (HXXIIIc:2, ?1800), for chorus
and very large orchestra, is an ABA construction of great power and
terseness; it whirls through the very long text in little more than
eight minutes, while still finding time for a double fugue and an
immense climax at the end.
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comprising chiefly long bravura arias, along with three choruses;
most of the recitatives are accompagnati of emotional intensity. In
1784 he revived the oratorio, shortening many of the arias, adding
two magnificent new choruses and supplementing the
instrumentation. The Seven Last Words, a success during Haydn’s
lifetime and beyond, is less popular today, in part because it is not a
full-length work, in part owing to the succession of eight consecutive
adagios which, paradoxically, seem more monotonous than in the
orchestral version. Its most striking movement is the bleak, newly
composed introduction to the second part, scored for wind alone and
set in A minor, a key Haydn hardly ever used.
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a prominent high note for the raising of glasses, a dance in 6/8
leading to an inebriated fugue and a breathless wind-up that may
have inspired the end of Verdi’s Falstaff. Other important choruses
are pastoral (‘Komm, holder Lenz’) and religious: ‘Ewiger, mächtiger,
gütiger Gott’ at the end of Spring, Haydn’s most massive chorus
(itself run on from the preceding trio, the two movements as a whole
in ‘progressive tonality’); and the concluding ‘Dann bricht der grosse
Morgen an’, in which we enter heaven in a blaze of C major glory,
resolving the C minor of the beginning of Winter. Notwithstanding
its less exalted subject, The Seasons is compositionally more
virtuoso than The Creation and offers greater variety of tone:
Haydn’s pastoral is one of the final glories of a tradition that is more
than ‘high’ enough.
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Prince Lindoro and Eurilda, an heiress to a principality who has been
raised as a simple fisherwoman; their music is in ‘high’ style, and
Eurilda (in distinction to the eponymous fisherwomen) takes no part
in the comic ensembles. It has more ensembles, in proportion to its
total length, than any other Haydn opera, although the majority are
‘choruses’ in primarily homophonic style. Among the latter is the Act
3 ‘Soavi zeffiri’, whose E major tonality and depiction of sea breezes
resemble Mozart’s ‘Placido è il mar’ in Idomeneo and ‘Soave sia il
vento’ in Così fan tutte.
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A change of pace is represented by L’isola disabitata (1779), a
relatively brief azione teatrale on a libretto by Metastasio, with all
the recitatives orchestrally accompanied, and quite short, primarily
lyrical arias without much coloratura. Next came La fedeltà premiata
(1780), a dramma pastorale giocoso by G.B. Lorenzi, previously set
by Cimarosa as L’infedeltà fedele; given the contrived plot-spring of
the annual sacrifice of two lovers to appease an offended sea
monster, the action and motivations are plausible. The number of
arias in serious style is relatively high, with a climax in Celia’s great
scena in Act 2; the finale in Act 1 is Haydn’s longest (822 bars).
Orlando paladino (1782) is a dramma eroicomico with a libretto by
Nunziato Porta based on Badini. Its subject is Orlando’s madness
(deriving ultimately from Ariosto’s Orlando furioso), which Haydn
portrays in remarkable scenes of mixed accompanied recitative and
aria; the long scenes for Angelica and the feckless Medoro are
musical highlights as well, as are the comic numbers for Orlando’s
squire Pasquale. Armida (1783) is a dramma eroico based on the
Armida-Rinaldo action from Tasso’s Gerusalemme liberata. It is
primarily seria in style, with long stretches of action set in freely
alternating accompanied recitatives and set pieces; the long magic
forest scene of Act 3 is particularly successful. L’anima del filosofo,
ossia Orfeo ed Euridice (1791), an opera seria in four acts composed
in London to a libretto by Badini, was not produced.
Notwithstanding numerous bravura arias, its style resembles that of
Haydn’s late instrumental works more closely than do his earlier
operas; in Act 2 the extended scenes of Eurydice’s death and
Orpheus’s discovery of her body are deeply affecting. It also includes
numerous choruses, which contribute to the action; he uses males
for the Furies and females for the Bacchae, the latter bringing the
work to a tragic end in D minor.
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Eurydice’s second death remains anticlimactic (although here the
libretto is also at fault). However, negative criticism has also been
coloured by insufficient understanding of generic norms of the
period 1760–80 (such as the dominance of aria over ensemble and
‘seamless’ action, and the relative brevity of the third act), and by
inappropriate comparisons with Gluck and late Mozart instead of
with Gassmann, Anfossi or Cimarosa. In appropriate stagings with
good singers, Haydn’s operas are effective and moving in the
theatre.
Three late solo cantatas for soprano are of great significance. Miseri
noi (HXXIVa:7, by 1786) was composed for an unknown occasion and
singer (possibly Nancy Storace); the middle section, a Largo in G
minor, is particularly impressive. Arianna a Naxos (HXXVIb:2, ?1789)
was perhaps composed for Bianca Sacchetti in Venice; in the
passionate recitatives the piano presents the lion’s share of the
musical material, while the voice declaims the text dramatically.
Ariadne’s mixed hope and despair are vividly portrayed; in her final
aria a long, slow, formal paragraph in F major leads to a wild rage
aria in F minor, of which the final chord, for piano alone, is
astonishingly F major. Berenice, che fai (HXXIVa:10, 1795), on a text
from Metastasio’s Antigono, is public music for a virtuoso and hence
more difficult and extroverted. The recitatives feature what is
arguably Haydn’s most extreme use of remote and enharmonic
modulations; further, the two arias are in ‘opposed’ keys (E major
and F minor), while the orchestration is as brilliant as that of the last
London symphonies.
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2, 31), others that seek to entertain (nos.9, 16, 33, 36, 72, 108) and
still others that combine both stances (nos.34, 39–40). A few present
an apotheosis of the chamber symphony: at ease, yet refined and
profound (nos. 28–9, 35). Extra-musical aspects are present not only
in the Matin–Midi–Soir trilogy (see §3(i)) but also nos.30 (‘Alleluja’),
31 (‘Hornsignal’), and perhaps 22 (‘The Philosopher’) and 59 (‘Fire’,
a modern nickname deriving from its supposed origin as incidental
music). Although a few symphonies are still in three movements
(nos.9, 12, 16, 30), four is now the norm. Concertante scoring is
prominent not only in nos.6–8 but in nos.9, 13, 14, 16, 31, 36, 72 and
108; a special effect found in this period alone is the use of four
horns rather than the usual two (nos.13, 31, 39, 72).
Haydn’s symphonies of the years around 1770 (nos.26, 41–9, 52, 65)
are widely described as exemplifying his Sturm und Drang style;
those of 1773–4 (nos.50, 51, 54–7, 60, 64), while less extreme, have
many points of contact with it. The most commonly cited feature is
the minor mode – of Haydn’s ten symphonies in the minor, six fall
between 1765 and 1772 – although most works remain in the major,
and most of the novel stylistic features are independent of mode.
These include remote keys (no.45, ‘Farewell’, in F♯ minor and major,
and no.46 in B major), rhythmic and harmonic complexities,
expansion of outward dimensions and harmonic range, rhythmic
instability, extremes of dynamics and register, greater technical
difficulty, increased use of counterpoint (e.g. in the canonic minuet
of no.44, ‘Mourning’), musical ideas that seem dynamically potential
rather than self-contained, and contrast within themes instead of
merely between them. The slow movements and finales become
more nearly comparable to the first movements in size and weight;
in the former the violins play con sordino and the tempo is usually
slowed to Adagio. No.26 (‘Lamentatione’) has religious associations
and no.49 (‘La passione’) may have as well. The programmatic nos.
45–6 (they seem to be a pair) are integrated in a through-composed,
end-orientated manner not seen again until Beethoven’s Fifth
Symphony.
From about 1775 (in some respects 1773) to 1781 Haydn again
changed his orientation. Symphonies nos.53, 61–3, 66–71 and 73–5
are primarily in a light, even popular style (only no.70 is an
exception), perhaps reflecting his resumption of operatic
composition in 1773; indeed nos.53, 62, 63 and 73 include
adaptations of stage-music (see §3(iii)), as had nos.50 (1773) and 60
(1774) before them. This stylistic turn has been interpreted as a kind
of relaxation, or even as an outright selling out, but it is better
understood as representing the distinct artistic stance of
entertainment. They are easy (as Haydn was to say of nos.76–8), but
superbly crafted, and abound in striking and beautiful passages, not
to mention witty and eccentric ones: works of comic genius that
approach the buffa stage. The slow movements exhibit new formal
and stylistic options (the hymn-like no.61, the exquisitely ‘popular’
theme in no.53, the play of comic and serious in no.68, the ethereal
dream in no.62), while the finales adumbrate rondo and hybrid
forms. Slow introductions become important about 1779 and begin
to create tangible links to the allegros (nos.53, 71 and 73).
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During the 1780s Haydn’s style changed again, as he began to sell
his symphonies abroad, in ‘opus’ format (see §3(iv) above). Although
in many respects nos.76–81 (1782–4) are still ‘easy’, they include
superb movements such as the opening Vivace of no.81 and the
finales of nos.77 (with its contrapuntal development) and 80 (with its
cross-rhythm theme). In nos.78 and 80 Haydn returns to the minor,
although from no.80 on he usually ends such movements in the
major, and places the entire finale in the major as well. The Paris
symphonies (nos.82–7) are the grandest he had yet composed. Nos.
87, 83 and 85 (1785) already have a new esprit, a combination of
learned and popular style, consistency of musical argument and
depth of feeling; see the slow movements of nos.83 and 87 and the
outer movements of no.85 (the opening Vivace is particularly
graceful and harmoniously constructed). In nos.82 and 86 (1786) the
trumpets and drums lend added brilliance and the outer movements
are on a still larger scale; the Capriccio of no.86 is one of Haydn’s
most original slow movements. All these features characterize nos.
88 and 90–92 as well (no.89 falls off somewhat). Nos.88 and 92 are
the best-known: the former boasts concentrated, in part
contrapuntal, outer movements, while the gorgeous Largo theme is
set off by entries of the trumpets and drums (withheld from the first
movement for this purpose); the latter features an unusually close
integration of slow introduction and Allegro, a beautiful Adagio,
rhythmically intricate trio and Haydn’s sprightliest and wittiest
finale to date.
The last six symphonies are even more brilliant (clarinets are added,
except in no.102); Haydn’s determination to conquer new territory
with each work is palpable. No.99 in E♭ is his most elaborate
symphonic essay in remote tonal relations; it also features a
particularly warm slow movement (in G major), with extensive wind
writing (much commented on at the time). No.101 (‘Clock’) has by
far the longest minuet and trio Haydn ever composed and a
particularly brilliant rondo finale. No.100 (‘Military’) rapidly became
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his most popular, owing to the slow movement based on a romance
(from the lyre concerto HVIIh:3), overlaid by massive percussion
outbursts that audiences found deliciously terrifying. No.102 is the
least ‘characteristic’ of these six, yet one of the greatest; its most
remarkable movement is the Adagio (identical in musical substance
to that in the F♯ minor Piano Trio HXV:26), in which the exposition is
repeated in order to vary the instrumentation, with muted trumpets
and drums. No.103 (‘Drumroll’) offers Haydn’s most telling
invocation of the sublime in instrumental music, by means of an
astonishing double annunciation: first the ‘intrada’ fortissimo drum
roll, then the mysterious bass theme (resembling the ‘Dies irae’),
which dominates the Allegro as well and, even more astonishingly,
interrupts the recapitulation near the end. No.104 begins with a
massive dotted motif on the 5th D–A, which some commentators
describe as dominating the entire symphony; the first movement is
one of Haydn’s freest and the finale has greater relative weight than
that in any other of the London symphonies.
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been laid to rest; his statement to Griesinger that ‘I was no mean
keyboard player and singer’ was clearly an understatement, for he
continued, ‘I could also perform a concerto on the violin’.)
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variable. The slow movements and finales favour ABA and rondo
forms rather than sonata form. However, these works are anything
other than light or innocent: no.1 in B minor is serious throughout
(the understated power of its ambiguous tonal opening has never
been surpassed), as are the slow movements of nos.2 and 5. Op.33
has been taken as marking Haydn’s achievement of ‘thematische
Arbeit’ (the flexible exchange of musical functions and development
of the motivic material by all the parts within a primarily
homophonic texture); although drastically oversimplified, this notion
has had great historiographical influence. These quartets’ play with
the conventions of genre and musical procedure is of unprecedented
sophistication; in thus being ‘music about music’, these quartets
were arguably the first modern works.
The appearance of op.33 was the first major event in what was to
become the crucial decade for the Viennese string quartet, as
Mozart and many other composers joined Haydn in cultivating the
genre. Indeed, all the elements of Classical quartet style as it has
usually been understood first appeared together in Mozart’s set
dedicated to Haydn (1782–5). He responded in opp.50, 54/55 and 64
by combining the serious tone and large scale of op.20 with the
‘popular’ aspects and lightly worn learning of op.33. The minuet now
almost invariably appears in third position; the slow movements, in
ABA, variation or double variation form are more melodic than those
in op.33; the finales, usually in sonata or sonata rondo form, are
weightier. Haydn’s art is no longer always subtle; the opening of op.
50 no.1 in B♭, with its softly pulsating solo cello pedal followed by
the dissonant entry of the upper strings high above, is an overt
stroke of genius, whose implications he draws out throughout the
movement.
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mixed works including three in nine parts (nos.9, 17 and 20), one
each in eight and seven (nos.16 and 8), two sextets for strings and
two horns (nos.21–2) and two more for melody instruments (nos.1,
11), as well as at least five works for wind, four sextets (nos.3, 7, 15
and 23) and a tiny piece for two clarinets and two horns (no.14).
Most of them exhibit the same five-movement cyclic pattern as the
early string quartets, with the difference that contrasts in
instrumentation become a basis of style, for example in reduced
scorings in trios and slow movements or extended soloistic passages.
Although some of the mixed works (nos.1–2, 9, 11 and 20) are among
the earliest and are on average the least compelling, the slightly
later nos.8, 16–17, and 21–2 are on the same high level as the
quartets. The wind band works seem to date from about 1760–61;
they are even smaller in scale but unfailingly masterful.
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primarily for private performance and orientated on the topic of
sentiment, seen as the natural expressive mode for music performed
solely or primarily by an individual at the keyboard; indeed Haydn
often adopted a selfconsciously improvisatory style, especially after
1780. During the 1760s these keyboard works were apparently
composed for the harpsichord. The first clear (albeit indirect)
evidence of composition for the fortepiano (or possibly clavichord) is
found in the highly expressive Sonata no.20 (1771), with mannered
dynamic marks. Nevertheless, most works from the 1770s may have
been conceived for the harpsichord or neutrally for both
instruments. Beginning in the early 1780s, and decisively from the
late 1780s on, Haydn composed for the fortepiano. Many of his
keyboard works were composed for ladies, whether students in his
early years, the Auenbrugger sisters around 1780, or intimates such
as Mme Genzinger, Mrs Schroeter and Therese Jansen. The majority
are in three movements: either fast–slow–fast, or a fast movement,
slow movement and minuet in various permutations. Two-movement
works are also common, often slow–fast; numerous slow movements
in penultimate position are run on, attacca, to the finale. Even in the
1780s and 90s many works end with an outwardly modest movement
such as a Tempo di menuetto, a set of variations or a simple rondo.
Neither the two- and three- movement cyclic patterns nor the
modest finales were ‘conservative’ or ‘immature’, as has been
claimed; they are as finely wrought as quartet finales and exemplify
the prevailing generic orientation of intimacy.
Haydn’s early keyboard works are both serious and galant. The trios
HXV:f1 in F minor and 1 in G minor and the Sonata no.2 in B♭ (with
its astonishing Largo) are more intellectually difficult and
stylistically uncompromising than all the early quartets and most of
the early symphonies; many works are small and unpretentious and
were presumably written for students and amateurs. At least 12
weighty connoisseurs’ sonatas originated in the late 1760s and early
1770s, including nos.19, 20, 45, 46 and seven lost works. Two sets in
mixed style followed, nos.21–6 (1773) and 27–32 (1774–6); they
include serious works such as the boldly formed nos.22 in E and 26
in A, the passionate no.32 in B minor and the through-composed no.
30 in A, as well as numerous lighter works, especially in the 1774–6
set. In 1780 followed Haydn’s first publication with Artaria, the
heterogeneous nos.35–9 and 20, including the ‘easy’ no.35 in C, the
virtuoso no.37 in D and the serious no.36 in C♯ minor. The three
modestly scaled sonatas nos.40–42 (published 1784) are miracles of
popular appeal allied with high art, especially no.40 in G. Except for
no.51 in D, for Mrs Schroeter, Haydn’s last five sonatas eschew any
pretence of modesty. In the late 1780s he composed no.48 in C, with
a fantasy-like slow variation movement and a dashing sonata-rondo
finale, and the intimate no.49 in E♭ for Mme Genzinger; its brilliant
first movement has an unusually long coda and the ABA Adagio is
richly expressive, with continual variations of the theme. From
London come two virtuoso sonatas for Jansen: nos.50 in C and 52 in
E♭. The former features a remarkable first movement which, though
in sonata form, is based on continual variation of a basic motif; the
latter is on the largest scale throughout and features a slow
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movement in the remote key of E major (a tonal relation adumbrated
in the development of the first movement and wittily ‘cancelled’ at
the beginning of the finale).
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Haydn’s career never stimulated a paradigmatic narrative
comparable to that of Beethoven’s three periods. To be sure, decisive
breaks occurred in 1761 (his move to the Esterházy court), 1790 (to
London) and 1795 (back to Vienna); the periods 1750–61, 1791–5
and 1795–1802 are distinctive regarding both the conditions of his
life and his compositional activity. However, the first and last of
these are brief in proportion to his career as a whole and cannot
bear the weight that ‘early’ and ‘late’ do in Beethoven’s case.
Furthermore, in any such reading Haydn’s 30 years at the Esterházy
court remain a long, uninterpreted ‘middle’. Its only major dividing-
points that affected both his life circumstances and his
compositional orientation were 1766, when he became full
Kapellmeister, 1776, when he became responsible for the court
opera, and 1779, when he negotiated his independence as composer
of instrumental music. Hence except for 1761–5 the Esterházy years
seem best understood in terms of a series of overlapping phases,
each defined by different criteria (see §3).
Works
Georg Feder
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Editions
Catalogue
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1. vocal: A Masses. B Miscellaneous sacred. C Oratorios
and similar works. D Secular cantatas, choruses. E
Dramatic. F Secular vocal with orchestra. G Solo songs
with keyboard. H Miscellaneous vocal works with
keyboard. I Canons.
2. instrumental: J Symphonies. K Miscellaneous orchestral.
L Dances, marches for orchestra/military band. M
Concertos for string or wind instruments. N
Divertimentos etc. for 4+ string and/or wind
instruments. O String quartets. P String trios
(divertimentos). Q Baryton trios (divertimentos). R
Works for 1–2 barytons. S Miscellaneous chamber music
for 2–3 string and/or wind instruments. T Works for 2
lire organizzate. U Keyboard concertos/concertinos/
divertimentos. V Keyboard trios. W Keyboard sonatas. X
Miscellaneous keyboard works. Y Works for flute clock.
3. folksong arrangements: Z Arrangements of British
folksongs.
Authentication symbols:
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HV-thematic entry in Haydn-Verzeichnis, 1805 Hudební věda
Sk-sketch by Haydn
u-unsigned
1. Vocal
A: Masses
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No. HXXII Title, key Forces Date Authentication Edition Remarks
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5 4 Missa in honorem S, A, T, B, –1774 EK, A (frags., u) L xxiii/1, tpts and timp
BVM (Missa Sancti 4vv, 2 eng [? 24; HW in authentic
Josephi; Grosse hn, 2 hn, c1768– xxiii/1b, MS copy (JE),
Orgelsolomesse), (2 tpt, 9] 1 H-Gk
E♭ timp), 2
vn, bc, org
obbl
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9 10 Missa Sancti S, A, T, B, 1796 A, Sk HW = Missa St
Bernardi von Offida 4vv, 2 ob, 2 xxiii/2, Ofridi in EK;
(Heiligmesse), B♭ cl, 2 bn, ? 166 see also HW
2 hn, 2 tpt, xxiii/2, 240,
timp, str, 242; cf I b,
bc (org) 44
11 11 Missa S, A, T, B, 10 A HW = Missa in
(Nelsonmesse; 4vv, 3 tpt, July– xxiii/3, 1 angustiis in
Imperial Mass; timp, str, 31 EK; perf. ?
Coronation Mass), bc, org Aug Eisenstadt, ?
d obbl 1798 23 Sept
1798; org pt
transcr. for
wind insts ?
by J.N. Fuchs
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12 12 Missa S, A, T, B, 1799 A HW
(Theresienmesse), 4vv, 2 cl, xxiii/3,
B♭ (bn), 2 tpt, 140
timp, str,
bc (org)
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Note: over 100 spurious masses listed in Hoboken; composers of
some identified by MacIntyre (H1982)
B: Miscellaneous sacred
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No. H Title, key Forces Date Authentication Edition Remarks
1 XXIIIc:5 Lauda Sion 4vv, 2 ob, –1776 [? ?EK (Vienna also with
(Hymnus/ 2 tpt, str, c1750] and Salve
Motetto de bc (org) Munich, regina text
venerabili 1996)
sacramento),
i–iv, C
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4 XXIIIa:4 Quis stellae S, 4vv, ? ?1762 SC — cant.; also
radius 2 tpt, ? with other
(motet), C timp, str, texts, incl.
bc (org) Quae
admiranda
lux; for ?
secular
origin, see
Becker-
Glauch
(J1970)
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7 XXIIIa:2 Animae Deo 2 S, T, –1776 [? HV — also attrib.
gratae (off/ 4vv, 2 ob, c1761–9] M. Haydn;
motet), C 2 tpt, also with
timp, text Agite
str/? 2 properate
vn, bc
(org)
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10 XXIIId:3 Herst Nachbä S, ? 2 hn, ?c1768– EK (Altötting, also with
(Cantilena pro str, bc 70 1975) other
adventu/ (org) texts, incl.
Pastorella), D Jesu
redemptor
omnium
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14 XXIIId:2 Mutter S, A, 2 ?c1775 ?EK —
Gottes, mir vn, bc
erlaube (org)
(Cantilena/
Aria pro
adventu), G
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17– ii, 181 6 English 2 S, B [1794/5] Haydn’s 3rd (Kassel, no.22 uses
22 Psalms (J. London 1978) canzonetta
Merrick, rev. notebook; RC Pleasing
W.D. (no.17) Pain (G
Tattersall): 17 29); for
How oft, MS of no.
instinct with 17 see
warmth Haydn
divine, F (Ps Society
xxvi.5–8); 18 Journal of
Blest be the Great
name of Britain, xv
Jacob’s God, (1995)
E♭ (Ps xxxi.
21–4); 19
Maker of all!
be Thou my
guard, D (Ps
xli.12–16); 20
The Lord, th’
almighty
Monarch,
spake, C (Ps l.
1–6); 21 Long
life shall
Israel’s king
behold, E♭ (Ps
lxi.6–8); 22 O
let me in th’
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accepted
hour, A (Ps
lxix.13–17)
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3 B/6/b Dictamina HW xxvii/ duetto in edn without
mea (off/ 2, 68 Applausus Alleluia
motet) (C 2),
combined
with
Alleluia
(B 9)
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6 B/6/d O Jesu, te HW xxvii/ final also with text
invocamus 2, 170 chorus in Allmächt’ger,
(off/hymn) Applausus Preis dir und
(C 2) Ehre!
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1 XXIIIa:5 Ad aras 4vv, ? 2 1794 — probably
convolate ob, ? 2 not
(grad/off), G trbn, str, authentic
bc (org)
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6 XXIIId:G1 Ei wer hätt’ S, 2 vn, 1764 (Altötting, ?
ihm das Ding bc (org) 1975) authentic; ?
gedenkt also attrib.
(Pastorella, (J.A.)
aria), G Stephan
and M.
Haydn
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9 XXIIIa:C7 Magna coeli B, ? 2 — — ?authentic;
domina tpt, ? for ?secular
(Motetto de timp, str, origin, see
Beata, aria), C bc (org) Becker-
Glauch
(J1970)
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13 XXIIIa:7 Super flumina A, 4vv, 2 1772 — probably by
Babylonis (Ps tpt, timp, Vanhal
cxxxvi) str, bc
(motet), C (org)
Veni tandem
expectatus,
see appx F.1 7
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Note: Stabat mater, see Group C; The Ten Commandments, see
Group I; Ave Maria, mentioned in Elssler, Haydn’s vollendete
Compositionen (MS, A-Sm), not identified
Appendix B.1: Selected adaptations and arrangements (authorship
uncertain, but Haydn’s approval probable in most cases)
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No. Becker- Title Edition Original Remarks
Glauch version
(J1970)
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4 B/8 Insanae et (Leipzig, chorus not later than
vanae curae 1809) Svanisce 1798;
(Der Sturm) in un authenticated
(off/motet/ momento by E; also
grad) in Il with texts Des
ritorno di Staubes eitle
Tobia (C Sorgen,
3) Distraught
with care and
anguish
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8 B/6/a Quae res Christus HW xxvii/ 1st recit and
admiranda … coeli 2, 4, 18 qt in
atria Applausus (C
(off/ 2)
motet)
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3 XXIIIa:8 Ardentes 2 S, str, 1765 — doubtful
Seraphini bc (org)
(off), A
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7 XXIIIc:6 Lauda Sion A, 2 fl, 1787 — probably
(Aria de str, bc not
venerabili (org) authentic;
[sacramento]), orig.
F without
author’s
name
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10 — Maria S, 2 vn, — — ?authentic;
Jungfrau rein bc (org) for ?secular
(Aria pro origin, see
adventu), G Becker-
Glauch
(J1970),
no.B/5
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14 — Was meine T, 2 vn, — — ?authentic;
matte Brust bc (org) MS
bekränket ‘Hayden’ in
(Aria pro CZ-Pnm
adventu), G (Kuks)
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Appendix B.2: Selected works attributed to Haydn
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No. H Title, key Forces Earliest Edition Remarks
reference
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5 — Ego virtus S, 2 ob, 1772 — ?authentic;
gratitudo (aria), 2 tpt, for ?secular
C timp, origin, see
str, bc Becker-
(org) Glauch
(J1970), no.B/
2
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9 XXIIIa:C7 Magna coeli B, ? 2 — — ?authentic;
domina tpt, ? for ?secular
(Motetto de timp, origin, see
Beata, aria), C str, bc Becker-
(org) Glauch
(J1970)
3 XXIVa:4 Qual dubbio S, 4vv, 2 [–?6 Dec] A, ?EK D 200 for Nikolaus
ormai (cant.) ob, 2 hn, 1764 (1982) Esterházy’s
str, bc, nameday; for
hpd obbl autograph of
final chorus,
see Fine Music
Manuscripts
(B1990)
8b ii, 194 Der Sturm: S, A, T, B, –1798 [? A (u, partly in (Leipzig, Ger. trans. of
Hört! Die 4vv, 2 fl, 1793] copyist’s hand), 1802) no.8a; also as
Winde 2 ob, 2 SC La tempesta
furchtbar cl, 2 bn, with It. text
heulen (? van 2 hn, 2
Swieten, tpt, 2
chorus) trbn,
timp, str
c Der Morgen 2 T, ? —
graut (duet) hp, vn
solo, str
8 — (Finale … sey — 2
voll edlen coloraturas,
Stolzes) S, orch;
without
author’s
name; MS (
D-LEm)
not a
Haydn
autograph
6 XXIVb:7 Signor voi S, 2 fl, –?3 July Sk, HE (Salzburg, aria for
sapete 2 ob, 2 1785 1961) Anfossi: Il
bn, 2 matrimonio
hn, str per inganno;
sketch in
PL-Kj
c Lavatevi 2 T, B, C (Cardiff,
presto fl, 2 ob, 1982)
(terzetto) 2 bn, 2
hn, str
Recit and aria sung by Calcagni, London, 1792, and Cantata a voce
sola con violino composed for the Duke of Bedford, unidentified or
lost; see Landon (A1976)
Appendix F.1: Selected works attributed to Haydn
9 XXXIc:9 Non ama la vita ?S, orch [April — aria from Anfossi:
1781] Isabella e
Rodrigo, ossia La
costanza in
amore; 2 bn and
6 bars added
1 Das
strickende
Mädchen (Sir
Charles
Sedley, trans.
J.G. Herder),
B♭; 2 Cupido
(G. Leon), E;
3 Der erste
Kuss (J.G.
Jacobi), E♭; 4
Eine sehr
gewöhnliche
Geschichte
(C.F. Weisse),
G; 5 Die
Verlassene
(L.L.
Haschka), g;
6 Der
Gleichsinn (G.
25 The [nos.29,
Mermaid’s 30: –?19
Song, C; 26 Jan
Recollection, 1794]
F; 27 Pastoral
Song, A; 28
Despair, E; 29
Pleasing Pain,
G (cf B 22);
30 Fidelity, f
42 O Tuneful ?c1795 Gr HW
Voice xxix/1,
(Hunter), E♭ 84
1 F1 Abschiedslied, HW by Gyrowetz
F xxix/1,
79
5 G1 A Prey to (London,
Tender 1797)
Anguish (Ich
habe viel
gelitten), G
5 G1 A Prey to (London,
Tender Anguish 1797)
(Ich habe viel
gelitten), G
XXVa: Guarda/Senti A HW
1 qui, F xxix/2,
34
XXVc: 1 Der S, A, T,
1 Augenblick B, bc
(J.N. Götz), A
XXVc: 2 Die S, A, T,
2 Harmonie in B, bc
der Ehe
(Götz), B♭
XXVc: 4 Die S, A, T,
4 Beredsamkeit B, bc
(G.E.
Lessing), B♭
XXVb: 6 An den S, A, T,
1 Vetter (C.F. bc
Weisse), G
XXVb: 7 Daphnens T, T, B,
2 einziger bc
Fehler (Götz),
C
XXVc: 8 Die S, A, T,
6 Warnung B, bc
(Athenaeus,
trans. Ebert),
B♭
XXVb: 11 An die T, T, B,
4 Frauen hpd
(Anakreon,
trans. G.A.
Bürger), F
XXVc: 12 Danklied S, A, T,
8 zu Gott B, hpd
(Gellert), E♭
XXVc: 13 Abendlied S, A, T,
9 zu Gott B, hpd
(Gellert), E
a: 1–10 Die Heiligen Zehn Gebote als c1791– A, A (u, no.5b), HW xxxi, 3–
Canons (The Ten 5 Sk (nos.1, 5b, 7) 18; cf critical
Commandments): commentary,
8ff; for 5b
(not in H), see
Haydn-
Studien, iv/1
(1976), 53
2. Instrumental
I, II, III, IV = number of movement
J: Symphonies
3 G 2 ob, 2 –1762 EK P i, 71
hn, str
27 G 2 ob (2 –1766 EK HW i/1,
hn), [–? 75; P ii,
str 1761] 271
52 c 2 ob, –1774 EK P v, 57
(bn), 2 [–?
hn, str 1772]
87 A fl, 2 1785 A HW i/
ob, 2 12, 1; P
bn, 2 ix, 261
hn, str
88 G fl, 2 ?1787 EK P x, 3
ob, 2
bn, 2
hn, 2
tpt,
timp,
str
K: Miscellaneous orchestral
Fantaisie, d,
see appx X.3,
16
Fantaisie, d, see
appx X.3, 16
17a VIII: March, E♭ 2 cl, 2 bn, 1792 A (as pt of no. HW v, 209; ? = March for the
3 2 hn, tpt, 17b); Sk D 34, 6 Prince of Wales
serpent (1960) mentioned by Gr
and Dies
17b VIII: March, E♭ 2 fl, 2 cl, 1792/5 A HW v, 220; 2nd version of no.
3bis 2 bn, 2 D 98 17a; for Royal
hn, 2 tpt, (1961) Society of Musicians
str
22 VIII: 2 [Derbyshire] 2 cl, 2 bn, 1795 A (nos.1, 2), A HW v, 212; for pf arr., see appx
1–2 Marches, E♭, C 2 hn, tpt, (u) (no.2) D 34, 8–9 X.2, 7
serpent, ? (1960)
perc
7 3 C ? ? EK — lost or =
c1761– no.5
5
9 1 D (? 2 vn, b) ? EK — lost
c1765–
70
14– VIId
15
14 1 D ? ? EK — lost
c1761–
5
1 9 G –1764 EK HW viii/1,
15
3 17 C 2 cl –c1765 EK HW viii/1,
instead of 80; D 23
2 ob (1960), ed.
H.
Steppan
5– [6] miscellaneous
10 works:
12 22 D –1764 EK HW viii/1,
[–? 118
1760]
15 33 F — HW viii/2,
63
17 35 D — HW viii/2,
73
18 36 G — HW viii/2,
79
19 37 E — HW viii/2,
85
20 38 A EK HW viii/2,
91
7– 6 Divertimentos
12 (Feldparthien):
8 42 B♭ 2 ob, 2 cl, —
2 hn, 2
bn
10 45 F 2 ob, 2 —
hn, 3 bn,
serpent
8 42 B♭ 2 ob, 2 cl, —
2 hn, 2 bn
10 45 F 2 ob, 2 —
hn, 3 bn,
serpent
O: String quartets
11– 6 –1771 [? EK
16 Divertimentos: 1769/70]
(1771/2)
11 22 9/4 d HW xii/2, 3
12 19 9/1 C HW xii/2, 13
13 21 9/3 G HW xii/2, 24
15 23 9/5 B♭ HW xii/2, 45
16 24 9/6 A HW xii/2, 57
17– 6 1771 A
22 Divertimentos: (1772)
17 26 17/2 F HW xii/2, 69
18 25 17/1 E HW xii/2, 84
19 28 17/4 c HW xii/2, 99
23 35 20/5 f HW xii/3, 3
24 36 20/6 A HW xii/3, 21
25 32 20/2 C HW xii/3, 36
27 34 20/4 D HW xii/3, 70
28 31 20/1 E♭ HW xii/3, 89
36 44 50/1 B♭
37 45 50/2 C
38 46 50/3 E♭ A
39 47 50/4 f♯ A
42– 6 Quatuors: –?22 HV, ?Haydn’s (Vienna, 1986– ‘Tost’ Quartets, 1st
7 Sept letters 7) ser.
1788
(1789,
1790)
43 58 54/1 G A (u frag.)
45 60 55/1 A
47 62 55/3 B♭
48 65 64/1 C A HW xii/5, 3
49 68 64/2 b A HW xii/5, 18
50 67 64/3 B♭ A HW xii/5, 33
51 66 64/4 G HV HW xii/5, 53
52 64 64/6 E♭ A HW xii/5, 68
60 75 76/1 G
61 76 76/2 d HE (= E) ‘Fifths’
63 78 76/4 B♭ HE (= E) ‘Sunrise’
64 79 76/5 D
65 80 76/6 E♭ HE (= E)
66 81 77/1 G
67 82 77/2 F
1 13 3/1 E
3 15 3/3 G
4 16 3/4 B♭
6 18 3/6 A
2 14 3/2 C
3 15 3/3 G
4 16 3/4 B♭
6 18 3/6 A
8 E2 — E –1768 HM,
xcviii
(1936)
1 13 3/1 E
2 14 3/2 C
3 15 3/3 G
4 16 3/4 B♭
6 18 3/6 A
2 F –1767 EK
5 B –?1765 EK — lost
forces unknown
9 E♭ –?1765 EK — lost
forces unknown
14 b –?1765 EK — lost
forces unknown
5 A3 A — ?authentic; nos.5, 8, 9
considered not authentic
in HW xi/2
1 A HW xiv/1, 1 H with II
and III
reversed
and without
IV; see also
note to appx
P
3 A –1770 HW xiv/1, 16
4 A HW xiv/1, 21
7 A –1769 HW xiv/1, 34
8 A HW xiv/1, 40
9 A –1770 HW xiv/1, 46
11 D –1772 HW xiv/1, 56
12 A HW xiv/1, 61
14 D HW xiv/1, 72
15 A HW xiv/1, 78
16 A –1772 HW xiv/1, 84
17 D –1772 HW xiv/1, 88
18 A –1772 — lost or
unidentified
19 A HW xiv/1, 96
20 D HW xiv/1,
102
21 A –1771 HW xiv/1,
108
23 D — lost or
unidentified;
cf appx Q 2,
3
25 A –1772 HW xiv/2, 1
28 D HW xiv/2, 19
29 A HW xiv/2, 25 I uses
theme from
La canterina
(E 8)
30 G HW xiv/2, 32
31 D HW xiv/2, 37 another
version (?
not
authentic)
has 4 movts,
incl. Adagio
from no.5
32 G HW xiv/2, 43
33 A HW xiv/2, 49
34 D –1776 HW xiv/2, 56
[–?
1775]
36 D –1776 HW xiv/2, 65
38 A –1776 HW xiv/2, 77
39 D –1776 HW xiv/2, 83
40 D A (frag.) HW xiv/2, 88
41 D A HW xiv/2, 93
43 D HW xiv/2,
104
44 D HW xiv/2,
109
45 D HW xiv/2,
114
46 A HW xiv/2,
120
48 D HW xiv/2,
131
49 G HW xiv/3, 1
50 D HW xiv/3, 7
51 A HW xiv/3, 14
53 G 1767 A HW xiv/3, 24
54 D HW xiv/3, 29
55 G HW xiv/3, 33
56 D HW xiv/3, 38
58 D HW xiv/3, 48
59 G Sk HW xiv/3, 53
62 G HW xiv/3, 72
63 D HW xiv/3, 77
64 D HW xiv/3, 83 I uses
Alleluia
theme of
sym. J 30
65 G HW xiv/3, 88
67 G HW xiv/3,
100
68 A A HW xiv/3,
106
69 D A HW xiv/3,
111
70 G HW xiv/3,
116
71 A HW xiv/3,
122
72 D HW xiv/3,
128
73 G –1772 HW xiv/4, 1
75 A HW xiv/4, 11
76 C –1772 HW xiv/4, 16
77 G HW xiv/4, 21
78 D HW xiv/4, 26
79 D 1769 A HW xiv/4, 30
80 G A (frag.) HW xiv/4, 35
81 D HW xiv/4, 41
82 C HW xiv/4, 46
83 F HW xiv/4, 52
84 G HW xiv/4, 58
85 D HW xiv/4, 64
86 A HW xiv/4, 70
87 a HW xiv/4, 76
88 A HW xiv/4, 82
90 C HW xiv/4, 93 vn instead
of va
91 D HW xiv/4, vn instead
100 of va
92 G HW xiv/4,
106
93 C HW xiv/4,
111
94 A –1774 HW xiv/4,
116
95 D HW xiv/4,
123
96 b HW xiv/4,
130
97 D [– EK HW xiv/5, 1 ‘per la
c1773] felicissima
[?1766] nascita di
S.Al.S.
Prencipe
Estorhazi’;
cf S 11
98 D EK HW xiv/5, 15
99 G EK — lost
100 F EK HW xiv/5, 22
101 C [– EK HW xiv/5, 30
c1773]
102 G EK HW xiv/5, 37
104 D EK HW xiv/1, MS
126 discovered
1976, see
Fisher
(B1978)
107 D [? EK HW xiv/5, 61
c1766–
8]
108 A EK HW xiv/5, 68
111 G [– EK HW xiv/5, 87 in HV ‘a
c1773] cinque’
112 D EK HW xiv/5, 92
114 D [– EK HW xiv/5,
c1773] 106
115 D EK HW xiv/5,
113
116 G EK HW xiv/5,
119
117 F [– EK HW xiv/5,
c1773] 125
118 D EK HW xiv/5,
132
120 D [– EK HW xiv/5,
c1773] 141
121 A EK HW xiv/5,
146
123 G EK HW xiv/5,
159
124 G EK HW xiv/5,
166
125 G EK HW xiv/5,
174
126 C EK HW xiv/5,
180
1–5 [5]
Divertimenti
per il pariton
solo:
8– 6 Sonate: baryton, ?
13 vc c1775
8 XII: D EK — lost
7
9 XII: C EK — lost
8
10 XII: G EK — lost
9
11 XII: A EK — lost
10
12 XII: D EK — lost
11
14 XII: F
15
15 XII: D
16
16 XII: D
17
21 XII: G EK — lost
6
22 XII: G HV — lost
2
1 VI:1 F A (u vn)
2 VI:2 A A (u vn)
4 VI:4 D
5 VI:5 E♭
11 IV:9 G arr. of 3
movts
from Q 97
10 — C
11 — F
12 — B♭
15 IV:Es1 E♭
16 IV:Es2 E♭
17 IV:B1 B♭
20 VI:C1 C
21 VI:E1 E
23 VI:D3 D
30 VI:A1 A
31 VI:B1 B♭
32 VI:D2 D
33 VI:Es1 E♭
34 VI:F1 F
10 — C
11 — F
12 — B♭
15 IV:Es1 E♭
17 IV:B1 B♭
20 VI:C1 C
21 VI:E1 E
22 VI:F2 F
23 VI:D3 D
29 VI:G1 G
30 VI:A1 A
31 VI:B1 B♭
32 VI:D2 D
33 VI:Es1 E♭
nos.
1–
3?
1st
ser.,
nos.
4–
5?
rest
of
2nd
ser.
6– [?8] Notturni: ?1
13 notturno
missing;
nos.6–
11 ?1st
ser., nos.
12–13 ?
rest of
2nd ser.
7– [7]
13 Concertinos/
Divertimentos:
8 11 E♭ –8 HW xvii/2, 106
March
1789 [–?
16 Nov
1788]
9 12 e –8 HW xvii/2, 124
March
1789
[1788/9]
15 32 Sonata, G pf, vn, –14 HV, ?Gr, Dies HW xvii/3, 313; D ? orig. for pf,
vc June 481 (1970) vn
1794
16– 3 Sonatas: pf, vn, –15 Nov HV, ?Gr, Dies D 482–4 (1970)
18 vc 1794
16 18 A HW xvii/3, 1
17 19 g HW xvii/3, 24
18 20 B♭ HW xvii/3, 45
19– 3 Sonatas: pf, vn, –23 May HV, Gr, Dies D 485–7 (1970)
21 vc 1795
19 21 C HW xvii/3, 64
21 23 d HW xvii/3, 114
22 24 D HW xvii/3, 135
25 27 C HW xvii/3, 190
26 28 E HW xvii/3, 220
27 29 E♭ HW xvii/3, 241
3 XV:C2 Grand bataille, pf, vn, c1800 (Paris, arr. from syms. J
C vc c1804– 48, I, J 76, III, J 81,
14) III, with spurious
movts added
3 XV:C2 Grand pf, vn, c1800 (Paris, arr. from syms. J 48, I, J 76,
bataille, C vc c1804– III, J 81, III, with spurious
14) movts added
5 XV:39 Sonata, F hpd, vn, – D 524 arr. from sonatas appx W.1,
vc 1767 (1977) 11, 10, 2, with spurious
Andante
W: Keyboard sonatas
Editions
25 27 G HU ii, 60;
WU 42
26 28 E♭ HU ii, 70;
WU 43
28 30 A HU ii, 96;
WU 45
29 31 E HU ii, 106;
WU 46
30 32 b HU ii, 116;
WU 47
40 40 G HU iii, 33;
WU 54
41 41 B♭ HU iii, 40;
WU 55
42 42 D HU iii, 48;
WU 56
7 XVI:B1 Sonata, B♭ ? —
1 16 Divertimento, [? — HU i, 1 doubtful
E♭ c1750–
55]
7 XVI:B1 Sonata, B♭ ? —
Editions
Joseph Haydn: Tänze für Klavier, ed. H.C.R. Landon and K.H.
Füssl (Vienna, 1989) [WT]
6 see X 9
14 IX:30 Englischer ? —
Tanz
III
2 XVI:II Minuet, G, Trio hpd –1767 [? — HW xviii/1, extant as III
e c1765] 182 of appx W.1,
13b; trio
doubtful; cf
Q 26
6 see X 9
6 iii, 302 (Largo assai), E c1793 A (u frag.) HW, xii/5, 223 arr. of II of
O 59; only
frags.
extant
14 IX:30 Englischer ? —
Tanz
14 IX:30 Englischer ? —
Tanz
5 XVII:10 Allegretto, G –1794 HW xxi, 49; arr. of piece for flute clock Y
WU, 74 11
Edition
10 31 Presto, C [? A — HW xxi,
1789] II.3; S
31
Editions
Adieu to
Llangollen, see
Happiness lost
Aileen a roon,
see Robin
Adair
Alas! Yat I
came o’er the
moor, see Last
time I came
o’er the muir
Anna, see
Shepherds, I
have lost my
love
Answer, The,
see My
mither’s ay
glowran
An ye had been
where I hae
been, see
Killicrankie
As I came o’er
the Cairney
mount, see Old
highland laddie
As Sylvia in a
forest lay, see
Maid’s
complaint
Banks of
Banna, The (?
Irish air), see
Shepherds, I
have lost my
love
Bashful lover
[swain], The,
see On a bank
of flowers
Black cock,
The, see Ton y
ceiliog du
39 a:246 Boatman, The, vn, vc, pf (hpd) 1801 A (u) T iv, 183
C
Bonnie laddie,
highland
laddie, see
Jingling Jonnie
Bonny Anne,
see If a body
meet a body
Bonny Barbara
Allan, see
Barbara Allen
Bonny black
eagle, The, see
Black eagle
Bonny Jean,
see Willie was
a wanton wag
Bonny, roaring
Willie, see
Rattling
roaring Willy
Bonny Scot-
man, The, see
Boatman
Bridegroom
greets when
the sun gangs
down, The, see
Auld Robin
Gray
Bride’s song,
The, see
Blithsome
bridal
Butcher boy,
The, see My
Goddess
woman
By the stream
so cool and
clear, see St
Kilda song
Captain Cook’s
death, see
Highland Mary
Captain’s lady,
The, see Mount
your baggage
Carron side,
see Frae the
friends and
land I love
Cauld frosty
morning, see
Cold frosty
morning
Charming
highlandman,
The, see Lewie
Gordon
Collier’s
[bonnie]
dochter, The,
see Collier’s
bonny lassie
Crooked horn
ewe, The, see
Ewie wi’ the
crooked horn
Cuckoo, The
[The cuckoo’s
nest], see I do
confess thou
art sae fair
77 a:138bis Death of the vn, vc, hpd 1801 A (2nd version T iii, 39
linnet, The, D of coda only, u),
(duet) HV
Donocht Head,
see Minstrel
Drunken wife
o’ Galloway,
The, see Hooly
and fairly
Earl Douglas’s
lament, see
Lady
Randolph’s
complaint
Exile of Erin,
The, see Erin-
go-bragh
Failte na
miosg, see My
heart’s in the
highlands
14th of
October, see Ye
Gods!
110 a:7bis Fy! gar rub her vn, vc, pf 1801 A (2nd version T ii, 53
o’er wi’ strae, e of introduction
(duet) only, u), HV
Fy, let us a’ to
the bridal
[wedding], see
Blithsome
bridal
Gardener’s
march, The,
see Gard’ner
wi’ his paidle
Gentle swain,
The, see
Johnny’s gray
breeks
Gordons has
[had] the
guiding o’t,
The, see
Strephon and
Lydia
124 a:8bis Green grow the vn, vc, pf 1801 HV T iv, 155
rashes, b (with
chorus 2vv)
Happiness lost,
see Tears that
must ever fall
130 a:243 Happy topers, vn, vc, pf 1801 A (frag.), HV T iv, 179
The, C (with
chorus 2vv)
Hellvellyn, see
Erin-go-bragh
Hemp-dresser,
The, see
Looking glass
He who
presum’d to
guide the sun,
see Maid’s
complaint
135 a:174 Hey tutti taiti, vn, vc, hpd 1801 HV T iii, 33
G
Highland lassie
[laddie], The,
see Old
highland laddie
Highway to
Edinburgh,
The, see Black
eagle
140 a:237 Hooly and vn, vc, hpd 1801 HV T iv, 170
fairly, D
House of
Glams, see
Roslin Castle
How sweet is
the scene, see
Humours o’
glen
161 a:252 Jenny’s vn, vc, pf (hpd) 1801 A (u) T iv, 197
bawbee, G
Jenny’s
lamentation,
see Jockie and
Sandy
Joyful widower,
The, see
Maggy Lauder
Katy’s answer,
see My
mither’s ay
glowran
Kind Robin
loves me, see
Robin, quo’ she
King James’
march to
Ireland, see
Lochaber
Lads of Leith,
The, see She’s
fair and fause
Lady
Badinscoth’s
reel, see My
love she’s but a
lassie yet
Laird and
Edinburgh
Kate, The, see
My mither’s ay
glowran
Lasses of the
ferry, The, see
Auld lang syne
Loth to depart,
see La
partenza dal
paese e dalli
amici
Lucky Nancy,
see Dainty
Davie
Maid in
Bedlam, The,
see
Gramachree
Maid of Toro,
The, see
Captain O’Kain
Margret’s
ghost, see
William and
Margaret
McFarsence’s
testament, see
Macpherson’s
farewell
McPherson’s
rant, see
Macpherson’s
farewell
Miller’s
daughter, The,
see If a body
meet a body
Miller’s
wedding, The,
see Auld lang
syne
226 a:115bis Minstrel, The, vn, vc, hpd 1801 HV T iv, 186
b
Miss
Farquharson’s
reel, see My
love she’s but a
lassie yet
Miss
Hamilton’s
delight, see My
jo Janet
Moudiewort,
The, see O, for
ane-and-twenty
Tam!
232 a:242 Muirland Willy, vn, vc, pf 1801 A (2nd version T iv, 177
d (with chorus of introduction
2vv) only, u), HV
Musket salute
The, see My
heart’s in the
highlands
My ain fireside,
see Todlen
hame
My ain kind
deary, see Lea-
rig
My Jockey was
the blythest
lad, see Young
Jockey
My love’s
bonny when
she smiles on
me, see
Flowers of
Edinburgh
My love’s in
Germanie, see
Wish
My Mary, dear
departed
shade, see
Highland Mary
My plaid away,
see O’er the
hills and far
away
Nancy’s to the
green-wood
gane, see
Scornfu’ Nancy
Nanny, O, see
My Nanie, O
New hilland
laddie, see
Lass of
Livingston
Nine pint
cogie, see
Collier’s bonny
lassie
258 a:149bis O’er the hills vn, vc, pf 1801 HV T iv, 161
and far away,
B♭ (with chorus
2vv)
Of noble race
was Shenkin,
see Y gadly’s
On the death of
Delia’s linnet,
see Death of
the linnet
O poortith
cauld, see I had
a horse
O saw ye my
father, see Saw
ye my father
O steer her up
and had her
gaun, see Steer
her up
Palmer, The,
see Open the
door
270 a:241 Pat & Kate, B♭ vn, vc, pf 1803 HV T iv, 175
(duet; Irish air)
271 a:167 Peggy, I must vn, vc, hpd 1801 A (2nd version T iii, 24
love thee, G of coda only, u),
(duet) HV
Phoebe, see
Yon wild mossy
mountains
276 a:230 Poet’s ain Jean, vn, vc, pf 1801 HV T iv, 159
The, G
Ranting
highlandman,
The, see White
cockade
Ranting, roving
Willie, see
Rattling
roaring Willy
283 a:227 Rattling vn, vc, pf (hpd) 1801 A (u) T iv, 153
roaring Willy, F
Raving winds,
see McGrigor
of Rora’s
lament
Robin is my
only jo, see
Robin, quo’ she
Roger’s
farewell, see
Auld lang syne
Rory Dall’s
port, see Ae
fond kiss
Row saftly,
thou stream,
see Captain
O’Kain
Sawney will
never be my
love again, see
Corn riggs
Sawnie’s pipe,
see Colonel
Gardner
Saw ye Johnnie
cummin? quo’
she, see Fee
him, father
Scots Jenny,
see Jenny was
fair
Seventh of
November, see
Day returns
She grip’d at
the greatest
on’t, see East
Neuk o’ Fife
So for seven
years, see Tho’
for sev’n years
Soldier laddie,
The, see Soger
laddie
Soldier’s
dream, The,
see Captain
O’Kain
Soldier’s
return, The,
see Mill, mill
O!
Sweet’s the
lass that loves
me, see Bess
and her
spinning wheel
Their groves o’
sweet myrtle,
see Humours o’
glen
339 a:181 Thro’ the wood, vn, vc, hpd 1800 HV T iii, 43
laddie, F
’Tis woman,
see Bonnie
gray ey’d morn
To the rose
bud, see Rose
bud
Tranent Muir,
see Killicrankie
Wandering
Willie, see
Here awa’
Wap at the
widow, my
laddie, see
Widow
Welcome home,
old Rowley, see
Thou’rt gane
awa’
367 a:244 What ails this vn, vc, pf 1804 SC, HV T iv, 180
heart of mine,
g (duet)
Where Helen
lies, see Fair
Helen of
Kirkconnell
373 a:76bis Whistle o’er vn, vc, pf (hpd) 1801 A (u) T iv, 169
the lave o’t, F
Willie brew’d a
peck o’ maut,
see Happy
topers
Will ye go to
Flanders, see
Gramachree
Wo betyd thy
wearie bodie,
see Bonnie wee
thing
Women’s work
will never be
done, see Black
eagle
Young highland
rover, The, see
Morag
Young Peggy
blooms, see
Boatman
Colin to Flora,
see Rock and a
wee pickle tow
Come under
my plaidy, see
Johny MacGill
Exile of Erin,
The, see Erin-
go-bragh
Good night,
and God be
with you, see
Good night and
joy be wi’ ye a’
I loe na a
laddie but ane,
see Happy Dick
Dawson
Jenny beguil’d
the webster,
see Jenny dang
the weaver
My silly auld
man, see Johny
MacGill
My wife’s a
wanton, wee
thing, see My
love’s a wanton
wee thing
21 a:267 Over the water vn, vc, pf 1803 TS vi, p.36 (no by
to Charlie, D vn, vc) Neukomm
Savourna
deligh (Irish
air), see Erin-
go-bragh
Tibbie Dunbar,
see Johny
MacGill
Waes me for
Prince Charlie,
see Johny Faw
Colin to Flora,
see Rock and a
wee pickle tow
Come under
my plaidy, see
Johny MacGill
Exile of Erin,
The, see Erin-
go-bragh
Good night,
and God be
with you, see
Good night and
joy be wi’ ye a’
I loe na a
laddie but ane,
see Happy
Dick Dawson
Jenny beguil’d
the webster,
see Jenny dang
the weaver
My silly auld
man, see Johny
MacGill
My wife’s a
wanton, wee
thing, see My
love’s a wanton
wee thing
Savourna
deligh (Irish
air), see Erin-
go-bragh
Tibbie Dunbar,
see Johny
MacGill
Waes me for
Prince Charlie,
see Johny Faw
Haydn-Studien, 1– (1965–)
D: Biography
GerberNL
H.C.R. Landon and D.W. Jones : Haydn: his Life and Music
(London, 1988)
(iii) Miscellaneous
G. Nottebohm : Beethoven’s Studien, i: Beethoven’s
Unterricht bei J. Haydn, Albrechtsberger und Salieri: nach
den Original-Manuskripten dargestellt (Leipzig and
Winterthur, 1873/R)
F: Publishers
W. Sandys and S.A. Forster : The History of the Violin, and
Other Instruments (London, 1864) [correspondence of
Haydn and Forster]
G: Iconography
A. Fuchs : ‘Verzeichniss aller Abbildungen Joseph
Haydn’s’, Wiener allgemeine Musik-Zeitung, 6 (1846),
237–9
H: Authenticity
J.P. Larsen : ‘Haydn und das “kleine Quartbuch”’, AcM, 7
(1935), 111–23; Eng. trans. in Larsen (C1988) [beginning
of Larsen–Sandberger controversy; see Brown,
Berkenstock and Brown (B1974), no.1134]
I: Works: General
W.H. Hadow : A Croatian Composer: Notes towards the
Study of Joseph Haydn (London, 1897); repr. in Collected
Essays (London, 1928)
L: Secular vocal
O.E. Deutsch : ‘Haydns Kanons’, ZMw, 15 (1932–3), 112–
24, 172
M: Orchestral
H. Kretzschmar : ‘Die Jugendsinfonien Joseph Haydns’,
JbMP 1908, 69–90
O: Keyboard
NewmanSCE
P: Reputation
L. de La Laurencie : ‘L’apparition des oeuvres d’Haydn à
Paris’, RdM, 13 (1932), 191–205