NOTES: have no literature, no history, no

recordkeeping system, or any

1. Limpienza de Sangre: This policy
other activity which normally
required that a person should be
associate with a literate society
able to prove Old Christian
until the Spaniards came.
ancestry for four previous
5. “The matter of native writing
generations without Jewish or
during the pre-Spanish Era is
Muslim blood. Those who
problematic.” (Corpuz, 1989)
possessed such ancestry were
6. So accustomed are all these
regarded as having Limpienza de
islanders to writing and reading
Sangre. A person who failed to
there is scarcely a man, and much
fulfill the requirements was
less a woman, who cannot read
deemed to not possess purity of
and write in the letters proper to
blood.
the island of Manila, very different
2. Rule 3 stated that “the collegiate
from those of China, Japan, and
must be of pure race and have no
India. (Chirino, 1969, 280)
mixture of Moorish or Jewish
7. Throughout the islands the natives
blood, to the fourth degree, and
write very well, using certain
shall have no Negro or Bengal
characters… Almost all the
blood, or that of any similar nation,
natives, both men and women,
in their veins, or a fourth part of
write in this language. There are
Filipino blood.
very few who do not write it
3. Patronato Real was an
excellently and correctly. (Morga,
arrangement established by Pope
1609)
Julius II in which he granted Kind
8. The choice did not involve history,
Ferdinand and his successors that
law, literature, or other areas, as
exclusive right (1) to build
they were covered by oral
churches in the Spanish colonies;
tradition.
(2) to nominate candidates for
9. Refer to Chapter 3.
positions, including bishoprics,
10. Spanish friars not only used the
abbacies, canonries, and other
Chinese technology but also
ecclesiastical benefices, in
employed Chinese technicians
appointed or approved by the
who were familiar into this printing
Crown and depended on the
method.
Crown for his support. The Friars
11. It was a method used by Chinese
were, in other words, salaried
and familiar to the Tagalogs
government officials.
(known as limbag). The letters or
4. Although they were literate,
characters where hand-carved
Tagalogs never reached the exact
into pieces of wood blocks then, it
level of accomplishment of the
was inked and pressed against
Western expectation. What one
the paper.
finds among the Tagalogs, this
12. The Dominicans firstly owned a
population which can read and
printing press by 1593. According
write on a wide scale, is that they
 to Retana, the Augustinians, printer was a non-native Tagalog
imported a printing press from speaker, a Christian-Chinese
Japan that was operated in named Juan de Vera who is also
Bacoor (1618), Lubao, Macabebe, responsible for the shift to the
and Manila (1621) then, it was typographic method of printing.
later sold to the Jesuits. 17. Tomas Pinpin printed Blancas de
13. One of the reasons they are the San Jose’s Artes y reglas de la
first order to dominate the Tagalog lengua tagala while Talaghay
Studies in the first fifty years of printed Pinpin’s Librong
Spanish presence in the pagaaralan. Unfortunately, little is
Philippines. known about Talaghay and
14. The Franciscans used to Pinpin’s work was the only listed
dominate of producing tagalog publication credited to him. Pinpin
works. However, all of those were on the other hand, went on to print
not published on the fact of at least fourteen works, and his
absence of printing press owned son, Simon, also printed fourteen.
or controlled by the Franciscans 18. Scott, William Henry. 1992.
and according to the Franciscan Looking for the Prehispanic
historical report, they were not Filipino. Quezon City: New Day
given to publish their works Publishers
because they are voluminous and 19. The use of “tribal” is minor
there are no arrangements. compared to the word “barangay”
According to Retana, they therefore it was the creation of a
published their own book in 1606. myth: the myth of the barangay.
The Augustinian press published 20. On September 21, 1974, Former
only three books from 1618 and President Ferdinand Marcos
1621. issued a Presidential Decree no.
15. He authored Libro de Nuestra 557 declaring all barrios in the
Senora del Rosario (1602), Libro Philippines as Barangays.
de los Sacramentos (1603), Libre 21. However, the author concludes
de Quatro Postrimerias (1604), that it is a construct which has no
Memorial de la vida christiana evidence to support it.
(1605), Tratado del Sacramento 22. Which was contradict by William
de la Confesion (c. 1607). His Henry Scott.
works were not for the priest but 23. The author concluded that
for the layman. He also wrote besides from Placensia’s study,
books written in Baybayin namely, those after him chose the wrong
Libro del Rosario de Nuestra name or title for the basic
Senora (1602), Libro Postrimerias organization of Tagalog society;
del Hombre (1605) etc. they chose the wrong concept and
16. However, the division of construct. Vicente Rafael comes
syllabication and phonic tantalizingly close to catching the
transcription, indicate that the heart of the issue: The confusion
 of the data in early Spanish from those aspects that were
accounts stems from what seems Tagalog and those that were
like the inadequacy of Spanish Spanish. Number of scholars
political terminology, rooted in have examined the matter of
Roman Law and European counting among the Tagalogs of
feudalism, to comprehend the early Spanish period. Jean-
Tagalog social structure. There Paul Potet’s highly technical
appears to be a lack of fir between “Numerical Expressions in
Spanish descriptions and the Tagalog” and Ricardo Manapat’s
Tagalog reality they seek to paper “Matheatical Ideas in Early
convey. Perhaps, the difficulty Philippine Society”. Both of them
may be attributed to the were informative, but both papers
overdetermined nature of both suffer from a number of
Spanish political terminology and problems.
Tagalog designations of social 26. Tagalog borrowed the forms but
status. (Rafael, 1988,138) not necessary the thinking behind
24. “Correct or not, Spanish policies them. The core values remained
were based on this view of animism and its attendant
indigenous society. The datu, worldview., while the
translated as chief by Plasencia, surface/survival included a hybrid
was transformed later to Cabeza of Tagalog and Spanish forms.
de Barangay and society was This synthesis is what found in
reorganized accordingly. The Filipino society up until now.
barangay came to be accepted as 27. Written by local authorities and
the basic political unit of Tagalog signed by the same. The petitions,
society. However, the term dated 1665 (founded by Jean-
barangay, in describing political Paul Potet) and 1678 (founded by
structure quickly faded and was Luis C. Dery in the National
replaced by the Spanish barrio Archives of the Philippines), were
and part of the pueblo. Barangay addressed to the Archbishop in
continues to be heard as part of Manila and signed by more than
the new title for datus/cabeza de thirty men of Naujan, who
barangay.” represented its past and present
25. This is seen towards in various leadership.
aspects of tagalog culture. The 28. The Spaniards were surprised to
responses of the Tagalog find a near-universal literate
population towards borrowing and society. Baybayin was the system
adaptating varied all the way from of writing used for local
acceptance to indifference and languages, a fact supported by
rejection (Lhedan, 1959, viii-ix). Spanish accounts, a printing
However, often the borrowing ministry created in the face of that
was done to such an extent that reality, and surviving examples of
many have failed to differentiate
 that writing. (cf. Woods 2011d, ch. Pangasinan, which was
2) intersected at different points by
29. As explained by Tomas Pinpin’s Zambales. Third, earlier reports
Librong pagaaralan nang manga regarding this “change” were more
Tagalog nang uican Castila, positive than the one quoted by
Spanish had both letters and Bernad. For, because of the
sounds not found in Tagalog as respect to his person, surely worth
written in Baybayin. Also, Spanish of the greatest promotion, we did
did not allow for interchangeable not dare to condemn his attempt
letters – u and o, e and i, d and r. as unjust; and more even, when
Thus, Pinpin’s work would help to he obtained it, making amends to
produce ladinos, bilingual Tagalog our reformed order for the wrong
who could speak and write in we received by a recompense
Spanish but also write in Tagalog which was fully justifiable in his
in romanticized letter. eyes. A chance offered him a
30. I assumed that, Tomas Pinpin’s suitable occasion for his project in
book played a major role in those the following manner. Don Diego
two petition manuscripts written by de Villatoro represented to the
local authories of Naujan and it Council of the Indias that the
somehow successfully reached island of Mindoro was filled with
the goal of his book, to become a innumerable heathens all sunk in
tool for survival and to produce a the darkness of their paganism
well-literate Tagalog who cannot and that if its conquest were
just only read and write Baybayin entrusted to any order, it would be
but can also read and write very easy to illuminate its
romanticized Tagalog words. inhabitants with the light of faith.
31. They took over Mindoro as Therefore a royal decree was
“compensation” for the mission in despatched, under date of Madrid,
Zambales, which the archbishop June 18, 1677, ordering the
had forced them to turn over to the governor of the islands, together
Dominicans. However, the with the archbishop, to entrust the
Recollects resigned themselves to reduction of Mindoro to the order
this disproportionate change, which appeared best fitted for it,
since the exertions to avoid it before all things settling the curas
availed nothing. (Bernad 1968,56) who resided the in prebends or
32. Three things should be noted chaplaincies. That decree was
here. First, the petitions were sent presented to the royal Audencias
to Archbishop Felipe Pardo whose of Manily by Sargento-mayor Don
being a Dominican might have Sebastian de Villareal, October
influenced his decision. Regarding 31, [16]78, and since his Majesty’s
Zambales being given to the fiscal had nothing to oppose, it
Dominicans. Second, the was obeyed without delay, and it
Dominicans had jurisdiction in was sent for fulfillment to the said
 archbishop, December 14 of the de Herrera who describe himself
same year. On that account, his as a secretario de visita and later
Excellency formed the idea of adds notario publico in the
taking Zambales from us in order document. In spite of mixed
to augment his order and given orthography and the consistently
the island of Mindoro to our misspelled words, Herrera was a
discalced order. (Blair and Spaniard -- not a ladino. However,
Robertson 1903, 41:169-70) it is unlikely, Herrera did all if any
33. According to the accounts of of the physical writing.
Augustinian Recollects, the order 37. A name of Alonso Dias used to
who replaced the Jesuits. translate the testimony given in
34. The topic was founded in a the local language, was a form of
footnote of William Henry Scott’s Bisayan.
Prehispanic Source Materials for 38. The author did not state which
the Study of Philippine History. style of Bisayan was used by the
The original was believed to have witnesses to translate. (Bisayan:
been deposited on the request of Ilonggo, Bisayan: Aklanon, or the
a former American soldier who dialect of Bantayan, Cebu a
had stolen it during military looting mixture of Cebuano, Ilonggo,
in the early 20th century in Jaro, Waray-Waray and Masbetenyo
Iloilo as he took it as a souvenir. and Boholano).
When he is nearly dying, he asked 39. A soldier from Bantayn, Cebu with
a Catholic priest to return the a rank of Maestre de Ocampo, the
documents to their proper place. highest rank that can be obtained
That priest, in turn gave them to by an indio, who joined Spanish
the Maryknoll sisters. However, forces to fought in Mindanao.
the original copy had been (probably, muslims).
damaged and ultimately thrown 40. A principalia.
out. Until, a name of Pennie 41. Both were from Bantayan and
Azarcon-dela Cruz asked the married there.
author that a photocopy of the 42. It challenges the preconceptions
script has been obtained by many hold about women during
Filipinas Heritage Library. the Spanish colonial period in the
35. Some vital information of the Philippines, divorce, and the
document was not included due to Catholic Church, as the extent of
various circumstances and there hispanization, the work of the
were missing pages that are friars in the islands, and much
presumably lost. more. According to the traditional
36. The presiding authority was Don view, this case simply should not
Gregorio Ruiz Descalona, a be possible. And many who take
Spaniard affiliated with the that view would state
cathedral in Manila. The scribe of unequivocally that no such case
the document was Juan Moreno
 could ever have been brought, let
alone won.
43. Record and reports from early
Spanish sources indicate that
divorce was, in fact, a part of life in
the precolonial Bisayas and it is
not unusual because of egalitarian
views of Visayans concerning
sexe and autonomous behavior
and customs by them which were
implicit contrast with the Tagalogs.