Pabuji Research

World Oral Literature Project
voices of vanishing worlds

Occasional Paper 3
The Epic of Pabuji ki par in performance
Elizabeth Wickett
Published by:
World Oral Literature Project

University of Cambridge
Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology
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United Kingdom
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ISBN: 978-0-9566052-1-4
© 2010 World Oral Literature Project
All rights reserved. No parts of this publication may be

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photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the
prior permission of the World Oral Literature Project.
Cover design by Dora Kemp and Mark Turin.
The cover photo is a still from the film of the performance of Pabuji ki par by Patashi Devi
Bhopi and Bhanwar Lal Bhopa in the village of Pabusar, Shekawati (Rajasthan) shot by
Dr Elizabeth Wickett, in May 2009 as part of her research project to document the epic.
While she sings the epic, Patashi holds the oil lamp to illuminate the hand-painted screen
or phad on which the various exploits of Pabuji are depicted.
Printed by AVMG, University of Cambridge.

Table of Contents
Preface iv
Introduction and research background 1
Proposal to the Firebird Foundation 2
The structure of this paper 3
Part 1
The Bhopa/Bhopi communities of Rajasthan 3
The painted scroll or ‘phad’ in the epic of Pabuji ki par 4
‘Picture showmen’: pictorial narrative in India 6
The Pabuji ki par tradition 11
The offertory or arthi 13
Modes of performance: gav and arthav 14
The role of the Bhopi in Pabuji ki par 15
The epic and the phad: what is said and what is depicted 17
Diversity and variation in performance: the language and music of the epic 17
The epic of Pabuji and the Ramayana 18
Conclusion 19
Part 2
(A) Jaipur: The Wedding of Gogaji 21
(B) Pabusar: The Wedding of Gogaji 22
(C) Jodhpur: The Wedding of Pabuji 23
(D) Jaisalmer 24
I The Wedding of Gogaji 24
II The Wedding of Pabuji 25
III The Wedding of Gogaji 26
IV The Wedding of Pabuji 26
Appendix 1 The Banjari Nomad 26
References 27
Preface
The World Oral Literature Project is an urgent It is with great pleasure that we continue our
global initiative to document and make accessi- series of Occasional Papers with this timely con-
ble endangered oral literatures before they disap- tribution from Elizabeth Wickett on the spectacu-
pear without record. The project was established lar Rajasthani performance tradition of Pabuji ki
in early 2009 to support scholars and community par. Dr Wickett draws on her ethnographic train-
researchers engaged in the collection and preser- ing and visual skill to explore the historical roots
vation of all forms of oral literature by funding of this vivid pictorial narrative while at the same
original fieldwork, and by providing training in time foregrounding the important and often
digital collection and archiving methods. overlooked role of the woman’s voice in the epic
Through this series of Occasional Papers, performance. Her enthusiasm for the content is
the World Oral Literature Project is supporting compelling, and I am delighted to announce that
the publication of research findings and meth- Dr Wickett’s recordings, photographs and texts
odological considerations that relate to scholar- will soon be hosted in our digital archive and
ship on oral literature. Hosted for free on our that excerpts of performances will be available
website for immediate distribution, the series for online viewing and download.
allows researchers to disseminate fieldwork
findings and analyses through a streamlined, Dr Mark Turin
peer-review process. We welcome expressions World Oral Literature Project
of interest from any scholar seeking to publish University of Cambridge
original work. October 2010
The epic of Pabuji ki par in performance 11
The epic of Pabuji ki par in performance
Elizabeth Wickett1
Introduction and research background1 moving lips. Who was singing? Finally, when the
husband responded with an audibly enthusiastic
During a period of six-month’s tenure as a con- refrain: “Oh really?” it was clear: his wife, staring
sultant in Rajasthan,2 I witnessed two ‘husband deadpan and motionless at the audience, was the
and wife’ performances of the vernacular epic principal performer of the tale.
known as Pabuji ki par against the backdrop of In the world at large, women performers
the par/phad3 (or painted scroll), one at the Amber of folk epics are relatively rare. Studying the
Palace outside Jaipur and the second in Jaipur. Pabuji ki par, therefore, offered a unique oppor-
While both performances were intriguing, the tunity to investigate gendered epic traditions
second was particularly rich. We in the audience and ‘women’s epics’ as a distinct sub-genre.4 The
could hear a high-pitched melody and volley voice of rural women in Rajasthan is seldom, if
of words, but despite scanning the faces of the ever, heard and my research sheds light on their
drummer, the male instrumentalist cavorting perspectives and the socio-religious worldview
about the stage and that of the woman standing of women of the adivasi Bhil tribe, a poor, low-
rigidly before us (his wife), we could discern no caste minority in Rajasthan, often denied basic
rights and entitlements.
1 This paper is designed to complement the anthropo- Pabuji ki par is not an unstudied folk epic.
logical documentary, ‘To Earn Our Bread: Performing for
Pabuji’ (April 2010), produced by the author with funding Some Western linguists and literary historians
from the Firebird Foundation for Anthropological Research. including John D. Smith and Janet Kamphorst
The documentary features interviews with the male bhopas
have tended to concentrate on linguistic aspects
and female bhopis as well as excerpts of performances, and
concentrates on the social dynamics of the epic from the as well as the interpretation and translation of
perspective of the musicians. Video recordings of the four historical and literary manuscripts of the Pabuji
complete live performances of the Pabuji ki par epic, filmed
epic, either in the version composed exclusively
in high definition in May 2009 and completed in February
2010, plus the accompanying transcripts in Marwari and by men (Pabuji ki mata) or in Smith’s case, a
English (produced with the assistance of Rupayan Sansthan bhopa’s (or male singer) performance of the
in Jodhpur), are stored on DVD and Blu-ray discs in the
epic.5 According to the Indian scholar, Rustom
archive of the Firebird Foundation, in the USA.
2 From April to December 2008, the author worked on 4 Clear differences in emphasis and interpretation have
community mobilisation for the management of water been observed in studies of male and female versions of
supply throughout Rajasthan. the Junjappa epic told in the Kannada-speaking community
3 This epic is known as ‘Pabuji ki par’ meaning ‘Pabuji of of south-central Karnataka. See Shankaranarayana (1995).
the scroll’ (par or phad). Rajasthanis pronounce the word 5 Bharucha (2003: 114) drew my attention to the fact that
scroll as ‘phad’ so this phonetic transcription has been the text of the Pabuji ki par epic in Smith’s book, ‘The Epic
adopted in this paper. of Pabuji’ (1991) was based entirely on ‘Parbu Bhopa’s own
2 Elizabeth Wickett
Bharucha, who published a compendium of the her performance? Does she become possessed by
works of the most prominent Rajasthani folklor- a spirit or a goddess? Answering these questions
ist, Komal Kothari in 2003, no one had studied would shed light on the continuing popularity
the text and meaning of the epic from the van- and significance of the epic to those women
tage point of the bhopis (or women performers), devotees of Pabuji living in nomadic communi-
despite their significant role in maintaining the ties across Rajasthan today.
tradition (Bharucha, 2003: 114). It is known that There was an urgency in my desire to record
men are formally indoctrinated in epic recitation and understand this tradition. These oral tradi-
as boys, but women are only allowed to sing after tions that celebrate the lifestyle and valiant deeds
beginning to live with their husbands (to whom of nomadic communities are now under consid-
they are married as children). As Bharucha erable threat from television and the demands
noted, ‘How a woman learns all the lines of the of the tourist industry to transform the mode of
Pabuji epic... remains a mystery’ (2003: 113). performance of the epic into a more accessible
form. The bhopas of Rajasthan, who used to ply
the pastoral migratory routes of the Raikas or
Proposal to the Firebird Foundation Rabari tribes telling their tales, are now more
sedentary. Their livelihoods are in jeopardy as
To answer these intriguing questions and to their main patrons, the nomadic communities
study the complementary nature of shared of the Thar desert, find their traditional pasture
performance in the epic of Pabuji, I proposed a lands encroached upon by developers and their
project to the Firebird Foundation to track down precious water resources diverted into private
and film three husband and wife teams of per- ownership. As the incidence of drought increases
formers of the Pabuji ki par epic at different ven- and the ecology of the Thar is subjected to the
ues in Rajasthan. My aim was to understand the adverse impacts of climate change and urbani-
female performer or bhopi’s role in composition sation, many performers are moving to towns,
and performance.6 I wanted to solve this mystery aiming to perform in tourist venues. However,
by working closely with women singers and local competition is stiff amongst bhopas to secure
collaborators. I also wanted to address the ques- ‘gigs’ in folk festivals or to become members
tion of how women bhopis develop their poetic of folk troupes travelling abroad. In addition,
skill and memory to sing their own nuanced other sources of employment have presented
‘texts’ (qualitatively different from those of their themselves to young women. As primary school
husband partners) and understand how they use education becomes more available, current
the illustrated scroll or phad as a sacred object trends indicate that over the next few decades,
and aide mémoire. I hoped to penetrate some of families from tribal communities will increas-
the deeper psychological aspects of the woman’s ingly opt for an urban, cash-based livelihood,
‘presentation of self’ in performance (sometimes leaving behind their precarious and impover-
veiled, sometimes turned to the side, sometimes ished nomadic existence. The continuity of this
full frontal) and ‘perceptions of self’ during the tradition and its transmission from generation
act of performance. Do women use a form of to generation, as with many oral traditions, is
ventriloquism when singing and if so, why? also imperilled by the advent of literacy and the
Moreover, what is the religious significance of desire of the rural poor to access more urban
services. Cash based employment has become
explanation of the text rather than the gav (song) shared
with his wife.’ the new economic imperative, and for the bhopa
6 I would like to express my thanks to the Firebird Foun- communities, tourism is the new magnet.
dation for Anthropological Research for providing the gen-
erous funding for this research and documentation project.
The structure of this paper7 As members of the adivasi Eastern Rajput Bhil
tribe of Rajasthan8 and its sub-group known
Part I provides a brief introduction to bhopa/bhopi as Nayak,9 these musicians define themselves
communities, their relation to the deified hero, as bhopas or ‘devotee performers’. They are a
Pabuji and their reverence for the vividly painted distinct caste named after their profession and
scroll, or phad. The tradition of ‘Picture Show- implicitly of higher status than Bhils who live
men’ and the historical roots of pictorial narrative in remote forest areas in Rajasthan (and other
across India are explored in the next section, states of India) who continue to pursue tradi-
followed by an analysis of the epic’s ritual form: tional farming livelihoods.10 Bhopas and bhopis
the prelude or offertory, known as arthi, the sung perform the epic of Pabuji as a divine vocation.
gav and chanted arthav. The emergence of the The performance tradition of Pabuji ki par is a
woman bhopi as the pre-eminent performer and function of their ancestral heritage and the tradi-
communicator, and the divergence between what tion is passed on from generation to generation.
is performed in these opening episodes of the epic Bhopa communities marry only with each
and what is depicted on the scroll, are considered. other. Young girls, would-be bhopis, are pledged
In the last two sections, I examine the striking in marriage to young men aspiring to become
diversity of performance styles recorded in this bhopas at a very early age. At this point, they enter
survey and what some scholars have termed the into their life partnerships as performing duos.
‘vernacularisation’ of the sacred Hindu epic, the ‘Empowered by the blessing of Pabuji’, as they
Ramayana, in the epic of Pabuji. These are fol- describe it, they begin to entertain audiences,
lowed by the conclusion. and once they are able to sing the epic in high
Part II of the paper presents summaries of pitch and volume, they become (as they describe
the four performances recorded in May 2009, themselves) ‘earners of their own bread’, assured
a chronicle of each episode plus analysis and of enhanced social and economic status within
interpretation of the characters. the community.
The Appendix includes the transcript of a Until the independence of India in 1947,
popular folk song, ‘The Banjari Nomad’, per- bhopas worked as itinerant musicians moving
formed by Man Bhari and Sugana Ram after within a domain or regency of up to ten vil-
singing the epic, as an illustration of how the lages, controlled by a thakur, the title given to a
secular and sacred are increasingly linked in feudal ruler of an area of Rajasthan.11 Since then,
professional performance. bhopas have become more sedentary and have
established homesteads in dhanis, small enclaves
of nomadic tribal groups, often situated at the
Part 1 edge of towns. Bhopas still travel to other villages
when invited to perform by patrons, most often
The Bhopa/Bhopi communities of Rajasthan Raika or Rebari camel-rearing nomads, and may
resort to a nomadic lifestyle at certain seasons
Performers of the epic are found across the vast
of the year if patrons are in short supply. Bho-
expanse of the Western Thar desert region from
pas declare that they adhere to their ancestral
Jaipur to Shekawati, from Jodhpur to Jaisalmer.
tradition and therefore still do not perform for
7 I am grateful to my colleagues and collaborators, 8 So-called since they were employed by ruling Rajputs.
anthropologist Dr Priyanka Mathur of the Department of
9 As an indigenous tribe of India, they refer to themselves
Law, University of Rajasthan, and Dr Surajmal Rao, now
as adivasi and in some cases, Dalit, obviating the use of the
Professor of Linguistics of the Department of Rajasthani lan-
invidious and insulting term, ‘Untouchable’.
guage, Mohanlal Sukhadia University, Udaipur, formerly
of Rupayan Sansthan, for their comments and suggestions 10 In northern Gujarat and northern Maharashtra.
on an earlier draft of this paper. 11 Personal communication, Hari Ram Bhopa in Jaisalmer.
4 Elizabeth Wickett
Fig. 1. Patashi Devi Bhopi performing in Pabusar.
patrons against whom there are injunctions, the painted scroll or phad is a red textile on
including Meghwal, cobblers who deal with the which the principal characters, turreted castles,
flesh and hides of dead animals, and concubine fantastic animals, horsemen and myriad bat-
caste (Sansi) dancers, among others. tle scenes from the epic are depicted along a
Bhopas are called to perform the epic in a series of horizontal planes. The scroll is a vital
community if animals become ill or die. On these element in the performance as it embodies the
occasions, the performers are believed to invoke historical and spiritual tradition of Pabuji and
the spiritual presence of Pabuji. Devotees, and portrays his exploits. Devotees also believe that
occasionally bhopas, may become possessed by it is a living temple to their deity and once they
the spirit of Pabuji during these performances have performed the ritual offerings, censing and
and ‘read’ the cause of supernatural afflictions prayers, that Pabuji descends from heaven and
and pronounce healing remedies. Bhopis are is present in the phad.
never possessed by the Rajput deity, Pabuji; their In ritual performances, the veiled bhopi stands
counterpart deity is the female goddess, Mataji. singing to the left of the phad, sometimes illu-
minating the scroll with an oil lamp, while her
husband bhopa stands to the right, strumming his
The painted scroll or phad in the epic of Pabuji ravanhatta (a two-stringed stick fiddle) and occa-
ki par sionally re-enacting the events being described.
Despite this vivid recreation of events, in recogni-
The epic performance mode known as Pabuji ki tion of its symbolic and strategic importance to
par or ‘Pabuji of the painted scroll’ is the most the performance, bhopas and bhopis describe their
prominent of the several performed epic tradi- vocal, musical and kinesic renderings of events
tions (Fig. 2).12 As is evident from the name, on the scroll as ‘reading the phad’ (Figs. 1, 2).
12 Other performance variants of the same epic exist, two male performers and drum, and on occasion, by one
of which the most common is Pabuji mata performed by male singer.
Fig. 2. Hari Ram Bhopa performing in Jaisalmer.
Most phads seem to follow conventional sche- scroll and its myriad scenes are well-known to
matic formulations in their representation of the performers and to the audience, and yet despite
hero’s battles and famed encounters. Pabuji is its ritual importance to the epic, the majority
placed in profile as the focal point of the scroll, of bhopas in the performances filmed (with the
flanked on the right by his courtiers, and below exception of Bhanwar Lal), make only cursory
by the prominent prancing mare, his re-incar- reference to the scenes on the phad, appearing
nated mother, Kesar Kalmi (Fig. 3). According to treat it more as a backdrop than, as some
to Smith’s analysis, each phad in principle com- researchers have suggested, a mnemonic.
prises one hundred different scenes or clusters, Most importantly, the phad forms part of the
displayed in synoptic rather than chronological epic’s mythic heritage. Bhopas believe that they
order and stretched along four to five metres of have inherited the phad and the splendid red
cloth, one and a half metres high.13 Despite the robe that they wear in performance from their
convention, however, the phads featured in the Bhil ancestors, ‘Chandoji’ and ‘Dheboji’, two of
four documented performances reveal a certain Pabuji’s courtiers depicted on the scroll, at the
degree of variation, both in the style and content moment of the god’s ascension to heaven. The
of scenes depicted, and in the artistic style and story is told that Pabuji gave the cloth on his
licence of phad artists. The visualisation of charac- palanquin to his courtiers. In his memory, these
ters would seem to vary from area to area.14 The textiles are treated as sacred and have become
13 Smith’s excellent 1991 dissection of the phad, facilitated integral elements in the ritual performance of
by Joseph C. Miller’s beautiful line drawings of the one hun- the epic.
dred composite scenes, pairs each episode with a ‘scene’,
so rendering them clearly visible to those unfamiliar with
the complex scroll paintings. (traditionally those from the Joshi caste but resident in
14 The artistic and tonal variations in these phads would different parts of Rajasthan) developed individual styles
seem to show that the artists who painted these scrolls of phad representation.
6 Elizabeth Wickett
Fig. 3. Pabuji’s ‘phad’.
‘Picture showmen’: pictorial narrative in India Members of the adivasi tribe of Bhilalas in West
Andhra Pradesh, for example, are said to paint
Telling stories from pictures is a practice deeply creation myths on the walls of their houses and
embedded in South Asian artistic and folk tradi- invoke characters from the story to descend into
tion. Some scholars trace its roots to pre-Buddhist the wall and reside there for the duration of the
pictorial narrative though ‘picture showmen’, paintings (Jain 1998: 12). These customs and
wandering bards (mankha, magadha) who made conceptions are analogous to those at the heart
their livelihood from telling religious and moral of the pictorial narrative tradition of Pabuji in
tales using a picture board, first recorded in India Rajasthan: the phad is a sacred textile in which
in the eleventh century. An artisanal caste of the god may be embodied during performance.16
itinerant story tellers-cum-teachers subsequently As the text of the offertory hymn sung by
emerged, whose self-proclaimed vocation was to Bhanwar Lal reveals, the hero is entreated to
narrate mythical stories using a pictorial guide ‘come down from his palanquin and receive
(Jain 1998: 10). Pictorial narrative traditions are arthi’ in order to be present and reside there, in
found in Buddhist, Brahmanical and Jaina lit- his image, during the performance. His repre-
erature (in particular, the so-called pata chitras, sentation becomes vital, embodied in the two-
a type of religious painting that originated as an dimensional phad. As a result, the bhopa and bhopi
art form in Orissa) and some scholars see analo- should not stand with their backs to the phad,
gies in the folk narrative-cum-painting customs
practised by various adivasi tribes and sub-tribes entitled ‘Picture Showmen’ edited by J. Jain (1998).
in the central Indian states of Gujarat, Mad- 16 The scroll’s investment with spiritual power and sacred
hya Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh and Rajasthan.15 presence can also be seen in the fact that when old and worn
painted scrolls of Pabuji are taken to Pushkar Lake, in an
15 As illustrated by the existence of at least eight inde- act of pilgrimage, they are cremated and their ashes scat-
pendent pictorial traditions in the magnificent volume tered across the water as if remains of once-animate bodies.
Fig. 4. Statues in Pabuji’s abandoned temple, Koriya near Jaisalmer.
and in ritual performance, bhopis are required of Pabuji are wrapped in iridescent and highly
to veil their face in deference to the presence of reflective, dazzling pink, silver, green and polka-
the Rajput, Pabuji, in the phad.17 In a similar vein, dot aluminium foil, perhaps to encourage the
Anna Dallapiccola has noted that people who simultaneous reflection, transmission and inter-
listen to stories recited by chitrakathis (literally, subjectivity of gaze (Fig. 4).18
‘picture story-makers’) and who view images Other intriguing complementarities can be
of their local deities depicted on scrolls (as in found in the mythological scenes painted by
the Paithai painting tradition of Maharashtra, adivasi tribes in India on the walls of houses, and
for example) state that they do so to derive the in ancient petroglyphs, many of which can be
benefit of darshan: viewing a divine image, while found in rock caves of central India and in the
at the same time, becoming ‘one’ with it. In Chambal Valley which straddles parts of Rajas-
other words, the image becomes venerated and than (Sawai Madhopur) and Madhya Pradesh.
simultaneously embodied through the gaze of ‘Cultural’ scenes including exotic animals and
the viewer (1998: 66-73). bovines, humans and the more familiar hunting
The desire for refraction and reflection of encounters have been found on the walls of rock
gaze may also be visible in other related stylis- caves dating to the Paleolithic and Mesolithic
tic variants of the sacred pictorial tradition. At periods.
the five hundred-year old abandoned shrine of
18 I am grateful to my colleague Vimal Gopa of Jaisalmer
Pabuji at Koriya near Jaisalmer (but also in evi-
Fort for leading my colleagues and me to the site of this
dence elsewhere in Rajasthan), two clay effigies ancient and abandoned temple erected to Pabuji. Situated
in the middle of stony desert and believed to be haunted,
17 In fact, Patashi Devi was forcibly pushed to the side at Koriya is little known. The site is strewn with stones and
one point in the performance by her son, a would-be priest shards of ancient habitations and locals maintain that
of Pabuji, when she inadvertently stood facing the audience eighty-four villages ‘disappeared in that place in a single
rather than at right angles to it. night.’ It is now the site of a bi-annual festival to Pabuji.
8 Elizabeth Wickett
As both Pabuji and Gogaji, the wily snake god,

are depicted on the phad as warriors on horse-
back, early representations of equestrian figures
are of interest, particularly because both bhopas
and bhopis wear silver medals of Pabuji astride his
horse as the defining emblem of their devotion.
Of this group, the two-toned figure of the sword-
waving equestrian warrior from Bhimbetka in
Madhya Pradesh, explicitly painted in outline,
is especially striking. The technique deployed in
this drawing emulates styles used in petroglyphs
dating from the Palaeolithic and Mesolithic eras
even though that particular painting is dated
to what archaeologists refer to as ‘the historic
period’, i.e. the first millennium bce (Fig. 5).
Other more ‘primitive’ depictions of the
equestrian Pabuji, including some which appear
Fig. 5. Bhimbetka rider, found in the caves situated to draw upon this unique petroglyph style, can
45 km from Bhopal, from the website ‘The Rock Art also be seen in the wall paintings of the aban-
of Central India’ <www.bradshawfoundation.com> by
Dr Jean Clottes, The Bradshaw Foundation, with doned medieval shrine of Pabuji at Koriya near
permission of the photographer Jaisalmer. Two flamboyant sketches, drawn in
Fig. 6. Equestrian Pabuji, Koriya temple (1).

Fig. 7. Equestrian Pabuji, Koriya temple (2).
Fig. 8. The equestrian Pabuji flanked by ‘the tree of life’ and a peacock, Koriya temple.
0
110 Elizabeth Wickett
Fig. 9. Facing peacocks around a stylised ‘tree of life’ in Sawai Madhopur.
hematite or ochre, show Pabuji sitting astride his Mandana folk art tradition (Fig. 9). Another
horse (Figs. 6 & 7), while another, situated under striking Meena Mandana design, documented
the painting of a gigantic elephant, portrays him during fieldwork, features a highly stylised but
in a more geometric form, flanked by the tree of still anthropomorphic tree of life at its centre
life and a fanning peacock (Fig. 8). (Fig. 10). In this painting, elements of both wall
Symbols central to the phad are also rep- paintings seem to bear some similarity to the
licated in adivasi wall paintings in an area of symbolic representations of Pabuji visible in the
Rajasthan bordering the Chambal valley: the interior of the ancient Koriya temple.
two fanning peacocks which face each other in In that fifteenth century temple in the heart
the central upper register ‘crown’ and enclose of the Thar desert, three images of an equestrian
the regal palanquin of Pabuji on the phad, for Pabuji have been painted in ochre and contex-
example. In Sawai Madhopur, a pair of facing tualised within a larger cosmological scene. The
male peacocks, painted in glaring white lime central figure is flanked by a tree of life and
onto a dun-coloured mud wall (one in the act of surrounded by peacocks and other riders (Fig.
copulation with a female, plus a random series of 11), while another wall displays red hand prints
growling cats), would seem to form part of the (commonly found in rock cave petroglyphs)
repertoire of symbolic icons of the Meena tribe’s and a mysterious ship bearing three tower
11
Fig. 10. Stylised tree of life, Sawai Madhopur.
shrines (Fig. 12). Just as the Mandana paint- bhopas, Pabuji is revered because ‘he sacrificed
ings are believed to represent configurations of his life to save cows’, the mainstay of their exist-
Meena cosmological conceptions, these images ence. In consequence, Pabuji is worshipped as a
would appear to embody elements of Pabuji’s local deity by herdsmen, nomads and those who
mythological world as conceived in the minds pursue a livelihood based on animal husbandry
of devotees, to whom their significance extends in the harsh terrain of the Thar desert.
far beyond that to which they refer (Arnheim Pabuji is also acknowledged to be a healer of
1969: 108). ailments affecting both animals and the envi-
ronment, and therefore bhopas ‘read the phad’
in a village when a patron wishes to invoke the
The Pabuji ki par tradition blessing of Pabuji to heal his animals, to bring the
rain or to transform brackish water into sweet.
Pabuji ki par is a sacred epic performed in devo- As Patashi Devi describes the sequence of events,
tion to the patron deity, Pabuji, reputed to have a symbolic offering of food, known as akha, is
been a fourteenth century hero. According to the offered to the deity himself. This may comprise
2
Fig. 11. Detail of Pabuji with peacock and hand prints, Koriya temple.
either a handful of bajra or pearl millet (the staple 11th day of the lunar calendar.20 The performers
food of desert dwellers in the Thar desert, and receive the offering but it is directly offered as
the only rain-fed crop that can be grown there), ‘food’ to the god before being circulated back to
gur (jaggery) or the ritual offering of 51 rupees. his bhopas and their families. Richard Schechner
By these token offerings (subsequently fed to argues that at the core of puja is the offering of
wild peacocks, their own domestic animals, or food (prasada). Food is sanctified by the gods and
consumed by the family) the bhopa/bhopi duo is then eaten by the faithful (1985). In the symbolic
invited to perform the epic of Pabuji. realm of Pabuji ki par, the tangible offering of food
In the performance, the bhopa and bhopi act would seem to highlight both his corporeality
as priests, intermediaries and catalysts in the in death and the seminal role he is believed to
process of incarnating Pabuji’s presence. They play in ensuring the sustainability of human and
do this by erecting the phad, his mobile temple, animal livelihood in the Thar desert.
and by invoking his spiritual presence through After waving a flame in front of the phad
the performance of puja (offerings of coconut oil and performing other acts of devotion, the male
and incense).19 The process of re-corporealisation bhopa begins with the ‘offertory hymn’ known
of the deity begins with the token offering of as arthi, performed in dedication to their patron
food as puja to Pabuji via his devotee, the bhopa. deity, Pabuji.
This offering must be made on a day that ‘Pabuji
does not fast’, and thus, specifically excludes the
19 Parvati Devi from Nagaur explained that they would 20 Tradition determines on which days the epic may
normally offer pan or betel nut and corn flour to Pabuji be performed. These are known as moon days: the days
in puja, while bhopas in the other performances offered before, after and including the full moon are considered
coconuts, another instance of regional variations in rituals the most auspicious.
associated with the Pabuji epic tradition.
13
Fig. 12. Tower shrines on a ship, Koriya temple.
The offertory or arthi Greed is evil
We admire and honour Pabuji who has come Kolu temple is your place of sanctuary, your
to this world place of ritual
Pabuji, you are great to have come Pabuji, we pray to you each morning and
evening
You are the son of Rao Dhamdal, the royal
king, as powerful as a royal elephant Napasar and Bilasar are also places we per-
Powerful son of Gaj Dhamdal, as strong as form rituals
regal Pim To you, incarnation of Lakshmana jatti, ‘ascetic
deity of the Thar desert’,21
Fly your mare in the sky to defeat the enemy! We pray to you each morning and evening
Defeat your enemy and protect your dynasty!
The dusky-coloured bhopa speaks to Pabuji
Pabuji, you are lying on a palanquin, covered ‘I pray for you with perfumed sticks of incense
by a sheet each morning and evening’
People say, ‘Come to us,
We offer you an earthenware lamp, incense Chandaji and Dabaji are the courtiers of Pabuji
and prayers in this world
Please come to us and help us’ We pray for you each morning and evening
A hen will incubate her chickens The fame of this work,

An aquatic animal will protect her children Like a light that shines forth,
in water Will endure forever on this planet22
But a barren woman is powerless
21 A phrase coined in translation by Smith (1991) in his
recording of the epic by Parbo Bhopa.
A parrot sits on a branch of the mango tree 22 The transcription of the performances from video and
So adorned in multi-coloured plumes he live performance was done by Dr Surajmal Rao, formerly
cannot fly of the Department of Linguistics, University of Jodhpur,
14 Elizabeth
1 4 Wickett
The offertory or arthi is sung by the bhopa to his head erect, as if he were one of his ancestral
Pabuji (who is believed to be present in the courtiers at Pabuji’s grand wedding procession.
phad), to a slow but rhythmic pulse. As clearly The second style of performance is called
evinced in the performance cited above, Bhopa arthav, a high-pitched or chanted recitative per-
Bhanwar Lal calls to Pabuji to come down from formed by the bhopa alone. During this section
his palanquin to the performance of the phad. of the epic recitation, the phad, lit by moonlight
Of all the bhopas’ hymns recorded, Bhanwar and rendered almost incandescent in the light
Lal’s rendering of the arthi is the most poetic. He of flickering lamps, acquires prominence. Stand-
raises the mysterious issue of fertility: ‘a barren ing in front of the scroll, the bhopa declaims and
woman is powerless’, he sings, and so she must announces the events as they unfold, but this
pray to Pabuji for help. His offertory hymn also time, in prose, while at the same time pointing
sounds a moral note: the rich are bedecked in to images and characters on the scroll with the
glittering costumes but seemingly cannot act to tip of his instrument. To punctuate his narra-
improve the human condition. They are greedy: tive, and to sustain the listener’s attention, he
‘greed is evil’, he proclaims. often adds a series of musical flourishes on his
This hymn embodies a message of advocacy. ravanhatta. There is a lull in the flow of the epic
As becomes clear from the ‘texts’ of the episodes, during arthav and whereas the performance of
this epic enshrines the voice of the poor and gav seems to embody the emotion inherent in
articulates a critique cloaked in metaphor. the elaborate conflicts and encounters between
principal characters in the epic, this narrative
acts as an interlude and moment of reflection
Modes of performance: gav and arthav between the more emotionally charged conflicts
around which the epic revolves.
The Pabuji ki par epic is comprised of two per- At the first two performances of the epic I
formance modes: gav (song) and arthav (recita- saw in Jaipur, the bhopi’s face remained uncov-
tive). The bulk of the singing is done by the ered. However, during the first part of the
bhopi, accompanied by her husband bhopa on filmed sequences, in all cases, the bhopis covered
his ravanhatta, and this is the longest and most their faces completely with their veils. This was
exciting part of the epic performance. The bhopi unexpected, and after some discussion, I man-
does not merely ‘hold the lamp in front of the aged to persuade the bhopis to unveil their faces
screen’, but she designs and moulds the narrative in view of our research motive: to discover how
through her vocal power and emotional force the bhopi vocalises and projects her voice in the
after a musical prompt and introductory phrase epic. These unveiled sessions were termed by
from the bhopa. Singing at increasingly higher the performers secular or ‘tourist’ performances
and higher volume and pitch, the bhopi creates an as opposed to the more conventional, ‘ritual
atmosphere of emotional intensity through the performance’.
vibrancy and timbre of her voice. As the bhopi All performances of the epic revolve around
sings, the bhopa provides the melodic lead and parvaros or ‘episodes of miraculous events’
often strives to emulate the exploits of the hero, (Kamphorst 2008: 31). Various performers have
prancing around the stage as if he were a rider suggested that there is a general consensus as
on horseback, or dancing or striding regally, to which parvaro is chosen to open the perform-
ance and while in Jaipur, Pabusar and Jaisalmer,
and Rupayan Sansthan, now a Post Doctoral Fellow of the
Deptartment of Rajasthani, Mohanlal Sukhadia University,
the ‘Wedding of Gogaji’ was performed first, in
Udaipur, Rajasthan. The translations of the epic from Mar- Jodhpur, the performers began with the ‘Wed-
wari into Hindi, and then into English, were provided by Dr
Priyanka Mathur, in discussion with Dr Rao and the author.
15
ding of Pabuji’.23 On this basis, we may surmise their ancestors, Chandoji and Dheboji, Parbo
that there was no ritually-defined standard (it Bhopa provided an explanation. He told Smith
might vary according to the confidence and that both Chandoji (Camda/Cada) and Dheboji
knowledge base of the bhopa and bhopi), but (Dhembo) were ‘Rajputs by birth and Nayaks
by virtue of his appearance in three of the four by upbringing’, a factor that would explain their
recorded performances of the initial episodes high status representation on the phad dressed as
of the epic, we concluded that Gogaji, the wily Mughal courtiers, and account for their exalted
snake god, was an extremely popular folk hero status in the epic (Smith 1991: 391). It also makes
whose prominence and role in the epic had been clear why subsequent generations would claim
deliberately emphasised. 24 descent and seek to emulate them.
In historical manuscripts of the epic, ‘The In the epic, Pabuji is eulogised in a wealth of
Wedding of Gogaji’ is given less prominence than epithets describing him as ‘King of the Rathore
in modern day Rajasthani epic performance, so clan of Rajput’ and ‘King of Kolu’, the site of his
this would appear to be a modern revamping of original palace and main temple near Phalodi
events in response to popular demand. Yet, on in Western Rajasthan. He is also described as a
perusing ancient versions of the epic, it seems ‘provider of food’, possibly a more significant
remarkable to find that the main protagonists marker to his devotees than ‘king’. Pabuji is
in these stories, the Bhil courtiers, Dheboji (also honoured as thakur and sardar, titles meaning
written Dhembo) and Chandoji (Camda), as well ‘feudal lord’, as he would have been perceived
as the Raika nomad, Harmal Devasi, are the same in the Middle Ages, as Pal or Pal Balala, ‘Life’ or
as those named in the eighteenth century manu- the ‘Spear of Life’, ‘the foundation stone of our
script versions of the epic, preserved in libraries religion on earth’, and in mythological terms, as
and private collections. According to scholars the descendant and avatar (living embodiment)
who have studied the epic’s earliest known pre- of Lord Lakshmana, the ascetic brother of the
cursors and evidence for Pabuji’s existence as a god, Ram in the ancient Hindu religious epic,
historical figure,25 there may be some justification the Ramayana. The fundamental role of the epic
to the bhopas’ claims that Bhil courtiers served in praising the deity Pabuji is clear.
Pabuji in his army. Pabuji and his courtiers are
worshipped through images of equestrian fig-
ures, sculpted in relief on ancient ‘hero’ stones The role of the bhopi in Pabuji ki par
found scattered throughout the Thar desert and
present in his various shrines. Their representa- What distinguishes Pabuji ki par from other
tion gives credence to the epic stories and the versions of the epic (and many other epic tradi-
collective memory of their exploits is passed from tions) is the fact that the bulk of the epic ‘song’
generation to generation. As to why Chandoji or gav is sung by the bhopi. Women compose and
and Dheboji are represented on the phad along perform the episodes in tandem with their male
with Pabuji, and on the question of why bhopas partners but the ‘voice’ of the principal character
may have inherited their divine vocation from in the episodes recorded, in most cases, is that
23 The recording time was limited in the case of 2009
of a woman rather than a man.26 The voices of
Pabuji research due to budget constraints. Therefore, the Kelam Dé (short for Devi) and the Goddess Deval
temporal and textual extent of the epic in terms of each Charni, for example, are privileged above those
performer’s repertoire is not known, though reference was
made by some performers to a continuous stint of perform-
of male characters. The women speak whereas
ances lasting all night over a period of several days. the male heroes remain mute. This would seem
24 The same episode is included in the compendium by 26 While it is not known if this would apply in battle epi-
Smith (1991). sodes, other transcriptions of the epic do point to a general
25 See Smith (1991) and Kamphorst (2008). predominance of female characters.
16 Elizabeth
1 6 Wickett
to suggest that the gav section is not only sung by devoted to gav, sung by the bhopi, with the bhopa
a woman but articulates the concerns of women providing a one or two word introduction to the
who listen to and patronise epic performance. verse. The arthav section, chanted by the bhopa,
Arthav, on the other hand, the chanted prose constituted less than 25% of the epic in the four
section performed by the bhopa, chronicles events performances filmed. Parbo Bhopa’s ‘complete
of the epic in a more emotionally neutral ‘past text of the epic of Pabuji ki par’ is, therefore, a
tense.’ hybrid, qualitatively different from the epic as
The bhopa and bhopi perform distinct and normally performed by a bhopa and bhopi in
gender-specific roles. They never sing together; tandem (Bharucha 2003: 113). For this reason, or
either one or the other sings. The bhopa performs perhaps because it was a performance recorded
the necessary devotional rituals before the artificially, away from a traditional audience,
performance and sings the arthi. He is also the Parbo Bhopa’s text is strangely devoid of the
instrumentalist who provides the melodic and type of social commentary or critique evinced
rhythmic accompaniment to the bhopi, but it is in the four performances recorded. Performance
she who sings the episodes with full coloratura by a single male performer in isolation would
and emotional inflection. be expected to lack the fundamental element of
Some Western scholars have tended to con- collaboration which distinguishes the Pabuji ki
centrate on the mediaeval origins of the text par tradition from others: the enactment of the
and manuscript versions of the epic of Pabuji performance on stage by the bhopa and bhopi
rather than its performed versions and therefore and the creation of a multi-vocal text. As the
may have ignored the pivotal role of the bhopi. Pabusar and Jaisalmer performances show, the
Perceptions of gender protocols and perhaps, appointed ‘spectator-cum-respondent’ known as
as one scholar of Pabuji told me, an inadvertent the hunkariyya speaks out during the perform-
but evident ‘gender bias’, as well as a focus on ance to ‘converse’ with the bhopa and bhopi, to
documentation of the complete chronicle, may praise their performance and to comment on
have obscured this important aspect of this gen- events as they unfold. The participation of this
dered tradition. interlocutor, as other scholars have observed,
Parbo Bhopa’s version of the epic, cited by is an essential component of the performance
Smith as a complete text, for example, excludes event. He, and often a gaggle of others, interject
any renditions by the bhopi. Clearly, this has important asides that help the performers to cre-
influenced the nature of the text, as he himself ate a more exciting, collaborative, and to a certain
notes.27 The traditional performance modes are extent, jointly produced ‘text’. 28 Moreover, as
indisputable, as Bharucha notes: ‘in the husband- seen in the performances, as the belligerent voice
wife rendition of Pabuji ki par, the man sings the of the audience signals its support or disdain for
first lines of each verse in the narrative, playing events unfolding, the tale is transformed from a
the ravanhatta, while his wife sings the rest of the well known story into ‘a kind of reality TV show’,
verse’ (2003: 113). In our survey of the Pabuji ki in which the audience’s opinion influences the
par tradition across Rajasthan, the same pattern tenure of events.
was observed: the bulk of the performance was Perusal of the sung ‘texts’ reveals that the
bhopis interject many of the problems of daily life,
27 ‘A transcription of the entire 36 hour event [originally specifically family relationships and alliances
performed in gav and arthav] would have been unpublish- into the epic recitation, while at the same time
able and unreadable... there could be no serious doubt that
the form in which the material should be presented was the 28 Ann Grodzins Gold observed that the hunkar / hunkari-
arthav alone—the spoken, loosely metrical version which yya is not a spontaneous, casual or extraneous adjunct but
the bhopa declaims between songs while he points to the ‘a formalised element of performance-audience interaction’
relevant pictures on the par behind him’ (Smith, 1991: 105). (1993: 21).
17
praising Pabuji as their divine patron and source grass grow is important in the parvaro of his failed
of empowerment. In these outbursts, milk-based nuptials as it bears important witness to his char-
metaphors predominate: ‘We scarcely get the ismatic power, and yet this does not appear on the
whey let alone the curd!’ say two different bhopis. phad. His wedding scene is, however, depicted on
The singers stress the torment women feel when the phad, along with the Goddess Deval as a bird,
dowries promised are not paid; the sadness they though it appears under-illustrated in terms of its
endure; how men continue to promise unrealistic importance to the narrative. The issue of who will
dowries they can never pay to clinch marriage look after her precious cows lies at the crux of the
contracts; how people may agree to take on work epic. As their abduction is the cause of the future
in honour of their feudal patron-thakur but feel conflict that will ultimately lead to the death of
exploited because they are not properly paid or the hero Pabuji, this incident might be expected
treated with respect; how mothers-in-law make to command more strategic prominence and size
snide remarks and accuse their daughters-in-law on the phad.
of unseemly behaviour, often without cause, Also converse to expectations, many of the
and so on. issues highlighted in the oral epic are inherently
conflictual and pertain to negotiations and solu-
tions to various pressing social problems, but
The epic and the phad: what is said and these are not portrayed on the phad: for example,
what is depicted the concern expressed by Kelam Dé for the out-
landishness of her dowry gift. The characters are
What is fascinating about the epic is what is depicted formulaically with stereotypical physi-
said (or not said), and what is depicted (or not ognomy and in profile. They are consequently
depicted) on the phad. Most of the audience devoid of any distinctive personality features
knows the saga of Pabuji, and so some factors or expressions. It remains for the bhopi to infuse
crucial to outsiders’ understanding of the story them with life and contemporary relevance
are omitted. However, from the majority of the through an emotionally invigorated gav. While
performances witnessed in this study, it is clear the phad portrays a myriad of social interactions,
that Pabuji’s exploits do not always appear to it remains emotionally and dramatically neutral.
be the central preoccupation of the bhopa/bhopi, In fact, the ‘reading’ of the phad can be interpreted
though his image dominates the scroll. Rather, as the way in which the bhopis, with assistance
Pabuji’s actions often appear tangential (in terms from the bhopas, re-incarnate their favourite char-
of narrative emphasis) to what appears to be the acters and their deity through the grace afforded
more critical roles played by his Bhil courtiers by the empowering presence of Pabuji.
(such as Harmal Devasi) in performance of their
required duties.
Moreover, differences in the way the epic is Diversity and variation in performance:
performed as opposed to visualised in the phad the language and music of the epic
should also be noted. Several bhopas begin by
singing the episode of Gogaji, the snake god, The language of the performances of Pabuji ki
focusing on his devious character and scheme to par is Marwari, one of six dialects of Rajasthani,
secure marriage to Pabuji’s niece, Kelam Dé. These at one time linked to the archaic poetic koiné
incidents are featured on the phads but as minor known as Dimgal reputedly used by Charan
inserts: they are not accorded the central promi- poets to compose the ancient epic. Some dialecti-
nence one would expect from the elaborate telling cal differences are evident in the performances,
of this story. Moreover, Pabuji’s feat of making however. The musicians from Shekawati and
1 8
Nagaur (who performed in Jaisalmer) each speak sity of style and form. In some individual cases,
their own dialect, distinct from the Marwari spo- the presentation is enlivened by spontaneous
ken by the bhopa/bhopi in Jodhpur, for example. injections of sarcasm and humour. Santera and
Understanding the epic of Pabuji requires Parvati from Jaisalmer, in particular, introduce
some tutoring, moreover, even for native speak- colloquialisms and direct dialogue in the first
ers of Marwari. As became apparent during the person as they perform. These exchanges inflect
course of the research project, those unfamiliar the characters with personality and voice, and
with the formulaic style and language of the epic ground the drama of the scene in the present.
are not necessarily able to understand the archaic Parvati would seem to have developed her own
language of the poetic ‘text’ of the epic of Pabuji. distinctive and confident style as she alone punc-
The musical styles of the various performers tuates her stanzas with exhortative outbursts,
also vary considerably, both in tonal quality and ‘Long may he live!’, ‘May the poet live long!’ and
in instrumentation. The musical refrains and interlaces excerpts from the two wedding epi-
fleeting interludes performed by bhopas on their sodes into a single performance, perhaps as part
ravanhattas differ markedly from one another, of the increasing trend to condense the epic into
as do the vocal range and melodic structure of a shorter, more manageable and more appealing
the bhopis’ individual ‘arias’, some sweet and form. Repetition of the same phrase for emo-
some raucous. The remarkable diversity and tional effect is also a technique often exploited
apparent freedom of bhopas to compose and by the bhopis. They stretch out the episode with
develop melodic lines of this tradition across longer and more and more dramatic renderings
the Thar desert must be regarded as one of its and because of the divergence in styles and lan-
hallmarks. According to Hari Ram Bhopa, each guage between gav and arthav, it would appear
family would have been assigned a particular to be the bhopis who have the license, via prior
cluster of villages in which to perform. Conse- agreement with the bhopas, to create the greatest
quently, there would have been little possibility immediacy and affect through dialogue.
of communication between competing families
of bards except in marriage alliances and thus,
ample room for creative diversification by bho- The epic of Pabuji and the Ramayana
pas within the area assigned. Many bhopa/bhopi
families have expanded their income base from In the recitation of the epic, we discover that
ritual performances to tourist venues over the Pabuji is described as Lakhshmana, brother
years and this contact with other musicians may of the god Ram, and a character renowned in
also have acted as an incentive in the develop- sacred Hindu mythology from the epic known
ment of new melodic compositions. While the as the Ramayana. This trend of Ramayanisation,
tribes of Rajasthan are adapting themselves or rather, the vernacularisation of classical epics
more and more to tourism as a main source of has been analysed and debated at length by other
employment, it is clear that over the decades, scholars including Alf Hiltebeitel (1999) who has
the highest calibre performers have succeeded pointed out that these oral epics differ from the
in raising their standard of living and wealth classical in that in general they depict local god-
quotient by exploring new domains of perform- desses and minor kings from the landed classes
ance, while the less talented have fallen by the rather than gods.
wayside and have drifted involuntarily into the In the case of the epic of Pabuji, the main char-
unskilled labour market. acter is, indeed, a Rajput warrior and so, a minor
In general, therefore, the four performances king. However, his Bhil courtiers, Chandoji,
of the epic of Pabuji display considerable diver- Dheboji and Harmal Devasi, are also featured
19
in the epic and depicted on the phad as being of evidence of a historical trend by disenfranchised
equal rank and status as Kshatriyyas, members groups to politicise and democratise folk tradi-
of the superior warrior caste, even though they tion in pursuit of equal libertarian goals.
are ethnically adivasi and employed as servants
to the Rajput king.29 Therefore, as Hiltebeitel
(1999) has elaborated at length, the distinction in Conclusion
this folk epic is not only one of depiction of local
vs. mythical or national vs. universal characters The narrative range of the Pabuji epic is vast and
from Hindu mythology. In this epic, the status its significance cannot be examined in a research
of the low-caste courtiers has been inverted and project that has recorded only the introductory
transformed so that they, too, now occupy the episodes of an epic which may stretch to many
rank and eminence of Kshatriyyas. The artist has nights in its telling. However, in consideration
depicted the courtiers on the same horizontal of the recorded episodes and the musicians’ own
plane as the hero, and painted their skin the commentaries, it is clear that some conclusions
same pale colour. Moreover, the centrality of can be drawn about the epic and its meaning to
their acts of valour in the performed episodes contemporary audiences.
would seem not only to reflect the desire of the The phad is ‘read’ for the purposes of healing
musicians to stress this transformation lyrically, and as stressed in the performances, Pabuji’s
but also a determination on behalf of the Joshi most vital role in the epic is that of healer, a
caste (traditional designers and artisanal crafts- source of pal or ‘life’, a protector of cows and
men endowed with the right to paint the phad) guardian of the precarious but life-giving envi-
to represent such transformations pictorially. ronment of the Thar desert. Devotees become
What seems apparent now is that bhopas are possessed and intercede to bring blessing from
telling ‘their own story.’ The phenomenon of Pabuji, and although many researchers of the
the ‘vernacularisation’ of the Ramayana—the epic have suggested that bhopas may become
introduction of important characters from this possessed and act as healers, those interviewed
sacred epic into the popular oral performance in this research project have suggested that it is
of Pabuji—would seem to suggest that over the rare for bhopas to play this role. Moreover, they
centuries, reciters may have incorporated re- do not have this gift. Only male devotees may
incarnations of mythical and religious heroes become possessed by Pabuji’s paternal spirit;
from the Ramayana into their stories to add bhopis’ counterpart deity is the maternal figure-
credibility and historical weight to their hero’s head, Mataji.30
profiles, in keeping with their own view of his- In the imaginative and symbolic universe
tory. Such a vernacularising process and attitude inhabited by Pabuji and his courtiers that emerg-
to time and historical determinism as we see es in the performance of the epic (perhaps not
manifest in this re-emergence of characters and surprisingly, as it takes place in the arid envi-
cosmological events would seem to be entirely ronment of the great Thar desert), Pabuji’s most
consistent with the cyclical nature of incarnation potent image remains ‘the garden’. Emblematic
and reincarnation present in Hindu mythology of paradise and a state of well-being, the garden
and religious tradition. As such, this process is is the idyllic setting in which Rajput maidens
not part of a conscious ‘re-invention of tradi- cavort on swings, and through the blessing of
tion’ (Hobsbawm and Ranger 1992), but may be the god, trees bloom and grass sprouts. But these
images are not only intended as metaphors. Just
29 Parbo Bhopa has argued as to why bhopas and their clan 30 In Pabusar, a separate priest of the village temple
may lay claim to be Rajputs but none of the bhopas inter- performed the devotional offering ceremonies before the
viewed mentioned this particular ethnic origin or linkage. performance of the phad. He was not a bhopa.
as the ‘hero stones’ concretise the memory of of these performances that within the frame
Pabuji and his courtiers within Bhil communities, of this historical epic, ostensibly based on the
devotees create gardens in the name of Pabuji. exploits of Pabuji in the fourteenth century, a
Local herdsmen designate plots of land as orans reworked, contemporary narrative has emerged
or sacred gardens (in which grazing is prohib- which revolves around local deities who inter-
ited) as a votive tribute to Pabuji and his ability vene and contrive to help adivasi communities
to generate greenery in the barren desert.31 Seen manage their environment and rise above caste
in its wider manifestation, the power of Pabuji constraints and the discriminative practices that
as invoked in the epic thus becomes visible, and affect them. The epic reinforces devotees’ belief in
the epic and its deified hero gain in credibility the divine intervention of Pabuji and illustrates
and contemporary relevance. how the local gods Pabuji and Gogaji may be
Not unusually perhaps, in the context of this called upon to enact miracles such as causing the
and many other epic narratives, exaggeration is grass to grow, healing animals and humans (in
also one of the epic’s most significant features. the case of a snakebite, intercession by Gogaji)
Landscapes and monuments are described in and inducing the monsoon rain. Alf Hiltebeitel
terms of lavish expenditure and grandeur (i.e. has argued that the interrelationship of contem-
‘nine-lakh’32 gardens and palaces) and women in porary and classical epics is more complex than
the epic scenes are often draped in ‘sixteen and the simple transposition of tradition from ‘Great’
thirty-two strands of jewels’.33 Yet beyond the to ‘Little,’ or the absorption and transformation
effusively described décor, mediaeval pomp and of myth and history from their Classical coun-
circumstance, is the epic’s most alluring feature: terparts (1999: 211). He contends that oral epics
its social commentary. The conscious intent of the should be analysed as socio-cultural expressions
performers to interweave social critique into the of contemporary significance, shaped by the
historic context and frame of the episodes is the conceptions and worldview of its proponents,
most striking aspect of the epic. The historical valid for their own sake, and not demeaned as
epic of Pabuji ki par comprises a matrix of ritual derivative re-workings of classical Hindu epics.
and religious elements, stories of mediaeval Wendy Doniger, moreover, has set out clear argu-
chivalry and war which unfold in the frame of ments delineating what she perceives to be the
a Mughal court, but the social message of the current trend across India: a movement in which
oral epic is clear. subaltern interpretations of sacred texts, includ-
The early episodes of this contemporary ver- ing the Ramayana, have continued to evolve
sion of the epic are more about spinning fanta- and develop since independence as a function
sies of the imagination and exploring the nexus of gradual changes in Dalit’s perceptions of their
of caste relations pivoting around marriage rights of resistance to discrimination (2009: 563-
contracts, patronage and labour, and less about 564). The impact of this socio-political trend on
conquests and wars, despite the predominant traditional Indian folk narrative, as manifested
depiction on the phad of phalanxes of horsemen in the transformation of the story of Pabuji from
engaged in battle. It can be argued on the basis its historical underpinnings to a vernacular epic,
appears to form part of a much wider, trans-
31 At the suggestion of Jethu Singh Bhatti, revenues from formative process taking place across India and
the performance of the epic of Pabuji in Manopia were to should therefore be recognised as such.
be given to sponsor the creation of an oran to Pabuji in
Manopia, a settlement near Jaisalmer.
32 One lakh is equal to 100,000.
33 This is translated by Smith (1991) as sixteen ‘fold’ and
thirty-two ‘fold’ in an attempt to be faithful to the original
Marwari formulation.
21
Part 2 contemporary and human edge, and frames it

in a social world dominated by the pursuit of
The second part of this paper presents four epi- wealth and the active discrimination and exploi-
sodes of the epic as performed by the bhopi and tation of the poor by the upper class.
bhopa in Jaipur, Pabusar, Jodhpur and Jaisalmer In the first hint of a feminist agenda, Kelam
respectively. In each case, the sequence of events Dé insinuates that the dowry gift proposed by
in each episode is summarised and an interpreta- her uncle is irrational and extravagant; do the
tion proposed which aims to expose the subtext she-camels that Pabuji has promised her actually
or underlying social meaning of each incident exist?37 Moreover, the issue of the bride’s social
and its framing by the bhopi. stratum is raised: What is her social position? She
then asks ‘What are you doing marrying her?’
(‘We are discriminated against’, is the underlying
(A) Jaipur: The Wedding of Gogaji I34 meaning), ‘We scarcely get the ‘whey’ let alone
the ‘curd’!’
The singers, Bhanwar Lal and Santera Devi, When the god Gogaji decides to take things
begin the performance with the ‘Wedding of into his own hands and bite Kelam Dé (hereafter
Gogaji’, an episode set in the real world of con- Kelam), he is rejected by the family. The drama
flictual social relations, featuring Gogaji Maharaj unfolds in the garden, as does the scene in which
(also known as Goga Chauhan), a popular folk Kelam is taunted mercilessly by her friends when
deity in Rajasthani tribal communities.35 Gogaji the dowry is not paid. She then decides to ‘write
is venerated as a warrior saint and famous healer a letter to him,’ summoning a Brahman scribe
of snakebites across Rajasthan.36 In this episode, who is depicted as poor, weak and subservient
he reveals his intent to marry an upper class in this version of the episode.
princess, Kelam Dé (or Devi), the Rajput niece Pabuji responds to her anguished letter with
of Pabuji, an audacious bride who challenges a flippant and dismissive reply: ‘Haven’t we
her elders. done this already?’, again an implicit critique
In this Jaipur performance, the sometimes but indicative of how elder patrons in Rajasthan
strident and truculent voice of women and their might respond to a challenge levied by a young
concerns emerge as paramount, rather than the bride.
grand exploits of Pabuji. This gives the epic a The next hint of social critique occurs in the
34 It should be noted that these performances were filmed epic when Harmal Raika and his companions are
in their entirety and unedited, apart from brief cuts in the requested to choose from a tray of pan distrib-
event of camera error.
uted by the goddess Deval. There is an element
35 Gogaji Maharaj or Gogo Chauhan (as he is sometimes
called) is a folk deity of some historical veracity. He is of pre-destination in this particular event. Who
reputed to have lived in the twelfth century during the of the courtiers shall go to the dangerous land
reign of Prithvi Raj Chauhan, the last Hindu king of Delhi of Lanka? Lanka is the mystical land featured in
(circa 1168-1192) or in the time of the last great Mughal,
Aurangzeb (1658-1707), and is believed to embody both a the Ramayana; in the phad, it is shown only as
Muslim fakir (or pir) and a Chauhan Rajput. In the recorded accessible only by crossing a large ‘sea.’
episodes, he is called a variety of titles: ‘Goga Pir’ (Jodhpur), As if he were compelled to take up the gaunt-
‘Goga Chauhan’ (Jaipur) and King Chauhan (Jaisalmer).
Most important is his ability to heal snakebites rather than let, Harmal observes that ‘dealing with Rajputs
his religious orientation. is a double-edged sword.’ The nomad bravely
36 He is honoured by Muslims and Hindus alike and
according to Kamphorst (2008), almost all Rajasthani vil- 37 In the earlier version of the epic recorded with Parbo
lages have a than set under a khejari tree which is dedicated Bhopa and translated by Smith (1991: 323), the same question
to him as he is believed to cure other diseases also. Kam- is raised, an indication that Kelam Dé’s querulous stance
phorst adds that he is particularly worshipped by Nath had already become integrated into the story as part of a
priests who carry whips. recognised performance formula.
agrees to go, but at home, at his mother’s sug- and pervasive across Rajasthan. But the guru
gestion, he changes his mind and decides to see is presented as an arrogant and greedy holy
what an alternative patron might offer him as a man: he will only give Harmal Raika his magic
labour contract. blessings and endowments if he promises remu-
Buddho Rao, Pabuji’s evil half-brother, sug- neration in the form of a she-camel from Lanka.
gests that he could take him on, but as an annual She-camels, as the personification of fertility
salary he would only receive four taka (the cur- to Raika/Ribari nomads, constitute the most
rency of Bangladesh and implicitly less than a desirable gift. Then, in a stanza structured like
rupee). Moreover, the year would not last 12 a traditional folk tale, Baba warns of the dangers
months but 24 and he would have to leave his of drinking milk from these she-camels: the milk
salary in his bank and withdraw the interest will bewitch him and transform his body into
only. In addition, he would have to pay 25% that of a she-camel.
tax, donate an additional 25% as alms to beg- Harmal goes home to see if his disguise will
gars and the tasks that he would have to execute pass muster and whether he will deceive his
would be impossibly physically demanding and mother. She does not recognize him but his wife
demeaning. The harshly exploitative practices of drops the plate of pearls she is offering to the jogi
this landlord (both in feudal and modern times as alms in surprise. She also hurriedly shields
known as a thakur or regent) in some respects her face with her veil, as if he were her husband
resembles the work and payment regime of the or a relative. This gesture results in an unfair
recent Government-sponsored Rojkar employ- rebuke from her mother-in-law and the accusa-
ment project, portrayed as unfair by many tion, ‘Does she ‘know’ or fancy this stranger?’
unskilled labourers, mainly women, because This echoes the young bride’s standard com-
their money is often siphoned off by unscrupu- plaint: mothers-in-law launch unfair critiques of
lous contractors. This amusing and elaborate their behaviour on the slightest pretext. It also
portrayal of the relationship between patron illustrates the complex etiquette attached to the
and worker is a contemporary interpolation, issue of veiling in Rajasthan and how dropping
intended to show the determination of the rich a veil can imply desire and a breach of social
and powerful to exploit and demand superhu- propriety, or modesty.
man efforts from the lowest social castes, and as
such functions as an overt critique.
Harmal Raika disguises himself as a men- (B) Pabusar: The Wedding of Gogaji II
dicant or jogi to conduct reconnaissance on the
island of Lanka, after which he sets out. He meets The story continues in the village of Pabusar
a guru on the path, Baba Balinath, a devotee of (Shekawati), and while the first half of the
the ascetic Nath tradition,38 once highly respected narrative highlights conflicts with a charlatan
guru, an exploitative feudal patron, and even
38 In Parbo Bhopa’s version of the episode, the guru in Pabuji, seemingly oblivious to his niece’s social
question was called Guru Gorakhnath who started the Nath
ascetic movement in the 12th century. As Debra Diamond needs in his role as uncle of the bride, this lat-
writes, ‘The Naths initiated the practice of Nath yoga and ter section, performed by Patashi Devi39 and her
over succeeding centuries gained a broad popular base to
become India’s paradigmatic yogins...covering their bodies
with sacred ash, clad in rough saffron-coloured garments achieve blissful awareness of the oneness between the self
and wearing unkempt dread locks and large earrings and the universe’ (2008: 32). The powers attributed to Baba
(kundal) through holes bored into their ears’ inner cartilage. Balinath and his Nath sect in the epic recitation reflect the
They introduced a systematic set of meditation and somatic fact that these beliefs would seem to have endured in the
practices that enables mortals to achieve immortality and realm of Rajasthani folklore centuries later.
gain supernatural powers. These include the ability to 39 Patashi Devi is the wife of Mohan Bhopa who died in
foretell the future, fly, hear and see over great distances and December 2008.
son, Bhanwar Lal, takes on the flavour of a folk (C) Jodhpur: The Wedding of Pabuji
tale. The story is embellished with additional
dramatic elements: disguise, subterfuge and The Wedding of Pabuji sung by Man Bhari and
fantastic feats, and invigorated with a cast of Sugana Ram is a much more joyous episode, at
intriguing and terrifying supernatural beings, least at the start. It opens with the bhopa’s lavish
all of whom are female. description of the hero’s wedding procession and
At first, we are told of the anxiety felt by the fortress of Sooda where his bride awaits him.
Harmal Devasi’s mother at the prospect of him As the clamorous procession advances, Sugana
not performing the required rituals at his sisters’ imitates the prancing of Kesar Kalmi (Black Saf-
weddings. The Raika courtier assuages her con- fron), Pabuji’s magical mare, who is the reincar-
cern and heads off to Pabuji’s court where he is nation of his nymph mother, Kesar Pari (Nymph
immediately recognised by Pabuji, but not by Saffron).40 As the band of courtiers advances with
the others. They try to give the mendicant alms pomp and circumstance, Sugana’s ravanhatta
in the form of grain. Soon afterwards, he sets off emulates the sounds of wedding drums. One
to cross ‘the salty ocean’ where he is set upon by of the main emphases in this performance is the
harridans, Ramka and Jamka, who demand that fear, constantly expressed, that characters may
they be accepted as pupil devotees. He manages not be performing rituals adequately, or at least,
to escape the teeth-gnashing she-devils by invok- in the manner required by tradition.
ing the spirit of Baba Balinath. The first note of critique is levied at the god-
He arrives at the ocean and is terrified at the dess, Deval Charni, who is sanctioned because
prospect of crossing it. When he invokes the ‘her most recent incarnations are too critical.’ The
name of Pabuji, he is lifted miraculously across, nexus of the story revolves around the issue of
an event re-enacted by Bhanwar Lal Bhopa who who will protect her cows while Pabuji is away
leaps dramatically across the stage during the at his wedding. He had earlier pledged to protect
performance. them but by attending his own wedding, his abil-
Harmal Devasi arrives in Lanka and adopts ity to protect her cows has been compromised.
the classic yoga position, pretending to be an As the procession of Rajput courtiers tires
ascetic, but all the time observing the area inhab- after the long journey, the men seek rest and
ited by the she-camels. His clandestine presence a place to chew opium. But the land of Sooda
on the island is detected by the clairvoyant god- is desiccated and they refuse to halt there. It is
dess, Sikotri Mata, who can read both the past beneath their dignity as Kshatriyyas, the great
and the future. In the context of the Ramayana, warrior caste. Instead, they call upon Pabuji’s
she is the mother of the demon Ravana, and so miraculous powers to transform the landscape
an ambivalent figure. Like Pabuji aka Lakhsh-
40 An important piece of the story which is known to the
mana, she shares a dual identity, simultaneously audiences but unstated here must be added. Pabuji is said to
present in the epic of Pabuji and the Ramayana have been born from the union of a noble called Dhamdal
and a nymph discovered bathing naked in a pool in the
across time and space, but in this story, a char-
forest. She agreed to marry Dhamdal on the condition that
acter with a greater potentiality to exert power. he never enter her bedroom without knocking first. This
This ill-tempered goddess determines that situation prevailed until one day, he decided to barge in on
Kesar unannounced and discovered a lioness breast-feeding
he is not a true ascetic and so his true identity
his son. She departed, but later on in the evolution of the
is revealed. At this point, the interlocutor or story, re-incarnated herself as a mare, Kesar Kalmi, ‘Black
hunkariyya chimes in, ‘So then what happens?’ Saffron’, in order to act as his supernatural guardian and
support him when facing adversity. Some analysts think
to which the bhopa responds, ‘You will get your that in the mythical realm of the epic, she may represent an
answer before your turban is unravelled.’ adivasi or Bhil maiden endowed with supernatural powers,
rather than a magical nymph, a factor which may enable
Bhil devotees to identify more profoundly with the story.
from that of a barren desert to a verdant garden. livelihood from an annual crop of bajra (pearl
Suddenly, the grass sprouts, birds chirp and millet) and animal husbandry in the Thar desert,
trees bloom with scented flowers. At the same is again the starting point for this performance
moment, in synchrony, the necklace that was of the epic by Parvati Devi and her brother, Hari
being threaded by his future bride, the Rana or Ram. In this version, Parvati, spurred on by Hari
‘Queen’ of Sooda, breaks. Its pearls fall to the Ram is able to inject colloquialisms and spon-
ground, an omen that the rituals of marriage will taneous outbursts into the story, so giving this
never be fully performed. Threads of pearls often performance an immediacy, passion and vitality
feature in the epic’s wedding episodes as well unlike any of the others.
as in the song of ‘The Banjari Nomad’ (included In this version of the episode, Gogaji’s wiles
in the Appendix), both as fetishistic objects of are clearly admired by the singers and little pity
desire and symbols of opulence, redolent of is shown for the supercilious Rajputs. The bhopi
mediaeval Mughal wealth and glory. When the presses Gogaji, the snake-god, to say what he is
string breaks, this is evidence of metaphysical thinking just before the hero Pabuji slips on the
disruption and turmoil. steps of Pushkar Lake and needs rescuing, as
Pabuji starts to carry out the ritual acts required if to insinuate that the god has plotted to make
of a bridegroom in Rajasthan: he touches the Pabuji fall, only in order to be able to save him
toran at this bride’s house and greets his future and receive a reward. By signalling Gogaji’s blind
mother-in-law at the gate of her house. She waves determination to manipulate circumstances to
the lamp and plate before him as she is required his own ends, the bhopi prefigures the scene in
to do, but during the wedding ceremony, at which the snake god hatches his devious plot to
the moment of Pabuji’s third circumambulation secure Kelam Dé as his bride.
around the sacred fire, Kesar Kalmi whinnies in The story then shifts to the garden where the
distress. This upsets the festive atmosphere and young maidens, dressed in wedding ornaments,
Pabuji instructs his aide to lash her with a whip. celebrate the traditional feast of unmarried girls,
She reminds him, ‘Don’t whip my body – it’s as the festival of Tij. Their beauty and innocence is
delicate as kesar (saffron). I am not used to this stressed and yet, at the same time, the unreality
treatment. Please don’t do this!’ of the scene, its idyllic and mythical character,
This particular performance stresses the lends a sense of foreboding. This excess of beauty
charismatic power of Pabuji to reinvigorate des- augurs ill. The bhopi urges the gardener to ‘open
iccated stretches of desert and make the earth the gates’ (in other versions of the epic, a large
bloom. It also tells the pivotal story of how his black snake has already been spotted ‘disporting
sacred responsibility to safeguard cows forces himself in the garden)41 and the hunkariyya in the
him to abandon marriage and go into battle audience cheers, apparently waiting gleefully for
against his enemies, one of the main reasons he the snake god to bite his future wife.
is revered by desert nomads in the Thar desert The fascinating element in this performance is
region of Rajasthan. that the hunkariyya propels the story along, com-
menting on the plot as it evolves. In response to
the homily, ‘As far away as the place the sun rises,
(D) Jaisalmer the starving will find food through the grace of
Pabuji’, the hunkariyya exclaims, ‘May those we
I The Wedding of Gogaji have praised (i.e. the singers) also be fed!’ The
bhopa then wishes the respondent the same. In a
The Wedding of Gogaji Maharaj, the snake deity
revered by nomads and those who eke out a 41 In the episode of Gogo Chauhan recorded by Parbo
Bhopa (Smith 1991).
sense, this verbal exchange replicates the cycle She describes the effects as if they had
of sanctification and reciprocity embodied in the wrapped the tantti, stretching out the suspense,
concept of akha and again seeks to emphasise while suggesting that Pabuji as ‘the ascetic deity
the fact that the provision of food is divinely of the sand desert, incarnation of Lakshmana,’
ordained. will intervene to heal Kelam. The simultaneous
Echoing the Jaipur performance, the bhopi linkage and identification of the epic hero, Pabuji,
asks, ‘Who is your bride, Gogaji?’ She warns with Lakhshmana, the brother of Ram, hero of
him: ‘You will not marry into the Rajput clan. the Ramayana, fuses these characters with those
You don’t even get the whey, let along the curd!’ of the highly revered, sacred epic and accords
She taunts him with the phrase, ‘You will not be Pabuji even greater charisma and divine power
able to marry her, O ji!’ reiterating it not once, in this, his reincarnated form.
but four times. Parvati then switches tone. As if an echo of
And then suddenly, we are thrown back into what people of his ilk might be saying to the
the garden where the young virgins known as Rajput family gathered all around the stricken
tijanias loll, bedecked in jewels and as stunning Kelam, Parvati states: ‘Do this, and if she sur-
looking ‘as a nine-lakh garden.’ They loll about vives, marry her to the ‘pious’ king Gogaji. If
in the luxuriance of the garden, swinging on she does not, show her uncle (Pabuji) the heap
swings, when the bhopi observes that Kelam is of ashes that remain!’ The decision is theirs. And
swinging alone. Gogaji bites one of them, hav- here, with this brutally frank comment, the sec-
ing assumed the form of a Vasuki naga,42 and tion ends.43
the poison spreads through her body. She urges
Gogaji to ‘Do it!’ in a vociferous outburst. Is she
egging him on so that he will be able to reveal II The Wedding of Pabuji
his healing power, and help break through the
caste prohibition, or out of a sense of revenge? In a short intervening episode, the story shifts
Kelam stiffens and falls into a deep coma, to one involving Pabuji. As in the Jodhpur ver-
the rhythm and timbre of her voice drops, and sion, the wedding procession of excited courtiers
the music adopts a dark and sepulchral tone, advances to the lands of Sooda. Here the land-
signalling danger and death. Parvati interposes scape is parched and the courtiers refuse to chew
the phrase, ‘These stories shall live forever,’ a opium in such an arid desert. ‘Through the grace
convenient refrain with which to round off this of Pabuji, his charismatic power and the magic
stanza and several others to come. of the Kshatriyya warrior clan, the arid lands
At once, we see Gogaji dressed as a groom, become green, nightingales sing and blossoms
arriving at his own wedding, as if in a prophetic exude perfumed scent.’ Kesar Kalmi starts to
vision. His future is foreshadowed: ‘He is going graze on the newly sprouted grass, but there
to marry Kelam... a member of the royal family.’ is a dispute between the courtiers as to whose
Kelam is still unconscious and so far, no one has horses are stronger. Although but a fragment, the
taken up the suggestion of tying a thread for episode is designed to spark the imagination and
Gogaji. Parvati urges, ‘Accept what the people highlight the relevance of Pabuji’s divine powers
in the fort tell you to do: Tie the tantti, a magi- to desert dwellers.
cal thread, seven times around her finger, in the
name of Gogaji!’ 43 It should be noted that in his version of the epic, Parbo
Bhopa expresses the same blunt and seemingly callous atti-
tude: ‘If... after you tie the thread, the lady Kelam’s fever
42 This expression stems from Sanskrit vasuki, meaning comes down, marry her to Gogo Chauhan. If she dies, then
naga, the multi-headed serpent of Buddhist and Hindu let the lady Kelam go (to the burning ground) with her
mythology. chaplet tied on her head’ (Smith 1991).
III The Wedding of Gogaji Parvati, ‘giver of life,’ and ‘the nine Durgas,’
different incarnations of Durga, the mother
Parvati then fuses elements of the two stories goddess. But these goddesses behave inappro-
together, first reverting to the tale of Gogaji’s priately and beg for money, actions for which
wedding and then re-invoking the memory of they are chastised by the singer/poets.
the she-camels and Pabuji’s promise to provide Then the voice of the goddess Deval Charni
them for Kelam’s dowry. She urges Kelam to is heard, asking to whom Pabuji has assigned
‘speak out’ while concocting a vision of the responsibility for her cattle? This is the crux of
she-camels ‘spreading like rain clouds in the the issue, not directly stated in other versions of
desert.’ ‘They are approaching... and will eat the this episode, but understood to be the underly-
fragrant grasses along the route.’ The grass that ing problem. Various courtiers are suggested to
has sprouted through the grace of Pabuji will take on the task, but none appears to be suitable.
feed the she-camels when they arrive. And then, in a very colloquial and nonchalant
Parvati flatters Pabuji through the voice of way, a warning is uttered: ‘Hey, I saw Buddho
Kelam: ‘Oh, my uncle (Kakaji), you are like my Rao’s animals grazing with Kichi’s (the enemy’s).’
father! Please send herds of she-camels to my Kesar Kalmi starts to leap around and some-
house,’ and again interposes homilies in praise to one is urged to hold her reins. To preserve the
Pabuji: ‘Long may you live! You are the founda- suspense, Parvati again invokes the memory of
tion stone of our religion on earth!’ ‘the incarnation of Lord Lakshmana’ to remind
the audience of the great honour and power
attributed to him by devotees, far beyond that
IV The Wedding of Pabuji which would have been ascribed to a mere folk
deity.
Santosh Bhopi then appears to sing with her ‘Mother’ Kesar then starts to whinny as
husband, Hari Ram. She repeats the miraculous Pabuji makes his third circumambulation of the
transformation of the landscape in her descrip- fire and we hear that at the charvi, his warriors,
tion of the procession of the feudal lords to have started to whip ‘the beloved mare.’ Pabuji
Pabuji’s wedding. She sings of ‘the gardens of asks Chandoji to go and convince Kesar Kalmi,
Sooda, withered from drought’ and the trans- ‘Black Saffron,’ ‘the incarnation of power,’ to stop
formation of the desert before the feudal lords whinnying. Kesar then says (in the first person):
stop to chew opium. ‘the whip you are using to flog me should be
After this short sojourn, we revert to Parvati reserved for your enemies...my skin is as soft as
who picks up the story. The nightingales are silk/saffron.’44 Her skin is thus that of a woman,
singing and the ‘unmarried virgin,’ Pabuji’s and there is a subtle suggestion that she, the
future bride, sits threading a necklace of pearls. mare, represents all women in the narrative, like
However, the thread breaks and the pearls scat- the mare, vulnerable to unreasonable beatings
ter all over the ground. She queries, ‘How will by men.
the bride make her chaplet and bracelet for the
wedding now?’
Pabuji wraps his wedding turban in anticipa-
Appendix 1 The Banjari Nomad
tion and Parvati describes the Charan and Bhat
poets who recite praises and genealogies of the As a postscript to the epic, Man Bhari and Sugana
king as a prelude to the wedding. Goddesses sat down in front of the phad and asked if they
appear and are also present. They include Bha- could sing the popular Rajasthani folk song,
wani, the ferocious aspect of the Hindu goddess,
44 This is a pun on kesar (her name) which means ‘saffron.’
The Banjari Nomad. In doing this, they reveal References

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Only her words remain
The garden is full of fruit

In my greed to pluck all the fruit
I slipped...
And I fell from the tree
The Banjari nomad is laughing and singing

Only her words remain.
In the spectacular performance tradition of Pabuji ki par, duos known as bhopas and
bhopis, members of an indigenous musician caste of Rajasthan, sing the epic of Pabuji
to nomadic communities in honour of their patron deity, a fourteenth-century hero, at
venues across the Thar desert. Standing in front of a resplendent painted scroll called
a phad, the husband bhopa strums his fiddle-like ravanhatta, providing lead rhythm and
melody while his wife, the bhopi, veiled and normally silent, dominates the performance
with her high-pitched, emotionally charged vocal power.
The bhopas’ livelihoods are now under threat. Their main patrons, nomadic herders,
still believe in Pabuji’s divine ability to cure animals and bring rain to Thar desert
dwellers, but pasture and water sources have been encroached upon and their survival
is in jeopardy.
This study comprises two distinct parts. The first explores the aesthetic, religious
and historical roots to this pictorial narrative tradition, how the phad functions as a
sacred temple to its devotees for healing rituals and considers how the performance
of Pabuji’s epic has become a vehicle for social critique by the disempowered. The
significant role of the bhopi in articulating the woman’s voice, the reincarnation and
incorporation of famous revered characters from the Ramayana in the epic of Pabuji
and its socio-cultural transformations post Indian independence are considered in
the wider context of Indian epics. The second part provides summaries of four live
performances of the epic, illustrating its stylistic and textual diversity.
Dr Wickett is an independent scholar and filmmaker specialising in the study of oral traditions, folk epics
and belief systems in Upper Egypt from the perspective of the ethnography of speaking, poetics and gender.
A fervent advocate of the importance of visual documentation for the analysis of oral texts, Dr Wickett has
produced several ‘anthro docs’, including For Those Who Sail to Heaven, a film that examines cultural legacy,
beliefs and tradition at the festival of Luxor’s patron saint, also accompanied by a monograph, published by
the American Research Centre in Egypt.
Dr Wickett’s doctoral research at the University of Pennsylvania on funerary lamentation is published by
IB Tauris with the title For the Living and the Dead: The Funerary Laments of Upper Egypt, Ancient and
Modern (2010), and future projects include a new compendium of Luxor legends and oral epics that will
examine the enduring influence of ancient motifs on Egyptian folk memory.

Pabuji Research

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World Oral Literature Project

voices of vanishing worlds

The Epic of Pabuji ki par in performance

World Oral Literature Project

© 2010 World Oral Literature Project

All rights reserved. No parts of this publication may be

Cover design by Dora Kemp and Mark Turin.

Printed by AVMG, University of Cambridge.

The epic of Pabuji ki par in performance

Fig. 1. Patashi Devi Bhopi performing in Pabusar.

Fig. 2. Hari Ram Bhopa performing in Jaisalmer.

Fig. 3. Pabuji’s ‘phad’.

Fig. 4. Statues in Pabuji’s abandoned temple, Koriya near Jaisalmer.

As both Pabuji and Gogaji, the wily snake god,

Fig. 6. Equestrian Pabuji, Koriya temple (1).

Fig. 7. Equestrian Pabuji, Koriya temple (2).

Fig. 9. Facing peacocks around a stylised ‘tree of life’ in Sawai Madhopur.

Fig. 10. Stylised tree of life, Sawai Madhopur.

Fig. 12. Tower shrines on a ship, Koriya temple.

The offertory or arthi Greed is evil

A hen will incubate her chickens The fame of this work,

Part 2 contemporary and human edge, and frames it

The Banjari Nomad. In doing this, they reveal References

The garden is full of fruit

The Banjari nomad is laughing and singing

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