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BUGKALOT

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BUGKALOT

The Bugkalot appear in most ethnograohic studies as “Ilongot”, and


thus are genereally called such by outsiders. However, BUgkalot, also
spelled Bugkalut, is what they call themselves. The ety mology of the term
is unknown, but Ilungot, which is another self- designation , means :from the
fores.” “Ilongot” or “Ilungot” comes from the prefix I, denoting “people”,
and gongot o longot, “forst”; thus the word means “people of the forest.”
Ngot or Ngut also suggest fierceness. A Spanish version is “Egongot.”
“Ilongot” has come to connote such negative images as “savage,”
“treacherous,” and “ferocious,” largely as a result of Spanish and American
colonialist bias. However, atleast two people’s organizations in QUirino
carry the name “Ilongot.”

Lowland converts, particularly the Usinay, refer to the Bugkalt as


Ibalao or Ivalao. Other terms refer to Ilongot subgroups: “Abaka” refers to
the COnwap river settlers, “Italon,” to the northern waters of Cagayan river
settlers, and “Igongut,” to the Tabayon river settlers.

The BUgalot language, aka Ilongot, Bugkalut, BUkalot, and Lingotes,


is spoken by more than 50,000 people, mostly in Quirino Province, eastern
Nueva Vizcaya province, south Isabela province, and around the northern
part of Cagayan River.
History

Spanish Colonization barely penetrated th BUgkalot domain. Instead


some natives were lured to the lowland missions. These converts, like the
Bugkalot of Baler, were exempted from tribute. Protected by mountains
and forests, most BUgkalot were able to repel foreign intrusions. In 1591 and
1592, a number of Spaniards were killed by the Bugkalot in the expeditions
led by Don Luis Perez Dasmarinas. Hence, Spaniards policy on the Bugkalot
became belligerent; nonetheless, all their subsequent punitive expeditions
failed. At times different ethnolinguistic groups united against the common
foreign enemy. The Isinay town of Burubur in southern Nueva Vizcaya was
liberated by the combined Isinay- Gaddang- Bugkalot forces soon after it
was occupied by th Spaniards in the early 1700s.
Economy

Swidden agriculture is traditionally the Bugkalot’s primary means of


food production. Plants are cut down, left to dry, then burned during the
penguma (preparation of the kaingin) from January to March. Unlike many
groups engaging in swidden cultivation, The Ilongot do not cut down large
trees. Instead, they practiced tengder (pollarding), a process in which
branches of large trees are cut off to let sunshine into the newly created
field.

Felled branches are sun-dried, then burned. The clearing of the field’s
debris id done by the women when the rainy season begins. The BUgkalot
plant sugarcane, coconuts, rice, sweet potatoes, cucumbers, squash, and
other vegetables. They gather shellfish from the streams and roots, and
palms, fruits honey, and beeswax from the forests. Food is prepared by
boiling, roasting, or smoking, and preserved by somking, salting, and
sunning, such as with the pindang (sun-dried meat).

Fishing and hnting are current economic activities as important as


farming. They fish in the river with nets and traps, using poisonous berries as
bait, for instance; they use bow and arrow when they dive to shoot larger
fish. Their catch includes kadezap (cockroach of the river). Kanit (worm of
the river), iget (eel), beyek (goby fish; Tag, biya), alaken (frogs), tak-kang
(crabs), nuto (snails), guddong (carp), tilapia, and kulanip (shrimps).
Political System

An alipian, a community of several families, is headed by a


kapanawan, who is assisted by a macotay. A kapanawan was chosen as
the chief for his head taking prowess and his health, measured in terms of
property. In 1929, a 30-year0old who had taken 42 meals was the most
famous kapanawan among the Bugkalot. Today, leadership is based on
ability and age, and at the highest level remains absolute and valid until
death. When the chief dies, he is replaced by his assistant, and a new
assistant is selected.

The ceremonial powers of the nigudu (shaman) can sometimes


extend to sociopolitical matters. The beganganat or begenget
(community elders) settle conflicts that may arise between the
beganganat and the nigudu. BUgkalot common law prohibits murder,
adultery, deceit, theft, work on each fifth day, wives’ disobedience of their
husbands, and nonpayment of debts. Crimes are usually punished by fines
and beatings. The families of offenders are partly accountable for the
offenses; thus, are involved int the settlemen of both civil and criminal
crimes.
Social Oragnization and Practices
The Bugkalot belong to social groups of expanding size and scope
from families, households, and local clusters, to their largest social unit, the
bertan. The bertan clusteris is a kinship system defined by the members’
descent from a common ancestor whose place of residence is recognized
by members to be their common origin, such as “downstream, in the
lowlands, on an island, near a mountain” (Rolando, M. 1980, 9-10)

Going by thir origin stories, one bertan sees itself as unrelated to


another if they have no common ancestor. On the other hand, the bertan
is more a social feature that promotes unity through common concerns
instead of disconnectedness. Thus, members of a bertan, though living
separeately in various settlements, can reasonably expect loyalty or
assistance from one another. The bugkalot population consists of 13 bertan,
the Belansi, Benabe, Payupay, Rumyad, Abeka , Taang, Aymuyu, Dekran,
Tamsi, Pugu, Kabinengan, SInebran, and Be’nad. The Americans during
their military campaign in north Luzon pitted the bertan against one
another as part of the divide- and- rule strategy.

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