Sociological Study of Asan, As An Inclusive Public Space
Sociological Study of Asan, As An Inclusive Public Space
Sociological Study of Asan, As An Inclusive Public Space
SEMINAR REPORT
On
SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY OF
ASAN,
AS AN INCLUSIVE PUBLIC SPACE
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ABSTRACT
The availability of open public spaces, distribution and accessibility are a major concern for city.
It is necessary to preserve urban quality. Open space is associated with pleasure, recreation,
human interactions and municipal celebrations. The relevance of open space increases with
increase the size of the city. With the increase of the urban population, the demand for land for
various activities also increase changes in land use / land cover model during a monitoring
period the pressure on the earth.
The present study focuses on the analysis of the spatial arrangement of the open space in Asan
and factors that influence it and to look for the social relationship between the people living there
and also the built environment and open space there. The user profile was analyzed by the
collection of primary data.
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Contents
1. Background ......................................................................................................................................... 1
2. Objectives of Study ............................................................................................................................. 5
3. Methodology ........................................................................................................................................ 5
4. About Asan .......................................................................................................................................... 6
5. Landmarks of Asan........................................................................................................................... 10
6. Cultural Events and Festivals celebrated in Asan ......................................................................... 11
7. Social and Cultural Groups: ............................................................................................................ 12
8. Inclusion:............................................................................................................................................. 13
8.1 Social Inclusiveness: ................................................................................................................... 13
8.2 Physical Inclusiveness: ............................................................................................................... 13
8.3 Cultural Inclusiveness: ................................................................................................................ 14
8.4 Psychological Inclusiveness:....................................................................................................... 15
9. Commercial Approach ..................................................................................................................... 16
10. Human Relations and Sociological Relations ............................................................................. 16
11. Conclusion and Recommendation ............................................................................................... 17
References .................................................................................................................................................. 18
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1. Background
Open spaces are defined as a piece of developed or undeveloped land that has no buildings or
any built structures, accessible to the general public. It includes green spaces, land completely or
partially covered with grass, trees, shrubs or other vegetation. These spaces are the realm where
the activities and events of may or may not happen. These spaces are the breathing spaces of
particular area and often considered as the lungs of city, that provides openness within a built
urban form. The access to these spaces are generally free but may not entertain as public
communicating platform. These spaces may be agricultural lands, hinter lands, recreational parks
etc.
Whereas, the public space is a social space that is generally open and accessible to general
public. Roads, public squares, parks, beaches are typically considered public spaces where public
activities and events or interaction happened. In defining public space, it is essential to consider
the meaning of the term ―public‖. Madanipour, 2010, suggests that ―the word public originates
from the Latin and refers to people, indicating a relationship to both society and the state‖. This
suggests that ―public‖ may be any entity, regardless of whether tangible or not, that relates to
people and is shared by and open to them in a community as a whole. The concern here is space
as the physical entity that is linked to the term ―public‖. This provides a basic understanding of
public space as the space that concerns people and may be interpreted ―as [the space] open to
people as a whole‖ Madanipour, 2010. These ideas are echoed in the various definitions of
public space.
Carr et al. 1992, define public space as the ―common ground where people carry out the
functional and ritual activities that bind a community, whether in the normal routines of daily life
or in periodic festivals‖. And Madanipour, 1996, defines public space as a ―space that allows all
the people to have access to it and the activities within it, which is controlled by a public agency,
and which is provided and managed in the public interest‖. Tibbalds, 2001, sees the public realm
(and space) as ―all the parts of the urban fabric to which the public have physical and visual
access. Thus, it extends from the streets, parks and squares of a town or city into the buildings
which enclose and line them‖. He further argues that the public realm is ―the important part of
our towns and cities‖ where the significant amount of human contact and interaction takes place.
Gehl et al. 2005, explain that ―public space is understood as streets, alleys, buildings, squares,
bollards; everything that can be considered part of the built environment‖.
These definitions suggest that public space is essentially a physical setting provided for a range
of social activities taking place within a community. It also becomes evident that accessibility is
another key feature of public space. Madanipour, 2010, argues that any public space is by
definition public, meaning that it should be accessible to all people. In these definitions, public
space is characterized as a space owned and controlled by public agency or a community.
However, due to the increasing level of public life and social interaction taking place in ―semi-
public‖ spaces, this research proposes to use the concept of public space in a slightly varied way.
Public space in this research will mean any physical space with a potential to develop social
interaction regardless of ownership and control. It can be in both outdoor and indoor locations
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(Woolley, 2003), but it needs to be accessible to the users. This definition of public space also
includes street networks and community buildings, in addition to the open space.
Public space is a multidisciplinary domain of research focus as it concerns not only the physical
but also the non- physical dimensions with a significant amount of overlap among them. These
manifold dimensions have drawn wide attention from a diverse range of academic disciplines
besides architects, urban planners and designers. The physical dimension refers to the physical
environment or ―provision‖ of public space which provides a setting for social interaction,
whereas the social dimension refers to the ―use‖ or activities occurring in the space (Carmona et
al., 2010). The psychological dimension relates to the perception of public space, which may be
expressed in terms of how people interpret the space and give ―meaning‖ to it, and how such
meaning helps develop a sense of community or place. These dimensions are important because
they form the units of analysis in the investigation of public space in urban neighborhoods.
Public open spaces form a part of public realm. These are spaces in a city for people to come and
gather which are by necessity open to all (not private) and open to sky as well. Places in a city
where people can meet, interact, sit, rest, stroll or even be there for no purpose are defined as
public spaces. Moreover, more than a breathing space in the city, they are living rooms of a city
for they are the centers of urban activity. The American Heritage Dictionary defines space (from
Old French espace, from Latin spatium) as ―an extent or expanse of a surface or three-
dimensional area‖ and also as ―the infinite extension of the three-dimensional region in which all
matter exists‖ (Bartleby.com/61, 2006). Public Open Space is often referred to by urban planners
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and designers and landscape architects by the acronym ―POS‖. It has a meaning similar to public
park, but varied interpretations of the term are possible.
promotes growth with equity. It is a place where everyone, regardless of their economic means,
gender, race, ethnicity or religion, is enabled and empowered to fully participate in the social,
economic and political opportunities that cities have to offer.‖ (HABITAT, 2010). ―A city that
recognizes people‘s cultural rights and provides facilities and public spaces for people to express
these rights.‖ Spatial and social cohesion are connected to the concept as well. (Cleobury, 2008)
Clearly, inclusivity and social sustainability have a large overlap, with equity, diversity, quality
of life, human development, attention for vulnerable social groups and democracy as important
aspects. Public space has always been the subject and frame of social struggles, political power,
cultural claims, etc., and mechanisms of exclusion have always played their part in urban space.
Inclusive space has a different meaning depending on its context. Obviously, the issues at stake
in Brussels, Hebron, New York, Beirut, Milan or Sao Paulo are different regarding the actors
involved, the social groups or minorities that are excluded, and the strategies used to do so. What
most cities have in common, though, is that inclusivity is threatened by the fragmentation of an
increasingly diverse society with rising social inequality, and the growing influence of private
actors in shaping urban space. (Mandanipour, 2010) Nevertheless, sharing public spaces,
implying a confrontation with people that have a different cultural, socioeconomic or religious
background, ethnicity, or values is incredibly valuable for a socially sustainable urban society.
Encountering the unknown and engaging with difference is part of how people grow, wherever
in the world. (Shaftoe, 2008)
Inclusion is a multidimensional narrative that immediately refers to every form of injustice and
remedy, without distinction or analysis. Inclusion aims at creating a more equitable society, at
alleviating poverty and recognizing and even rewarding difference, one of its hallmarks is a wide
variation in use and application. Inclusion does not in fact have precisely the same meaning in
Europe as it does in South Asia. In Europe then, inclusion is a way of reforming the capitalist
and liberal democratic system from the inside, with occasional help from socio-democratic
political forces. In India and Nepal, on the other hand, social inclusion has become an all-
encompassing instrument, a core value to remedy society‘s ills and to restructure the state. Based
originally on a political device of modest ambition and limited scope, it has become a project of
overarching importance that affects the structure of society and its primary social ties. (Toffin,
2014)
Many questions remain unanswered. Social inclusion policies may aim at reforming society, but
on what scale and to what extent? Is reform occurring at the heart of society or only on the
edges? Does inclusion imply systemic or only marginal change? The answers vary according to
the context and the countries in which it is used. As a matter of fact, social inclusion today
encompasses a polyvalent portfolio of social policy thematic and methods that are often difficult
to delineate. There is a demonstrated lack of theorization and of scientific background in these
matters, as well as in the analysis of the phenomenal rise of this new concept. Likewise,
consistency and rigor are lacking in attempts to understand how social exclusion comes about.
What is, for instance, the ultimate reference point for ranking groups in some hierarchical order?
(Toffin, 2014)
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Despite such variation in definitions, the repertoire of social inclusion has a common feature the
world over and extends beyond formal conceptions of democracy and political institutions.
Inclusion does not target modes of political functioning, such as the respective roles of
parliamentary and executive power, for instance, nor does it address the electoral procedure.
Rather, inclusion addresses social problems, substantive inequalities, disadvantages and social
issues, similar to the approach taken by Karl Marx in his works at the end of the nineteenth
century. Yet the final analysis and conclusions offered by inclusion differ profoundly from those
of the great German thinker. Social inclusion does not rest on a theoretical analysis along the
lines of Das Kapital as it does not view conflicts between social classes as the source of
historical development and of changing political regimes. Rather, in inclusion thinking, diversity,
minority rights, democracy, recognition of gender and social upliftment replace older Marxist
models of revolution, strike, rebellion and dictatorship of the proletariat. By recognizing
diversity and by stigmatizing exclusion, social inclusion aims to restore cohesion in both the
social structure and the political body. Inclusion aims at providing new reasons for changing
society and for believing in progress and encourages models of mobilization based more on
consensus than on conflict. (Toffin, 2014)
2. Objectives of Study
2.1 To study open spaces, their uses, and then relation with environment.
2.2 To study and identify inclusive sociological features of ASAN as public Space.
2.3 To identify the transforming needs and use of public space from past to present in
sociological aspects.
2.4 To find the relation of open space, ASAN, with the peoples using it and its benefits.
2.5 To understand the importance of inclusive open space and its application in planning
3. Methodology
Every research work need to be done systematically
to acquire required information. Thus, the
methodology adopted for this seminar work on
sociological study of Asan as inclusive public space
include selection of topic followed by literature
review on the open spaces, public spaces, open
public spaces and inclusive space and its
dimensions. Site visit followed by on site
observation, taking photographs, and key informant
survey were also done. Then the findings were
collected from on-site observation and interview
were further categorized under physical findings,
commercial approach findings, findings on human
relation and sociological relations and their
inclusiveness findings on Asan, central market
Figure 2 Methodology Adopted
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4. About Asan
Asan is a ceremonial,
market and residential
square in
central Kathmandu. It is
one of the most well-
known historical
locations in the city and
is famed for its bazaar,
festival calendar and
strategic location. Asan
has been described as one
of the
fine Newar examples of a
traditional Asian bazaar.
Ason chowk or
commonly known as
Asan tol is located just
Figure 3: Asan Localities and Landmarks
south of Thahiti. It is an
excellent place to pass Source: Buddhist Merchant in Kathmandu
through if walking to
Kathmandu Durbar Square on the heritage walk as it is later linked to Indra Chowk though its six
roads, intersect at this Asan Tole main point. It is a main route on foot of Thamel area and
Kathmandu Durbar Square. It is a diagonal road that cuts through the city from the Kathmandu
durbar square across the typical north-south, east-west orientated streets. Asan chowk is
primarily an old, but still very active market square surrounded by temples and shrines. The most
popular temple located there is the 3 storeyed temple of goddesses Annapurna, which might have
great connection to the existence of this space. Asan straddles one of the two legendary India-
Tibet trade routes that pass-through Kathmandu. Because of this history, Asan has been one of
the city's main marketplaces since ancient times. The trade route is diagonally aligned, and the
section within the city extends from Kathmandu Durbar Square to Asan and to the northeast.
Nobody knows the true history of Ason Chowk. At the turn of the 20th century it was noted as
being a small market square. It's rise in popularity came during the Malla era when the
Annapurna temple was constructed. The name Ason is also somewhat of a mystery. Some say
that there was a trader who rested there who when asked where he came from replied "Ana San"
or "Nearby". Another popular theory is that the name came from an old Ashok tree that used to
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stand in the square. Though it's most likely the name came from a combination of all including a
building there known as Ashwok mandap. Today Ason Chowk is the liveliest old market you are
likely to find in Kathmandu city. Filled with fresh vegetables to spices and curios Ason chowk is
an ancient market still surviving in modern times.
Asan tole is one of the most well-known historical locations in the Kathmandu valley. It has been
famous for its crowd bazaar, festival calendar and strategic location. Tole in Nepali language
means street in English. Bazaar in Nepali language means market in English. It is the most
popular market in capital of Nepal. It is one of the examples of Asian Traditional Market. Asan
Tole in Kathmandu has been actually one of western visitors‘ favorite places. It has been
favourite because one can get chance to experience the daily life of local Nepali. Asan may
represent daily life routine of Nepal.
Asan was probably an old trading or pilgrim route on foot linking Bouddhanath Stupa with
Swayambhunath, the two major world heritage sites in the valley. But it is now route on foot
linking Kathmandu Durbar Square with Thamel, the two major tourist attraction points in the
valley. It is next step away from the touristy area of Thamel. If we visit Asan tole in the morning
or evening time, we really have attractive experience, seeing local people run with grocery.
Along this street, even nowadays, we can see a mass of traditional small shops in typical Newari-
style terraced buildings, which are the ‗front to a myriad of passages, court-yards and shrines
occupied by a family group. Here in this Asan tole we can see the traders, the businesspersons,
customers, visitors and the craftsmen in what at first appears to be an unorganized and confused
distribution of buildings. However, in each area, street (tole) specific crafts and business are
carried out and the confusion is only created by the recent development of the curio trade, each
shop is trying for a better business site.
There is still to be found the place where rice, green grocery, the staple diet of the Nepali
population, is traded in the center of Asan. It is here that people from all over the Kathmandu
valley and beyond will come to buy or sell their crop, rice, dal, and vegetables. Shops are heaped
up in front of the picturesque of Annapurna Temple, built in the early part of the nineteenth
century. It is also known as Ajima dyo or goddess Ajima. Annapurna Ajima is the goddess of
abundant food grain. A temple of Hindu God Ganesh stands at the northern side of the square.
This narrow and bustling street leads to a busy forecourt known as Indra Chowk, in front of the
rather garish shrine of Akash Bhairab. Again, this temple follows the unusual form of an upper
sanctuary like that of Bhimsen, with shops below.
Asan is a central market square in the medieval quarter of Kathmandu valley. It is one of the old
and busiest market, swarming with buyers and sellers from sun-up to sun-down each day. From
dawn till dusk. Asan is congested with vegetable and spice vendors vending everything of daily
uses in one‘s family. The biggest masses are observed during the two important festivals of
Dashain and Tihar during October and November. But people come for shopping even for
Lhoshar, celebrated by certain ethnic groups and other festivals like Maghe Sangrati. And during
the wedding season, shopping at Asan has been a must for most of people.
As mentioned in the article by Eva Manandhar, in ECS Nepal, published on 26th August 2010,
―The heart of old Kathmandu: life in downtown Asan‖, Macha Bhai Maharjan, (then aged 83
yrs.) has spent his life time in these junctions and recalls his initial days during his first decades,
Asan was visited by around only fifty people in the entire day. Life here would come to a
standstill at 6 pm. Asan to Maru was recognized as the central part of the city. As mentioned
earlier, nobody is sure where the name ‗Asan‘ came from or what it means, but, legend has it that
there once was a huge Ashok tree with branches spreading all the way to Maru and the place was
named after this massive tree. Another story tells of a person who came carrying a heavy load
and rested a while in this place. When asked where he had been, he replied, ―Ana San,‖ which
means ‗just nearby‘. These two words were later condensed to ‗Asan‘. But it seems plausible that
the dabali in front of Annapurna temple called Ashwok mandap is really the source of the name.
As ‗anna‘ means ‗grains‘ and ‗purna‘ means ‗filled‘, this deity is worshipped for prosperity and
she is said to be a form of Lakshmi. Inside the temple a pot overflows with grains, signifying
abundance. One of the most remarkable festivities at this temple is known as ‗Taya Ma‘ in
Newari, and is the special ceremony held once every eighty years.
Asan was once a major rice market where many kinds of rice were sold alongside beaten rice,
beans and lentils near the Annapurna temple. In the old days, the place would be choking with
sacks filled with such foodstuff. Custom demanded that a certain amount was offered to the
Goddess Annapurna before they were sold. It was a time when Asan was truly the center of
Kathmandu city and people came from as far as Thankot, Nuwakot and Sankhu to buy and sell
goods, as in early days there were no other place to shop.
The Narayan temple (beside the road sign) was known for the vegetables that were sold there,
and they were brought all the way from Bhaktapur, in the wee hours of the morning. As time
went by, this central temple lost its importance although it occupies a prime spot in Ason. The
two-storied Ganesh temple (in the north-east) with its distinctive brass roof is another place of
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5. Landmarks of Asan
5.1 Annapurna Ajimā:
The temple of Annapurna Ajimā (alternative name: Asanmaru Ajimā) presides over Asan.
She is the goddess of abundant food
grain and is the patron deity of the
neighborhood. The goddess is
represented by a filled grain measure.
(Wikipedia, 2018)
The priest for the Annapurna temple is
from Maharjan caste. There are
altogether 14 members. Each member
have to look after the Temple for 1
month. Temple generally opens from 4
am to 9 pm. Temple is open for all the
caste and religion but the main visitors
of the temple are Lama from Boudha.
Ason is also the pilgrim route from the Figure 6: Annapurna Temple
Boudhanath to Swayambunath. Lama
stays here for 6 day and offers rice and money.
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5.4 Nyālon:
Meaning "fish stone" is the stone figure of a fish placed on a pedestal at the center of the
square. It marks the spot where a fish fell from the sky and is related to the legendary
founding of Asan. (Wikipedia, 2018)
In every jatra held in core city of Kathmandu, Nyalon is turned around.
5.7 The streets and lanes radiating out from the square contain shrines and sacred courtyards.
The Buddhist courtyards of Takse Bāhā, Kwathu Bāhā, Hāku Bāhā, Dhālāsikwa Bāhā, Dagu
Bāhā, Asan Bāhā and Hwakhā Bāhā are situated around the perimeter of the square. Each of
them contains a decorated shrine house with an image of the Buddha and assorted stupas.
(Wikipedia, 2018)
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8. Inclusion:
Inclusion is the process whereby every person (irrespective of age, disability, gender, religion,
sexual preference or nationality) who wishes to can access and participate fully in all aspects of
an activity or service in the same way as any other member of the community. Inclusion requires
time, space, effort and resources. (Network, 2006)
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Parking spaces are separated for the people in the center of the chowk near Narayan temple.
Whereas, allocated parking space are not sufficient for the people visiting there.
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Another important part of asan is Asan Dabu itself. It is the raised stone platform and generally
used for vending shops whereas during the festival time it is used as dancing and performing
stage.
Figure 15: Living Goddess Kumari during Figure 14: Asan Dabu
Indra Jatra
8.4 Psychological Inclusiveness:
Psychological inclusiveness generally means the safety and security of people living there. And
for the security purpose day and night guard are provided there by Asan Sudhar Samiti. Also CC
camera is installed there. There is also good support of local police and also the people living
there.
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9. Commercial Approach
The Ason lies at the core area of the business center of Kathmandu District. It is surrounded by
Thamel, Naxal at the North, Durbar Square and New Road at South, Swayambu and Indra
Chowk at the West, Rani Pokhari and Ratna Park at the East. Therefore, it is ideally strategically
commercial active zone. The street is packed with street dwellers in maximum duration of the
daytime. Even the tourist visits are seen abundant throughout the year in the area.
The public space and the surrounding adjacent buildings are utilized for rental residential
purposes. House are on rent for
residential purpose above the grou nd
floor and shopping purpose of the ground
floor. The shops include various
commercial, household and religious
shops in the public space. The groceries,
the flower-offering shops near the
temples, the fruit shops, the shop of
utensils made from brass, steel, etc. are
the kinds of shops that are there in the
public space. The presence of ATM
lounges at the public space indicates the
involvement of banking and financial
institutions in the area. Figure 18: Flower Shops Near Annapurna Temple
The vendors who are the mobile vendors
generally selling fruits and vegetables
are available at the morning up to 9-10
am, after which only handful of vendors
sells and the permanents non-mobile
shops are then opened which opens till
the evening. Again, during evening hours
the mobile vendors reappear and carry
out their selling of goods. Moreover, the
porters space is available at the central
region of the public space near the police
bit where porters are available in rental
basis to carry the goods. Figure 19: Vending Shops in Asan
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public space. The vendor sells goods at morning and at evening. Whereas, the shopkeepers sell at
daytime. This arrangement shows the exchange of same/common space (public).
The presence of various temples in the public space attracts the devotees from different caste
people. The religious activities and business transaction portrays the social inclusive relation
between different economic group. Additionally, the social activity of performance of bhajan at
sattal also portrays the social harmony in the public space.
The involvement of communities is perceived at Asan in maintaining the daily activities of the
place. Asan Sewa Samiti is an example of the actively involved community. It functions in
maintaining the daily activities, managing the public space and promoting the social & religious
activities.
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References
Bank, T.W., 2018. Social Inclusion. [Online] Available at: http://www.worldbank.org/en/topic/social-
inclusion [Accessed 01 July 2018].
Cleobury, J., 2008. Inclusive cities 2008, Braamfontein: South African Cities Network.
HABITAT, U.-, 2010. State of the Worlds cities 2010/2011: Bridiging the urban divide: inclusive cities.
Mandanipour, A., 2010. Whose public space? International Case Studies in Urban Design and Devement.
London/ New York.
Shaftoe, H., 2008. Convivial urban spaces: creating effective public places, London: easthscan.
Toffin, G., 2014. the inclusive state: a Philosophy and sociology of social inclusion. In Om Gurung,
M.S.T.M.T. PersPectives on social inclusion and exclusion in Nepal. kathmandu: Central department of
soCiology/anthropolog, TU, Kirtipur, Kathmandu, Nepal. pp.218-40.
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