Can Television be good for Children?

University of Westminster
The Communication and Media Research Institute
Dr. Kaoruko Kondo
& Professor Jeanette Steemers

There is no evidence from anybody who has taken the

trouble to look, ask and properly analyse, that watching
television is a ‘mindless’ activity- for children, or for
anybody else (Messenger Davies 1989: 84).

Introduction
The purpose of this literature review is to identify and review research which supports
the view that children’s television is a potentially beneficial medium; that in certain
circumstances it can be a powerful educational tool; that it can inform and inspire; and
that it is culturally relevant to today’s children. Many discussions of television’s
impact on children focus only on its negative influence in relation to violence and
advertising, for example, but it is also important to recognise that television can also
have a positive impact. As two noted commentators point out:

Television can be of general benefit to children. It can bring them into contact
with aspects of life they would not otherwise become aware of. It can provide a
valuable tool in the home and at school not simply to keep children occupied but
also, if used appropriately, as a constructive way to use their time….Television
is not a ‘one-eyed monster’ lurking impishly in the corner of the living room,
kitchen or bedroom waiting to exert an evil influence over young members of
the household. It is a channel through which a range of entertainment, drama
and learning can be obtained and experienced and increasingly these days it is
under the control of the viewer (Gunter and McAleer, 1997: xii-xiii).

However, before starting such a review it should be noted that children’s television
consumption now takes place in a much more complex media environment. When
British academic Maire Messenger Davies wrote her book Television is Good for
Your Kids in 1989, which challenged the view that television turned its young viewers
into ‘layabouts’ and ‘morons’, most British children only had access to the terrestrial
offerings of the BBC, ITV and Channel 4. This landscape has radically changed, and
British children now inhabit a ‘media-rich’ environment (Livingstone 2002: 41) of
multichannel television, mobile phones, the internet and computer games. According
to Ofcom’s latest media literacy audit, 72% of children aged 8-15 now have access to
digital TV, 64% have access to the internet at home, half own game consoles, and
65% of 8-15s own mobile phones (including 49% of 8-11year olds) (Ofcom 2006).
However, although they use different media in their everyday life, television is still
the most popular medium, occupying a significant proportion of children’s time, up to
13.9 hours a week, with higher viewing for those from ethnic minority (15.2 hours)
and low income groups (15.5 hours) (Ofcom, 2006; see also Livingstone, 2002: 60;
Rideout, 2003: 12).

1
Television is still an important medium for children and they use television actively.
However, while children regard it primarily as a source of entertainment (see
Buckingham, 1996: Livingstone 2002), many parents often see media, particularly for
young children, as an important educational tool that can assist children’s intellectual
development (see Rideout et al 2003: 12). In a recent American study, only 38% of
parents believed that television mostly helped children’s learning, but they were
relieved to make use of media, because they saw advances in the educational quality
of media content (Kaiser Foundation: 2006: 32). In focus groups almost all parents
pointed to ‘learning’ as one of the biggest advantages of television, and observed their
children learning from television (ibid.). Buckingham and Sefton-Green, writing
about the Pokemon phenomenon, point to the potential pedagogic value of non-
educational programmes for children as well (i.e. those not particularly produced for
educational aims), that show children how to learn (2004). They argue that education
should be distinguished from learning (ibid.: 29). Children can learn skills from
popular culture (e.g. Pokemon) such as how to behave, what to want and to feel and
how to respond (p. 28). This type of learning is distinguished from ‘official’
educational knowledge. Viewed from this perspective the ‘learning’ that takes place
via television makes it one of the major players in the socialization process alongside
more traditional socializing agents such as the family, school and peer groups
(Signorielli & Morgan 2001: 333), reflecting society’s values and culture (Takanishi
1982: 99).

In this review, the educational impact of television is related to a certain official

curriculum while the learning impact of television has a broader meaning
encompassing the socialisation process and how children develop their understanding
of television. In general most of the studies that look at the educational impact of
children’s programmes originate in the US. They focus predominantly on educational
programming (particularly Sesame Street) aimed at children aged three to five and the
extent to which these programmes promote school readiness and academic skills. As
a result, there is very little existing research concerning the potential beneficial impact
of children’s entertainment programming, and even less research that relates to British
experiences and British programmes, where the categories of education and
entertainment are often blurred (Close, 2004: 10). Finally, there is very little research
on the potential beneficial impact of television, either generally or educationally, on
older children.

Understanding how children develop televisual literacy

Before discussing the impact of television on areas such as language development, for
example, it is important to understand how children acquire the skills that enable them
to understand television.

Children do not perceive television in the same way that adults do, and develop
televisual skills step by step in line with their cognitive development. Age and
linguistic maturity determine how a child will respond to and engage with TV.
According to Piaget children experience four stages of cognitive development, which
can be applied to television (Piaget, 1969; Lemish, 2007). Children under two
experience a ‘sensory-motor’ stage, where their senses and actions show them that
objects on television feel differently to those experienced in real life (see Lemish,
2007: 39). During a ‘pre-operational’ stage between 2 and 7 when they are acquiring

2
language, they develop representational thinking skills, which allow them to talk
about their experience of television. Between 7 and 12 (the concrete operational
stage), children begin to engage in abstract thought which allows them to understand
the medium’s codes and conventions sufficiently to follow storylines. They develop
levels of perception (televisual literacy), which allow them to understand the chunks
and segments that constitute a television programme and how they are linked
(Signorielli, 1991: 28). From the age of 12 children are assumed to understand
television in a similar way to adults (See Lemish: 2007: 39; also Hodge and Tripp,
1986: 80-81).

According to Davies, while all children are born with ‘an innate human capacity to
learn’, televisual literacy requires some learned and taught skills (1997: 3). She
argues that ‘children need to understand the world in which they live, including the
way that it is represented in different symbolic forms’ (1997: 3). These
representations will vary depending on a child’s home environment (the cultural,
political and socio-economic background of the family) and where they live.
Literacy, therefore, is about giving children access to representations, which allow
them to understand and use the systems that represent reality – including audiovisual
representations of reality (ibid.: 4).

Media literacy shifts the focus of study from television effects to what children can do
with television and other media. Under Section 11 of the Communications Act 2003,
regulatory authority Ofcom has a duty to encourage others to bring about a better
public understanding of the nature and characteristics of electronic media content and
the processes and systems by which it is delivered. Ofcom defines media literacy as
‘the ability to access, understand and create communications in a variety of contexts’
without which people’s ability to participate in society is greatly curtailed (Ofcom,
2006:2). Media literacy comprises 1) the ability to use a range of media and be able
to understand the information received, 2) the ability to analyse the media
contents/information critically, 3) the ability to create video and audio content, and 4)
the ability to control and judge what kinds of content should be avoided. Viewed from
this perspective children are perceived as ‘active’ rather than ‘passive’ media users,
capable of developing media literacy skills just as well as the traditional literacy skills
of reading and writing (Huston & Wright, 1997)1.

Children develop different types of media literacy as they grow up. Today children
start experiencing television almost from birth even if it is just on in the background,
(see Rideout et al 2003: 12). As children mature, television viewing increases due to
increased comprehensibility. Anderson and Pempek established that children aged 12
to 24 months paid higher levels of attention to Teletubbies, a programme specifically
designed for them, than to Sesame Street, a programme targeted at older children
(2005: 510). This act of paying attention was part of the process of developing
cognitive skills. They state that

It appears that videos and TV programs that are directed at infants and toddlers
can gain high levels of sustained attention … In the case of infants and toddlers,
if comprehension is minimal, attention to television by very young children may
be purely reactive due to frequent elicitations of the orienting reaction by visual
and auditory change. On the other hand, programmes that are directed at them

3
 may be comprehensible and, thus, reflect higher cognitive processing (Ibid:
509).

Teletubbies is a good example of a programme that attracts high levels of active

attention ‘with singing, dancing, pointing, imitating behaviours, speaking back to the
television and generally reacting enthusiastically with great joy’ (Lemish, 2007: 46
citing research that first appeared in Televizion, 1999, 12/2).

Young children start to understand television from an early age. As they mature they
learn to draw distinctions between their own world, what is shown on television and
whether it is true to life. In a three-year British study of five year olds in a large urban
school, Gosling and Richards established that children could talk about what was real
in television programmes, and some showed understanding of television’s basic
technical processes. These studies illustrate the extent to which children (from infants
to preschoolers) gradually develop their televisual literacy.

While younger children acquire basic skills, older children can become critical
viewers, using television to construct identities for themselves and distinguishing
themselves from other children. In a study of how children’s television tastes develop,
Davies et al conducted interviews with children and found that the act of classifying
programmes served as a means of social self-definition:

For example, when a group of Year 2 [6-7 year-old] boys collapsed into laughter
at the mention of Teletubbies, they were clearly distancing themselves from the
younger audience for whom the programme is designed - and from the girls in
their class who had appropriated its ‘cuter’ aspects. Similarly, when a group of
Year 2 girls covered their ears every time football was mentioned, they were
self-consciously constructing their own girlishness by rejecting the male world
of football (2000: 8).

The description above shows how children aged 6-7 have already developed gender
identities and are able to categorise programmes through their own distinctive tastes.
In a similar vein, Buckingham points out that the ability of older children to exercise
critical judgements on programmes serves particular social purposes connected with
their developing media literacy:

They enable children to present themselves as sophisticated viewers, who are

able to ‘see through’ the medium, and hence to differentiate themselves from
those who (by implication) cannot. Critical discussions of the media therefore
provide important opportunities for ‘identity work’- for laying claim to more
prestigious or powerful social identities (2003: 109).

In summary then, children gradually develop different types of skills through

watching television. Over time they learn how to understand television, but may not
perceive it as adults do. Understanding what children can and cannot do with
television and how they perceive it is therefore essential for examining how it impacts
their lives. As children acquire more experience of television, their ability to
comprehend its content and translate those meanings into learning increases.

4
Television and young children’s language acquisition

Several studies have shown how young children’s language acquisition can benefit
from television. However, this seems to be limited primarily to age appropriate
programmes with specific educational purposes for 3-5 year olds (Cross, 2004: 16;
Lemish, 2007: 157).

In one study it was found that babies and toddlers who watched Sesame Street learned
vocabulary, concepts (shapes, colours) and could identify letters and numbers,
particularly if they were aided by parents (Lemish and Rice, 1986). In a study of
infants’ and toddlers’ television viewing and language outcomes by Linebarger and
Walker (2005), it was shown that some pre-school programmes, but not all, can lead
to larger vocabularies and higher expressive language (word production) scores
among younger children under 30 months.2 Some programmes, such as Blue’s Clues,
and Dora the Explorer, which include on-screen characters talking to the child,
encourage participation, label objects and invite children to respond, were positively
related to expressive language production and vocabulary (2005: 639). Programmes
such as Arthur and Clifford, which had a strong narrative, were visually appealing,
and contained opportunities to hear words and their definitions, also appeared to
support language acquisition. They found for example that:

1. Combined viewing of Arthur and Clifford was related to 8.60 more vocabulary
words at 30 months as well as an increase in the vocabulary growth rate of
0.61 words per month when compared with non-viewers.
2. Combined viewing of Blue’s Clues and Dora the Explorer resulted in 13.30
more vocabulary words at 30 months as well as an increase in the rate of
growth in vocabulary words of 1.35 words per month compared with non-
viewers.

As with vocabulary, the relationship between certain programmes and expressive

language production (the frequency of child communicative behaviours such as
gestures, vocalizations, single and multiple word utterances during a six minute
period) were different for different programmes (2005: 637). Combined viewing of
Arthur and Clifford and of Blue’s Clues and Dora the Explorer resulted in more
single and multiple word utterances at 30 months when compared with non viewers
(2005: 637).

In an overview of the literature, Naigles and Mayeux (2001) found that in certain
circumstances children can learn words and their meanings from educational
programmes specifically designed for them. At the most basic level children under
two frequently or occasionally call attention to objects on screen, they ask questions
and can be very attentive to an engaging programme: ‘laughing at appropriate points
and repeating parts of the ongoing dialogue’ (2001: 136). Singer and Singer (1981)
found a modest relationship between the amount of educational television viewed by
pre-school children and their use of commands and exclamations in spontaneous
speech (in Naigles and Mayeux, 2001: 139). Although there is not much evidence to
suggest that educational programmes help children to learn grammar, there is
evidence to suggest that they can learn something about the meaning of words from

5
educational programmes (lexical development – word diversity), which are designed
with word learning in mind (ibid: 141).

In a longitudinal study of children and Sesame Street, the parents of children aged 3 or
5 years of age kept diaries of their children’s viewing over a 2.5 year span so that the
degree of children’s vocabulary growth could be assessed (Rice et al 1990). This
study revealed that the younger children (aged 3) who watched more Sesame Street
between the age of 3 and 5 had greater vocabulary growth than those who watched
fewer hours. Children aged 3 scored higher on school readiness, reading, number
skills and vocabulary, if they were regular watchers. However, viewing at five did not
predict vocabulary scores at seven, suggesting an ‘early window’ of opportunity
where the effects of educational television are strongest.

In a further study, Singer and Singer (1998) investigated the extent to which pre-
schoolers can learn unfamiliar nouns from Barney and Friends. Those children who
watched 10 pre-selected episodes of the show over 2-3 weeks in a day care setting
showed gains in their vocabulary to produce correct definitions compared to those
children who did not watch the same Barney episodes. The gains were even larger if
children participated in 30-minute lessons about the episodes after viewing (1998:
330-31), suggesting that the learning experience from television is enhanced through
adult involvement (see also Close, 2004: 15). The finding that age-appropriate
educational television for 3 to 5 year olds encourages the comprehension (receptive
vocabulary) of spoken words was also established by St Peters et al (1989).

In another longitudinal study by Wright et al (2001) on the impact of educational

television on the school readiness and vocabulary of 240 children aged 2 and 4 years
from low-income families over a three year time span, it was established that children
who watched Sesame Street between the ages of two and three gained in pre-academic
skills. Children who watched educational television frequently when they were two
and three years old performed better on the language tests (PPVT, Bracken school
Readiness Scale, Woodcock-Johnson word subtest and applied problems subtest) at
aged three than did those who were not frequent viewers (Wright et al 2001: 1356).
This contrasted with children aged three who watched more general-audience
programmes and who by ages four and five showed lower skills in school readiness
and vocabulary tests (Ibid: 1357). Viewing at 4 yrs did not significantly affect scores
later, which reinforces the notion of an ‘early window of opportunity’.

Based on an overview of predominantly US research, the benefits of television for

language development in pre-school children in certain circumstances are further
confirmed in a literature review for the National Literacy Trust in Britain. The review
draws the conclusion that

Given the right conditions, children between the ages of two and five may
experience benefits from good-quality educational television. For this group of
children there is evidence that attention and comprehension, receptive
vocabulary, some expressive language, letter-sound knowledge, and knowledge
of narrative and storytelling all benefit from high-quality and age-appropriate
educational programming (Close, 2004: 4)

6
But in keeping with the earlier American review, the literature has not established
whether children develop grammar, phonological awareness and knowledge of
literacy from viewing this type of programming. Some educational programmes
appear to be beneficial and helpful in developing children’s linguistic skills, but this
depends on the quality of programmes and whether they are age appropriate (see
Linebarger & Walker 2005: 642).

In the UK, some of the findings relating to language development seem to be

confirmed by parental observations. A British study of young children’s use of
popular culture, media and new technologies found that parents of children under six
were very positive about the educational benefits of high quality children’s television
for pre-schoolers with 79% of respondents agreeing or strongly agreeing that
television helped their child’s language development (Marsh et al 2005: 33). Parents
confirmed that their children were ‘actively engaged with television content for some
of their viewing time, with singing, dancing, copying characters’ actions, shouting out
answers and role-playing stories constituting some of the more popular activities
(Marsh, 2005: 27) . In relation to language development and television, parents
confirmed that their children learned the following in line with the curriculum for the
foundation stage in England:

• to use words, gestures, simple questions/statements;

• to listen to nursery rhymes, stories and songs, joining in with repeated refrains;
• to enjoy listening to and using spoken language
• to sustain attentive listening, and respond
• to extend vocabulary, exploring meaning and sounds of new words
• to use language to recreate experiences
• to use talk to clarify thinking, ideas, feelings and events
• to link sounds to letters
• to begin to be aware of the way stories are structured

(Marsh et al 2005: 35).

The studies outlined above show that under certain conditions television can offer
opportunities for language learning among young children, but more research is
required on specific effects and causal relationships.

Positive and long-term effects of educational television (reading,

writing, school-readiness)

The previous section examined very specific skills related to linguistic development.
This section examines educational television’s long-term effects on academic
achievement. There is strong evidence that age-appropriate educational television has
positive effects on children’s development.

Much of the work carried out in this area relates to Sesame Street, a programme,
originated in 1969 by the Children’s Television Workshop (CTW), a non-profit
subsidiary of National Educational Television in the US. This brought producers and
writers together with child psychologists and educators to create an entertaining

7
programme that was also guided by detailed research and curricular goals from the
start (Morrow, 2006: 5). Sesame Street was designed to prepare children for school by
encouraging knowledge and skills that improved vocabulary, numeracy, the use of
language and understanding of the world around them (see Gunter and McAleer,
1997: 57). Each show had to demonstrate that it could hold the attention of its young
audience (ibid.), and formative and summative research was used to improve the
effectiveness of the programme’s curricular goals (Morrow, 2006: 77).

Quite early on Sesame Street was found to have beneficial effects (Ball and Bogatz,
1970; Bogatz and Ball, 1971). Among 3-5 year olds who were heavier viewers of the
programme, an increase in skills relating to the alphabet, numbers, body parts, shapes,
relational terms and sorting and classification was noted, regardless of age, sex or
socio-economic status, and native language. In a follow-up study in the second year
of a subset of children who had started school (Bogatz and Ball 1971), it was found
that children who had watched the programme frequently were better prepared for
school than non or low viewing children. Improvements in cognitive skills relating to
literacy and maths were also evident in research into international co-productions of
Sesame Street in Mexico, Turkey, Portugal, and Russia (cit. in Fisch, 2005: 10). Later
studies have confirmed the data about educational achievements (letter recognition,
story telling) and school readiness from Sesame Street, particularly among low
income families (Zill, 2001).

A quarter of a century later the long-term effects of the show also became evident,
with stronger educational performance by school students who watched the show as
small children (Anderson et al, 2001). In a re-contact study, it was established that
570 high school students who had watched Sesame Street as young children achieved
higher grades in English, Mathematics, and Science in junior high or high school,
particularly among boys. They read more often, had higher academic self-esteem, and
valued academic performance more highly (Anderson et al, 2001;Huston, et al, 2001).
This suggests that those who watch educational programming enter school with
learning skills that make them more interested and motivated learners, which sets
them up for academic success (Anderson et al, 2001).

More recently Nickelodeon’s Blue’s Clues has also been successful in meeting
educational goals for its 3 to 5 year old audience, who outperformed non-viewers in
non-verbal skills and problem-solving ability. Their carers rated them as better at
solving problems and more pro-social compared to non viewers as well (Anderson et
al, 2000). Programmes like Blue’s Clues and Dora the Explorer in particular invite
children to actively solve problems and communicate while they watch.

Other studies have also shown that a wide variety of US educational programmes for
children on PBS can enhance older children’s skills and knowledge in language and
literacy (Between the Lions; The Electric Company), mathematics and problem
solving (Square One TV, Cyberchase) science and technology (3-2-1 Contact, Bill
Nye the Science Guy) and current affairs (see Fisch: 2005: 11-12). British researchers
have also established that pre-teens and teenagers can learn from science broadcasts,
which may enhance their ability to recall scientific facts and their comprehension (cit.
in Gunter and McAleer, 1997: 58-59)

8
The value of comparing early viewing of Sesame Street with school performance later
is that not all children were exposed to the programme when it first started in 1969,
therefore allowing more effective comparisons between viewers and non-viewers. In a
recent study by the University of Chicago, Gentzkow and Shapiro suggest that
children who watch television perform marginally better at school (2006). In order to
test their hypothesis, the researchers examined whether the introduction of television
in the 1940s resulted in a decrease in educational achievement. They looked at the
educational achievements of students aged 11, 14 or 17 in 1965, who were pre-
schoolers in television’s early years. They found that pre-schoolers who watched
television performed marginally better in reading and general knowledge at school –
with non-whites, those where English was a second language and those with poorly
educated mothers gaining the most.

In a study of Barney & Friends by Jerome and Dorothy Singer (1998), the
effectiveness of this television series for preschool children was evaluated. Children
in a US day care centre aged 2 to 7 watched the same episodes over two weeks and
were interviewed. The findings showed that

1) Nearly two thirds of the children could report accurately what they had seen,
2) About 55% of the children also managed to mention some characters,
3) Sometimes children demonstrated evidence of new words in their vocabularies
relating to a specific episode.

Episodes were chosen which reflected certain variables: cognitive, physical health,
emotional, and social attitudinal features3 (Ibid: 313). In the first study, 121 white
middle class children were divided into four groups. The first group viewed the series
over two weeks, with each episode followed by a lesson connected to the
programme’s message. The second group watched without follow up lessons. The
third group did not watch the programme but received a lesson, and the fourth group
neither watched the programme nor received a lesson. The strongest gains were by
those children whose viewing was combined with a follow-up lesson, followed by
those who just watched the video and those who just received the lesson. Singer and
Singer concluded;

It is evident that our pooled estimate of the didactic value of each episode in the
area of cognitive skills (e.g. vocabulary, counting, numbers, shapes) is a striking
predictor of what 3 and 4 year olds will retain and verbalize from an episode just
viewed … The evidence was very clear from this study. We found periods of
concentrated group attention throughout more than 60% of the time in the half
hour episodes. Rating by observers indicated many signs of open enjoyment,
smiling, and laughing about 70% of the time as the children watched the
episodes … Singing along with some of the songs was common for a great
many children during the musical episodes (1998: 326-7).

In a second phase, Singer and Singer sought to establish whether the same effects
were evident among children from different ethnic groups and lower socioeconomic
status. Children in day care settings in five regions of the US were split into different
groups in order to establish the effectiveness of Barney & Friends for enhancing
children’s cognitive skills (e.g. vocabulary, counting, numbers or shapes). The groups
were divided as follows:

9
 1. Experimental Group A: Viewing of the 10 Barney & Friends episodes over a
2 week period, but with viewing followed by a teacher “lesson” or set of
exercises augmenting the material included in the episode.
2. Experimental Group B: Viewing of the same 10 Barney & Friends within a 2
week period with no teacher follow-up.
3. A control group that received no special treatment

They also analysed teaching plans4 (e.g. vocabulary, what children thought about
what they saw and other skills), integrated with the episode (1998: 331). Again they
found that the viewing-plus-teaching group made the strongest educational gains in
terms of vocabulary, social attitude, and civility, with no consistent significant gains
by the group that simply watched the programme. Experimental Group B followed
them in areas of vocabulary, social attitude and civility, nature, and awareness of
health. The study suggests that a combination of viewing and follow-up teaching is a
more efficient way of teaching knowledge and skills to young children, than simply
watching the television show without any follow-up. It also suggests that content is
important for teaching specific issues, and that well-planned and appropriate-aged
educational programmes play an important role in children’s academic achievement.
A study of the use by teachers of the educational programme Look and Read in
Britain in the 1980s, also confirms that programmes are most successful in achieving
their academic aims if there is relevant follow up work in class (cit. in Gunter and
McAleer, 1997: 180)

Although there are few studies that correlate watching pre-school television with
educational achievement in Britain, recent work by Marsh with parents of pre-school
children revealed that parents were ‘generally very positive about the role of media in
their young children’s social, emotional, linguistic and cognitive development’ (2005:
5). Although the research does not examine the educational effectiveness of pre-
school children’s favourite programmes (Tweenies, Balamory, Big Cook, Little Cook,
Dora the Explorer, Scooby Doo, Bob the Builder, The Fimbles, Noddy, Come
Outside, Teletubbies), parents were able to give examples of what they think their
children have learned linked to the Foundation Stage Curriculum including:

• Mathematical development: willingly attempt to count, recognise numerals 1

to 9, recognise and recreate simple patterns, and begin to use mathematical
names for shapes.
• Knowledge and Understanding of the world: find out and identify some
features of living things, objects and events and also some features in the place
they live and in the natural world; ask why things happen and how things
work; begin to operate simple equipment; begin to differentiate between the
past and present; find out about events; gain awareness of the cultures and
beliefs of others.
• Physical development: movement with control and coordination (songs and
dance actions); show awareness of healthy practices (brushing teeth, and
washing hands); recognise the importance of keeping healthy (safety/road
issues).
• Creative development: response to sound with body movement (dance and
sing); recognise how sounds can be changed, sing simple songs; match
movement to music, make constructions, drawing and dances; explore colour,

10
 texture, shape and space and form in two or three dimensions (making
models); and use their imagination in art, design, music, dance, imaginative
role play and stories.

(2005: 35-36)

The same study surveyed early years practitioners who showed generally positive
attitudes toward the role of media and popular culture in young children’s lives
(Marsh, 2005, 6, 60). 92% of practitioners surveyed agreed or strongly agreed that
children learn from television, 67% disagreed that it is harmful for children’s
language development, although 83% felt that children watched too much (ibid: 48).
Action research where practitioners were encouraged to use popular culture such as
Bob the Builder or Finding Nemo as learning materials, was found to have a
significant impact on children’s oral development, especially for children who speak
English as an additional language (Marsh et al 2005: 69). Older children can also
benefit from watching television in a classroom setting. As Davies points out, the
presence of a teacher watching with them, who is ‘able to stimulate and share in the
discussion’, shows ‘how much an interested adult can contribute to children’s
experience of watching television’ (see Messenger Davies, 1989: 126).

A study that looked at how young school children engaged with the phenomenon of
Pokemon illustrated the ways in which they can participate more effectively in
traditional school-based literacy practices if they are given more opportunities to
exhibit the knowledge and skills they have acquired from their own interests such as
Pokemon (Bromley, 2004). Allowed to engage with Pokemon as a group in class,
Bromley found that children become very creative in writing their own stories, or a
child who had never had social status in the classroom gained confidence by his
peer’s acceptance and appreciation of his wide knowledge of Pokemon (Bromley,
2004: 223). In a climate where children have to follow teacher-led models for literacy
and numeracy with little recognition of their interests, Bromley suggests that children
should be given more opportunities to exhibit their knowledge and skills (Ibid). If
educators had more flexible attitudes towards popular culture, they could use some
elements to create ‘educational’ material, and also enhance children’s media literacy
as well as traditional forms of literacy (Bromley 2004; Marsh et al 2005).

Although very young children can and do learn from educational television, some
programmes are more effective than others. Factors which raise this effectiveness
include: the use of appealing elements such as humour; the use of age-appropriate
topics and language; handling educational content in ways that are clear, direct and
explicit; focusing on a small number of ideas in one episode and employing
repetition; using action-filled visuals and characters with whom children can identify;
encouraging children to actively engage in the content themselves through viewer
participation and motivating children to carry their learning forward (see Fisch, 2005:
13; also Lemish, 2007: 173).

By contrast there have been very few studies which investigate older children’s
learning from television (Huston et al, 2007: 59). This may be due to older children
being less receptive to educational television as they grow older, but it is also driven
by the funding available for research into the effects of educational television on
preschoolers in America. Educational television may also play less of a role once

11
children enter school. Compared with younger children, older children prefer more
complex programmes including drama, and programmes that feature verbal humour
and relationships (Ibid), which means that they also become more drawn to adult
programming. Likewise there is very little research on children under 3 years, partly
because of the difficulties of getting responses from very young children. However,
in general it seems that educational television used in the right context can enhance
learning.

Television and pro-social behaviour

While there have been many studies of the academic effects of educational television,
there have also been studies that show that viewing of pro-social television
programmes can result in positive changes in children’s social behaviour including
increases in ‘altruism, helpfulness, generosity, and other social skills (Gauntlett, 2005:
55). Other skills associated with pro-social behaviour include self-control, delay of
gratification, sympathy and empathy for others, learning to persist in a task, and
reduction of stereotypes. As Gunter and McAleer point out, ‘Television programmes
contain many examples of good behaviour, of people acting kindly and with
generosity. It is equally logical to assume that these portrayals provide models for
children to copy, too’ (1997: 117).

However, the research is rather limited and dominated by US educational programmes

such as Sesame Street and Mister Rogers’ Neighbourhood aimed at pre-schoolers
which are made ‘for explicitly and self-consciously ‘pro-social’ purposes’ rather than
more general programming that also targets older children (Gauntlett, 2005: 79).
Gauntlett points out that few researchers have tried to examine the effects of ‘regular’
programmes, where positive effects are not the main aim (ibid). As a consequence
thousands of programmes, such as super-hero cartoons or live-action programmes,
which are not deliberately ‘pro-social’, but may feature ‘good, moral heroes, or
friends and families caring for each other, or any other ruminations about how best to
go about life’ have been ignored (Ibid.; also Hogan, 2001: 666).

In the case of Sesame Street, early studies in the 1970s showed that, in addition to
teaching intellectual skills, regular and sustained viewing of the show also promoted
friendship and other pro-social behaviour, including more positive attitudes towards
children from other races (Bogatz and Ball, 1971). According to Lesser (1974: 225),
children who were regular viewers of the show were rated more highly by teachers for
their relationships with other children and for their school readiness than children who
did not see the show. Studies of Mr Rogers’ Neighbourhood over time also showed
that children improved pro-social skills such as persisting with tasks, assisting others,
and being more cooperative after watching episodes where characters helped others
(cit. in Lemish, 2007: 83; also Gunter and McAleer, 1997: 124)). The positive effects
were stronger if accompanied by follow-up activities (see Mares and Woodward,
2001: 194). This pro-social tradition is continued by more recent shows such as Dora
the Explorer, which introduce children to different cultures.

In one early study of pro-social behaviour from 1975, it was suggested that children
who viewed an episode of Lassie, where the owner risks his life to save a puppy, were
more likely to provide help to others (Sprafkin, Liebert & Poulos, 1975). However,
this was deduced from the children’s willingness to stop playing a game when they

12
heard fictional puppies in distress. Children who viewed the pro-social episode
pushed the button twice as long as children who did not.

More convincingly, in a recent study of US children in Grades 2 to 6, children were

asked to note down the lessons they learned from watching pro-social and educational
television on the public network PBS and Nickelodeon (Calvert & Kotler: 2003).
Children in this study reported that they learned social-emotional (pro-social) lessons,
followed by informational lessons, physical/well-being lessons and cognitive skills
lessons from their viewing (Ibid: 303-4). Retention of these lessons occurred more
often when children watched educational programmes than entertainment
programmes (2003: 325). In a similar vein teenage-targeted drama shows like the
Canadian Degrassi Junior High have been shown to raise viewers’ awareness of
relevant issues (drugs, alcohol, relationships) and to reflect on these (Singer and
Singer, 1994).

In a 1982 study of the drama Freestyle in the US, Johnston and Ettema found
significant reductions in gender stereotypes among 7,000 children aged 9 to 12, who
watched 26 episodes of the series designed to change sex-role stereotypes.
Questionnaires administered before and after viewing found that boys became more
accepting of girls participating in roles and sports that were traditionally considered
male (mechanics, engineers), and girls became more interested in these. As with pre-
school programming (see Singer and Singer, 1998), the effect was more pronounced if
it was followed up by classroom discussions with teachers, typically doubling changes
in attitudes and beliefs (Johnston and Ettema, 1982; also Mares and Woodward: 2001:
195). Other programmes that have been found to break down stereotypes include
Nash Maalo (Our Neighbourhood), a project designed to encourage mutual respect
and understanding in multi-ethnic Macedonia (cit in Lemish, 2007: 140). In Britain,
research on Rainbow conducted with primary school children in the early 1980s
showed that an episode where a mother went out to work and the father stayed at
home produced a substantial short-term shift away from traditional stereotypes about
domestic roles, but less change in beliefs about occupations (Durkin, 1983, cit in
Gunter and McAleer, 1997:80).

There are few studies of the pro-social effects of children’s television in Britain. In a
recent report on young children’s use of popular culture, media and new technologies,
parents identified various pro-social behaviours in their children including ‘social
interaction, consideration of others, how to deal with situations’ (Marsh et al, 2005,
36). In this study parents were able to identify examples of pro-social behaviour
learned from television, which linked to statements from the foundation stage
curriculum:

• maintaining attention, and learning to sit still

• being sensitive to the needs and views of others (e.g. manners, sharing)
• developing respect for different cultures including their own
• to value and contribute to their own well-being and self-control
• to understand agreed values and codes of behaviour, how to behave
• to have an awareness of behavioural expectations
• to understand what is right and what is wrong
• to dress independently and manage their own personal hygiene

13
 • to understand that people have different needs, views, cultures and beliefs that
need to be treated with respect
(Marsh et al: 2004, 35)

Although the survey illustrates the various pro-social skills that parents believe their
children acquire from television, it does not refer to specific effects from specific
programmes. Moreover, pro-social effects also occur from programmes which are not
educational. For example, Animal Hospital/ER types of programmes can teach
children the ethics of care, especially when children see suffering animals (Hill 2005).
In a similar vein, children who watched anti-social behavior in the BBC children’s
school dram Grange Hill learnt pro-social behaviour. According to Davies:

…. if you see bullying and protection rackets on Grange Hill (particularly when
you see the culprits being punished or ostracised) you may not be so keen to
follow their example, because bullying other children is not such a pleasurable
activity as having a good time with your mates at some activity or other (Davies
1989: 160).

Of course, the ability of television to bring about pro-social behaviour is also affected
by a world which contains many more complex social influences on children.
According to Fisch, the effects of pro-social television often appear less strong than
the academic effects of educational television (2005: 18). This may be because
attitudes and emotions are more difficult to define and measure than academic
achievements, that some series are more effective than others or that children are
more resistant to changes in their social behaviour than to their academic knowledge
(Ibid.). Moreover, ‘it is important to remember that the pro-social messages presented
in an educational programme are likely to be mediated by lessons learned from family
and peers, as well as children’s own life experiences’ (Ibid.: 12). That is, television
can assist in the development of pro-social behaviour, but the cultural environment
where a child lives influences a child’s interpretation of a message. For younger
children in particular pro-social concepts of fairness, equality and taking other
people’s views into account take time to develop, and are influenced more by family
and community than television (see Davies, 1989: 161). Television can have socially
desirable effects, but there is a need for more research to find out how this works and
what type of content works best.

Why do Children watch TV and how do they watch?

The previous sections have looked at what children, pre-dominantly pre-school

children, can learn from television in terms of academic achievement and pro-social
skills, but many British studies use a more child-centred approach which examines
why and how children use the media, and relate it to the development of their media
literacy. Reasons for watching usually revolve around passing time; for learning; for
companionship; for relaxation, escape and arousal (Gunter and McAleer, 1997: 19).
Studies in Britain have shown that children watch television when they get bored, and
that they expect excitement and pleasure from television rather than education (c.f.
Livingstone 2002, Buckingham 1996). According to Hill, ‘For children, television is
“good” when it is engaging, action packed, funny, and above all, entertaining’ (2004:
183). The reasons why children watch television are complex and, like adults, relate
to their need to find information, to pass time, to be entertained and to find comfort,

14
with some research suggesting that it can be a way of dealing with hostile social
environments (Master, Ford, Arend, cit in Gunter and McAleer, 1997: 28). An ITC
(Independent Television Commission) report on children and cartoons underlines the
pleasure children get from watching television:

After school, television is seen as something which helps children to relax and
unwind. It keeps them entertained without their having to make much of an
effort. It is entertainment for children on weekend mornings, keeping them
company while mum and dad are still in bed. Cartoons have a particular role
within children’s (5-9 years) television viewing. They are short, easy to dip in
and out of, fun, funny (they make children laugh), and exciting (the thrill of
‘scary good’) … Children find cartoons both stimulating (action, colour and
music), and relaxing (they require little effort to watch). They have a simple
content which is easy to follow (Chambers et al 1998: 39).

Younger children also use their experience of television in play, imitating Power
Rangers or playing Dragon Ball Z games. In this way television content is used to
construct make-believe worlds through imagined play (see Lemish, 2007: 63).
Television in this sense acts as an important outlet to express feelings and fantasies.

According to Huntemann and Morgan the media play an important role in the process
of identity development, through the establishment of role models, and this shapes
what children think about the world and how they perceive themselves in it (2001:
309). Children can develop a sense of themselves through the media, which offers a
way of forging relationships with family members and peers (Marsh, 2005: 12).

As they get older this applies particularly to drama. They can learn about secondary
school, for example, from realistic soaps like Grange Hill (Davies 2001). Dramatic
characterisations and plots can show children how to deal with other people, solve
personal problems, make friends and get on in life (see Gunter & McAleer, 1997: 20).
In this respect drama can be a major source of social learning where they learn about
themselves and about life. However, according to Buckingham, children’s
involvement with drama is complex:

Children’s responses to melodrama and soap opera also involve a complex

combination of ‘distress and delight’, in which the masochistic experience of
pain and suffering is balanced by a utopian desire for the joy and pleasure that
might have been. Furthermore, as in the case of horror, these emotional
reactions depend upon complex forms of cognitive or intellectual judgment, in
which children’s developing knowledge of the genre, and of the medium itself,
plays a crucial role. And, here again, the social context of viewing and of talk
about viewing significantly determines the ways in which children make
meaning and pleasure from what they watch (1996: 140).

In watching television, older children also develop critical thinking, about what they
like and don’t like, becoming more sophisticated viewers in the process (Buckingham
1996 :132; Hill, 2004). According to Buckingham this process of engaging in critical
viewing practices is part of the process in which they construct their own identities:

15
 …children inevitably become aware of critical perspectives on the media as part
of their everyday experience. Judgements about whether television is or is not
‘realistic’, for example, are part of the stock in trade of most viewers’
discussions of their favourite programmes. To some extent, this can be seen as a
function of children’s general cognitive development … critical discussions of
the media therefore provide important opportunities for ‘identity work’- for
laying claim to more prestigious or powerful social identities (2003: 109).

In the case of school children, television programmes which are not specifically
produced for ‘educational’ purposes can teach them about society and its values. In
evaluating programmes they are developing their own identities and critical thinking
skills.

How do parents regard their children's viewing?

It has already been pointed out that parents of children under six from all
socioeconomic backgrounds often see media including television as an important
educational tool that can assist their children’s educational development in areas such
as maths and literacy (Rideout et al: 2003, 12; Marsh et al: 2005). While teachers
have some misgivings about the use of television, parents are more positive about its
role in their children’s social, emotional, linguistic and cognitive development and
witness some beneficial aspects (see Marsh et al 2005; Rideout et al 2003). The
success of educational toys associated with popular programmes such as Teletubbies,
Thomas Tank the Engine, Bob the Builder, and Noddy are also indications that parents
perceive educational benefits from associated books and magazines (see Buckingham
and Scanlon 2003: 76-79). They also recognise that these programmes are significant
for children’s identity construction. According to one parent:

I think they [media icons] are quite important to her, she’s not got any particular
favourite but she likes to, you know when she goes to play school she knows
what all the other children are talking about you know, she has a ‘Spot’ and
‘Thomas’ lunch box, a ‘Bob the Builder’ lunch box, and I think because she’s
seen and been exposed to it, it helps her with sort of interpersonal skills of both
sexes. I think it’s, like, if she wasn’t exposed to it she wouldn’t maybe have
anything to talk about or any relationship with these children, because she
wouldn’t know what they were talking about (cit. in Marsh et al, 2005: 46).

The socio-economic backgrounds of parents may influence their attitudes towards

their children’s viewing habits. Livingstone (2002), for example, points out that
middle-class children have more options to fill in their ‘unstructured time’ with other
leisure activities (e.g. piano lessons) other than television. On the other hand, there is
an assumption that lower class families may use television as a baby sitter because it
is a safe and relatively inexpensive way of occupying young children in communities
with high levels of crime and poverty (see Jordan 2005: 534). However, in general
parents in both British and American studies have witnessed beneficial aspects from
their children’s engagement with television.

Conclusion

16
This paper has looked at the potential beneficial impact of children’s television on
children’s lives. Debate usually centres on television’s negative effects but, as
expounded across a range of different studies, it is clear that television can enhance
academic skills such as school readiness and vocabulary, as well as pro-social
behaviours and critical thinking practices. Television is neither good nor bad for
children, but its impact is complex in the way it affects children’s knowledge, beliefs
and values. Although children rarely seek out ‘educational’ content, they can derive
both pleasure and learning from programmes which combine both elements. In this
sense, ‘edutainment’ programmes (Teletubbies) which blur learning and entertainment
are ideal for both children and parents (Buckingham and Scanlon 2003).

Related to such issues, recognition of television’s benefits can help to inform the
production of new programming, ‘bringing the voice of children into the production
process’, ensuring that programming is tailored to their needs, interests and abilities
(Fisch: 2005: 13). This child-centred approach is already reflected in the
commissioning policies of the BBC, for example, which recognise that children need
to have access to programming that is ‘empowering, fun, and innovative, allowing
children to relax and unwind in an environment which is relevant to their lives’ (BBC
2006). At the same time, the BBC looks for factual programming that should aim to
‘feed both the intellect and the imagination … allowing them to express something of
themselves and to help them understand their place in the world’ (Ibid).

Although this review has focused on the potential beneficial aspects of television for
children, it has not looked at the beneficial aspects of extended media such as
children’s experiences of interactive TV, websites and associated toys and games.
Increasing media use across different platforms cannot be ignored and is already
reflected in a range of studies (Sefton-Green 2002; Livingstone 2002; Rideout et al
2003; Tobin 2004, Calvert et al 2005, Buckingham 2006, Rideout et al 2006, Ofcom
2006).). Examining the impact of television in isolation may not be sufficient in
future, and changes in the way that media are consumed across multiple platforms
needs to be considered and examined as well.

17
1
For example, if a child cannot read or spell, she/he may not be able to understand the onscreen instructions for interactive
TV programmes.
2
Watching Teletubbies though was related to fewer vocabulary words and smaller expressive language scores. Watching
Sesame Street was related only to smaller expressive language scores. Viewing Barney & Friends was related to fewer
vocabulary words and more expressive language.
3
‘If provided to a child by a caregiver, would increase the likelihood that the child would (a) look forward to school as a
positive experience, (b) experience a sense of personal security and trust that might reinforce abilities to confront the school
experience, (c) demonstrate cognitive preparation for the effort of learning reading, writing, and arithmetic skills, and (d)
manifest the emotional enthusiasm, curiosity, self-restraint, emotional awareness, and cooperative social attitudes necessary
in a classroom learning setting’ (Singer & Singer 1998: 313- 4).
4
‘The form of each lesson plan consisted of (a) a synopsis of the Barney and Friends episode, (b) objectives derived from
the main themes of the episode, (c) new words to learn, (d) materials needed for each activity during the lesson, (e)
questions and discussion ideas for the children about what they had seen, (f) descriptions of some specific activities (e.g.
counting various objects, making musical instruments), and (g) books that could be read to the children after the Barney
viewing’ (1998: 331).

References

Anderson, D, Bryant, J, Wilder, A, Santomero, A., Williams, M and Crawley, M (2000) Researching
Blue’s Clues: Viewing Behaviour and impact. Media Psychology, 2, 179-194.

Anderson, D., Huston, A., Schmitt, K,., Linebarger,D., & Wright, J. (2001) Early Childhood television
viewing and adolescent behaviour Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, 66,
1.

Anderson, Daniel & Pempek, Tiffany (2005) ‘Television and Very Young Children’, in American
Behavioral Scientist Vol. 48. No.5 January 2005 pp505-522

Ball, S., & Bogatz, G. (1970) The First Year of Sesame Street Princeton: Educational Testing Service

BBC (2006b) CBBC’s commissioning, updated August 2006,

http://www.bbc.co.uk/commissioning/tv/network/genres/cbbc.shtml, (accessed on 20 November 2006).

Bogatz, G. & Ball, S. (1971) The Second Year of Sesame Street: A Continuing Evaluation Princeton:
Educational Testing Service

Bromley, Helen (2004) ‘Localizing Pokemon Through Narrative Play’, in Tobin, Joseph (ed)
Pikachu’s Global Adventure, London: Duke University Press

Buckingham, David (1996) Moving Images: Understanding children’s emotional responses to

television, Manchester: Manchester University Press

Buckingham, David (2002) ‘Child-centred Television?: Teletubbies and the Educational Imperative’, in
Buckingham, David (ed), Small Screens: Television for Children, London: Leicester University Press

Buckingham, David (2003) Media Education: literacy, learning and contemporary culture,
Cambridge: Polity

Buckingham, David (2006) ‘Studying Computer Games’ in Carr Diane et al (eds). Computer Games:
Text, Narrative and Play, Cambridge: Polity
Buckingham, David & Scanlon, Margaret (2003) Education, Entertainment and Learning in the Home,
Buckingham: Open University Press

Buckingham, David & Sefton-Green, Julian (2004) ‘Structure, Agency, and Pedagogy in Children’s
Media Culture’, in Joseph Tobin (ed). Pikachu’s Global Adventure, London: Duke University Pres

Calvert, Sandra & Kotler, Jennifer (2003) ‘Lessons from children’s television: the impact of the
Children’s Television Act on children’s learning’ in Applied Developmental Psychology Vol. 24,
pp.275-335, St. Louis: Elsevier

Calvert, Sandra et al (2005) ‘Control as an engagement feature for young children’s attention to, and
learning of, computer content’ in American Behavioral Scientist Vol. 48 No. 5, January 2005, London:
Sage.

Chambers et al (1998) Cartoon Crazy?, London: ITC

Children Now (2006) ‘Children’s educational television’ in Children and Media Issues brief, Vol.1
Issue No. 1 Winter 2006, PDF file is available at
http://www.childrennow.org/assets/pdf/issues_media_issuebrief_winter2006.pdf
(accessed 20 November 2006).

Close, Robin (2004) ‘Television and language development in the early years: a review of the
literature’, London: National Literacy Trust

Davies, Hannah et al (2000) ‘In the worst possible taste’ in European journal of cultural studies 3 (1),
2000 pp.5-25.

Davies, Marie Messenger (1989) Television is Good for Your Kids, London: Hilary Shipman Limited.
Davies, Marie Messenger (1997) Children’s Interpretations of Television Reality. Mahwah: Lawrence
Erlbaum Associates, Publishers

Davies, Marie Messenger (2001) ‘Dear BBC’: Children, Television Storytelling and the Public Sphere,
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press

Durkin, K (1983) Sex Roles and Children’s Television, a report to the Independent Broadcasting
Authority.

Fisch, Shalom (2005) ‘Children’s learning from television’, in TELEVISION 18/2005E pp.10-14,
Munich: IZI

Gauntlett, David (2005) Moving Experiences 2nd edition, Eastleigh: John Libbey Pubishing.

Gentzkow, M & Shapiro, J (2006) ‘Does Television Rot Your Brain? New Evidence from the Coleman
Study’ Working Paper 12021, National Bureau of Economic Research. Available at
http://faculty.chicagogsb.edu/matthew.gentzkow/papers.html (accessed 10 December 2006)

Gosling, Jeanette & Richards, Mike (1999) ‘How young children can learn from popular television’ in
WACC vol.1. 1999, available from WACC website;
http://www.wacc.org.uk/wacc/publications/media_development/archive/1999_1/how_young_children_
can_learn_from_popular_television (accessed October 9th 2006).

Gunter, Barrie & McAleer, Jill L. (1997) Children and Television. Second edition. London:
Routledge.

Hill, Annette (2004) ‘The idea of learning: young viewers of reality TV in the U.K.’ in Feilitzen,
Cecilia Von (ed.) Young People, Soap Operas and Reality TV, Goteborg: Nordicom Goteborg
University Press

Hill, Annette (2005) Reality TV, London: Routledge

Hodge, Robert & Tripp, David (1987) Children and Television, Cambridge: Polity Press

Huntemann, Nina & Morgan, Michael (2001) ‘Mass media and identity Development’ in Singer,
Dorothy G and Singer, Jerome L (eds), Handbook of Children and the Media, London: Sage

Huston, Aletha C & Wright, John C (1997) ‘Mass Media and Children’s Development’ in Handbook of
Child Psychology fifth edition Volume 4: Child Psychology in Damon, William and et al.(eds.)
Practice. New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

Huston, A., Anderson, D., Wright, J, Linebarger, D., Schmitt, K (2001) ‘Sesame Street viewers as
adolescents: The Recontact Study. In S. Fisch and R. Truglio (eds), “G” is for “growing: Thirty years
of research on children and Sesame Street, pp. 131-144: Mahwarh, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.

Huston, A., Bickham, D., Lee, June, Wright, J (2007) ‘From Attention to Comprehension: How
children watch and learn from television’ in N. Pecora, J. Murray and E. Wartella (eds) Children and
Television: Fifty Years of Research. Mahwah, New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum, pp. 41-63

Johnston, Jerome & Ettema, James (1982) Positive Images: Breaking Stereotypes with Children’s
Television, Beverly Hills: Sage.

Jordan, Amy (2005) ‘Learning to use books and television’, in American Behavioral Scientist Vol. 48
No. 5, January 2005, London: Sage.

Kaiser Family Foundation (2006) The Media Family: Electronic Media in the Lives of Infants,
Toddlers, Preschoolers and their parents, May 2006, Menlo Park, California

Linebarger, Deborah & Walker, Dale (2005) ‘Infants’ and Toddlers’ Television Viewing and Language
Outcomes’, in American Behavioral Scientist vol. 48. No.5 January 2005 pp.624-645, London: Sage.

Lemish, D., (2007) Children and Television: A Global Perspective, Oxford: Blackwell

Lemish, D & Rice M., (1986) Television as a talking picture book. A prop for language acquisition.
Journal of Child Language, 13, 251-74

Lesser, G. (1974) Children and Television: Lessons from Sesame Street NewYork: Random House

Livingstone, Sonia (2002) Young People and New Media, London: Sage
Mares, Marie-Louise & Woodard, Emory (2001) ‘Prosocial effects on children’s social interactions’, in
Singer & Singer (eds) Handbook of Children and the Media, London: Sage.

Marsh, Jackie et al (2005) ‘Digital beginnings: Young children’s use of popular culture, media and new
technologies’ Literacy Research Centre: University of Sheffield

Morrow, Robert (2006) Sesame Street and the Reform of Children’s Television, Baltimore: The John
Hopkins University Press.

Naigles, Letitia R, & Mayeux, Lara (2001) ‘Television as Incidental Language Teacher’, in Singer &
Singer (eds) Handbook of Children and the Media, London: Sage.

Ofcom (2006) Media Literacy Audit: Report on media literacy amongst children, London: Ofcom
Pdf file download from the website is available from;
http://www.Ofcom.org.uk/advice/media_literacy/medlitpub/medlitpubrss/children/children.pdf
(accessed on 20th October 2006).

Piaget, J (1969) The Origins of Intelligence in the child, New York: International Press

Rice, M., Huston, A., Truglio, R., & Wright, J. (1990) ‘Words from “Sesame Street”: Learning
vocabulary while viewing. Developmental Psychology, 26, 421-428.

Rideout, Victoria et al (2003) ‘Zero to Six’, in a Kaiser Family Foundation Report in Fall 2003,
California: The Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation.

Rideout, Victoria et al (2006) ‘The Media Family’, in a Kaiser Family Foundation Report in May
2006, California: The Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation.

Sefton-Green, Julian (2002) ‘Cementing the Virtual Relationship; Children’s TV goes Online’ in
Buckingham, David (ed) Small Screens: Television for Children, London: Leicester University Press.

Singer, J & Singer, D (1981) Television, imagination and aggression: A study of preschoolers
Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum

Singer D. and Singer J (1994) ‘Evaluating the classroom viewing of a television series: Degrassi
Junior High’ in Zillmann, D., Braynt M and Huston A (eds) Media, Children and the family: Social
Scientific, psycho-dynamic, and clinical perspectives ( 97-115). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum

Singer, Jerome & Singer, Dorothy (1998) ‘Barney & Friends as entertainment and education:
evaluating the quality and effectiveness of television series for preschool children’ in Keiko, Joy
Asamen & Berry, Gordon L (eds.), Research, Paradigms, Television and Social Behavior, London:
Sage

Signorielli, Nancy (1991) A Sourcebook on Children and Television, London: Greenwood Press

Signorielli, Nancy & Morgan, Michael (2001) ‘Television and the family: the cultivation perspective’
in Bryant, Jennings ＆ Bryant, Alison (eds.), Television and the American Family Second Edition.
London: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates Inc.

Sprafkin, Liebert & Poulos, (1975) Effects of a prosocial televised example on children’s helping.
Journal of Experimental Child Psychology, 20, 119-126.

St Peters, M., Huston, A & Wright, J (1989) ‘Television and Families: parental co-viewing and young
children’s language development, social behaviour and television processing,’ Kansas City: paper
presented at th

Takanishi, Ruby (1982) ‘The influence of television on the ethnic identity of minority children:
conceptual framework’ in Berry, Gordon L.& Michelle-Karnan, Claudia (eds), Television and the
Socialization of the Minority Child, London: Academic Press

Vandewater, Elizabeth et al (2005) ‘No- You can’t watch That’ in American Behavioral Scientist Vol.
48, No.5 January, pp608-623

Wright, John et al (2001) ‘The relations of early television viewing to school readiness and vocabulary
of children from low-income families: the Early Window Project’ in Child Development,
September/October 2001 Vol. 72 No. 5. pp. 1347-1366, Pennsylvania: Blackwell Publishing.

Zill, N. (2001) ‘Does Sesame Street enhance school readiness? Evidence from a national survey of
children’ In S. Fisch and R. Truglio (eds), “G” is for “growing: Thirty years of research on children
and Sesame Street, pp. 97-114: Mahwarh, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.