The Women's Movement in Bangladesh: A Short History and Current Debates

Country Study
The Women’s Movement in Bangladesh

A Short History and Current Debates
Sohela Nazneen
REGIONAL
The Women’s Movement in Bangladesh:
A Short History and Current Debates
Sohela Nazneen
women. It has formulated and implemented policies and programmes that improve
the conditions for women. Bangladesh has reduced maternal mortality and fertility
rates, attained gender parity in enrolment, introduced gender quotas in government
and enacted laws that address violence against women. Women’s movement played
a critical role in bringing about these changes.
Bangladesh has a long history of women organizing to claim their rights which can
be traced back to anti colonial struggles. The actors in women’s movement have
women, gender equality in securing economic opportunities and participation,

equal representation in politics, reproductive rights, family law reforms and gender
mainstreaming in public policies.
From a movement that was mostly urban and composed of professional and middle
class women in the 1970s and 1980s, it has expanded to include a diverse set of
actors and women’s rights discourses. The growth of the NGO sector and donor
funding for Women in Development (WID) projects expanded the movement’s
outreach and made a positive impact while dealing with the state. However, these
were also double-edged swords as projectization and NGOization of women’s rights
organizations has led to deradicalization of the movement’s goals.
Given the rapidly changing economic and political contexts on both the national
which are linked to the movement’s sustainability in the future. They include: being
able to attract and retain younger activists, the decrease in international funding for
small and medium sized women’s groups, the conservative backlash against the
movement, and the shrinking space for political activism due to the rise of extremist
groups. How women’s movement actors will deal with these challenges in the
coming years remain to be seen.
REG IONA L
Contents
List of Abbreviations i
Foreword ii
Acknowledgements iii
Introduction 1
Situation of Women in Bangladesh: Uneven progress and Persistent Inequalities 2
The History of Feminist Movement in Bangladesh 5

The Emergence of ‘the Woman Question’ among Bengal-Muslims 5
(The British period-1900-1947)
Increased Presence in Challenging the Nation Building Project: 6
Pakistan Period (1947-1970)
The Bangladesh Period (1972- present) 7
The Present Day Feminist Activism —Challenges and Debates 11

Partisan Polarization of Civil Society Space 11
Impact of NGOization and Coping in a post-NGO-ized phase 12
Generational Divide 12
Middle class bias within the movement and working class women’s organizing 13
Growing Presence of Women’s Religious Groups 14
Conservative Backlash 15
Conclusions 16
Notes 19
Bibliography 22
List of Abbreviations
AIWC All Indian Women’s Conference CHT Chittagong Hill Tracts

AL Awami League GAD Gender and Development
APWA All Pakistan Women’s Association GOB Government of Bangladesh
ASK Ain O Shalish Kendra MFLO Muslim Family Law Ordinance
BLAST Bangladesh Legal Aid Services Trust PIL Public Interest Litigation
BMP Bangladesh Mohila Parishad UCC Uniform Civil Code
BNP Bangladesh Nationalist Party UFC Uniform Family Code
BNWLA Bangladesh National Women Lawyer’s Association WFW Women for Women
BOMSA Bangladesh Ovibashi Mohila Sramik Association WID Women in Development
CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination against Women
i
Foreword
The women’s movement in Bangladesh is characterized Within this framework, a series of country studies in Asia
by its great diversity with regards to its goals, strategies have been undertaken. The following study by Dr. Sohela
and its own processes of formation. Long before the Nazneen, outlines the history of women’s movement
independence of Bangladesh, various women’s rights in Bangladesh, its achievements and internal as well
groups have challenged gender discrimination in the as, external challenges for a sustainable movement in
political, social, economic and cultural spheres and have Bangladesh. We would like to express our gratitude to
achieved remarkable successes. Yet, power, resources our partner Dr. Nazneen for her hard work and thorough
and influence are still far from being equally distributed research which materialized into this excellent study.
between men and women as the structures in theses
spheres are often more favorable for men. Furthermore, The country studies which are available on the website
women’s rights movements are confronted with a (http://www.fes-asia.org/) serve as a first step to the
growing global backlash against emancipation and broader goal of stimulating debates among various
equal opportunities for all. Multiple crises at the national schools of thought in Bangladesh and Asia with a vision
and global level, such as increasing inequalities, natural to build a stronger alliance between them.
disasters and extremism are examples of additional
challenges to women’s rights movements. For socially We hope that this study can contribute to a fruitful
just and gender equal responses to these challenges, discussion and provide valuable insights for future
solidarity and coalitions among the various movements initiatives.
in Bangladesh and in Asia are essential.
It is against this background, that the Friedrich-Ebert- Franziska Korn, Afsana Tazreen,
Stiftung (FES), the oldest German political foundation, Resident Director Programme Coordinator
has started the project “Political Feminism” in countries FES Bangladesh FES Bangladesh
across Asia. The project aims to revive the debate of “the
political”: a debate about visions, goals and strategies on August, 2017
how to shape an inclusive society. In full awareness and
appreciation of the rich diversity within Bangladesh and
especially between Asian countries, the project aims to
facilitate bridges between the various school of thoughts
and movements.
ii
Acknowledgements
I am grateful to my colleagues working at the Gender Consortium and the Effective States and Inclusive
and Sexuality Cluster at IDS, University of Sussex, UK; Development (ESID) Research Centre, University of
the Centre for Gender and Social Transformation (CGST) Manchester, UK for funding my work on feminist
at the BRAC Institute of Governance and Development movement and women’s empowerment which allowed
(BIGD), BRAC University for their insights on Bangladesh me to dig deeper into the issues presented here. The
and feminist movement around the globe. I am also views expressed here are those of the author’s and not
grateful to the Pathways of Women’s Empowerment of FES.
iii
Introduction
Introduction
Feminism and women’s movement and activism1 in The blurring of boundaries takes place because of the
Bangladesh cannot be identified within a singular following reasons: First, many of the actors who are a
framework. What marks women’s movement in part of the women’s movement would locate themselves
Bangladesh is their diverse and vibrant nature. Feminist in both of the spaces. Second, using relationship with the
activists and women’s rights organizations2, despite state as a characteristic to differentiate between the two
their smaller numbers, have made their presence streams is not effective given that many of the actors in
felt through their engagements in various social both streams simultaneously work with the state while
movements, development activities, and protests against taking part in the oppositional social movements. Given
fundamentalism, violence against women and state this context, I will also focus on those women’s rights
repressions during authoritarian rule. In this paper I aim actors who are generally categorized as development
to do the following: feminists or would be referred to as development
practitioners.3
First, I will trace the history of women’s movement in
Bangladesh and how the agenda, strategies and ideas The remit of the paper is to trace the history of women’s
about women’s rights evolved. movement(s) and feminism in Bangladesh and discuss
the nature of contemporary women’s rights and feminist
Second, I will focus on the nature of the current debates activism. The historical roots of women’s movement and
and activism, the challenges that feminists and actors the shaping of discourse on women’s rights require an
of women’s movement face, and the influence women’s understanding of the influence of colonialism and the
movement has had over the years. nationalist struggle against the British and Pakistanis
on women’s rights. Contemporary feminist politics
My particular focus is on the following challenges: the has also been shaped by its interaction with the wider
difficulties of building an intergenerational movement, social, economic and political changes that occurred in
the changes in funding and resourcing for women’s Bangladesh within which feminist activism took root and
rights work, the shrinking nature of civil society space, changed over the years. In this paper, I weave in those
and the rise of women’s religious groups and what it broader historical changes and discuss the nature of the
means for the kinds of claims feminists are able to make current political context where relevant. It should be
of the representation of women’s rights concerns. noted that I will only discuss those social/political issues
that are significant for the analysis presented here.
In this essay, I set the parameters and define the
terms and concepts related to feminism. In South My paper begins with a brief description of how
Asia, feminists distinguish political feminism from Bangladeshi women’s status has changed over the years.
development feminism by delineating between the In the second section, I present a brief sketch of the
respective spaces within which feminist struggle against history of the evolution of women’s rights movement
patriarchy takes place and where feminist activists and the issues that the women’s rights actors struggled
locate themselves (Devika, 2016). Political feminism for. The third section focuses on the current debates
is located within the oppositional social movement, within the women’s movement and the challenges that
whereas development feminism has a more reform- the movement faces in Bangladesh. My conclusions are
oriented focus, stressing engagement with the state. drawn in the basis of these analyses.
In Bangladesh, this distinction is hard to maintain.
1
The Women’s Movement in Bangladesh: A Short History and Current Debates
Situation of Women in Bangladesh:

Uneven progress and Persistent Inequalities
Bangladesh is currently categorized as a lower-middle live with their in-laws in a joint household immediately
income (LMIC) country which has been experiencing a after their marriage (Save the Children, 2016).7 This
steady rate of economic growth in the last two decades. limits women’s agency when they are young wives,
A country with Muslim-majority4 with a parliamentary as women’s access to material and social resources is
system of government, it gained independence through restricted after relocation to a different village where she
a war against Pakistan in 1971. Bangladeshi society has no kin support. Social norms and norms on sexuality
is hierarchical with opportunities and has access to (i.e., control over women’s interactions with non-related
and control over social resources being determined males) and segregation between what is perceived as
based on class, gender, and location (e.g. urban/rural; a male space (e.g. village markets) and female space,
also connections made through being from the same limit options for participation in labour market and paid
district/village). Bangladeshi society is patriarchal, work. Women also experience high-levels of intimate
patrilineal (descent through male line) and patrilocal partner violence and domestic violence (BBS, 2011).
(relocation to husband’s house after marriage; Jahan,
1995). Bangladeshi society is categorized as a ‘classic In spite of the social, cultural and structural barriers,
patriarchy.’ Classic patriarchy is characterized by a women have made considerable gains since Bangladesh
corporate form of household and kinship structure, became independent in 1971. The nature of progress
where household resources are pooled and men have made by women is uneven and some gender inequalities
control over women’s labour, sexuality and mobility out- remain persistent. Various measures and actions by the
side the household. The ideology of female dependency state, NGOs, women’s rights groups have led to legal
and male guardianship is promoted through segregation changes and improved women’s health and increased
of sexes in the public5 and rigid gender division of labour opportunities for education, economic participation, and
(Kabeer, 1994). Traditionally women’s role in society presence in politics. In 2016, Bangladesh ranks as the
was limited to the private sphere. Women are primarily 127th country in UNDP’s Human Development Index.
responsible for the household chores, child rearing, and While this indicates that there is much to be done, the
caring for the extended family members living in the pace with which changes in women’s health, education,
marital home. While the dominant view of women’s role economic participation was achieved is remarkable;
in society places emphasis on their role as mothers, wives particularly because Bangladeshi women had a lower
and daughters in law, over the last 40 years this view has starting point compared to other countries in the region
been challenged as more and more women enter the and the rate of poverty reduction was modest compared
labour market and political, policy and cultural spaces to the improvement in social development indicators
(Hossain, 2017). (Hossain, 2017). The fertility rate in Bangladesh is
currently 2.3, a significant decline, compared to the
The Constitution of Bangladesh guarantees equal total fertility rate of 7.4 in 1974. The maternal mortality
participation and rights to women in the public sphere. deaths by per 100,000 live births were halved within a
In the private sphere women are not equal to men, 15-year period by 2001. Gender parity in primary and
as women’s rights within marriage and their rights to secondary education was attained by the end of 1990s
divorce, custody, inheritance are governed by religious from a situation where in the 1980s when the gender
personal laws (Pereira, 2004; Hossain, 1994). Marriage is gap in enrolment was significant (Nazneen et al. 2011).
deemed as universal for women for economic and social
security. About 66 percent of the girls are married by A much debated pathway through which Bangladeshi
the time they are 16 (Save the Children, 2016) although women have participated in market activities is through
child marriage has been banned since 1929.6 Most of the microcredit, which allow women to participate in
rural women are married outside their natal villages, and income generation activities based at home.8 Women’s
2
Situation of Women in Bangladesh: Uneven progress and Persistent Inequalities
formal wage employment has increased steadily over Women’s presence in parliament and local government
the last decade, with over 2 million women working has increased, about 18 percent and 25 percent
in the ready-made garment sector (World Bank, 2008). respectively, largely due to gender quotas (Akter and
Women have also entered public sector employment in Nazneen, 2014). However, at the national level women’s
education and health sectors in larger numbers, about presence in leaderships positions inside the key political
60 percent of the primary school teachers are women parties remain limited (Akter and Nazneen, 2014). In the
(Hossain et al. 2017). In urban areas, more women are local government, women representatives experience
entering the formal sector jobs as the number of women various attitudinal, cultural and structural barriers
graduates increase, women’s presence in the private (Pande, 2008) although there seems to be a growing
sector such as telecommunications, banking rises (World acceptance of women representative’s role in dealing
Bank, 2008). However overall women’s labour force with disputes on family matters.
participation is low compared to other countries which
is about 36 per cent during 2006-2010 (Rahman and These changes mentioned above have been brought
Islam, 2013). The majority of the women are engaged through the implementation of state-led health
as home-based workers or working in family farms or and population-control programs, universal primary
engaged in the informal sector, which indicates they education provision and secondary school stipend for
face specific vulnerabilities related to absence of formal girls, various income generation schemes for women
contracts, work security, and do not have access to social promoted by the state and NGOs. While the state and
security. NGO actors have created these development programs
Table 1: Situation of Women in Bangladesh
Category Status
Women’s Suffrage 1947
Life expectancy 72
School Enrolment (primary and secondary) Gender parity in enrolment
Literacy rate 56 per cent adult women
Labour Force participation 26 per cent.20.8 million micro-credit borrowers are women; over 2
million garment workers)
Domestic violence 87 percent of the ever married women in nationally representative
surveyed (2011) said they had experienced some form of domestic
violence in the last year
Representation in Parliament 18 per cent (300 general seats ; 45 seats are reserved)
Representation in local government 25 percent (each union has three reserved seats for women)
Quota in government 15 per cent
Child Marriage 66 percent of 16 year olds are married
Equal rights in marriage, divorce, inheritance, custody No (for Muslim and Hindu women)
Law banning child marriage Yes; 1929
Laws against domestic violence Yes; 2010
Special Law preventing violence against women and children 1998
Signatory to CEDAW Yes (reservation on article 2)
Women’s Ministry established 1979
National women’s development policy Yes, 1997 (amended 2004; 2011)
Source: Nazneen et al. 2011; Save the Children, 2016, BBS 2011;
3
and policies, a key thing to note is that Bangladeshi resistant to change. While women are participating
women were willing and able to participate in these in significant numbers in the workplace, the market
various schemes to improve their lot and make the remains highly sex-stereotyped with certain professions
most of these opportunities (Mahmud, 2017). Women’s deemed ‘suitable’ for women such as teaching, nursing,
movement actors, as we will see in sections III and IV, domestic work, home-based entrepreneurial work. It is
were pivotal in mobilizing for policy change, pressuring argued that increased women’s presence in public sphere
the state, raising general awareness and challenging the has also drawn attention to high levels of incidence
debate around women’s rights. of sexual harassment of women in public and in the
workplace. While women’s presence in formal political
In spite of these rapid gains, the table above shows that institutions has increased, gender equity concerns have
the progress has been uneven. Moreover, some of the little currency in mainstream politics.
gender inequalities have remained persistent which are
reflected in women’s lower nutritional and health status While these persistent inequalities indicate there is a
compared to men, the gender wage gap, the smaller long-road ahead for attaining gender equity, the hope
number of women in political and economic leadership lies in the fact that Bangladeshi women have
positions and the high levels of violence experienced demonstrated ability and leadership in organizing
by women inside the home and in the public sphere. for their rights and demanding societal change and
Women are still primarily responsible for undertaking the integration of gender agenda into the national
unpaid care work in the family and the community, development agenda. In the following section, I will
which leads to women having longer workdays and less trace the history of women’s rights movement in
time for leisure (Huq, 2013). Ideas around gender division Bangladesh and its impact on shaping discourses around
of labour and complementarity of gender roles remain women’s rights.
4
The History of Feminist Movement in Bangladesh
Bangladesh has a long history of women organizing and rights in society. While women’s participation in these
mobilizing to claim their rights. This can be traced back public debates was intense and led to women having
to the anti-colonial struggles against the British, and a public ‘voice’ and expressions of selfhood (Azim and
in the nationalist struggle against the Pakistanis. The Hasan, 2014; Amin, 1994); their views were influenced
development of women’s rights discourse and activism by the mainstream modernist (male) discourse although
may be ‘historically divided into three distinct phases, there are exceptions (Azim et al., 2009). For example,
each with its own focus and level of gender awareness’ Rokeya Shakhawat Hossain (1880-1932), a prolific
(Jahan, 1995:90). writer and social reformer, made incisive and trenchant
critiques against women’s subordination, purdah norms,
The Emergence of ‘the Woman Question’ among the patriarchal nature of Islam (Jahan, 1995). She was
Bengal-Muslims (The British period-1900-1947)9 an original thinker and drew on political thought and
The social reform movement of the 19th century laid the philosophy from both Eastern and Western tradition.
foundation for women’s equality through reforms in Rokeya passionately advocated for women’s education,
education and abolition of practices such as sati (widow autonomy, economic independence and mobility and
immolation), child marriage, infanticide, etc.,-where set up a school for Muslim girls (Jahan, 1995). Rokeya
men carried out these reforms, on behalf of women and her associates found support among the modernists
who largely acted more as passive recipients (Brote, for their work on education and social reform; however
2013). These reforms were largely spearheaded by the neither the modernists nor the traditionalists supported
Hindu (or Brahmo) social leaders in Bengal targeting Rokeya’s critique of patriarchy and its link to religion
practices within their community, but debates on social (Azim, 2016). Her writings still inspire Bangladeshi
reform also engulfed the Muslims of Bengal. In fact, women and provide an important historical and cultural
the ‘woman question’ (Jayawardena, 1986) was central background to contemporary women’s movement and
to the identity and nation building debate among the feminist thought and activism in Bangladesh.
Muslim social leaders and intellectuals in Bengal. These
two groups differed on strategy with the traditionalists The Swadeshi movement in Bengal in 1905 (protesting
advocating for revival and preservation of gender norms the division of the Bengal province) created scope
and custom and the modernists advocating adaptation for women’s participation in nationalist struggle for
and change. Modernists advocated for women’s access independence in colonial India. However, Muslim women
to education, so women would become good mothers were not largely part of this struggle as Muslims were
and wives. They also called for the relaxation of extreme largely in favour of the division. The women’s movement
segregation and women’s increased participation in colonial India is said to have taken off in the 1920s by
in public through welfare and social work, arguing building onto the social reform movement. Women in
that purdah norms are about maintaining modesty of Bengal voluntarily participated in the Non-Cooperation
dress and behaviour in public. They were inspired by movement (Osohojog Andolon). The majority of the
the example of countries such as Turkey which was women’s organizations were linked to political parties.
experimenting with modernization after the revolution While anti-colonial struggles created scope for women’s
led by Kemal Ataturk (Jahan, 1995). participation in politics and the public sphere, issues
relating to women’s emancipation were relegated largely
Urban educated middle-class and upper-class women to the social, cultural and spiritual realm (Roy, 2010).
from modernist families actively participated in this During this time, the issue of women’s equal rights in
debate through writing in magazines, literary journals marriages and inheritance and the idea of a uniform
and pamphlets. They also engaged in community civil code (UCC) was raised by the All Indian Women’s
welfare activities through charity and relief work.10 These Conference (AIWC-established in 1927, affiliated with
activities, of course, indicate the dominance of a particular the Congress Party) and regional women’s organizations
class in shaping the discourse around women’s role and led by the Communist women. But these demands did
5
not lead to wider social or political support for radical with other organizations led to the development of a
restructuring of familial relationships (Roy, 2010). This sense among women that they could mobilize around
lack of wider social and political support for restructuring issues that affected all women (from different class and
familial relationship still holds true for India, Pakistan and locations) and challenge the state. The state, at that
Bangladesh. time, was willing to change the law as it wanted to
project a ‘modern’ image and ensure its legitimacy. The
By 1930s and 1940s, Muslim women in colleges and movement was successful and led to the formulation of
universities, albeit in smaller numbers, participated in the Muslim Family Law Ordinance (MFLO) in 1961 that
the political movement for the creation of Pakistan (a curtailed unilateral rights of Muslim men in divorce and
separate state for Muslims, comprising of the Muslim polygamy and set a minimum age of marriage (Mansoor,
majority provinces of colonial India). Women’s active 1999; Hossain, 1994). The influence of this history of
participation in this national movement ‘resulted in the how women mobilized for reform under military rule,
idea of national independence being imbued with the would inspire women’s movement actors and feminists
notions of women’s rights and freedoms’ (Azim et al. in Bangladesh to organize around family law reform and
2009: 1), although as history would show this was not also challenge the military rule during the 1980s, and
without its problems. later on, to organize under democratic rule in the 1990s.
While the movement for family law reform was a shining
Increased Presence in Challenging the Nation period for solidarity among the women’s rights activists
Building Project: Pakistan Period (1947-1970) in the two-wings of Pakistan, this did not to last. The
Pakistan, formed on the basis of a common religious differences of culture and language between the two
identity, was geographically divided into two wings- wings (where Urdu language and West Pakistani culture
East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) and West Pakistan. In was emphasized). Attempts were made by the military
the early years, gender issues were subsumed under rulers to Islamize at the state level which led to the
the nation building project and later on in the larger creation of a movement which stressed Bengali identity
political and national struggles. Like earlier efforts by and culture. Female students at the universities and
women, urban middle class and upper class women colleges actively took part in these movements. Women
engaged in relief work and rehabilitation of the migrants (their attire, cultural activities) became powerful symbols
and refugees from India (those who left India after of Bengali nationalism (Jahan, 1995). Issues related
partition). These women were members of women’s economic equity between the two wings and repression
wings of political parties, and some also established by the military dictators of political freedom led to the
voluntary organizations. However, their numbers and demand for the autonomy of East Pakistan, spearheaded
activities were limited to urban areas. Many, because of by the Awami League (AL). Urban women were a part of
restrictions of mobility, were not aware about the issues this collective struggle. The first national level women’s
and realities face by rural women.11 Among the women’s rights organization in East Pakistan, Mohila Parishad
organizations that were formed during this time, a (later Bangladesh Mohila Parishad, the largest national
prominent role was played by the All Pakistan Women’s level membership based women’s rights organization),
Association (AWPA), a state sponsored national level was established during this time. Young women activists
organization led by the wives of government officials linked to the left parties, along with senior leaders of
(Shehabuddin, 2008; Jahan, 1995; Kabeer, 1988). Awami League’s women’s wing, played a pivotal role in
the formation of the organization (Jahan, 1995). They
The first organized nation-wide activism around women’s advocated for the release of political prisoners, protested
issues was the demand for the reform of Muslim family against military rule and for democratic elections.
laws. The movement was led by APWA in both wings, Women’s active role in the national struggle would lead
which collected about 55,000 signatures in favour of the to consciousness among women’s about their economic
reform, engaged in debates through writing and public and political entitlements and raise expectations about
meetings (Khan, 2016; Shehabuddim, 2008; Jahan, how state should ensure gender equality in public and
1995). The broad based alliance that APWA created private life (Jahan, 1995; Azim, 2016).
6
The Bangladesh Period (1972- present) (Jahan, 1995). However, the continued marginalization
Over the years, women’s organizations and feminist of women in public and policy space further heightened
organizations have mobilized around various issues their awareness against gender discrimination. For
including: women’s political participation, economic example, the First Five Year Plan only identified women’s
empowerment, gender mainstreaming in public policies, development need in terms of motherhood and
religious-personal law reforms, violence against women rehabilitation of war victims. This led to the formation
etc. (Kabeer, 1988; Jahan 1995). There is a wide diversity of Women for Women (WFW) by feminist academics
among the women’s groups and feminist organizations as a research and advocacy group to produce policy
in Bangladesh- ranging from small, local-level samities relevant research and gather data on women. The first
to larger membership-based associations to mass-level Bangladeshi publication of a comprehensive report on
national organizations. I explore the following issues: women’s situation in Bangladesh was by this group in
a) how the women’s rights agenda have evolved over 1975 (Jahan, 1995, Banu, 2015).
the years; b) the strategies women’s movement actors
have used to engage with the state and the international Political instability, a series of military coups, famine and
development discourse, and c) how the movement was economic crisis during the early and mid-1970s led to
influenced by the wider national political, economic increased insecurity and erosion of traditional kinship
and social contexts and negotiated its position vis a vis support networks. It also led to a growing awareness
Western feminist thought. among the women’s movement actors about the difficult
conditions faced by rural women. This awareness also
Gathering Strength, Broadening Scope, and deepened through women’s engagement in the non-
Consolidation governmental sector as workers and also in implementing
In the immediate aftermath of the war, the government international development projects. It was during this
of Bangladesh faced the challenge of rehabilitating the time, that we see the beginnings of women headed
victims of rape (by the Pakistani army and their local development NGOs, such as Banchte Shekha (Learning
collaborators) and the war widows. While the plight to Live) outside of Dhaka (ibid, 1995).
of the rape victims had been used to mobilize public
opinion nationally and internationally, the state and Breakdown of the law and order situation led to increased
societal response in terms of rehabilitation and support crimes against women such as acid attacks, kidnapping,
for the rape survivors were inadequate (Saikia, 2011). murder etc. Class and gender inequalities also deepened
The interventions- suspension of law against abortion during this time, and increased impoverishment in rural
to permit abortion on an industrial scale, a temporary and urban areas led to increased demand for dowry
law to permit international adoption of war babies, and and dowry related violence.12 Increased incidence of
the various integration efforts signalled the transfer of violence against women led to the formation of legal aid
responsibility to ‘protect’ women from the society to organizations for women, such as Bangladesh National
the state (Mookerjee, 2007). The reintegration schemes Women Lawyer’s Association (BNWLA) to provide
for survivors of rape through marriage and equipping support to the victims. By 1980s, the authoritarian
them to earn a living were underlined by the fact that ruler was entrenched in power (General Ershad) and
the restoration of the social order depended on the civil and political rights were further eroded. General
restoration of the sexual order. Ershad attempted to legitimize his rule by Islamizing the
state. It was in this context that autonomous feminist
Many of the urban based women’s organizations and organizations such as Naripokhkho (For Women) were
feminist leaders took part in the relief and rehabilitation formed who were willing to forward feminist critiques
work. State and society’s inadequate response made of the state outside the development paradigm (Azim,
them acutely aware about the vulnerable position 2016). This decade also witnessed the formation of
of women in the society (Shehabuddin, 2008). The women’s groups such as Karmojibi Nari (working
women’s rights groups were newly formed, with limited women) that focused on women worker’s rights. These
membership, and feared patriarchal backlash against the groups emerged as more women migrated from rural
survivors of rape, and did not mobilize around this issue areas for formal and informal work.13
7
Ideological Positions to women). They also were at the forefront in the

Ideologically, the women’s groups that were formed movement against trafficking of women and children,
between 1970s and 1990s had many different positions. rape in police custody, rape by the police, and acid
Marxist thinking and analysis had inspired Bangladesh violence against women and girls.18 These movements
Mohila Parishad (BMP), Karmojibi Nari (Working led to the enactment of special laws addressing violence
Women) and others and they had links with the left against women and children-the Nari o Shishu Nirjaton
political parties (Banu, 2015). Women for Women and Domon Ain- of 1998 (amended 2000). The 1990s, also
other organizations working on development policy witnessed issue specific coalitions being formed around
research and implementing development projects were reproductive and health rights. Women’s organizations
influenced by liberal feminist analysis and the women providing legal aid to women also pushed for changes
in development (WID) discourse.14 Groups such as and reform of family laws.19 This was partly inspired by the
Naripokkho were perceived as radical by other women’s Convention of Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination
rights groups as they stressed women’s autonomy Against Women (CEDAW’s Article 2), and partly by the
and were willing to publicly raise concerns related to experience of the legal aid organizations that tried to
women’s sexuality and bodily integrity (Azim, 2016). All assist women in matters related to divorce, inheritance
of these groups laid claims to the feminist analysis by etc. The women lawyers and women’s movement actors
Rokeya and other writers to stress that the ideas about researched and developed the draft of a Uniform Family
women’s rights had its historical roots in Bangladeshi Code (UFC) and held consultations at the national and
society (Nazneen et al. 2011b). They were also inspired local levels (Pereira, 2002, Banu, 2015). However, the
by the ideals of the liberation war. Over the years the draft was resisted by religious minority groups and the
ideological distinction between the different groups has state was unwilling to reform religious personal laws
blurred. for the fear of an Islamist backlash (ibid; Shehabuddin,
2008).
Alliance and Coalitions Building around specific
issues: violence against women, religious personal Tensions within the Movement
laws, reproductive rights and challenging During the early years after the democratic transition and
Islamization throughout the decade of 1990s, Bangladesh witnessed
During the 1980s women’s movement actors galvanized an opening of space and vibrant debates among the
and challenged the state on many different issues. The women’s movement actors and feminists about whether
ones that stand out are the movements for: an anti-dowry the movement was inclusive or not. These debates on
law,15 a special law on provisioning deterrent punishment inclusivity focused on whether issues and concerns of
for violence against women,16 and establishment of women from different classes, ethnic minority and
Family Courts (Jahan, 1995; Mansoor, 1999). Parts of the religious minority groups and marginalized communities
women’s movement were also at the forefront leading were adequately represented. The movement was also
the protest against the Eighth amendment of the tested by the various political developments that brought
Constitution which declared Islam as the state religion to the forefront tensions within the different groups.
under General Ershad’s rule (Azim, 2016). They formed a
coalition to protest these developments and filed a court The discussions around the formulation of a Uniform
case challenging the amendment.17 Violence against Family Code (UFC) highlighted to the feminists the legal
women and Islamization of the state would be two inequalities that existed among the women belonging to
themes that women’s movement actors will continue to the different religious communities (Pereira, 2002;Banu,
mobilize against throughout the decade of 1990s and 2015). For example, Muslim women in Bangladesh have
also the last decade. the right to divorce but Hindu women do not. However
the drafting of the code meant that the system of
In the 1990s, women’s movement played a key role religious personal law needed to change. This placed
in legally challenging and building across the nation a women’s rights activists from religious minority groups
public support against fatwa (religious edicts given by in a difficult position as in many cases their activism for
rural imams and mowlanas that are often detrimental reform pitted them against their community’s position to
8
secure their religious freedom and maintain a separate actors, including the state officials and political leaders.
identity in a Muslim majority state (Nazneen, 2013). The While in the 1980s, the women’s movement had taken
movement actors were also divided over how to position an oppositional position in relation to the state after the
themselves in relation to the fatwa issued against democratic transition in 1990, the relationship with the
Taslima Nasrin (a writer who had critiqued various state had evolved to be a more co-operative one (Azim,
provisions in the Qu’ran).20 While these actors agreed on 2016). The Beijing preparation process also opened up
defending the principles of freedom of expression and spaces for engagement with the state, and the state was
stood against the act of fatwa against writers, they were willing to engage on women’s rights issues (Banu, 2015).
divided over the insensitivity demonstrated by the author The state has always maintained a contradictory position
(Azim, 2016; Banu, 2015). Moreover, many of women’s when it comes to women’s rights. On the one hand, it has
movement actors are practising women themselves and enacted and implemented progressive laws and policies
found the remarks made by the author offensive. for promoting women’s rights. The availability of donor
funding for women in development projects and the
The conflict between the Bengali community and the international development discourse around women’s
Hill people (ethnic minority groups based in Chittagong rights (i.e., the UN Decade for Women) influenced the
Hill Tracts)21 and the military presence in the CHT region state to focus on women’s education, fertility control
gained national attention during this decade. The Hill and economic participation for building women’s ability
Women’s Federation highlighted their experiences of to contribute to the national development process
marginalization and vulnerability during decades of (Jahan, 1995). The state was also motivated to focus
conflict in this region (Azim, 2016; Mohsin, 1997).22 The on these issues to gain international legitimacy. On
issues raised by the Hill women led to the questioning the other hand, the state has many times acted to
of whether the movement was inclusive or not and sustain male privilege as seen in its reluctance to reform
whether it had been able to take an effective position in religious personal laws (Jahan, 1995). The espousal of
addressing these concerns (Azim, 2016). The movement Islam by the military dictators in the late 1970s and
also had to explore whether it promoted Bengali/ Muslim 1980s, and tacit and overt alliances formed by the
identities over non Bengali/non-Muslim identities. two main centrist parties (the Awami League and the
Bangladesh Nationalist Party) with the Islamist parties to
Another issue that sharply divided the women’s rights form governments after the democratic transition have
activists is whether the movement was able to effectively limited space for raising women’s rights issues that are
represent the concerns of various marginalized groups. linked to religion.24
This was sharply brought into focus when the sex workers
were being evicted from brothels by the powerful elites Influence of International development agenda
in their communities in the 1990s. Eviction increased and expansion of the NGO sector
the vulnerability of the sex workers and the workers The feminist organizations and their actions in
organized to resist these moves and to ensure their Bangladesh have also been influenced by the following
right to work (Azim, 2016). This raised questions within factors: a) the role of the international agencies and
the movement in terms of whether the movement was the gender and development discourse which created
effective in providing support to marginalized groups23. scope for funding various gender projects and programs;
and b) the expansion of the NGO sector in the 1980s
Evolving relations with the state and its challenges and 1990s (Banu, 2015). These contextual factors have
During the late 1980s and the 1990s women’s worked as double-edged swords. The availability of
movement actors, particularly Women for Women, donor funding for gender and development created
organized various national conventions on specific space for feminists to enter and participate in various
themes that brought different women’s rights groups, policy spaces. The UN Decade for Women (1975-1985)
policy actors, state officials and political leaders together. and the Beijing conference preparation process opened
These national conventions provided recommendations up policy spaces for women. The Beijing consultative
to the state for making changes and were effective process also created scope for national and local level
platforms for exchanging ideas with a wide range of consultations among different groups in and outside of
9
Dhaka on women’s rights issues. These consultations led services and creating access to microcredit for income/
to the creation of national level women’s networks, such employment generation. The NGO sector also employs a
as the Doorbar Network, that brought small women’s significant number of women and many women’s rights
organizations outside of Dhaka in regular contact with activists have also established or worked for development
Dhaka based organizations. However, external funding or rights-based NGOs. However, the expansion of the
and relationship with donors have also placed feminist / ‘NGO-model’ of implementing women’s empowerment
women’s organizations in a difficult position, where their projects/ programs has depoliticized the women’s rights
activities have been characterized as ‘Western imports’ agenda to some extent. This is because the NGO-model
by the wider public (Nazneen and Sultan, 2014). of work led to a focus where the women’s empowerment
agenda had shifted towards individual empowerment
The expansion of the NGO sector in the 1990s created and women’s development work, and less emphasis is
scope for feminists to increase the number of allies placed on collective mobilization for structural change
and expanded their outreach. Bangladeshi NGOs have (Halim-Chowdhury, 2009; Nazneen and Sultan, 2009;
actively promoted women’s rights and gender equity, Sabur, 2013)25.
with many of them targeting women as clients of
10
The Present Day Feminist Activism —Challenges and Debates
The last decade and the present decade witnessed rapid has created further challenges to feminist organizing. In
changes in the wider political and social contexts. Ideas the following paragraphs, I discuss the various challenges
on women’s rights have been ‘side-streamed’ (Alveraz, and the kinds of debates these have raised within the
2009) into other movements and the official policy movement.
documents routinely recognize women as development
agents. The movement oversaw some hard won legal and Partisan Polarization of Civil Society Space
policy changes. These include: the formulation of laws In the post authoritarian period, particularly in the last
addressing domestic violence (The Domestic Violence decade, many civil society actors became sharply aligned
Act of 2010) and the Hindu marriage Registration Act; with one of the two mainstream political parties. In a
the enactment of the National Women’s Development polarized civil society space, the perusal of particular
Policy, 2011; the legal recognition of transgender rights-based agenda may be interpreted as aligning
identity; the repeal of two-finger test in rape cases. The with either the Awami League (AL) or the Bangladesh
movement has been effective in creating various policy Nationalist Party (BNP), leading to losing one’s credibility
coalitions for mobilizing on specific issues. The women’s and standing. In this polarized context, women’s rights
movement actors have learned to work closely with the organizations have faced difficulties in building wide
mainstream print media to garner attention for their alliances and coalitions on gender transformative issues
demand over the years, however feminist discourse is as they feared that alignment with particular groups
largely absent in the electronic media. Through alliance may lead to a loss of credibility. This has limited the
and coalition building the women’s movement actors movement’s ability to interact across a wider section of
have also maintained its ties with rights based NGOs political and civil society and street activism.
and other social movement actors. The leadership of the
coalitions and alliances have been largely undertaken Polarization of civil society space and increased
by the established women’s rights organizations such marginalization within the mainstream political space
as those discussed in the previous section. Although have made the women’s movement actors dependent
there are instances where a new network organization excessively on personal relationships with the state
has served as the secretariat on a specific issue based bureaucracy and policy actors to exert influence and
network. For example, We Can is currently serving advance gender equity concerns in policy spaces
as the Secretariat for the domestic violence campaign (Nazneen and Sultan, 2014).This, of course, leads to
network and STEPS has served as the co-ordinator for women’s movement actors behaving as ‘interest groups’
the network on CEDAW shadow reporting. However, or ‘pressure groups’ when it comes to interacting with
the creation of these board alliances and coalitions on the state and not as an oppositional force that takes the
specific issues does not imply that the movement was state to task (Azim, 2016).It also raises questions about
able to successfully address the hierarchies within that whether reliance on personal networks is a sustainable
are based on class, age, locations. strategy as the class composition of the movement
and of the political elite changes (see discussion on
The last decade also witnessed the rise of many different generational divide). As the nature of politics changes
types of challenges to women’s rights organizing and in Bangladesh, where the space and voice for non-
activism. The women’s movement is grappling with the politically aligned smaller groups shrinks, women’s
complexities of entering a phase where the forms and rights organizations face a challenge in maintaining
ways of organizing and mobilizing had dramatically its influence over national policy and political debates.
altered from the previous decades. The ascendency of These developments have led to questions within the
the conservative religious forces in politics means that movement about how feminist organizations may
the space for engaging the state on women’s rights issue position themselves and build feminist constituencies
is shrinking. The generational shift within the movement (Azim, 2016).
11
Impact of NGOization and Coping in a post-NGO- related activities that are media and event focused, and
ized phase can be easily quantified for the donors. Project-ization
NGOization26 has affected the autonomy and and NGO-ization have also led to member’s time being
accountability of women’s rights organizations in different monetized in women’s rights organizations, leading to a
ways depending on their size, resources, leadership and division between paid staff and volunteer members. The
location (whether local or national). The national-level senior members of national-level women’s organizations
feminist organizations have been able to manage the still devote a considerable amount of volunteer time
NGOization process in a strategic manner compared to for the development of the organizations, however
the smaller local-level women’s organizations. recruiting and mobilizing new members has been
difficult (Nazneen and Sultan, 2012).
Smaller women’s rights organizations, set up in rural
areas, adopted the developmental NGO model of funded In short, though NGO-ization of the movement had
projects, professional staff, and management by a more some positive impacts in terms of capacity building and
formal board. For these organizations, engagements increasing outreach of the women’s rights organizations,
and working with development NGOs in funded projects it has changed styles and forms of mobilizing and
built management skills. Interactions with other NGOs, affected the autonomy of the movement. In the post-
women’s rights networks and groups promoting human NGOized phase it has raised questions within the
rights, enhanced the capacity of some of these smaller movement about whether the movement has been de-
organizations to contribute to debates around women’s politicised given its excessive policy-focus work to fit
rights and gender equality. Inevitably, the activities of the donor funded agenda (Sabur, 2013; Halim-Chowdhury,
smaller organizations had to be tailored to the funding 2010, Banu, 2015). NGOization also raised concerns
environment and had created difficulties for them to act about the sustainability of and the solidarity within the
autonomously (Nazneen and Sultan, 2009). movement as the funding for women’ rights related work
shrinks for small and medium sized organizations.28 The
While the national-level membership based feminist smaller organizations struggle for survival as they face
organizations were able to raise funds through provision increased competition from sister-organizations who
of consultancy and training services, the impetus for are competing for the same resources. As bi-lateral and
seeking donor funding arose out of the realization that multilateral funding reduces women’s rights work, there
voluntary activism had its limits and that they needed to is an increased need to emphasize and rely on the non-
expand and sustain their outreach services such as pro monetary resources such as, member’s time, relationship
bono legal aid, shelters for women etc. Some of these with allies, partnerships that organizations’ possess.
organizations, such as the Bangladesh Mohila Parishad However the challenge remains for the movement to
(BMP), Naripokhkho, Women for Women, Bangladesh devise strategies that deepens the solidarity within the
National Women Lawyer’s Association (BNWLA), movement to weather out the difficulties posed by
attempted to ensure that there was a consistency shrinking resources.
between the organizational goals and specific donor
mandates when securing funding. They also tried Generational Divide
to retain control over their agenda and protect their Younger urban-based feminist activists use the term
autonomy by keeping their core activities separate from ‘feminist impasse’ (Siddiqui, 2011) to refer to the
project-funded work (Nazneen and Sultan, 2012).27 divergence between the different generations of
feminists in the way they choose to engage with the
While the above strategies helped in maintaining feminist movement and mobilizing activities. National-
autonomy, nonetheless these organizations have level women’s rights and feminist organizations are
been influenced by the process of NGO-ization. The facing difficulties recruiting and retaining younger
organizational procedures are standardized, formalized members in the urban areas. There are many reasons
and somewhat bureaucratic. Styles and forms of that contribute to the declining numbers. NGO-ization
mobilization used by these organizations have also of the movement has led to conceptualization and
changed. There is an excessive emphasis on advocacy- framing of women’s rights in a particular manner. The
12
veterans of the movement argue that their younger forms of activism are different, and the older generation
members, who grew up during the time when NGO- had not effectively deployed the use of social media and
model of doing gender/ women’s rights was ubiquitous, other innovative means (e.g. cartoon competition, photo
have a more professionalized approach to women’ s exhibitions, movie screening, school tours, quiz contests
rights rather than a movement-oriented approach. While etc.) to draw in the younger crowd. In fact, some of the
the younger members admit to this point made by the other social movements, such as the anti-corruption
veterans, they also argue back that a ‘professionalized’ movement, organizations on environmental movement
approach does not mean they are less committed. Some have successfully used these strategies and are popular
have also argued that there is a tendency among the among the young (Nazneen and Sultan, 2012). This has
veterans to idealize a specific type of movement building raised questions within the established movement about
approach which constrains innovation (Nazneen and the strategies to draw in younger members.
Sultan, 2012).29
Online writer groups and student organizations at public
What both groups agree on is that NGO-ization’s influence universities have mobilized around women’s rights issues,
on monetizing the labour used for organization building particularly on sexual harassment in university campuses
and mobilizing had increased tensions between the paid and consequently, are active on the social media. In the
staff and younger members of these organizations. The last few years there have been episodic collaborations
younger members feel that they should be compensated between established feminist organizations and these
for their time for doing similar kinds of work that paid groups. These include the established feminist groups
staff undertake. There is a sharp decrease of voluntarism participating in the specific events along with digital
among many of the younger members of women’s activists and students such as protest against violence
rights and feminist organizations partly due to their against women (for example, One Billion Rising in
more professional approach (Sultan, 2010; George and 2013), or women’s legal aid organizations providing
Nazneen, 2010). However, there are socioeconomic legal counselling to victims of sexual harassment at
realities that contribute to younger members investing public universities or coming out in support of student
less time. Younger members have less family support movements against harassment. However debates exist
with the breakdown of extended families and they face within the women’s movement and among the younger
increased financial pressure and these contribute to the generation of activists whether these collaborations
younger members having less time for uncompensated would lead to a lasting relationship. Interestingly,
work. the number of younger members of the women’s
organizations in district towns is rising. These members
There are many reasons why young middle-class urban of small local-level women’s organizations30 join feminist
women have not joined/or continued as members of networks to access donor funding, strengthen their
different women’s rights and feminist organizations. social capital and deepen their belief in women’s rights
Focus groups among students, young professional (George and Nazneen, 2010).
women and development workers reveal the following.
First, they argue that there is a lack of space and Middle class bias within the movement and
democracy within some women’s rights and feminist working class women’s organizing
organizations (not an uncommon feature in Bangladeshi Another key issue that has been heatedly contested
social movement organizations), which discourage young within the movement and by feminist academics is the
leadership. Second, the vanguards of the movement middle-class prejudices present within the women’s
have failed to engage with the issues that attract the movement. As we have seen, most of the women’s rights
younger women and men, such as sexuality, web based organizations and feminist organizations in Bangladesh
activism, climate change, transparency in corporate and were initially composed of urban-based professional,
energy sectors; thus feminists have lost relevance to the elite and middle-class women. They were able to
younger crowd (Siddique, 2011). Many of the urban- volunteer their time. Being able to volunteer time for
based younger feminists (development professionals, an organization and movement building in Bangladesh
cultural activists and students) argue that modes and is distinctly linked to class (Roy, 2011). Socioeconomic
13
conditions limit working-class women’s ability to volunteer safe public spaces that are free from sexual harassment
for movement activities. It was only in the 1990s, that the etc. Instances of effective collaborations between trade
availability of donor funding for associations composed unions or workers organizations and women’s rights
of working-class women, led to the establishment of movement are few, but exchanges have taken place over
independent working class women’s associations. These the concerns mentioned.
include, for example, Bangladesh Ovibahsi Mohila Sramik
Association (BOMSA), migrant women’s association or Growing Presence of Women’s Religious Groups
Awaj Foundation, an organization set up by a garment In the last two decades, Bangladesh has witnessed the
worker. Establishment of these associations opened up growth of a wide variety of women’s religious groups
routes for their participation in women’s movement (Huq, 2010; Shehabuddin, 2008). Previously, some
building activities. Previously working class women were women were active as members of the student wings of
unable to volunteer their time and needed to work.31 Islamist parties and within the party itself, though their
This socioeconomic class dimension of voluntarism, have role was largely limited to raising funds and support for
raised question within women’s movement, particularly the party among women (Shehabuddin, 2008). Recent
among the young feminists, about the normative years saw the rise of informal discussion groups on the
ideal that voluntarism occupies within the Bangladeshi Qu’ran for women, popularly known as taleem groups.
feminist movement (Nazneen and Sultan, 2012). They are popular in both urban and rural areas and span
across classes. These groups provide religious guidance
While the last two decades have witnessed the emergence on matters that are relevant for the women members and
of working class women’s organizations (such as Awaj are largely non-political. While these groups emphasize
Foundation, BOMSA), which may lead to a shift in class the complementarity aspect of gender roles, they also
composition of the current movement, the impact of this use the language of rights and entitlements for women
shift is yet undetermined. Networks of working women to be able to exercise agency within the home and in
have been facilitated recently by established groups public (Huq and Khondakar, 2011).
such as Karmojibi Nari, however the effectiveness of
these networks are yet to be seen. Women’s voice inside The appeal the above discourse couched in the terms
most of the trade unions, despite having a few strong such as empowerment and rights have raised difficult
women leaders in the ready-made-garments sector, questions for the women’s rights movement. The
is marginalized in most formal sectors. This is partly discourse on the empowering aspects of Islam for
because apart from the ready-made-garment sector, women has shifted the ground on which so far the links
where most workers are predominantly women, other between women and religion have been discussed in
formal sectors are largely male-dominated. The trade the mainstream (Azim, 2016). The entry of the religious
union culture in Bangladesh remains patriarchal. The women’s groups into the ‘public domain that has been
possibility of violence and confrontation with the police the general purview of the feminists’ (Azim 2016:220)
discourages many female workers to participate in trade using the language of rights, have eroded the claim
unions (Mahmud, 2010).32 In recent years, Bangladesh that organized religious groups tend to work against
has witnessed the rise of participation of women workers women’s interests. The growth and popularity of these
in various kinds of protests related to wage, work hours groups have raised many questions among the feminists
and work safety. Whether this increased participation and women rights activists. Should the growth of these
will lead to change and the creation of border alliances groups be interpreted as a ‘weakening of the ground
remains to be seen. on which secular feminism (division between private
piety and public action) rests’ (Azim, 2016: 220)?It
It should be noted that feminist academics and women’s also raised questions if women’s religious groups that
rights workers have raised these concerns at the policy emphasize women’s rights and entitlements could be
level for many years. There are possible areas for creating allies on specific issues such as, violence against women
boarder issue based alliances within the movement (Huq, 2010). The women’s rights groups were split on
on issues such as housing for working women, work this issue. The secular feminist groups, who espoused
safety concerns, transport, decent work opportunities, a separation between the state and the private sphere,
14
took the position that collaboration was not possible equality in matters that challenge deeper power
given the ideological differences. Some women’s structures is yet to gain a wider acceptance among the
rights activists and writers were open to consider these public. The public discourse in the digital space around
issues.33 However, the rise of Hefazat-e Islami, a loose specific incidents related to sexual harassment and assault
Islamic platform, that specifically mobilized against the also revealed that the society is still deeply patriarchal
online activists in Shahbag in 2013, also had an explicitly on these issues. This was apparent in the debates that
anti-women’s rights agenda had restricted the space took place after the Pohela Boishakh (Bengali New Year)
available for dialogue between the different groups.34 incident in 2015 where women were sexually molested
This development changed the wider context, and by groups of men at an event celebrating the Bengali
collaborations with women’s religious groups have been New Year. The discourses were similar to what a certain
pushed to the side-lines. MP had voiced after the New Year’s Eve incident in
2000, when a woman was publicly stripped by a male
Conservative Backlash crowd on Dhaka University campus after midnight. The
The conservative backlash against women’s rights is entrenched nature of patriarchal public discourse on
nothing new in Bangladesh. In the decades of 1980s and women’s sexuality, particularly questioning the freedom
1990s contestations were explicit between the NGOs of movement and blaming women for sexual harassment
and Islamist groups (political parties, ulema or religious and assault-- indicates that women’s increased public
scholars) in the rural areas. NGOs faced resistance against presence and new roles evoke male insecurity and
their work on microcredit, and for organizing women to conservative backlash. Village studies show that men
be involved in market activities and participate in public complain against the state for creating opportunities
meetings. They also faced resistance for providing training for women. These include complaints against quotas
on women’s rights at the community level. In many areas for women in primary school jobs, gender quotas in
this was motivated by the local level religious leaders. At local government and the passing of tougher laws on
the national level, Islamist political parties campaigned violence against women that curtail male control over
against women’s work in the RMG sector and also NGO women (Schuler et al., 2013; Schuler et al. 2017).
membership (Shehabuddin, 2008). In 1994 and 1996, Women’s empowerment by many is accepted within
local area offices of BRAC, Grameen and Proshika were certain boundaries (e.g. income generation, better child
attacked-when civil society actors (including women’s care) when it is for the benefit of the family and larger
rights actors) and NGOs mobilized nationally. As community and as long as it does not threaten male
women’s movement actors organized against the use of patriarchal power.
fatwa in village shalish (local arbitration), they became
specific targets of these conservative groups. Women’s Women’s rights groups are aware of this perception.
movements’ activities around reforming family law and There are debates within the movement as to how to
of a uniform family code also made them unpopular. frame issues around women’s autonomy and rights.
They are aware that framing of demands in terms of the
The rise of Hefazat-e-Islam in 2013 as a popular force how women’s empowerment contribute to the larger
on anti-women rights agenda and the wide scale development goals and national welfare is strategic
mobilization by the Islamist parties in 2008 and 2010 however these forms of framing overlook the intrinsic
against the National Women’s Development Policy35 value of women’s empowerment.
made it clear to women’s rights actors that gender
15
Conclusion
At present, the challenges faced by women’s rights will depend on how established women’s rights/ feminist
movement are many and complex. What does the future groups respond to these new groups and members. It is
hold for women’s movement and feminist activism? This difficult to elaborate on the process of this collaboration
is hard to predict as the outcome is contingent on many as there are no studies that explore the links between
factors. working class women’s organizations and mainstream
women’s movement and how they have influenced each
Undeniably, the women’s movement actors in Bangladesh other. There are also very few studies on the changing
have gained significant advantages in attaining gender class composition of the movement (as most of them are
justice by challenging gender discrimination in political, critiques of the middle class bias of the movement), at
social and economic spheres. The demands for change the district level.
has led to significant shift in state policies. The state had
been able to meet several of the MDG goals. The state Apart from gaining new members, the sustainability of
has significantly reduced maternal mortality and poverty the movement also hinges on the success of exploring
and gained gender parity in primary and secondary alternative resources(partnerships, constituency building
education and made significant strides in ensuring etc.) by the established women’s rights /feminist
women’s representation through gender quotas in the organizations and means for mobilizing (e.g. social
national and local government. media etc.). In fact, the women’s rights organizations
and feminist activists could benefit from accessing and
However as I have shown the movement faces using these new modes and spaces that the younger
significant challenges. NGO-ization of the movement, generation uses and inhabits. Whether the younger
while it increased organizational capacity, outreach of generation is interested in collaborating with/ or joining
the feminist organizations and their access to alternative the women’s rights group or feminist groups is difficult
spaces, has changed the ways of mobilizing, and in to comment on. While there have been episodes of
many cases altered the way women’s rights and feminist successful collaborations between the generations, they
agenda are framed. In the post NGO-ized phase, scarce have yet to turn into long term co-operative endeavours.
external funding, poses further challenges around It is also difficult to comment on what the younger
sustainability and mobilization for the women’s rights/ generation of activists may do and what possible impact
feminist organizations. they may have. There are gaps in our knowledge about
the extent of effectiveness of online activism, both
Inevitably, NGO-ization has contributed to activism on feminist issues and also anti-women’s rights
professionalization of feminist activism for the urban campaign.
middle- class women and has widened the generational
divide within the movement. Recruiting and retaining What remains to be seen is: how would the women’s
younger members are harder. The disconnect between rights organizations and the movement respond to
the urban young professionals and the feminist the declining influence of women’s-rights agenda and
movement also results from the movement leaders failing ‘secular’ civil society groups among Bangladeshi political
to engage effectively with the issues that are important parties and in Bangladeshi politics? As ‘patriarchy,’
to these groups and use new modes and spaces for where political parties monopolize state organizations,
mobilization. As the socioeconomic class composition of civil society and political processes(Hassan et al, 2013),
the movement changes, with women from peripheral takes deeper roots in Bangladesh, declining influence
urban areas joining in and new types of organizations poses an enormous challenge for women’s rights
created by working-class women increase in numbers, organizations, as they have relied heavily on personal
the possibilities for expansion and strengthening of the networks and state agencies and had stayed removed
movement may emerge. Whether this potential is fulfilled from the political space.
16
Conclusion
What the different generations within the women’s the informal sector work undertaken by women in urban
rights organizations and feminist movement have to areas. There are fewer studies on how women may be
unpack is: how do they want to engage with increased affected by the rapid global economic developments,
religiosity (for example, Qu’ran reading groups which changed structures of trade, and digitization and
are not necessarily engaged in formal politics; see Huq, automation of production. These macro changes may
2010) that have an influence on women’s claims and translate into fewer work opportunities for women in
entitlements, and separating this increased religiosity the global South, including Bangladesh, and may have
from the context where there is a rise in extreme political implications for how women are able to participate in
Islamist groups. the economy. Women’s rights actors have not effectively
engaged in the debate on economic justice issues when
The discussion above shows that there are significant it comes to global economic transformations, and
research gaps when it comes to women’s rights there is limited research on Bangladesh to address the
movement in Bangladesh, which needs to be addressed concerns raised by these changes. While there are these
for us to be able to comment on whether women’s knowledge gaps and we need to know more, the recent
rights actors will be able to tackle the various challenges developments around demands for addressing violence
identified in this paper. These gaps are as following: against women and decent work opportunities indicate
that there are emerging areas where broader alliances
First, there are very few studies on the views held by could be built across class. These issues include housing
the religious women’s groups on the wider political for working women; safe cities and public spaces; safe
and social issues and how they see women’s rights and low cost public transport for women; work place
activism, to provide us with the knowledge on whether safety; decent job opportunities for women; measures
collaboration between women’s religious groups and for addressing sexual harassment in public and digital
women’s rights group is at all possible, and how this may spaces, and social spending for reducing the burden of
unfold. Second, as mentioned previously, there are fewer unpaid care.
studies on working class women’s organizations and
their collaborations with the mainstream women’s rights Whether the women’s movement actors are able to
organizations, and what may be the possible areas where successfully deal with these new issues and contextual
they may collaborate in future. Third, apart from the changes, in addition to the generational divide within
focus on female workers in the garment industry, most the movement in a post NGO-ized phase remains to
of the studies on women workers focus on women’s role be seen.
in home based work and agriculture, and very few on
17
Notes
Notes
1. I have chosen to use the terms women’s rights activism and women’s movement because Bangladesh has witnessed
various forms of mobilizations around women’s rights issues and not all women’s organizations/human rights
organizations that were part of these, claim to be feminists.
2. Not all women’s rights organizations claim themselves to be a feminist organization in Bangladesh even though they
may work on challenging subordination of women.
3. Some women’s rights actors would prefer not to categorize themselves as feminists.
4. About 90 per cent of the population is Muslims, others include Hindus, Christians, and Buddhists. The majority of
the population is ethnically Bengali; about two percent of the populations are ethnic minorities. Non Bengali groups
include: Biharis (who migrated after the partition of India to Bangladesh in 1947); and ethnic minority groups
concentrated largely in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (about 13 different tribal groups) and ethnic minority groups who
live in the plains.
5. This does not mean women are not outside in the public domain but that access to certain public spaces are
restricted such as the village-market, mosques etc.
6. Child marriage was banned in 1929 under colonial rule and in recent years the law has been amended.
7. In recent decades Bangladesh is witnessing a growth in nuclear households.
8. See Goetz and Gupta (1996); Kabeer (1998); Mahmud (2003) for debates on whether microcredit is empowering
or not.
9. The British colonized Bengal (current Bangladesh, West Bengal and Orissa) in 1757.
10. Urban based educated middle-class Bengali Hindu women also engaged in similar activities and participated in the
movement for independence from the British. Some of the women also participated in the armed underground
struggle against the British. During the struggle against Pakistan, Bengali women drew inspiration from these
traditions.
11. This does not imply that rural women did not mobilize; women from ethnic minority groups in the plains mobilized
around land rights (for example, the Tonk revolt), organized by the Communist party and participated in peasant
movements. The state managed to repress peasant movements ( for example, tebhaga), however, women’s role and
participation created a legacy that was later drawn upon by women’s rights activists of the Left and the feminist
groups for inspiration against state repression.
12. The reasons behind why the practice of dowry intensified are difficult to pin down. Dowry was not prevalent among
Muslims in Bangladesh and the practice took root in the late 1970s and 1980s. There are many theories related to
why the practice became prevalent. These include devaluation of women’s work/ labour, hypergamy in marriage,
changes in the marriage market etc.National statistics on dowry related violence during this time is not available. See
White’s (1992) village study for an analysis of how incidence of dowry changed over time period.
13. This is because mechanization of agriculture led to loss of women’s traditional work (rice husking etc), and export
oriented light industrialization created jobs for women in the ready- made garment (RMG) industry.
14. Alam and Matin (1984) in their article critiqued feminists for the class and Northern bias in the gender and
development thought prevalent at that time in Bangladesh. However some of the leaders of the movement were
aware about the power relations that existed between the Northern and the Southern countries and were critical
of the idea that all women (Northern and Southern) were homogenous and also of the global development policies
and organizations.
19
15. The law was enacted in 1980, BMP spearheaded the movement and collected 17,000 signatures (Jahan,1995)
16. Cruelty to Women (Deterrent Punishment) Ordinance, in 1983.
17. The case was resolved in 2015.
18. Anti-fatwa movement was triggered by Noorjahan’s case, where she committed suicide after being publicly
humiliated by having small stones pelted at her at a village arbitration. The action was based on a fatwa that
pronounced her second marriage to the same husband as invalid. This was because she had not gone through the
hilla marriage (marrying another man before remarrying one’s husband as prescribed under the Sharia law—but
a practice banned under state law). The two movements against rape by police and rape in policy custody were
triggered by specific events. Yasmin, a domestic worker who was picked up, raped and left for dead by the police in
1994. In 1998, Seema, a garment worker was picked up by the police under dubious charges, raped and who died
of injuries. Acid violence was perpetrated against young girls and women who had rejected ‘romantic’ proposals
(see Halim-Chowdhury, 2009 for details of the movement).
19. Bangladesh Mohila Parishad led the process.
20. The dominant position within the feminist activists’ movement has been that the interpretations of the Quranic
provisions by men has been gender biased.
21. For details of the conflict see Mohsin (1997).
22. For example, Kalpana Chakma was taken in for questioning by the military and never returned. The case has not
been resolved.
23. See Azim (2016) and Banu (n.d.) for debates on the different positions feminists had vis a vis sex work and body
politics.
24. However, the actions of the Islamists groups opposing both the implementation of the gender and development
projects by NGOs and the women’s rights agenda, helped create issue-based coalitions and solidarity movements
among feminist organizations and development NGOs (Azim, 2016).
25. During the military dictatorship in the 1980s development NGOs were penalized for political affiliations. Most NGOs
chose to pursue an apolitical agenda and focused on service delivery and awareness-raising rather than structural
change (Kabeer, 2002; Hossain, 2005; Rahman, 2006).
26. The NGO-ization of the feminist movement refers to the process by which issues of women’s collective concerns
are transformed into isolated development projects without taking the social, political and economic context into
consideration (Jad, 2004). It is closely connected with the promotion of modes of organizational forms and practices
based on neoliberal values (Alveraz, 2009).
27. Apart from this study, empirical studies researching how NGO-ization had affected individual organization’s
autonomy and accountability are very few, most discuss women’s movement in general.
28. Post Paris Agenda (2005) that emphasized aid harmonization has meant that funding has decreased for small and
medium sized organizations and also for women’s rights work and women’s empowerment work is limited to
‘economic agency building’ and VAW (AWID 2008). For how Post Paris Agenda has affected funding related to the
work of women’s rights work-- see Nazneen et al (2011b).
29. Apart from this study there are very few studies that uses empirical data gathered on the younger generation of
feminists.
30. Membership for BNWLA, Karmojibi Nari (these are professional women’s associations) increased in the last decade.
So did the numbers joining various feminist networks (Nazneen and Sultan, 2012).
20
Notes
31. Working-class women have participated in political/social movements and/ or demands for women’s rights. They
participated as NGO members or as part of other political/ labour groups. There was a qualitative shift in the 1990s,
when they had their own ‘women’s rights’ organizations and participated in their own right.
32. See studies by Dina Siddiqui (2009) and also Naila Kabeer (2004) and Simeen Mahmud (2010) regarding the politics
surrounding the labour standards issues.
33. See workshop report on Women and Religion by Pathways of Women’s empowerment program.
34. The Shahbag movement was primarily started by the online activists protesting the verdict of Quader Mollah, a
senior leader of Jamaat-e-Islami, who was tried for crimes against humanity committed during the war of 1971.
The movement organizers actively celebrated the International Women’s Day and also participated in One Billion
Rising (against VAW) activities, and highlighted the war crimes and sexual violence committed against Bangladeshi
women during the war. Most of the women’s rights groups supported the Shahbag movement although some were
on principle against the death penalty and stayed away (Azim, 2016).
35. Islamist groups claimed that the policy advocated for equal rights for women regarding inheritance is against the
Shariah. The policy does not state equal rights for women in matters related to inheritance but ability to control
acquired assets
21
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24
About the author Imprint
Sohela Nazneen is a Professor at the Department of
International Relations, University of Dhaka. Currently, House 89 (West), Road 4, Block B, Banani Dhaka 1213,
she is on leave and based as a Research Fellow at the Bangladesh, Post Box No: 9051
Institute of Development Studies (IDS), University of
Sussex, UK. Her research largely focuses on women’s Responsible:
empowerment, gender and governance, feminist and Franziska Korn | Resident Representative
social movements, rural livelihoods in South Asia and
sub Saharan Africa. She has published in international Phone: +880 2 55034362
journals on many of these issues. She is the co-editor of Website: www.fes-bangladesh.org
Voicing Demands: Feminist Activism in Transitional Facebook: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, Bangladesh
Contexts (Zed Books: London).
To order publication:
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resident of Germany.
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Its approach and focus is going beyond the national level by responding to the trends of globalisation, labour mobility,
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Country Study

The Women’s Movement in Bangladesh

women, gender equality in securing economic opportunities and participation,

Situation of Women in Bangladesh: Uneven progress and Persistent Inequalities 2

The History of Feminist Movement in Bangladesh 5

The Present Day Feminist Activism —Challenges and Debates 11

AIWC All Indian Women’s Conference CHT Chittagong Hill Tracts

Situation of Women in Bangladesh:

Table 1: Situation of Women in Bangladesh

The History of Feminist Movement in Bangladesh

Ideological Positions to women). They also were at the forefront in the

The Present Day Feminist Activism —Challenges and Debates

7. In recent decades Bangladesh is witnessing a growth in nuclear households.

16. Cruelty to Women (Deterrent Punishment) Ordinance, in 1983.

17. The case was resolved in 2015.

19. Bangladesh Mohila Parishad led the process.

21. For details of the conflict see Mohsin (1997).

Amin, S. N. (1994). The World of Muslim Women in Colonial Bengal, Brill,

Hossain, N. (2005).Elite perceptions of poverty in Bangladesh, Dhaka: University Press Limited.

Kabeer, N. (1988). Subordination or struggle, New Left Review, 168, 95-121.

Kabeer, N. (2000). The power to choose, Verso: London

Mohsin, A. (1997). The politics of nationalism, Dhaka: UPL.

Periera, F. (2004).Fractured Scales, Dhaka: UPL.

Sabur, S. (2013). Did NGoization deradicalise women’s movement? https://alalodulal.org/2013/05/28/ngoization/

Commercial use of all media published by the Friedrich-

Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) is the oldest political foundation in Germany.

www.fes-asia.org ISBN 978-984-34-2897-4

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