Astrology
Astrology
Astrology
Sesan Fabamise*
ABSTRACT
One of the most pressing debates in Nigeria today is on the continued retention,
or removal, of the immunity clause enshrined in section 308 of the 1999
Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Some scholars canvass for
the removal of the immunity clause because its retention, they argue, appears
ironic in view of the stance of the government to rid governance of corrupt
practices, including misappropriation of public funds. Others have called for
its retention while another set of scholars further ask that it be extended to
the leadership of the National Assembly and the States Houses of Assembly.
This latter group has said that the Senate President, the Deputy Senate
President, the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the Deputy Speaker
as well as the Speakers of the States Houses of Assembly and their Deputies
should be granted immunity under the Constitution. This article discusses the
immunity clause and its sphere, extent and limits as it relates to the officers
protected, the arguments for and against its retention in the Constitution, as
well as state practices in other jurisdictions.It concludes that it is expedient to
retain the clause, but the call in some quarters to expand it to cover the
leadership of the National Assembly and States Houses of Assembly is not
viable.
DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.4314/jsdlp.v8i2.8
1. INTRODUCTION
Corruption derives from the Latin word corruptus, which means to
break or destroy.1 Literally, corruption means to break away, destroy or
depart from morality, sound ethics, tradition and civic virtues, law and
* LL.B (Lagos), LL.M (Lagos) Associate Professor and Head of Department, Public
and International Law, College of Law, Afe Babalola University Nigeria.
1 Black’s Law Dictionary, 8th Edition (Thoins on West-USA, 2004).
156 AFE BABALOLA UNIVERSITY: J. OF SUST. DEV. LAW & POLICY VOL. 8: 2: 2017
2 Daniel Kaufmann and Pedro C. Vicente, Legal Corruption (World Bank Publication,
2005) 1-5 http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTWBIGOVANTCOR/
Resources/Legal_Corruption.pdf
3 Report of the Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs United
States Senate to Accompany S. 3243 https://www.congress.gov/111/crpt/
srpt338/CRPT-111srpt338.pdf
4 ibid.
5 D Kaufmann and Pedro C. Vicente (n 2) 5-7.
6 See S. Igbinedion, “Workability of the Norms of Transparency and Accountability
Against Corruption in Nigeria” (2014) 3 (1) Afe Babalola University Journal of
Sustainable Development Law and Policy 150-152; Y. Akinseye-George, Legal
System, Corruption and Governance in Nigeria(New Century Law Publishers Ltd.
Lagos 2000) 9.
2017 CONSTITUTIONAL IMMUNITY CLAUSE AND THE FIGHT 157
from morality, ethics, tradition, law, civic virtues and normal duties for
private pecuniary or status gains. The common denominator in all these
is that corruption is the abuse of office, abuse of due process for personal
or selfish interest as against the common good. It is usually preceded
by financial or non-financial inducement.
Corruption has pervaded all spheres of the Nigerian life from the
mundane to the sublime.7 It has become systemic and a way of life of
many public servants. In Nigeria, corruption has increasingly become
a central issue in election campaigns and military interventions in the
polity.8 The corruption phenomenon has the concomitant effect of
exacerbating poverty and has been held responsible for under-
development, increase in the cost of goods and services, the production
of substandard goods and services as well as the systemic destruction
of the society. Corruption makes the cost of doing business extremely
high.9 According to a former Secretary-General of the United Nations,
Mr Kofi Anan, corruption:
11 Black’s Law Dictionary, 8th Edition (Thoins on West-USA, 2004) Pg.1438; Oxford
Dictionary of Law, 6th Edition (Oxford University Press) 265 merely defines
immunity as freedom or exemption from legal proceedings.
12 ibid.
13 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria C 23 LFN 2004.
14 It is provided for in s267 of the 1979 Constitution and S161 of the 1963
Constitution.
2017 CONSTITUTIONAL IMMUNITY CLAUSE AND THE FIGHT 159
The doctrine was equally discussed in the Parlement Belge Case26 where
the English Court of Appeal stated that every state:
28 (1894) QB 149.
29 (1939) AC 256.
30 Haile Selassie v. Cable and Wireless Ltd (1939) ch D 182 (1938) ch D 545.
31 R v Achara 1963 (unreported).
2017 CONSTITUTIONAL IMMUNITY CLAUSE AND THE FIGHT 163
63 State Immunity Act 1978, s.2(3)(b) s.2(3)(b); High Commissioner for India v.
Ghosh (1960)1 QB 134, 28 ILR, 150.
64 ibid. s 2(4)(a).
65 ibid. s 2(4)(b). This would in principle cover the situation in Compania Naviera
Vascongada v. Steamship Cristina (1938) AC 483.
66 Ahmed v. Government of Saudi Arabia (1996)2 All ER 248.
67 Arab Republic of Egypt v. Camal-Ehlin (1996)2 All ER 237.
68 State Immunity Act 1978, s.2(6) reflecting to some extend the position at common
law, see Sultan of Johore v. Abubakar Tunka Aris Benduhor (1932), AC 318, High
Commissioner for India v. Cheshj (1960)1 QB 134. 28 ILR 150 (CA).
69 State Immunity Act 1978, s.2(7).
70 United Arab Emirates v. Abedghafor (1993) ICR65; Arab Republic of Egypt v.
Gamal Eldin (1996)2 All ER 237.
71 European Convention on State Immunity (1972), Art 4.
168 AFE BABALOLA UNIVERSITY: J. OF SUST. DEV. LAW & POLICY VOL. 8: 2: 2017
83 Zahun v. Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (1988)82, AJIL 828, 849 F 2d 1511 (US
Court of Appeals).
84 Zahun v. Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (1988)49 F 2d 1511: Saudi Arabia v. Nelson
(1993) 100 ILR 545.
85 Trans American Steamship Corporation v. Saudi Democratic Republic (1986) 76
AJIL 357; 767 F 2d 998;Texas Trading & Milling Corporation v. Federal Republic of
Nigeria (1981) 20 ILM 620; 647 F 2d 300; 63 ILR 552; Zolanv. Kingdom of
Saudi Arabia (1988) 849 F 2d 1511; but see also Republic of Argentina v. Welbover
Inc. (1992) 100 ILR 509.
86 Art 5, European Convention on State Immunity (1972); see H. Fox, Employment
Contracts As an Exception to State Immunity Is All Public Service Immune”
(1995) 55 BYIL 97, R. Carnett, State immunity in employment matters’ (1997)
46 ICLQ 81.
87 State Immunity Act 1978, s.3(3)(c).
88 ibid, s.4(1).
89 As was the case in Arab Republic of Egypt v. Gamal Eldin (1990)2 All ER 237.
This would have been the case in Songupta v. Republic of India (1983) ICR 221
had it not been outside the legislation because the employee had been appointed
price to the commencement date. State Immunity Act 1978, s. 42(2)(a).
2017 CONSTITUTIONAL IMMUNITY CLAUSE AND THE FIGHT 171
90 State Immunity Act 1978, s.42(2)(b) for recent consideration of the expression
“habitually resident”, see Nesa v. Chief Adjudication Officer (1998)2 AB ER
778 (CA) (1999) 1 WLR (HL) for a review of the concept, are P. Ragerson,
Habitual residence the new domicile (2000) 49 ICLQ 86.
91 State Immunity Act 1978, s.4((1)(c).
92 Ahmed v. Government of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (1996)2 All ER 248.
93 S.L. Emmanuel, Constitutional Law (Larchmont N.Y. Emmanuel Publishing Corp.,
1992)p.
94 457 U.S. 31 (1982).
172 AFE BABALOLA UNIVERSITY: J. OF SUST. DEV. LAW & POLICY VOL. 8: 2: 2017
However, the President does not have immunity at all for acts that
are completely unconnected with his official duties. In Clinton v. Jones,95
Paula Jones brought a suit for private damages against President Bill
Clinton while he was in office. Jones claimed that while she was by
the State of Arkansas and Clinton was Governor of Arkansas, he made
sexual advances to her. Clinton contended that as President of the
United States of America, he should have temporary immunity to last
while he is in office against virtually all civil litigations arising out of
events that occurred before he took office.The court, unanimously
rejecting the contention, held that no immunity of any kind is expressed
in the constitution and that by the decision in the Fitzgerald case,
unofficial acts such as the one this case was based on are not within
the perimeter, not even the outer perimeter of the President’s official
responsibility.
The American President is also not immune from court processes.
The President could be subpoenaedto produce relevant documents in
criminal matters. In United States v Nixon,96 in March 1974, a federal
grand jury indicted seven Nixon aides on charges of conspiracy to
obstruct justice and other Watergate-related offences. The President
was named as an un-indicted co-conspirator. The Watergate Special
Prosecutor then persuaded the federal trial court to issue a subpoena
duces tecum to the President requiring him to produce various tapes
and documents relating to certain meetings involving the President.
These documents and tapes were to be used during the trial of the
indictments. The President released some of the tapes but refused to
produce the tapes themselves and moved to quash the subpoena. The
trial court rejected the President’s claim of privilege.
On appeal, it was held that the President is amenable to a subpoena
to produce evidence for use in a criminal case despite the general
immunity. The court noted that neither the doctrine of separation of
powers nor the need for confidentiality of high-level communications
without more, could sustain an absolute, unqualified presidential
privilege of immunity from judicial process under all circumstances.
From the exposition above, the United States of America practices
qualified executive immunity. The President is only immune from civil
liability for acts done in the discharge of his official duties.
104 (2000)6 NWLR (Pt. 660) 288. See also Dasuki v. Muazu (2002)16 NWLR (Pt.
793) 319.
105 (2005)5 NWLR (Pt. 919). 448. See also ICS (Nig) Ltd v.Balton B.C.
(2002)8NWLR (Pt. 822)223.
106 ibid 351-532.
2017 CONSTITUTIONAL IMMUNITY CLAUSE AND THE FIGHT 177
the CPS alleges that this sum represents the proceeds of criminal
conduct contrary to section 327(1) of the Proceeds of Crime Act
2002.
In view of the events of the recent past where the DSS became the
Agency of government fighting corruption, the argument that the
immunity clause should be totally expunged from the Constitution
cannot be supported. If executive immunity is removed, given the
excessive control wielded by the President over prosecution machinery
like the Police, EFCC, the ICPC, Code of Conduct Bureau, the DSS and
other agencies, the Governors can suffer intense harassment from the
President due to political differences that he may have with them.120
From all indications, therefore, the purpose and extent of the
immunity clause is to allow an incumbent completely to have a free
hand and mind in the performance of the duties and responsibilities
assigned to the office, which he or she holds under the Constitution.
But this is not intended to grant him or her immunity forever from full
criminal investigation or any criminal proceedings in respect of an
offence allegedly committed by him or her during the tenure of office.
Immunity is meant to provide a conducive atmosphere where public
functionaries can work without any distraction of litigation or hindrance
by any service of any court process.121 Secondly, the immunity is
essentially for the protection of the majesty and dignity of the office
not for the individual incumbent as such. To drag an incumbent to
court and expose him to the process of examination or cross-
examination would degrade the office.
The power of impeachment bestowed on the Legislature to get the
protected officials removed from office when case(s) of misconduct
bothering on criminality or financial mismanagement are established
against them is very potent. Legislators should be completely
independent and free from executive influence. This will enable them
to hold the Governors and Presidents accountable to the people
because they will not condone or cover up a Governor or President
who has committed a criminal act or civil wrong. The power of
impeachment would be a potent weapon against a corrupt but protected
public official. Nigerians should be advised to insist that only credible
and honourable men are elected to preserve the dignity and integrity
of people elected to the highest offices. This will go a long way in
curbing corruption.
5. CONCLUSION
The legislative intent for providing constitutional immunity clauses in
most commonwealth jurisdictions is to protect the dignity and integrity
of the holder of an elective office. This intention is particularly more
fundamental and essential in Nigeria given the fledgling and emerging
nature of the nation’s democratic institutions. Removing the immunity
clause could open a floodgate of frivolous litigations against elected
officers especially from “professional litigants” with the sole aim and
objective of distracting the officer from the very serious business of
governance.
The investigation of the activities of the incumbent office holders
should continue as it does not conflict with the provisions of the section
and they can be made to answer to these investigations as soon as
they leave office.However, constitutional immunity should not be
extended to the legislative arm of government because such immunity
does not avail the third arm of government – the judiciary. More
importantly, all the members of the legislature are equal upon being
elected. The leaders become primus inter pares upon election to
leadership positions and can be removed anytime and substituted by
another member without or with minimal disruption to legislative
business.
Furthermore, the process of removal from office of protected officers
as provided for in the Constitution should be used in proven cases of
breach of trust, corruption or mismanagement. The officer concerned
can be made to face charges as soon as they are lawfully removed from
office as the immunity will abate immediately.