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Gender independent kids: A paradigm shift in approaches to gender non-

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Article  in  The Canadian journal of human sexuality · April 2014

DOI: 10.3138/cjhs.23.1.CO1

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 COMMENTARY

Gender independent kids: A paradigm shift in approaches to

gender non-conforming children
Jake Pyne1
1 School of Social Work, McMaster University, Hamilton, ON

Recent years have seen a substantial change in how children who challenge gender norms (referred to in
this article as ‘‘Gender Independent’’) are regarded by professionals, by their families and by the public at
large. Pathologized and treated for decades as a mental illness, childhood gender non-conformity would
seem to be imbued with new meaning, as evidenced by a growing number of public voices claiming gender
variance as part of human diversity. Call it a paradigm shift: from disorder to diversity, from treatment to
affirmation, from pathology to pride, from cure to community. This commentary article reflects on recent shifts
in language, shifts in identity options, and shifts in the focus of intervention with gender non-conforming
children. Drawing on existing research and public discourse, I consider what the field of human sexuality
can learn from ‘‘Gender Independence.’’

KEY WORDS: Gender non-conforming, transgender, children, youth

INTRODUCTION Toronto District School Board, in an attempt to describe sev-

eral kids who were, well, a bit more fabulous than the others.1
Recent years have seen a substantial change in how children The term Gender Independent finds its home among a grow-
who challenge gender norms (whom I will call Gender Inde- ing lexicon of terms used to describe kids who substantially
pendent) are regarded by professionals, by their families and challenge gender expectations, including gender non-conform-
by the public at large. Pathologized and treated for decades as ing, gender variant, gender creative, transgender, and for
a mental illness (APA, 1980; 2000a), childhood gender non- some Aboriginal children, two-spirit2. As a somewhat spacious
conformity would seem to be imbued with new meaning, as phrase, Gender Independent encompasses a range of possible
evidenced by a growing number of public voices claiming expressions and experiences. Below, I offer some vignettes.
gender variance as part of human diversity (Ehrensaft, 2011, In the first sense, Gender Independent can be used to de-
2012; Hill & Menvielle, 2009; Lev, 2004; Menvielle, 2012; scribe young people who are comfortable with their natal sex,
Spack et al., 2012). Call it a paradigm shift: from disorder to yet who challenge us to expand the boundaries of gender’s
diversity, from treatment to affirmation, from pathology to well-worn categories. Here I’m thinking of a boy I know
pride, from cure to community. As a researcher and advocate named Jordan, who identifies himself as ‘‘fancy.’’3 Jordan is
working to develop community-based resources for families clear that he is a boy, but he’s fancier than other boys. He
with Gender Independent Children in Ontario, I use this likes pink, he likes sparkles; he finds other boys a bit dull.
commentary article to reflect on recent and important shifts When Jordan put together a particularly lively outfit for
in language, shifts in identity options, and shifts in the focus school one morning, his mother, who refers to him as Gender
of intervention with gender non-conforming children. Drawing Independent, asked: ‘‘How do you think other kids will react
on existing research and public discourse, I explore what the if you wear that?’’ Jordan thought about that for a while and
field of human sexuality can learn from ‘‘Gender Indepen- answered cheerfully: ‘‘I think they’ll probably make fun of
dence.’’ me. . . but I’m going to wear it anyway.’’
A second group using the term Gender Independent, are
JORDAN, RAINE AND WILLOW: THE FACES OF kids who reject the terms of ‘‘boy’’ and ‘‘girl’’ altogether. Here
I’m thinking of a young person I know called Raine who pre-
GENDER INDEPENDENT KIDS
fers the in-between space. Raine’s biggest frustration in life is
To my knowledge, the phrase Gender Independent was being asked to ‘‘choose’’ and if you press Raine about being a
coined by a group of parents and a social worker in the boy or a girl, Raine will answer with questions for you: Why

Acknowledgements: The author would like to thank Cory Silverberg, Zack Marshall and Hershel Russell for helpful comments on an earlier draft.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Jake Pyne, School of Social Work, McMaster University, Hamilton, ON.
E-mail: pynejm@mcmaster.ca

Canadian Journal of Human Sexuality 23(1), 2014, pp. 1–8; doi:10.3138/cjhs.23.1.CO1 1

Jake Pyne

do you care? What difference does it make? Would you treat (Ehrensaft, 2012; Lev, 2004; Malpas, 2011; Menvielle, 2012).
me differently? Good questions. The GIDC diagnosis was recently removed from the DSM-5
A third group of kids going by Gender Independent are and replaced by the less pathologizing Gender Dysphoria
those who clearly and consistently identify with a different (Winters, 2011). A growing number of conferences and groups
gender than expected. They know who they are, and they now exist to support families with gender non-conforming
need to see that self reflected in the mirror and reflected by children (Gender Creative Kids, 2013). And first-person ac-
the people around them. These are the kids who may go on counts by supportive parents are now common in mainstream
to transition to a new gender role. In Meadow’s (2011) study media stories (Gulli, 2014; Park, 2011; Weathers, 2011) and
of parents of gender non-conforming children, a mother asks popular publications (Green & Friedman, 2013; Pepper, 2012).
her daughter Willow (who was once her son): ‘‘How do you What occurred between these two eras to make this para-
know you’re a girl?’’ to which Willow answered: ‘‘I know, be- digm shift possible? Historians will confirm that theories of
cause I feel it deep down where the music plays’’ (p. 740). causation are impossibly problematic (Stanford Encyclopedia
Encounters with kids like Jordan, Raine and Willow raise a of Philosophy, 2012). Yet the ideas and debates about gender
lot of questions: What is gender? How do these young people that coursed through the latter half of the 20th century cer-
come to know themselves? From where do they get their as- tainly created social conditions that are worthy of our atten-
tonishing courage? And as adults, what do they need from us? tion. In the 1960s and 1970s, social scientists and feminist re-
I would like to suggest that these questions themselves are in- searchers (Garfinkle 1967/2006; Kessler and McKenna, 1978/
dicative of the paradigm shift under discussion. 2006) began to use their research to expose the ‘‘natural atti-
tude’’ toward gender – the attitude that fastens biological sex
to social gender practice. Early feminists laid the foundation
GENDER INDEPENDENCE THEN AND NOW for the theory of gender’s social construction: ‘‘One is not born
a woman. . . but becomes one’’ (Beauvoir, 1949/1973, p. 301),
The first public discourse concerning gender non-conforming
allowing the second wave of feminism (1970s) to advance
children emerged from 1960s researchers and clinicians study-
what is now a fundamental tenet of feminism: biology is not
ing and treating what they understood as the mental health
destiny (Scott-Dixon, 2006, p. 16). The 1970s and 1980s gay
crisis of feminine boyhood4 (Bryant, 2006). Proposing new
and lesbian rights movement confronted public prohibitions
diagnostic terminology, as well as clinical rationales for treat-
on devalued sexualities and thus to some extent devalued
ing children and their parents, clinicians began the project
genders (Warner, 2002). The 1990s queer liberation move-
of establishing gender non-conformity as a pathology in ment called into question the value of normalcy altogether
need of cure (e.g., see Green & Money, 1961; Greenson, 1966).
(Warner, 2000), while the tandem academic field of queer
Through modalities such as psychotherapy (Stoller, 1970–
theory disputed the naturalness of gender by arguing that it
1971), group therapy (Green & Fuller, 1973) and behaviour
is something that we do rather than something that we are
modification (Rekers, 1972), clinicians aimed to bring child-
(Butler, 1990). The transgender rights movement emerged to
ren’s gender expression in line with social norms. By 1980,
challenge a binary understanding of gender and advance a
researcher-clinicians had identified a novel research popula-
more radical politic than the medicalized category of ‘‘trans-
tion, consolidated a sub-specialty of study, and ushered in a
sexual’’ had accomplished (e.g., see Bornstein, 1994; Feinberg,
new diagnosis (Gender Identity Disorder in Childhood or 1996; Wilchins, 1997). Moreover, biologists studying humans
GIDC) into the third revision of the Diagnostic and Statistical
(Fausto-Sterling, 1993) and non-human animals (Roughgarden,
Manual (DSM) (APA, 1980; Bryant, 2006).
2000) offered compelling evidence for the existence of more
Juxtapose this history with the contemporary context, and
than two sexes in the natural world. Ultimately, the presumed
the paradigm shift comes into view. Though some clinicians
mechanical relationship between two distinct and stable sexes
continue to advocate for intervention to steer children toward
and genders (gender as biology’s social mirror) became an in-
normative gender expression (Zucker, Wood, Singh & Bradley,
creasingly difficult position to sustain (Stryker, 2006).
2012), public protests are now staged in opposition to this
practice (Gagnon, 2007; Tosh, 2011; Wingerson, 2009). A
body of scholarly work now severely critiques the diagnosis SHIFTING LANGUAGE: FROM DISORDER TO
and reparative treatment of gender non-conforming children
DIVERSITY
(Bryant, 2006, 2008; Butler, 2004; Ehrensaft, 2011; Gotlib,
2004; Hegarty, 2009; Hird, 2003; Langer & Martin, 2004; Lev, As noted, Gender Independent joins a lexicon of terms such
2005; Tosh, 2011). The World Professional Association for as gender non-conforming, gender creative, gender variant,
Transgender Health (WPATH, 2012) has declared that treat- and so on. Though quickly becoming commonplace terminol-
ments aimed at changing gender identity or expression, are ogy, this list is virtually unrecognizable compared to the lan-
‘‘no longer considered ethical’’ (p. 16). Mental health clinicians guage used several decades ago, such as: ‘‘deviant gender iden-
have developed alternative intervention models that aim to tity’’ (Rekers, 1975); ‘‘gender misorientation’’ (Green & Money,
affirm childhood gender variance as part of human diversity 1961); pathological sex role development’’ (Rekers, 1972); and

2 Canadian Journal of Human Sexuality 23(1), 2014, pp. 1–8; doi:10.3138/cjhs.23.1.CO1

 Gender Independent Kids: A paradigm shift in approaches to gender non-conforming children

the ‘‘sissy boy syndrome’’ (Green, 1987). Influenced by post- from the DSM in 1973, transformed public perception about
structural theorists such as Derrida and Foucault, contempo- the acceptability of this professional practice. Indeed, in 2000,
rary social theory now takes interest in language not simply the American Psychiatric Association (APA) declared that
as descriptor, but as actor; language as something that does treatments aimed at altering sexual orientation were considered
things. As Valentine (2007) notes, language creates something unethical (APA, 2000b). Yet, notably, no APA statement was
qualitatively new. Change the language, change the meaning. ever issued regarding the ethics of treatment to alter gender
Thus we might ask what is the cultural work accomplished by expression – treatment that targets trans people rather than
‘‘Gender Independent’’? What does ‘‘Gender Independent’’ gays, lesbians and bisexuals. In fact, in 1985, Zucker took
do? note that it had become unacceptable to treat children to pre-
In Rahilly’s (2013) study with parents who adopted an vent homosexuality. He then he went on to say: ‘‘It would seem
affirming approach to non-conformity, she notes that they that preventing transsexualism is a goal that will never gather
often engaged in ‘‘discursive practices’’ to reframe their child’s systematic opposition’’ (Zucker, 1985, p. 116). Recent public
difference in a positive light. The term Gender Independent protests would seem to indicate that this prediction did not
in specific, would seem to help massage parental anxieties hold true (Tosh, 2011). Regardless, given the ongoing stigma
over the meaning of non-conformity by indexing a character surrounding transgender people, the growing practice of sup-
trait that most parents value in their children (independence). porting, rather than preventing transition for youth, is one of
This is no small accomplishment. Yet beyond its utility in the the markers of this paradigm shift.
family, the term Gender Independent also serves as a public Mental health clinicians who work with Gender Indepen-
intervention into that meaning. For example, if gender vari- dent young people are careful to note that not all youth who
ance indicates a form of distress or disorder, then certain pro- challenge gender norms will want or need to transition, yet
fessional obligations may follow, for example, the obligation for some, it is necessary (Ehrensaft, 2012; Menvielle, 2012).
to ‘‘treat’’ said disorder. Rose (1999) refers to this as the ‘‘eth- Transition consists of both social transition (a change of dress,
ical warrant for intervention’’ (p. 142). If on the other hand, name, gender pronoun) and medical transition (hormonal
gender variance is part of human diversity, then professionals intervention and surgeries), pursued simultaneously or sepa-
with stated obligations to respect diversity (registered social rately. For pre-pubertal children, social transition is the only
workers), must act in ways that safeguard the dignity of gender option available, as medical intervention is not recommended
non-conforming children (CASW, 2005). The possibility of before puberty (Hembree et al., 2009).
challenging professional practice is raised, as is the possibility Some studies suggest that the majority of gender non-
of staking new claims to rights and recognition. Further, I conforming children will not grow up to be transgender adults
might suggest the term goes a ways to establishing person- (Drummond, Bradley, Peterson-Badali & Zucker, 2008; Zucker
hood. While the phrase Gender Identity Disorder leaves one & Bradley, 1995). Elsewhere I have written about the substan-
the option of either being gender-typical or being disordered, tial limitations in what we can glean from these studies (Pyne,
in contrast, Gender Independent positions non-conformity in press), yet as Olson, Forbes & Belzer (2011) note, early
within the realm of wellness, ultimately begging a new ques- social transition remains controversial. Indeed, some experts
tion: Is gender conformity healthy? (WPATH, 2012) maintain that the possibility of later regret
is a strong rationale for not supporting this practice. Despite
these cautions, it is nonetheless becoming more common for
SHIFTING GENDER POSSIBILITIES parents to support early social transition. Why? Though re-
search into this phenomenon remains sparse, in their public
In early pathologizing treatments with gender non-conforming
narratives, parents often state that their child’s transition was
children, the stated treatment goal was often to prevent future
unavoidable (Pepper, 2012). Often citing the profound distress
adult outcomes presumed to be undesirable, chiefly homosex-
their child exhibited (Gender Dysphoria), parents commonly
uality and transsexuality (Bryant, 2006). In contrast, the para-
recall the presence of suicidality at a young age and the per-
digm shift that has ushered in the concept of Gender Inde-
sistence and insistence of their child’s identity (Pepper, 2012).
pendence has seen a marked divestment from the projects of Further, one study notes an interesting phenomenon authors
preventing or promoting certain identities. Within the emerg-
call ‘‘the child-taught parent’’ – parents who choose to follow
ing ‘‘affirmative’’ model of responding to gender variance, clini-
their child’s lead (Hill & Menvielle, 2009). The question of how
cians now recommend that parents stay open to all outcomes
supporting transition may relate to broader cultural changes
and refrain from voicing preferences for their children’s future
in the parent-child relationship is beyond the scope of this
identities (Menvielle, 2012). This opening of gender possibil-
commentary, though certainly of interest. As a child psychia-
ities has created new futures for young people to claim, includ-
trist providing care to gender non-conforming children at the
ing the potential of gender transition while young, as well as
US National Children’s Hospital, Menvielle (2012) maintains
life outside of typical gender categories. that for some children the need for transition presents clearly
Though the goal of preventing homosexuality featured
through obvious distress in the original gender role and obvi-
heavily in early clinical literature, the gay rights movement,
ous wellbeing in the new role. He notes, however, that for
including the successful lobbying to withdraw homosexuality

Canadian Journal of Human Sexuality 23(1), 2014, pp. 1–8; doi:10.3138/cjhs.23.1.CO1 3

Jake Pyne

some young people there is more ambiguity and the decision In research with a pathologizing orientation, it has often
is less clear (Menvielle, 2012). been taken for granted that gender non-conforming children
In addition to social transition, medical transition (hormone are the ones in need of study and intervention. Though social
therapy and surgeries) is used to bring the body in line with ostracism and peer harassment have been frequently noted,
gender identity. For children, the intervention in question is they have been named as reasons to correct the behaviours
puberty suppression, intended to relieve the distress some of gender non-conforming children, rather than their social
trans youth will experience should their body develop in a environments (Zucker, 1990; Zucker & Bradley, 1995). This
different direction they desire (known as Gender Dysphoria) focus has shifted dramatically.
(Spack et al., 2012). For these youth, it is becoming more It has been well established that gender non-conforming
common to prescribe gonadotropin-releasing hormone (GnRH) children experience ostracism from peers (Cohen-Kettenis,
analogues or ‘‘puberty blockers’’ at the onset of puberty (Tanner Owen, Kaijser, Bradley, & Zucker, 2003; Zucker & Bradley,
Stage II) to delay the development of unwanted secondary sex 1995). Those who go on to identify as transgender may also
characteristics (Hembree et al., 2009). Dutch and US experts face harassment and fear of violence in the education system
cite several goals, including: reducing immediate distress; ex- (Taylor et al., 2008; Wyss, 2004). The affirming approach to
tending the time for decision-making regarding transition Gender Independent kids posits that the target of interven-
options; and facilitating improved outcomes by reducing the tion with respect to these troubling phenomena ought to be
interventions needed if transition is later chosen (Delemarre- the social systems that children navigate (Wallace & Russell,
van de Waal & Cohen-Kettenis, 2006; Hembree et al., 2009; 2013). Research would seem to support this claim. In one study,
Spack et al., 2012; WPATH, 2012). Though medical interven- children strongly pressured to conform to gender norms were
tion with pubertal age children raises many questions, re- ‘‘prone to anxiety, sadness, social withdrawal, self deprecation,
search indicating improved mental health (Spack et al., 2012) and other signs of internalized distress’’ (Carver, Yunger, &
and positive long-term outcomes (de Vries, Steensma, Dore- Perry, 2003). In another study, the correlation between expe-
leijers & Cohen-Kettenis, 2011), has led some experts to state riences of gender abuse among adolescent trans girls (male to
that the benefits currently outweigh the risks (Canadian Pedi- female) and major depression and suicidality, was so strong
atric Endocrine Group, 2012). In Canada, at least eight hospi- that findings suggested a direct causal relationship between
tals or health centres now house clinics to assist transgender the two (Nuttbrock et al., 2010). Promising interventions in
youth to suppress puberty and/or medically transition.5 As schools include the creation of more welcoming environ-
Roen (2011) notes, within the past decade, puberty suppres- ments through policy and curriculum aimed at better sup-
sion for trans youth has gone from a sporadic occurrence to porting children with diverse expressions of gender (Meyer,
an institutionalized practice. 2006; 2009).
While many Gender Independent children do not desire In addition to the peer environment, new research points
gender transition, in an analysis of media narratives about to the family as an important site for our attention. It is com-
gender non-conforming children, Vooris (2013) notes that re- monly noted that many parents struggle to accept a gender
cent media attention has focused on children with consistent non-conforming or transgender child as part of their family
cross-gender identities (transgender) to the detriment of those (Kane, 2006; Wren, 2002; Hill & Menvielle, 2009). In one
who are more gender fluid or ambiguous. In contrast, as a study, gender non-conforming children were found to be
child psychologist working with gender non-conforming chil- disproportionately targeted for abuse from family members
dren and youth, Ehrensaft (2012) describes a catalogue of (Roberts, Rosario, Corliss, Koenen & Austin, 2012). The
identities she encounters in her practice, including ‘‘gender- affirming approach suggests that parental attitudes play a key
fluid’’ youth, ‘‘gender hybrids’’ and ‘‘gender queer’’ youth. In role in child outcomes. Again, research would seem to sup-
some cases, her young clients have coined their own terms to port this claim. A US study with lesbian, gay, bisexual or
account for their identities, such as ‘‘gender smoothie’’ or transgender (LGBT) youth found that those who were ac-
‘‘gender prius’’ (Ehrensaft, 2012, p. 9). As a result, clinicians cepted by their families were healthier, had higher self-esteem
such as Menvielle (2012) routinely counsel parents to become and were less likely to be depressed or attempt suicide (Ryan,
more comfortable with gender ambiguity. In summary the Russell, Huebner, Diaz & Sanchez, 2010). In an Ontario
growing practice of supporting gender transition for young study, when transgender youth had strong parental support
people, or supporting them to live outside of typical gender for their gender identity, they were more likely to report good
categories, are both markedly distinct from the focus of early mental health and self esteem, and the likelihood of a suicide
researcher-clinicians who sought to prevent trans identity and attempt dropped by 93% (Travers et al., 2012).
failed to imagine identities outside of unambiguous male and For some researcher-clinicians, the focus has been on
female. understanding parents’ own disorder (parental psychopathol-
ogy) as the cause of gender variance in children (Owen-
Anderson, Bradley, & Zucker, 2010; Zucker & Bradley, 1995).
SHIFTING THE TARGET OF INTERVENTION Clinicians of this orientation have often aimed for parents to
more effectively instil gender norms in the home (Green &
‘‘My daughter’s gender is not a problem. . . it’s everything else
Money, 1961; Rekers, 1972; Zucker, 2008). Yet in Wallace
around her that’s a problem.’’ (Father quoted in Pyne, 2012)
and Russell’s (2013) exploration of treatment and shame

4 Canadian Journal of Human Sexuality 23(1), 2014, pp. 1–8; doi:10.3138/cjhs.23.1.CO1

 Gender Independent Kids: A paradigm shift in approaches to gender non-conforming children

among gender non-conforming children, the authors con- sexual health education settings. We are badly in need of new
cluded that programs that seek to correct gender non-confor- tools for teaching about health and the body beyond narrow
mity are likely to instill shame in children and damage the and normative understandings of sex and gender possibilities.6
parent-child attachment. Further, a recent study compared For those working directly with families, in schools or other
mental health in comparable gender non-conforming children community settings, there is a need to be aware of interven-
across two treatment programs with different approaches: tions to improve the social environments of Gender Indepen-
one clinic in which gender non-conformity was treated as a dent kids. Rather than expecting Gender Independent children
disorder and another in which parents were encouraged to af- or their families to curtail their expression, their contexts are in
firm their child. The children in the supportive program had need of attention. While safety concerns do result in parents
substantially fewer behavioural problems, indicating that the needing to make challenging decisions regarding visibility (Brill
intervention approach that parents seek and find for their & Pepper, 2008), professionals can support them to explore the
child would seem to be key (Hill, Menvielle, Sica, & Johnson, best decisions for their families. Several new Canadian web-
2010). A marker of the paradigm shift I have presented, is a based resources are available to assist (Gender Creative Kids,
focus on supporting parents (often through peer support 2013; Rainbow Health Ontario, 2013).
groups) to create supports for their children (Menvielle, Tuerk, In closing, recent years have seen a significant paradigm
& Jellinek, 2002). As a parent in Hill and Menvielle’s (2009) shift in how children who fall outside of gender norms are re-
study summarized: ‘‘You have to give them a place where they garded and responded to by professionals, their families and
feel protected and safe and loved’’ (p. 243). the general public. This shift has consisted of new innovations
in language, new approaches to how gender possibilities are
understood, and a change to the target of intervention from
IMPLICATIONS the child to the social environment. The field of human sexu-
ality has an important opportunity to rethink and re-imagine
What can the field of human sexuality learn from Gender
sexual health education, research and clinical practice in light
Independence? To begin, educators, researchers and clinicians
of this paradigm shift – an important opportunity to learn
in this field might take note of the need to ‘mind’ one’s lan-
from the wisdom of kids like Jordan, Raine and Willow.
guage. With literature searches in this field unearthing a host
of pathologizing texts, it is important for researchers to be Jake Pyne is a community-based researcher, trans activist and PhD
aware of the discursive battles that have taken place surround- student in the McMaster School of Social Work. Jake’s community
ing childhood gender variance and the implications of word work has focused on equitable access to services for trans communities.
choice. While terms like Gender Identity Disorder remain Most recently, Jake has led a number of initiatives to build resources and
commonplace, this terminology positions Gender Indepen- supports for families with gender non-conforming children. Jake’s re-
dent kids outside the realm of health and can be understood search interests focus on what different knowledge systems foreclose
to pave the path toward troubling interventions aimed at cor- and make possible for gender non-conforming people, including bio-
recting their behaviour. In contrast, the language of Gender medical and psychiatric knowledges, as well as queer theory, feminist
Independent provides a strategy for reframing gender variance theory, and other knowledge systems of the left.
as part of the diversity of human life; as in fact, a potentially
positive trait. A particular strength of this linguistic innovation
is the ability to challenge social convention, without foreclosing NOTES
the future outcomes for these children. Gender Independent 1 Here I am using ‘‘fabulous’’ as it is used in queer communities, in
or a similarly non-pathologizing term, can be incorporated appreciation of the vibrant side of life, and not to connote any
into the work of educators, researchers and various clinicians. type of superiority among gender independent kids.
Second, for educators, there is a need to rethink how the 2 ‘‘Two-spirited’’ was developed in a different context from these
body is thought about. The majority of sexual health education other terms, coined in 1990 at a gathering of LGBT Aboriginal
begins with a binary understanding of sex and gender – two people in Winnipeg to aid them in organizing under a common
distinct types of bodies that develop on two distinct and pre- term, in addition to their nation-specific terms.
dictable trajectories (C. Silverberg, personal communication, 3 The families of the children mentioned in this article reviewed
January 4, 2014). As Bauer, et al. (2009) point out, the as- and approved their descriptions prior to publication.
sumption that all natal males will naturally grow up to 4 Masculine girls were also studied, but never to the same extent
be men, and all natal females will naturally grow up to be (Bryant, 2006).
women, is so pervasive it is rarely spoken. At the very least,
5 BC Children’s Hospital, Health Sciences Centre Manitoba, Sick
what we can learn from the increasing numbers of young Kids Hospital in Toronto, the Children’s Hospital of Eastern
people transitioning to new gender roles, is that the body and Ontario, Montreal Children’s Hospital. Alberta Children’s Hospital,
its meanings are contingent. For some young people, puberty IWK Health Centre in Halifax, and Quest Community Health
might be delayed, or might be reversed with cross-sex hor- Centre in Ste. Catharines.
monal treatment. For these young people, transition is part 6 See Silverberg’s (2012) children’s book that presents reproduction
of the life cycle, and must be presented as such in mainstream without relying on norms of male and female bodies.

Canadian Journal of Human Sexuality 23(1), 2014, pp. 1–8; doi:10.3138/cjhs.23.1.CO1 5

Jake Pyne

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