Jinnah

A Political Saint

Mian Ata Rabbani

(ADC to Quaid-e-Azam)

Nazaria-i-Pakistan Trust
All rights reserved
Responsibility for the accuracy of facts
and for the opinions expressed rests solely
with the author

Book : Jinnah: A Political Saint

Author : Mian Ata Rabbani
Under Supervision : Shahid Rasheed
Incharge Publication : Rafaqat Riaz
Printer : Nazaria-i-Pakistan Printers
Designing : Muhammad Shahzad
Composing : Hafiz Amir Nazir
First Edition : December 2009
Copies : 500
Price : Rs. 150

Published by

NAZARIA-I-PAKISTAN TRUST
Aiwan-i-Karkunan-i-Tahreek-i-Pakistan, Madar-i-Millat Park,
100-Shahrah-i-Quaid-i-Azam, Lahore. Ph.: 99201213-99201214
Fax: 99202930 Email: trust@nazariapak.info
Web: www.nazariapak.info
Printed at: Nazaria-i-Pakistan Printers,
10-Multan Road, Lahore. Ph: 042-7466975
 Message from the Chairman
Nazaria-i-Pakistan Trust is a national academic-
cum-research institution for promoting and projecting the
ideology of Pakistan as enunciated by Quaid-i-Azam
Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Allama Muhammad Iqbal. To
fulfill this role, the Trust's programmes aim at
highlighting objectives for which Pakistan was
established, recalling sacrifices rendered for achieving it,
and creating awareness among people, particularly young
generations, about its ideological basis and its glorious
Islamic cultural heritage. The Trust feels that its efforts
can bear fruit if it succeeds in equipping the youth with
authentic knowledge about the inspirational teachings
and achievements of our Founding Fathers, Quaid-i-
Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Allama Muhammad
Iqbal. With this aim in view, the Trust carries out multi-
faceted activities, one of which is production of literature
which not only disseminates knowledge about the great
Pakistan Movement but also fills our hearts with feelings
of pride on our successful struggle for independence,
makes us conscious of our vast national and human
wealth, and unfolds our capabilities to face the future with
confidence.
It must be admitted that although, after suffering
huge losses of life and property, we ultimately succeeded
in achieving Pakistan under the epoch-making leadership
of Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, we could not
make it an ideal Islamic State as visualized by Quaid-i-
Azam and Allama Iqbal. After the death of the Father of
the Nation, his unfaithful successors deviated from his
path and turned Pakistan into a playfield of civil and
military dictators. The Quaid-i-Azam delivered us from
the slavery of Britishers and Hindus but we have now
fallen into the trap of another type of slavery, namely
military overlordership. To free ourselves from its
clutches and all other types of overlorderships, we must
seek guidance from the nation-building thoughts and
actions of Quaid-i-Azam and Allama Iqbal who aspired to
make Pakistan a truly modern democratic welfare state
based on the shining teachings of Islam.
As pointed out before, our main focus is on
younger generations who were in the forefront in the
struggle for Pakistan and who can even today play a
similar role in building up Pakistan into a modern
democratic and welfare Islamic State. The students'
favourite slogan during Pakistan Movement was
Pakistan ka matlab kiya: La Ilaha Ilallah. Through this
slogan the Muslim youth saw a dream of regaining our
past glory and establishing our own free Muslim State in
our homelands.
The Quaid-i-Azam was fully conscious of the
mighty role which students played in the past and could
play in the future. Addressing a deputation of students on
31 October 1947 he observed: “Pakistan is proud of its
youth, particularly the students who have always been in
the forefront in the hour of trial and need. You are the
nation-builders of tomorrow and you must fully equip
yourself with discipline, education, and training for the
arduous task lying ahead of you. You should realize the
magnitude of your responsibility and be ready to bear it.”
The truth is that we have long neglected the youth
and our educational system does not inspire them to give
their best in the building up of Pakistan economically,
socially, politically and even educationally. Inspiration
comes through ideological education, which in our case
involves a study of two-nation theory derived from
Islamic Ideology which motivated the great Pakistan
Movement and on which is raised the edifice of our
nationhood. It is this ideological education which the
Trust seeks to impart to the Pakistani youth through its
publications, including the present one. I hope, this
literature will inspire the Pakistani youth to rise above
provincial, linguistic and sectarian rivalries and make
them apostles of national unity and territorial integrity.

Majid Nizami
 Contents

! About the Book 7

! Preface 11
! My Leader 13
! Jinnah: A Political Saint 24
! My Associations with the Quaid-e-Azam 36
! Emergence of Pakistan 42
! Quaid-e-Azam as Governor-General (designate) 49
! Quaid-e-Azam in Governor-General’s House 52
! Pakistan’s First Eid-ul-Fitr 62
! Quaid-e-Azam Aur Main 67
! Flag Staff House 85
! Taking Pride in Being Pakistanis 91
! Honouring the Man who gave us Pakistan (Part one) 99
! Honouring the Man who gave us Pakistan (Part two) 104
! 9/11 and Quaid-e-Azam 108
! My Last Breakfast with Quaid-e-Azam 113
! Index 118
 About the Book

In just over seven years, from 1940 to 1947,

Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah transformed
Asia. He woke sleeping giants, the Muslims of South
Asia, and gave them a free homeland they had never
dreamed of. He ended their slavery, which had
consumed their vitality, dignity and wealth for nearly
two centuries since their treacherous defeat at Plassey
in 1757. He gave them back their pride as a ruling
power of the vast sub-continent for over 1000 years.
In the words of historian Stanley Wolpert: “Few
individuals significantly alter the course of history.
Fewer still modify the map of the world. Hardly any
one can be credited with creating a nation-state.
Mohammad Ali Jinnah did all three.” These are the
most astounding historical developments any one of
anxious readers is likely to experience and ask: What
was the kind of man who could do what he has done.
This book is an attempt to answer that question
by looking at that remarkable man through a window
of his personal habits, traits and attitudes.
This window has been opened by a person no
less than Quaid-e-Azam’s own trusted Aide-de-Camp
 8

Mian Ata Rabbani. Inside the window we see an

extraordinarily elegant, graceful, tastefully dressed,
tall, handsome, erect and witty man with a monocle
on grey silk cord and a stiff white collar which the
famous British journalist Beverly Nicholas saw him
wearing even in the hottest weather of Bombay in
1944.
These are manifestations of his outside
elegance. What was his inside like? The more you
read about the day-to-day characteristics, attributes
and temperament of the charismatic personality inside
the window, the more closeness you find between his
outside elegance and inside flawless approach to life.
Confident, indomitable, steadfast, resolute,
impeccable, unpurchaseable, courageous, full of pride!
You keep coming across many other superlatives; a
man of cold logic, deft reasoning and topmost legal
brain, superbly eloquent, invincible, unconquerable.
These statements are not false ornaments of flattery.
They have come directly from the heart of the author
and his well-researched knowledge.
What to talk of the author? Even contemporaries
of Quaid-e-Azam were full of amazement at the
strength of his character and did not hesitate to shower
lavish praises over his achievements. The celebrated
 9

British diplomat Lord Listowel rated Mr. Jinnah as a

bigger political giant of the twentieth century than
even General de Gaulle. American President Harry S.
Truman considered him as the recipient of a devotion
of loyalty seldom accorded to any man. His highness
Sir Agha Khan III said of him: “Of all the statesmen
that I have known in my life—Clemenceau, Lloyd
George, Churchill, Curzon, Mussolini, Mahatama
Gandhi—Jinnah is most remarkable. None of these
men in my view outshown him in strength of character
and that almost scanny combination of precision and
resolution.” Even Quaid-e-Azam’s bitter critics
considered him as outweighing Truman, Stalin, and
Attle put together (Daily Amrit Bazar Patrika of 8th
August 1947) and as hard as diamond with all the
diamond’s brilliance (Daily Statesman).
Peeping through the pages of this book the
reader will see Mian Ata Rabbani in a constant state
of love and mesmerism while serving Quaid-e-Azam
as his Aide-de-Camp. He found his job as the
toughest, hardest and at times most grinding but loved
every moment of it for it turned out to be most
rewarding, engaging, exciting and enjoyable. And
why it should not have been so because he was
spending the most precious moments of his life with a
 10

man whom Beverly Nicholas called as the most

important man in Asia who could sway the battle of
politics in Asia this way or that as he chose, for his
100 million Muslims would move to the left, to the
right, to the front, to the rear at his bidding, and
nobody else’s.
Mian Ata Rabbani deserves thanks of the entire
nation for capturing some precious moments of
Quaid-e-Azam’s life and character as he saw them,
thereby enabling the reader to have a deeper view of
who the man of destiny was and why he succeeded in
achieving what he achieved.

Dr. Rafique Ahmed

Vice Chairman
 11

PREFACE

Pakistan gave Muslims of the Sub-Continent an

identity and an Independent homeland as a safe haven.
The architect of the “Miracle of the Twentieth Century” is
no other than Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah. In
this book certain selected articles written by me from time
to time, on and about the Quaid-e-Azam are clubbed
together for the benefit of readers particularly the young
students. These articles are not part of any mini-biography
of the Great Leader whom Beverly Nichols called “A
Giant” but only dwell on certain facets of his sterling
character.
I was his “Aide” for seven months from August 7th,
1947 to March 1948, when I stood behind him and
watched the nostalgic events of the birth of Pakistan from
the grand stand. Such opportunities come very rarely in
one’s life time.
Pakistan is sixty one years old now but during this
short span of time it has drifted from its moorings. The
sad part of this misfortune is that our younger generations
are oblivious of the “Why” of Pakistan. The innocent
youngsters perhaps imagine that this comfortable and
plentiful life that they live in and enjoy today had always
been all milk and honey even in pre-independence days in
India. It had never been so.
 12

It is need of the hour to familiarize the younger

generations with the “Why” of Pakistan. In this exercise
the focus has to be on the Person of Jinnah, the Quaid-e-
Azam who changed the map of the world to our benefit.
Jinnah and Pakistan are synonymous.
The task is stupendous. All credit to Nazaria-i-
Pakistan Trust Lahore who under guidance of its Chairman
Mr. Majeed Nizami and Dr. Rafique Ahmad the energetic
and innovative Vice Chairman took this task in hand with
great success. The Trust has published a number of books,
booklets, brochures and pamphlets on Quaid-e-Azam and
Nazaria-i-Pakistan. I personally appreciate Dr. Rafique
Ahmad’s initiative in collaborating some of my articles
published in the media on national days, in the form of a
book. I am sure it will interest the youngsters and help
them know about some facets of Quaid-e-Azam’s
character and basics of the ideology of Pakistan.
Readers please bear in mind that the book is neither
a biography nor history, so you may not find continuity in
the text. It is a collection of articles written from time to
time spreading over a number of years with inevitable
repetition of certain facts in various articles. Keeping this
fact in view, each article should be read independent of
each other.
Ata Rabbani
Karachi,
September 26, 2008
 13

MY LEADER

Muhammad Ali Jinnah was born on December 25,

1876, in Wazir Mansion, New Naham Road, Khara-Dar,
Karachi. He took his early education in Sindh Madrassa-
tul-Islam, Karachi. Muhammad Ali was 16 years old and
student of Fifth Standard English (under matriculation)
when in 1883 he left for England for studies and
apprenticeship in business administration in the head
office of Graham Trading Co. He joined Lincoln’s Inn
and graduated from there in two years with distinction.
Mr. Jinnah once confided that “he was the youngest
student ever to be called to the Bar”.
He grew up to be tall, handsome, erect, graceful
with chiseled features like a Greek God. He was always
elegantly and tastefully dressed. He wore Savil-Row
tailored suits and the silk cord of his monocle matching
the colour of the suit that he wore. This appendix of his
dress became known all over as was the ‘Windsor knot’ of
then Prince of Wales. British Viceroys like Harding,
Chelmsford, Reading and Halifax all thought that Mr.
Jinnah was “the best dressed gentleman they ever met in
India”.
Mr. Jinnah was always self confident, indomitable
and full of pride and as a matter of principle he would
 14

never entertain favours from anyone, or accept any give-

away as gesture of benevolence.
Early in his professional career, at the expiry of six
months temporary assignment of the vacant post of
Presidency Magistrate, when Sir Charles Ollivant,
member for the Bombay Executive Council offered him a
permanent job at a higher salary, he spurned the offer
saying, “Soon, I will be daily earning that much amount,
that you have offered me”. Such was his confidence and
faith in his ability and the world saw that within a couple
of years he was one of the highest paid lawyer in the
country.
Lord Reading, the Viceroy of India offered him
Knighthood, which Mr. Jinnah declined saying that he
prefers to be called plain Mr. Jinnah than Sir Muhammad
Ali Jinnah. It is interesting to know that after Mr. Jinnah’s
refusal to be Knighted, when Lord Reading at an informal
reception, turned to Mrs. Maryam (Ratti) Jinnah and
asked her to request her husband to agree to be Knighted,
she promptly retorted, “If my husband accepts
Knighthood, I will ask separation from him”.
Years later, Mr. Ramzay MacDonald, the British
Prime Minister, said to Mr. Jinnah, “You know that we
are hoping to grant self-government to India and I shall
need men like you to be Governors of Provinces”. Mr.
Jinnah promptly replied back, “Mr. MacDonald, are you
 15

trying to bribe me?” It was against Mr. Jinnah’s grain to

accept favours.
Mr. Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Bar-at-Law, made his
debut in politics as a staunch nationalist. Within a short
period of his joining the Congress in 1905 he made his
mark and was soon counted as one of its front rank
leaders. With his true nationalistic approach to politics he
came to be known as ‘Ambassador of Hindu-Muslim
unity’.
The question then intrigued; what was it that
changed Mr. Jinnah’s thinking so radically? There must
have been some thing very fundamental that disillusioned
this “Ambassador of Hindu-Muslim Unity and idol of
young Indian nationalists of 1920s” and turned him into
an avid champion of the interest of his community. Mr.
H.V. Hodson, an eminent British historian sums up Mr.
Jinnah’s character thus, “One thing is certain he did not
change for any venal motive. Not even his political
enemies ever accused Jinnah of corruption or self-seeking.
He could be bought by no one, and for no price…… He
was a steadfast idealist as well as a man of scrupulous
honour.”
He could not be bought, he could not be lured, then
what was it that brought this radical change in Mr. Jinnah?
The answer to this question of change of his ideals lie in
the deeds, rather ‘misdeeds’ and behaviour of the
Congress leaders. He became thoroughly disenchanted
 16

with the two-faced policies and distinct contradictions in

the lofty ideals professed in public and actual deeds of the
so called “nationalist” Hindu leaders. The History of the
Congress is replete with instances of deliberate efforts to
undermine Muslim interests with a view to amalgamating
their separate identity in the bigger whole. To enumerate a
few examples:-
• Congress’ opposition to separate electorates.
• Opposition to and later agitation against the
partition of Bengal which eventually they
got annulled in 1911.
• Repudiation of the Luckhnow Pacts.
• Rejection of Jinnah’s Fourteen Points.
• Refusal to form Coalition Ministries with
Muslim League in the Provinces where the
Congress won majorities in the 1937
elections, as assured both by the Congress
and the British Government in discussions
that preceded the 1935 India Act.
• Imposition of Hindu Culture in Government
offices and educational institutions in
Congress government provinces.
• Introduction of Wardha Scheme Primary
education.
 17

• The launching of a mass contact movement

amongst the Muslims by-passing the League
and all other Muslim leaders.
Disgusted with the hypocrisy and double standards
of the top brass of the Congress leadership, Mr. Jinnah left
for London in October 1930 to settle and start his legal
practice there before the Privy Council.
The thirties was a crucial period for the Muslim
community in the subcontinent when Muslim politics was
in a state of flux and they were heartlessly being tossed
about in the stormy winds of politics and they drifted
aimlessly like a rudderless ship in the angry sea of
politics. At this time of despair and despondency when all
seemed lost, there appeared on the dark horizon, a silver
streak of hope. Mr. Jinnah was persuaded to return home
to assume the stewardship of the battered and demoralized
Muslims. He returned to India in 1934 and appeared on
the scene like a super star, a star of hope for the Muslims
and one destined to dominate the future political scene in
the sub-continent.
Within a very short time of his return from his self-
imposed exile in England, this idol of the young Indian
Nationalists of the twenties, now turned into a champion
of the hitherto neglected cause of the Muslims. He
assumed the key role in the political life of the
subcontinent. It was however, in March 1936 and the
venue was Delhi when Mr. M.A Jinnah finally decided
 18

upon his future course of action and sounded a clarion call

to the Muslims to unite. He said, “We must think of the
interests of our community…..….. The Musalmans and
Hindus must be organized separately and once they are
organized thus, they will understand each other”. This was
a turning point in the history of the sub-continent.
The die was cast and from this point of time
onwards there was no obstacle insurmountable. The
response from the Muslim masses was historic and they
rose as one man at his call and like a storm swept
everything before them.
Inspite of his frail health the Quaid-e-Azam
worked tirelessly and galvanized the Muslims of India
into a nation. The name of Quaid-e-Azam acquired a
magnetic perception for the Muslims of India, they trusted
him and reposed complete faith and confidence in his
judgment and the advocacy of their cause. The Nation was
now ready, he gathered the pieces that were drifting in the
wind of political wilderness and molded them into a
powerful and solid whole. The Muslims now became a
political force to be reckoned with, both by the Hindus
and those sitting in the Viceregal Lodge.
Every passing day increased the popularity of Mr.
Jinnah and Muslim India’s faith in his leadership and
ability to deliver the goods on their behalf. The snowball
action started and the Muslims flocked to swell the ranks
of the Muslim League. The so called Nationalist Muslim
 19

leaders stood isolated. The Muslim community now stood

as one behind the “Man of Destiny”. It was now 1940. He
decided that the time was now ripe to indicate its
“destination” to the Muslims of the subcontinent.
On March 23, 1940, under the shadows of the
majestic Badshahi Mosque at Lahore, he said:-
“….........We stand unequivocally for the freedom
of India. But it must be freedom of all India and
not freedom of one section, for worse still, of
the congress caucus and slavery of Musalmans
and other minorities”. “……… I appeal to you, to
organize yourself in such a way that you may
depend upon none except your own inherent
strength. That is your only safeguard and the
best safeguard. Depend upon yourself”.
Pre-empting British thinking on the future
constitution he warned the British:-
“…….We and we alone wish to be the final
arbiter, we do not want that the British
government should thrust upon the Musalmans
a constitution which they do not approve of and
to which they do not agree…….. I make it plain
from this platform, that if any declaration is
made; if any interim settlement is made without
our approval and without our consent, the
Musalmans of India will resist, and no mistake
should be made on that score.”
 20

Elaborating the point of NATIONHOOD and the

demand of a separate HOMELAND he argued:-
“…….. It has always been taken for granted
mistakenly, that Musalmans are a minority. The
Musalmans are not a minority. The Musalmans
are a nation by any definition. Even according to
the British map of India, we occupy large parts
of the country, where the Musalmans are in
majority………..such as Bengal, Punjab, NWFP,
Sind and Baluchistan……………..the Hindus and
Musalmans belongs to two different religious
philosophies, social customs, literatures…….they
belong to two different civilizations…….their
aspects on life and of life are different…Hindus
and Musalmans derive their inspiration from
two different sources of history. They have
different epics, different heroes, and different
episodes, very often the hero of one is a foe of
the other and like wise the unity of India dates
back only to the British conquest and
maintained by the British bayonet……….”
Winding up his case for a separate homeland for
his Nation he summoned up thus:-
“…….Musalmans are a nation according to any
definition of a nation and they must have their
homeland, their territory and their state.”
Turning to his people he said:-
 21

“……… I have placed before you the task that

lies ahead of us. Do you realize how big and
stupendous it is. Do you realize that you cannot
get freedom or independence by mere
arguments? …………….come forward as servants
of Islam, organize the people economically,
socially, educationally and politically and i am
sure that you will be a power that will be
accepted by everybody”.
Thunderous applause and Quaid-e-Azam
‘Zindabad’ and Pakistan ‘Zindabad’ slogans ranted the air
of Lahore.
Mr. Jinnah, a brilliant and astute lawyer that he
was, his natural gift of eloquence, cool thinking, cold-
blooded logic of his arguments, forceful style of
advocacy, dauntless courage combined with political
foresight that he was endowed with, made Mr. Jinnah the
key figure in the politics of the country from then on.
With his political sense and acumen he could foresee
things far beyond, much ahead of any one else. During
Congress/League negotiations in the forties when all the
‘wise men’ of the Congress Working Committee would sit
together for days to make out the Congress case; whereas
Mr. Jinnah’s response on behalf of the Muslim League
would come within a day or so that would outsmart them
all. The one man ‘think tank’ of Muslim India would sit
down and calmly dictate replies to these communications
 22

from the All India Congress Committee. Tackling

dexterously, point by point, all their salient propositions
and demolishing their arguments one by one, the Quaid in
his characteristic style, at the same time, would be
building up his own case with logic and deft reasoning.
He would in his counter attack thus throw the Congress on
the defensive or even force it to retreat. He was like the
Grand Master making his subtle moves on the political
chess board of the subcontinent.
He knew the weaknesses of his people, was aware
of the organizational deficiencies that the Musalmans
suffered from and he was also conscious of the vacillating
nature of most of the Muslims, they only like to talk and
no constructive thinking or actions. Some even scoffed at
his proposed “destination”. He was very sure and said,
“We shall achieve Pakistan and of course, he who laughs
last, laughs the best”. The whole world saw that within a
short span of only five and half years, from the day of this
prediction the word “shall” was turned into the word ,
‘have’, when the Nation could proudly claim, ‘We have
established our Pakistan’. His prophesy came true. Such
was the kind of rapport that this Man of Destiny had with
Destiny.
His critics may call him cold, aloof and even
arrogant; but it is only this far that they could go and no
more. Even the most bitter opponents of Mr. Jinnah could
not help but admit the sterling qualities of his character,
 23

uprightness, integrity, and incorruptibility. They knew he

would never compromise on principles.
The creation of Pakistan is often referred to as a
miracle of the twentieth century. It is rightly so, besides,
many political, economic, ethnic and social impediments,
the Colonial powers holding the subcontinent to ransom
were against the division of India. History bears testimony
to the fact that India was never one, it was never a unified
whole. His Majesty’s Government, however for reasons
best known to them, was keen to preserve the artificial
unity of their Indian empire. Some of the contemporary
British writers taking their cue from the White-hall, took
the same line. Maybe, they genuinely believed in it and
liked to think of India as an indivisible whole. As such,
any person working against this concept was dubbed by
them as ‘rigid’ and ‘stubborn’ and Mr. Jinnah, to them
was that person. In doing so they betrayed history and
maligned their profession. The defaced version of history
may only have a temporary impact but truth must prevail
in the end and Mr. Jinnah is a shining example of this
dictum. No person, no matter how mighty his pen, can
tarnish the image of Mr. Jinnah.
“Noor-e-Khuda hai kufar ki harkat peh khanda zun
Phoonkon say yeh charagh bujhaya na jai ga”.
(Daily THE NEWS, September 11, 2002)

*****
 24

JINNAH: A POLITICAL SAINT

Mr. Muhammad Ali Jinnah was a remarkable

person, an extra ordinary statesman and unique for his
political sagacity. He was no Wali or Saint in terms of
religious terminology but he was certainly a political saint
for the muslims of the subcontinent. Whereas the walis
and saints did a great service to Islam by converting
countless infidels to the true faith and spiritually guiding
faithfuls to follow the right path, Mr. Jinnah as a political
saint turned the muslim minority of the Indian Sub-
Continent into a nation and emancipated them from the
evil axis of Ango-Hindu tyranny and domination by
guiding and leading them to the eventual goal of Pakistan,
a safe heaven for them and established the largest muslim
state. The services of Mr. Jinnah as political saint are no
less momentous to the muslims of South Asia as those of
the spiritual walis and saints to Islam. The clerics and the
orthodox may not agree with me but in the present day
and age, facts of history cannot be ignored. Let us not
forget that Islam is a progressive religion and we must
interpret it in the context of present day thinking.
M.A. Jinnah was a known name the world over
even in the early twentieth century. He was respected as
steadfast, resolute and an impeccable leader with the
highest integrity. He was considered as one of the top
 25

most legal brains of South Asia. The true standing of an

individual is always reflected in what his contemporaries
think of him. Harry S. Truman, President of the United
States of America said of him, “Mr. Jinnah was the
recipient of a devotion of loyalty seldom accorded to any
man”. His Highness The Agha Khan III ranked him very
high amongst the contemporary world figures. He said,
“Of all the statesmen that I have known in my life,
(believe me, he know very many) – Clemenceau, Lloyd
George, Churchill, Curzon, Mussolini, Mahatma Gandhi –
Jinnah is the most remarkable. None of these men, in my
view out shown him in strength of character and that
almost uncanny combination of precision and resolution
as Mr. Jinnah.” Similarly, Lord Listowel, senior member
of Clement Attlee’s cabinet said, “I would rate Mr. Jinnah
as a bigger political giant of the twentieth century than
even General de Gaulle.”
Even those in the opposite political camp praised
his qualities of head and heart. Mr. M. K. Gandhi, his
political rival in South Asia, in one of his letters to Mr.
Louis Fisher wrote, “Mr. Jinnah is incorruptible and
courageous”. Another Indian National Congress ex-
President, a former Governor and Federal Minister and a
renowned poetess Mrs. Sarojini Naidu, named Mr. Jinnah
“ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity and one of sub-
continent’s tried and impeccable leaders.”
 26

The media is a reflection of public opinion.

International and local newspapers wrote highly of Mr.
M.A Jinnah. The World’s renowned newspaper, THE
TIMES wrote, “Few statesmen have shaped events to their
policy more surely than Mr. Jinnah. He was a legend even
in his life time”. Two of the leading newspapers of sub-
continent, THE DAILY STATESMAN OF INDIA
referred to him” seemingly as hard as a diamond, he had
all the diamond’s brilliance.” Another renowned
newspaper, AMRIT BAZAR PATRIKA from Calcutta
wrote on August 8, 1947, “Jinnah outweights Truman,
Stalin and Attlee put together”. A great tribute from a
well-known staunch pro-Akhand Bharat newspaper of
volatile Bengal.
Well, ladies and gentleman, that was Mr. M. A.
Jinnah of the early twentieth century!
Mr. Muhammad Ali Jinnah started his political
career in 1905 as a staunch liberal from the platform of
the Indian National Congress. The same year along with
Gopal Krishna Gokhale, a foremost Hindu nationalist, he
represented the Congress in England to plead the Indian
case for self-government. Mr. Gokhale was impressed
with him and remarked, “He has the true stuff in him and
that freedom from all secretarian prejudice which will
make him the best ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity.”
A year later in 1906 he served as secretary to Dadabhai
Naoroji, the then Congress President, a position that was
 27

considered a great honour for any budding politician. The

same year, in the Calcutta session of the Congress in
December 1906, he made his first political speech in
support of self-government. In January 1910, he was
elected from Bombay with a thumping majority to the
Imperial Legislative Council of India.
Mr. M.A. Jinnah forcefully advocated the need of
Hindu-Muslim unity and passionately expounded the
cause of Indian freedom in and outside the Indian
Legislative Council. He raised his voice against every
system that discriminated between human beings and
against every institution violating the dignity of man. He
opposed colonialism. In his home constituency of
Bombay, he was the President of the Bombay branch of
the Home Rule League. Bombaites recognized his
services to the cause of Indian freedom, towards Hindu-
Muslim unity and to the people of Bombay and
constructed a Public Hall in his name. Jinnah Hall still
stands in Bombay as a monument of his sterling services
to the people of that city.
Muslim League was formed in 1906 in Dacca but
inspite of great persuasion including that of his friend
H.H. The Agha Khan III he did not join the Muslim
League. It was only when the Muslim League at his
instance in 1912 adopted self-government for India as its
goal that Mr. Jinnah in 1913 joined the All India Muslim
League. Three years later he became its President. Now he
 28

was member of both the All India Congress and All India
Muslim League and in this unique position he tried to
bring the two organizations closer and as a result of his
efforts, the Congress-League Lucknow pact of 1916 was
signed, detailing a joint scheme for post-war reforms and
conceding Muslims the right to separate electorates.
The parting of ways with the Congress came in
1920 when in the Nagpur session of the Congress, M.K.
Gandhi changed the Congress creed to direct action and
non-cooperation. Mr. Jinnah also resigned as President of
Home rule League when Gandhi after his election as its
President in 1920 unilaterally changed its constitution and
nomenclature. So the year 1920 marked a clean break
between Mr. Jinnah and all that the Congress stood for.
Mr. Jinnah now started to concentrate on
reorganizing the Muslim League that was in disarray both
at the central and provincial levels. It was an uphill task
because he had to struggle single-handedly on this
gigantic task but he was not deterred. Remember he once
said, “Most of the coins in my pocket are base coins” or
words to that effect. But it must be said to his credit that
he used these “base coins” very judiciously for the
Muslim cause. However, he had the unstinted support and
loyalty of many young and budding politicians like
M.A.H. Isphahani, Raja of Mahmoodabad, Iftikhar
Mamdot, Sardar Shaukat Hayat and Qazi Muhammad Isa.
With his determination, uncanny resolution and help of
 29

this young brigade he shaped the League into an effective

political body.
With all his dedication to the League and the
Muslim cause, Mr. Jinnah considered Hindu-Muslim
unity as pre-condition for Indian freedom. He attended
many unity conferences, suggested incorporation of the
muslim demand for a federal structure as against the
unitary form as envisaged in the Nehru Report for India’s
future constitution. All his suggestions were streamrolled.
He then came up with his famous “Fourteen Points”.
These points became the combined voice of all the
Muslim organizations and the basic Muslim demand at the
ensuing Round Table Conference in London in 1930 – 32.
Congress-League relations as propounded and
advocated by Mr. Jinnah took a sudden confrontational
posture starting with the outcome of the 1937 general
elections under the 1935 Government of India Act when
the Congress swept the polls. In the Muslim minority
provinces, inspite of a tacit pre-elections understanding,
the Congress of Nehru refused to accommodate the
elected Leaguers except for those who were prepared to
merge with the ruling party.
This was followed by Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru’s
“two forces” doctrine in 1936 being inserted into the body
politics of India when he stated that “there are only two
forces in India today – The British imperialism and the
Indian National Congress representing Indian
 30

nationalism”, to which Mr. Jinnah retorted that, “I refuse

to accept this. There is a third party in this country as well
and that is Muslim India”. Jinnah was dismayed and with
a heavy heart finally pulled down the curtain on Congress-
League collaboration and finally closed the chapter of
hindu-muslim unity, that up to that day was the core of his
politics and panacea for the Indian Independence.
In the 1937 general elections, the League came out
very poorly. In the Punjab, one of the four Muslim
majority provinces League could account for only two
seats in the provincial assembly and even out of these two,
one legislator became a ‘lota’ at the time of ministry
formation, leaving a sole League representative in the
assembly. Congress volte-face to accommodate League
representatives in Hindu majority provinces and then
Nehru’s “two forces” doctrine injected into Indian body
politics, finally forced Jinnah to take the cudgels on behalf
of his community that was so far floating like a rudderless
ship in the stormy waters of Indian politics.
The year was 1937 when Mr. Jinnah took up the
task of welding the disjointed pieces together and brought
them up to the status of a nation from that of a minority
community. This was the first step that he had in mind for
advancing to their final emancipation. For doing this he
met with lot of resistance from within; there were the
feudals who were eager to protect their jagirs and positions
bestowed on them by the British and then there were the
 31

clerics who even called him “Kafir-e-Azam” and Pakistan

as “Dar-ul-Harb”. He remained undaunted and continued
with his task of consolidating the down trodden
community and organizing the League at all levels.
Disregarding his ill health he worked hard, infact very hard
with selfless devotion and as a result he won the hearts of
the overwhelming majority of Muslims. People trusted
him, his integrity, his political acumen and statesmanship.
In his mammoth public meetings where almost over eighty
percent of the participants could not understand even one
single word of English, they would listen to him in pin
drop silence and amazingly would clap and raise zindabad
slogan at the points of emphasis in his speech.
It was universally known that elderly people in the
remote villages when talking to young people hearing
radio or reading newspaper would ask, “what has Baba
said today?” but in the same breath would reply
themselves “whatever he has said must be true”. These
villagers would call Jinnah, ‘Baba’ with affection.
Harry Truman, a former President of America could
not be more right when he said, “Mr. Jinnah was the recipient
of a devotion of loyalty seldom accorded to any man.”
The grateful nation called him “Quaid-e-Azam” the
great leader. From Mr. M.A. Jinnah in the teens he was
Quaid-e-Azam in the late thirties, to his people and to the
world at large. Even Gandhi in his letter on 16 January
1940 was obliged to address him as “Dear Quaid-e-
 32

Azam”. It was in this very letter that Gandhi, perhaps

sarcastically asked him, “shall I call you Quaid-e-Azam or
continue to address you Mr. Jinnah as before”. To which
the Quaid-e-Azam retorted “Call a rose by whatever name
you may, it will always smell like a rose.”
Mr. Jinnah was a one man ‘think-tank’ of the
Muslim League and Muslims of the sub-continent.
Congress Working Committee with all its top brass
including Mahatma Gandhi, Nehru, Patel, Azad and the
rest deliberating together for days would come up with
long winded arguments confronting the League on national
and party issues. Quaid-e-Azam then would dictate to his
personal assistant in one sitting, comprehensive and
irrefutable replies to all the points raised by the Congress.
Similarly on the conference table, he was more than a
match to Mountbatten, Nehru or Gandhi.
Always elegantly dressed in his Saville Row
tailored pin-striped suit or wearing a flawless cream
coloured sherwani and Jinnah cap he attended conferences,
participated in round table talks with the Viceroys and
Congress leaders and travelled in style in the ‘first class’ at
his own expense from town to town to address public
rallies in English where almost over eighty percent of his
audience could not understand a word of English but they
raptly listened to him in silence. The Muslim masses were
one behind him but some big name Muslim politicians for
their personal ends particularly in the Muslim majority
 33

provinces of Punjab and Bengal were ‘with him and not

with him’. Some such politicians joined Viceroy’s
Defence Council against the advice of Mr. Jinnah and later
when threatened to be expelled from the Muslim League,
many of them blatantly resigned from the Council.
After World War II the Labour government of
Attlee decided to free India and transfer power to the
elected representatives. The political climate in India
during the Congress rule in Muslim minority provinces
after 1937 elections was hurting the Muslims. There were
even calculative attempts to obliterate the Muslims as a
separate cultural entity. The Muslims for their own safety
drifted away from the mainstream Indian national politics.
Mr. M.A. Jinnah was now the Quaid-e-Azam and
the established leader of Muslim India and All India
Muslim League as the sole representative body of the
community. Quaid-e-Azam knew that the time was ripe
and on 23rd March 1940 under the lofty minarets of
Badshahi Mosque Lahore, he declared Muslims as a
nation and demanded a separate homeland for the
Muslims of the sub-continent. The resolution known as
the Pakistan Resolution was moved by Maulvi A.K.
Fazal-ul-Haq of Bengal. The whole of Lahore ranted with
Pakistan Zindabad slogans. There was no stopping them
and the surge for an independent country that started with
the passing of this Resolution snow-balled into a
revolution and within seven years on August 14, 1947 the
 34

independent Muslim state of Pakistan appeared on the

map of the world. Jinnah the Political Saint had done it.
After the passing of the Pakistan Resolution in
March 1940 this became a passion with Muslim India
which threatened to change the trend of Indian politic
from “Indian Independence’ to Divide and Quit.
The British government saw the weight behind the
Muslim demand and in 1942 sent Sir Stafford Cripps with
certain proposals for the transfer of power. Congress and
the League, both for their own reasons rejected the
proposals.
The 1945/46 general elections gave Muslim
League a unique position. There was a clean sweep when
the League captured all the 30 seats in the Central
Legislature and 423 out of the total 493 seats in all the 11
provinces. Quaid-e-Azam was now in an impregnable
position of his demand for a separate homeland for the
Muslims. British government was determined to transfer
power but were keen to retain the unity of the country.
Once again in 1946 the British government sent
what is known as a ‘Cabinet Mission’ to resolve the
constitutional deadlock. The Mission presented its plan
that envisaged three federal groups – two comprising the
Muslim majority provinces, linked to the centres in a
loose federation with three subjects only. The third group
was the rest of India. All India Muslim League accepted
the plan as a strategic move and as a first step for the
 35

attainment of their final goal. The Congress also accepted

the plan but soon realized its long term implications and
resiled from its stand. On the Congress rejection, the
Muslim League also renounced its acceptance and
observed 16th of August as a Direct Action Day. Hindu
India reacted and there was lot of bloodshed as a result.
Lord Louis Mountbatten, the last Viceroy of the
British Crown arrived in India mandated to hand over
power to the Indians preferable as a united India.
Mountbatten’s conduct as an honest broker left much to
be desired and then the dubious border alignments by the
Radcliffe Commission are a subject for separate
consideration. The Radcliffe Award was so blatantly
prejudiced against Pakistan through Mountbatten/
Radcliffe axis that even Mr. Beaumont secretary of the
Commission had to say, “Grave discrete to both”.
(Mountbatten and Radcliffe)
To sum up and to back my assertion of Jinnah – A
Political Saint, I will repeat the words of Prof. Sharif-ul-
Mujahid with his permission of course when he said,
“Jinnah had termed the Muslims a separate entity in 1935.
He upgraded them to a third party status in 1937 and to
nationhood in 1940. And within seven years he secured a
national home-land for that nation.” That was SAINT
JINNAH – the invincible!
(Daily THE NEWS, August 14, 2007)
 36

MY ASSOCIATIONS WITH
THE QUAID-E-AZAM

I am Ata Rabbani honoured and privileged first Air

Force Aide-De-Camp to Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali
Jinnah, Governor-General of Pakistan. I joined Quaid-e-
Azam’s staff at noon on August 7, 1947, exactly two
hours before he left 10-Aurangzeb Road for the last time
on his way to the Palam airport. I was one of the three
privileged persons to fly with him from Delhi to Karachi
as Governor-General (designate) on August 7, 1947.
I was his aide for seven months and with all the
proximity of being on his personal staff, it is a fact of life
that during this period I NEVER HAD THE HONOUR
OF SHAKING HANDS with him. It was not because he
did not like any one of us, nor can I recollect that at any
time or any incident when he was ever upset with our
antics. He was always kind and tolerant to his personal
staff with one exception and that was the Comptroller of
the Household, Major Mc Coy. The Quaid would get
upset at the very sight of “Mr. Mc Coy” as the Governor-
General preferred to call him. May be his mannerism, his
bearings, handling of the décor of the ‘house’ or his very
face, that irritated the Quaid and “Mr. Mc Coy” would be
in trouble. We called Mc Coy as Quaid’s punching bag.
He obviously did not last for long.
 37

The Governor-General was always formal and

correct. He addressed us as “mister” so and so. He
preferred to address those in uniform as “mister” rather
than by their rank.
I served Mr. Jinnah as his aide not only as a routine
service posting but with passion and devotion. His
personality grew on me and I always desired to be close to
him and serve him. It would be wrong to say that I
admired the man from my childhood because during my
school and college days, my interests were focused on
out-door sports and politics was not my cup of tea. Born,
bred and raised in an orthodox muslim family where
almost all the elders except my father, had each performed
the Haj for more than once, particularly in those days of
camel back rides from Mecca to Madina Munawwarah;
but they were no clerics. We were advised to follow the
Islamic injunctions but were never forced to adhere to
them rigidly. Personally, I was fond of Islamic history
with the generals like Khalid-bin-Walid, Tariq-bin-Ziad
and Sultan Salahuddin Ayubi as my favourites; so a streak
of hero worship was there in me from childhood.
I joined Muslim University Aligarh for my
graduation and it was there that I saw and heard Mr.
Jinnah for the first time. His charismatic personality had a
magical inspiration for me. After graduation I joined the
Royal Indian Air Force in 1941 and with the passage of
 38

time my fondness for Mr. Jinnah turned into a passion to

serve him, perhaps as his personal pilot.
In the run-up to the 1945-46 general elections in
India, Quaid-e-Azam appealed for contribution of “silver
bullets” to fight the elections. Infringing all service
regulations, I started to collect “silver bullets” from
muslim officers and even from airmen and eventually
managed to collect Rs. 27,521 and 10 annas. In the
meantime I was posted to Calcutta where I happened to
meet the dynamic Mr. Hussain Shaheed Suhrawardy,
Chief Minister of Bengal. I requested him to present my
humble contribution to the Quaid-e-Azam, who was to
visit Calcutta to wind up the league election campaign in
Bengal. Suhrawardy turned around and suggested that
wouldn’t I like to do it personally. He could arrange that.
It was a God sent opportunity. On the appointed date and
time I reached Park Road residence of Mr. M.A.H.
Isphahani, where the Quaid usually stayed when visiting
Calcutta. Mr. Suhrawardy was also present.

My First Handshake with Quaid-e-Azam

Mr. Suhrawardy introduced me to Quaid-e-Azam. I
saluted and presented my humble contribution. He got up
and extended his hand towards me. I grabbed it and shook
it with warmth and respect. This was my FIRST
handshake with the number one man of Muslims of the
subcontinent. He said, “Good show young man, it is a lot
 39

of money. It will be of help. Thank you.” I thought that

the ritual was over and was about to depart, when he
spoke again. “Wait a minute; I have to give you a receipt
for it and a piece of advice.” He then wrote the receipt and
pointing his right hand index finger towards me, said in
firm tone, “Don’t do it again. You know, you could be
court martialled for it and even be dismissed from the Air
Force.” These words of advice to me by Mr. Jinnah bear
deep connotation with a clear pointer of his thinking
regarding the role of the armed forces.
My selection as Aide-De-Camp to Quaid-e-Azam
as Governor-General is in itself a fairy-tale story that
would need an independent chapter.
We were three aides, one from each service, and
each one of us used to get a day off after every third day.
One day, when off duty I was summoned by the
Governor-General, who said, “you know Mr. Rabbani, the
Air Force commander Mr. Perry Keene was with me this
morning with a request to relieve you to join Risalpur
Flying School where they are hard pressed for flying
instructors. This was his third visit in this context. I have
decided to relieve you; if the Air Force ‘must’ have you,
then you must go”.
The date was 19 March 1948 when I went to take
leave of him before leaving for Risalpur, I took with me
his well published photograph wearing a sherwani and
Jinnah cap, hoping to get it autographed by him as a
 40

memento. He looked at it, stood up and walked away with

it to his private study next door. He came back after a
while with his prized photograph, dressed in a three-piece
with a cigar in hand, standing in front of the marble fire-
place in the living room of his Malabar Hill residence in
Bombay. This photograph was taken by Miss Margrate
Burkwhite of Time magazine in the year 1945. Quaid-e-
Azam liked the photograph and wanted it to be adopted as
his official portrait. As LIFE and TIME magazines held
the copyright, they turned down the Government of
Pakistan’s request and sent only six complimentary
copies. Quaid-e-Azam brought one of these six copies for
me and when he was about to ink his autograph on the
beautifully patterned carpet I ventured to suggest that he
kindly autograph it on the legs of his trousers where the
writing would be more prominent otherwise any
inscription on the carpet would blend into the back-
ground. He stopped, looked at me with his penetrating
eyes, as if saying, “you fool, I do not want to spoil the
crease of my trousers” and without looking up again
autographed it on the carpet. He said everything without
saying any thing.

My Second Handshake with Quaid-e-Azam

“Good luck”. That was all that he said, when I
finally begged leave of him. He for the SECOND time
extended his hand towards me. I caught hold of his hand
 41

with both of mine and looked up in his eyes. He read my

feelings and gave a nod of approval. I KISSED HIS
HAND and without looking into his eyes again, saluted
and left.
This was a very very rare happening and I was
overwhelmed with his parting gesture. He always
abhorred display of such feelings towards him. I recollect,
after his first Eid-ul-Fitr prayers in Pakistan on 18th of
August, 1947 in Karachi, some enthusiastic admirers tried
to kiss his hands. He was upset and annoyed and pulling
away his hands with a jerk he said, “Don’t do it. I hate it.”
(Daily The DAWN, August 14, 2007)

*****
 42

EMERGENCE OF PAKISTAN

It was 14th August 1947, the D-day. The dawn of

the day saw hectic activities all around. City of Karachi
was all decked up and ready to see the rising sun of
freedom. Enthusiastic crowds delirious with joy thronged
the city streets, dancing and prancing. They were jubilant,
happy and shouting Pakistan Zindabad slogans.
The main attraction of the day was the state-drive,
culminating in the Proclamation of Independence and
hoisting of Pakistan Flag atop the National (Sindh)
Assembly building. The route of the state-drive from
Governor-General’s house to the Constituent Assembly
building was lined up by jubilant crowds on both sides of
the roads. Balconies of all the buildings enroute were
crowded with women and children waving flags and
shouting Zindabad slogans. At the Constituent Assembly
building, the venue of the event of the proclamation of
independence, there was lot of activity with members in
their sherwanis and lounge suits hurrying to their seats
and other distinguished visitors filling up visitors galleries
much before the scheduled time. It was a full house and
the visitiors galleries were overflowing. Lady
Mountbatten and Miss Jinnah sat in the Governor-
General’s box.
 43

Governor-General’s Bodyguards with lances in

their hands were posted on the steps leading up to the
 44

The Author with Quaid-e-Azam When he landed at

Mauripur Airport, Karachi on August 7, 1947.

main entrance of the Assembly building and along the

corridors around the main hall. Capt. Sahibzada Yaqoob
Ali Khan Commandant of the Body-guards and Maj
McCoy the Comptroller were already there, checking the
deployment of Body-guards and reception arrangements,
respectively. Outside the premises of the Assembly, all
roads leading to the Assembly were chocked with people,
many perching on tree tops, and telephone poles and other
vantage points. They were all there to see the history
being made.
At 8 am, Gul and myself left for the Assembly
building. We took a pilot escort to lead us in order to get
us through any possible traffic jams. We sped through the
designated State - drive route, which was thronged with
enthusiastic crowds eagerly awaiting the appearance of
the State-coach. Simple people in the streets were so
eagerly expectant that at quite a few places as we drove by
they took the Governor-General house car with a pilot
escort as the real State-drive procession and broke into
spontaneous applause and shouts of ‘Zindabad’. We had
timed the state coach to reach the Assembly in 50 minutes
and accordingly gave a specific speed to the Adjutant of
the body-guards, who was leading the mounted contingent
 45

and to the ‘coach’ car driver to be maintained through out

the drive.
The open car, carrying the last Viceroy of India and
Governor-General (designate) of Pakistan led by the lone
police pilot on a motor-cycle followed by the mounted
contingent of Governor-General’s Body-guards left the
House at 8.10 A.M. sharp. All along the route, ceremonial
arches and gates were erected and people raised voice
furious slogans, “Pakistan Zindabad, Quaid-e-Azam
Zindabad” and showered maunds of flower petels on the
coach. Body-guards in their scarlet and gold ceremonial
uniforms with lances in their hands and riding their well
trained and beautiful charges were a big attraction for the
crowds, it was a spectacular pageant, like of which they
had never seen before. They applauded and with full
throated abandon Body-guards had made their mark.
A “Wembley” like roar in the distance indicated
the approach of the procession and as the cavalcade turned
in for this final run up to the outer perimeter gate of the
Assembly, the roar travelled with it indicating the
approximate distance being covered. There was
excitement all around and every one was anxiously
waiting. Then the buglers posted on top of the Assembly
building, heralded the arrival of the state-coach. All eyes
turned to the perimeter gate and the first to emerge
through the gate was the police pilot and then the Adjutant
of the body-guards riding on his white mount leading his
 46

contingent. The much sought after state-coach followed.

There was a sudden burst of cheers and the whole air
ranted with ‘Zindabad’ slogans. The Body-guards aligned
themselves to make a straight pass in front of the
Assembly entrance steps, where we were all waiting to
receive the Coach. The clattering of the hooves of the
horses made enchanting noise. First, the Bodyguards
passed by the steps and stopped some distance away
giving enough room to the State-coach to be on the exact
spot in front of the entrance of the Assembly building.
The coach stopped in front of the massive stone entrance
to the Assembly. It was right at the stroke of 9 a.m. that
Gul and I led the last Viceroy of India and the Governor-
General (designate) of Pakistan to the speaker’s rostrum.
As soon as they entered the Hall, everybody present
including those in the visitor’s galleries, stood up and
gave them a prolonged standing ovation.
Then there was silence, the moment of expectations
had arrived and every body was waiting with thumping
hearts to hear the normalization of the creation of Pakistan
by the last Viceroy of India on behalf of his Majesty King
George the Sixth of England. Col. Curri, Military
Secretary to the Viceroy, placed a little stand on the table
in front and then kept a folder on this stand. A little pause
and then H.E. Admiral Lord Louis Mountbatten of
Burmah, the last Viceroy of India rose to do his last act as
the King’s representative. Tall and handsome attired in his
 47

Admiral uniform wearing his ceremonial gongs and

medals he stood up and in his characteristic style read out
in measured tone the proclamation of Independence issued
by H.M. King George VI, King of England, Head of the
Commonwealth and Defender of the Faith. It was all done
in style, antics of showmanship synonymous with the
name of Mountbatten.
Immaculately dressed in a white sherwani and gray
Jinnah cap, the Governor-General (designate) of Pakistan
stood up, fixed his monocle and read out his acceptance
speech from a paper in his hand. Remarkably composed
the Quaid-e-Azam was all dignity and personification.
Formally thanking His Majesty the King and Lord
and Lady Mountbatten for “his gracious message” and
their good wishes he assured His Majesty of Pakistan’s
goodwill and friendship to the British nation and the King,
as the Crown head of the British. Then alluding to Lord
Mountbatten’s reference in his speech, to Emperor
Akbar’s tolerance towards minorities during his reign, Mr.
Jinnah thundered, “The tolerance and goodwill that
Emperor Akbar showed to all the non-Muslims is not of
recent origin. It dates back thirteen centuries when our
Prophet (PBUH) not only by words but by deeds treated
the Jews and Christians, after he had conquered them,
with the utmost tolerance and regard and respect for their
faith and beliefs. The whole history of Muslims, wherever
 48

they ruled, is replete with those humane and great

principals which should be followed and practiced.
I assure you that we shall not be wanting in
friendly spirit with our neighbours and with all nations of
the world”.
The last British Viceroy had formally handed over
power. Ceremony over, the two dignitaries walked back to
the main entrance of the Assembly building, where they
were joined by members of Constituent Assembly and
other distinguished guests, to witness the last ritual of the
termination of British Raj and birth of the new state.
Union Jack that flew atop the main entrance of the
Assembly building was then slowly hauled down to the
tune of buglers blowing the ‘retreat’. The Union Jack thus
lowered, was neatly folded and ceremoniously handed
over to Lord Mountbatten by the Quaid-e-Azam. The
Governor-General (designate) then hoisted the green and
white flag to the booming of 31 guns’ salute. Pakistan was
born. Pakistan – the biggest Muslim state and the fifth
most populous state in the world emerged on the map of
the world.
(Daily THE NATION, August 14, 2001)

*****
 49

QUAID-E-AZAM AS
GOVERNOR-GENERAL (DESIGNATE)

Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah was

Governor- General (designate) from 7th August, 1947 to
14th August 1947. During these seven days he attended
many social functions and met a large number of Muslim
League workers and elite of the city. However, most
important of them all was his historic and soul stirring
address to the members of the constituent assembly on
11th August, 1947. I was in attendance.
Constituent Assembly of Pakistan met for the first
time in Sindh Assembly building on 11th August, 1947
and unanimously elected Quaid-e-Azam as its first
president. The President elect then delivered his historic
speech, a master-piece of his legal genius and
constitutional mind. He briefly highlighted salient features
of policies to be followed by government of the new state.
He reminded the constituent Assembly of its two
main functions, viz. framing of the future constitution of
Pakistan and of functioning as a full and complete
sovereign body as federal legislature.
About the treatment of minorities and their status
in social and state affairs, he stressed on the principle of
equality in these words: “…everyone of you, no matter to
what community he belongs, no matter what relations he
 50

had with you in the past, no matter what is his colour,

caste, creed, is first, second and last a citizen of this state
with equal rights, privileges and obligations…We are
starting with this fundamental principle that we are equal
citizens of one state…All these angularities of the
majority and minority communities, the Hindu community
and the Muslim community—will vanish. You will find
that in course of time Hindus would cease to be Hindus
and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the
religious sense, because that is the personal faith of each
individual, but in the political sense, as citizens of the
state.”
This address of August 11 and subsequent address
of August 14 at the Pakistan’s constituent assembly taken
together are the Magna Carta of Pakistan.
Here the point to remember is that whereas he
spoke of the “rights and privileges”, he also made them
conscious of their “obligations” to the state. He told them
that it is no one way traffic—always take, take and take
but you have certain commitments to the State as well.
Mr. John F. Kennedy said the same thing, some 14
years later, in his inaugural address as President of the
USA in 1961, when he said, “Ask not what your country
can do for you, but ask what you can do for your
country!” Quaid-e-Azam beautifully summed up all that
in 1947 in one word “obligations”.
 51

The last social function of Quaid-e-Azam in life, as

Mr. Jinnah, was the banquet he gave in honour of Lord
and Lady Mountbatten of Burma on 13th August, 1947
after their arrival in Karachi for Independence Day
ceremonies.
The next morning, on 14th August, 1947 Pakistan
emerged as a sovereign state when the union jack was
hauled down and Pakistan flag was hoisted at the top of
Sindh Assembly building.
(Daily THE DAWN, August 14, 2002)

*****
 52

QUAID-E-AZAM IN
GOVERNOR-GENERAL’S HOUSE

A Dakota (DC-3) aircraft of Viceroy of India’s

Flight, carrying Governor-General (designate) of Pakistan,
his sister and the two Aides-de-Camp touched down at
Mauripur airstrip on the evening of 7th August 1947
amidst unprecedented scenes of enthusiasm and rejoicing,
ever witnessed before. There was a mammoth crowd
waiting to welcome their leader and now the Governor-
General (designate) of the largest Muslim state in the
world. The aircraft had hardly stopped and the pilot, an
RAF Squadron Leader, was still going through the drill of
switching off its two engines when the hitherto seemingly
disciplined crowd, became hysteric and disregarding all
rules of safety engulfed the aircraft like a swarm of bees.
It was a fascinating spectable but the vantage point to
enjoy such a sight could be any but the cockpit of an
aircraft with its engines running. It was a frightening
sensation for me as a Pilot because I could visualize the
consequences of such intimacy between the running
engines of an aircraft and people. I sat tense in my seat,
praying to God, to spare any such disaster. My fellow
passengers, unmindful of the tragic consequences of such
a rush on the aircraft, sat in their seats and enjoyed the
 53

enthusiastic welcome. A scenario that I would love to

experience again and be a part of it.
Quaid-e-Azam watched all this scene from his
aircraft seat window. I guess, he did not approve of this
indiscipline and I was right. The door of the aircraft was
flung open and all was set for the Governor-General
(designate) to disembark. Ahsan whispered to the Quaid,
“All is set for you to alight Sir”. The Quaid-e-Azam sat
still and said, “No: I don’t like this. I don’t like this. Let
them clear the area first”. There was an uneasy hush in the
aircraft.
There were no formal ceremonies. It was the
arrival of a Public leader and the reception was also a
public reception, a free for all. Welcoming over, Quaid-e-
Azam drove to the Government House, now re-designated
Governor-General’s House. There is something about this
house for me, now that whenever I drive past on what is
known as Aiwan-e-Saddar Road or look into the House,
sitting in the Chandni Lounge from top of the Hotel Pearl
Continental, I get nostalgia. Memories of this House are
still stored fresh in the computer of my brain. Quaid-e-
Azam’s first entry into the Governor-General House is as
clear to me today as if it was only yesterday. I remember
his car entering gate No. 1, the main gate opposite
YMCA, guards presenting arms and the car casually
wheeling along the slightly arched drive way leading to
the main portico. After going a little distance, the car
 54

stopped, Quaid-e-Azam alighted and gracefully walked

through, what we may term as civilian guard of honour,
formed by the entire house-hold staff of G.G. House,
standing on both sides of the drive way. Quaid-e-Azam
acknowledged their welcome greetings by raising his hand
in his familiar style. He was flanked by Miss Jinnah and
myself on either side. Thus in this formation the
Governor-General (designate) entered the portals of what
was to be his seat of Government for the next thirteen
months.
I am privileged to be his Aide-de-Camp for the first
seven months of his tenure as Governor-General. I had the
good fortune to witness from the grand stand and be a
part, of coming into being and the historic initiation of a
new state on the map of the world.
Lucky were the people who had the honour to be in
the camp of the Quaid and struggled for freedom of
Muslim India under the undaunted and scrupulous
leadership of Father of the Nation. They deserve our
gratitude and we salute them. It is only because of their
efforts and sacrifices that we, today have our own country
and can aspire to reach the pinnacle of the highest rung of
the ladder and call ourselves President, Prime Minister,
Commanders’ of Armed Forces and so on, otherwise we
would have been reduced to hewers of wood and water in
a United India.
 55

The theme of this composition is, Quaid-e-Azam in

the Governor-General House and it scans the period from
7th August, 1947 to 11th September, 1948. This time frame
may broadly be classified as pre-oath taking and post-oath
taking periods. In this pre-oath taking period of seven
days – 7th August to 14th August, 1947, three important
functions were held, functions of major historic
significance and in these functions, the Governor-General
(designate) in his speeches out lined guide lines of future
policies of the new state. His address to the members of
the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan (11th August, 1947)
was most significant. It is a piece of literature, high mark
of his legal genius and a masterpiece of his constitutional
mind. It is the Magna Carta of Pakistan. In this address he
covered all aspects of Pakistan’s internal and external
policies. It was in this soul searching address that he
uttered these memorable words, “Everyone of you, no
matter to what community he belongs…no matter what is
his colour, cast, creed, is first, second and last, a citizen of
this state, with equal rights, privileges and obligations…”
The post-oath taking period 14th August, 1947 to
11th September, 1948, may be further bifurcated into two,
more or less, equal periods, where the first half spanning
from 14th August 1947 to April, 1948 was full of activity
when the Quaid made momentous decisions and took very
active interest in the development of the nascent State.
The second half of this period was comparatively quiet
 56

because of the ill health of the Governor-General. In June

1948, he was moved to Ziarat where he was laid up and
advised complete rest. In between, on 1st July, 1948 he did
come down to Karachi once, for the opening ceremony of
the State Bank of Pakistan. It was indeed very brave of
him to undertake that journey because at that time he was
distressingly very unwell.
August 7, 1947 is the cut-off date from the past for
the purposes of our topic, it is date when Quaid-e-Azam
entered the G.G. House and with this move a new chapter
was unfolded. Duel responsibility that of leader of his
people and Governor-General of the State devolved on his
shoulders. It required distancing himself to some extent
from his political involvements to enable him to attend to
the affairs of the State. It did not mean a clean break or
that the old guards ceased to exist for him, no, nothing of
the kind, stalwarts like Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan,
Sardar Abdurrab Nishtar, Khawaja Nazim-ud-Din and
others were very much there and their talent, dedication
and services were now all the more needed to run the
affairs of the State.
The Quaid-e-Azam was now Quaid-e-Azam
Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Governor-General of Pakistan.
That was the difference. The transition in relationship
with his former Muslim League cabinet and now the
Cabinet of Government of Pakistan was smooth. They
were his men then and they would always be his men here
 57

after. To them he was Quaid-e-Azam, the Great Leader

and the esteem, love and regards they always had for him
was voluntary and from their hearts and this new position
or designation of Governor-General made no difference in
respect of his authority over them and the respect and
regards that his colleagues nurtured for him. In
intelligence, intellect and political acumen, he was way
above his political associates in the Muslim League and
they were all conscious of it. They always looked up to
him for a lead. I may be permitted to say that they were
overwhelmed with his personality out of respect and
admiration, like an old time school boy is, or let us say,
was, afraid of his teacher with emotional attachment and
admiration. It may not be true of present day school boys
but then we are talking of the older generations. This
explains many things like the decorum, propriety and a
kind of nervousness on the part of his colleagues, when in
his presence.
A person of the stature of Khawaja Nazim-ud-Din
abhorred the very thought of displeasure of Mr. Jinnah.
Khawaja Sahib as Chief Minister of East Pakistan on one
of his routine consultations visits to the Federal Capital
came to see the G.G. for any last minute instructions
before his return to Dhaka, the next day. It was usual for
Khawaja Sahib to drop in the A.D.C’s Office, after his
meetings with the G.G., for a cup of tea and a few minced
meat patties, that he relished. This time, like always, we
 58

had arranged some patties from café Grand from across

the road. After his scheduled meeting, the Chief Minister
East Pakistan visited us as usual and while he was
enjoying his patties, there was a buzz from the G.G. I
executed myself and rushed to attend to the boss.
Knowing Khawaja Sahib’s routine, the G.G. enquired, “Is
Mr. Nazim-ud-Din still with you?” I replied in the
affirmative, he then instructed me, “Alright; ask him to
see me at ten tomorrow morning”. On my return I
conveyed G.G’s wish to Khawaja Sahib. He was not
prepared for it and spontaneously said, “Oh, no, it is not
possible…very important meetings with foreigners are
already programmed for me at the other end…” I politely
tried to convey to him, “Well sir, the G.G. desires to see
you tomorrow. About the administrative arrangements
like reservation of your seat to Dhaka etc, we will take
care of it and you don’t have to worry about that”. In the
meantime G.G. called again. After giving me some
instructions, when I was about to leave he asked me if I
had informed “Mr. Nazim-ud-Din” about his meeting
tomorrow. I replied, “Yes sir, but Khawaja Sahib feels
that he is rather committed at the other end including a
meeting with a foreign delegation about some projects in
East Pakistan”. The G.G. cut me short and said, “Go and
tell him, I will see him tomorrow at 10 A.M. sharp.” I
came back to politely suggest to Khawaja Sahib once
again to postpone his departure as G.G. wishes to see him
 59

on some important matter but he would not take the hint.

In the end I had to tell him that he had no option. On his
repeated insistence I repeated G.G’s words in direct
speech and this upset Khawaja Sahib, extremely. He was
flabbergasted and said, “Yes, yes. It is no problem. The
meetings can easily be postponed, what is there in it. You
are right. Please arrange my air passage for the day after”.
Another gentleman politician, the tall, soft
speaking, sports loving and beatle (Pan) chewing Nawab
Iftikhar Hussain of Mamdot, Chief Minister of the Punjab,
was so very shy to face the Quaid that he would never
open his lips when in the presence of Mr. Jinnah but his
devotion and loyalty to his leader, like that of his late
father, was total.
Swashbuckling Mr. H.S. Suharawardy would not
appear before Mr. Jinnah, in his usual care free dress and
flamboyant swagger. In September 1947 when he crossed
over to Pakistan after his sojourns in the Ashrams of
Bengal along with Mahatma Gandhi, he came to see the
G.G. He was dressed in a cream colour sherwani with all
its buttons open, as usual. His hair disheveled. I conducted
him to G.G’s study but before I could open the door for
him, he held my hand an asked me, “Please wait” and
hurriedly buttoned up his sherwani right upto his neck,
combed his hair with his fingers and then offered to
proceed.
 60

This, always had been the pattern of relationship

between ‘the Great Leader’ and his colleagues in the
party.
Quaid-e-Azam was not a man of pomp or show and
there was no showmanship either in public or in private.
As G.G. he always drove out of the House with only one
pilot escort, riding on a motorcycle in front and with one
break down car in the rear. This was all the cavalcade that
comprised the entourage of the creater of the nation state.
No roads were blocked and No traffic was stopped for
Governor-General’s car. About fifteen minutes before
G.G’s departure, the traffic police on the intended route
was forewarned by a police sergeant riding on a
motorcycle about the expected drive past of the G.G. Thus
alerted, policemen controlling traffic on road interactions,
on sighting Governor-General’s Pilot escort from a
distance, would then stop the crossing traffic, on
intersections only, thus giving a free run to G.G’s car. He
stuck to his principles till the last whiff of his life and this
is how he rode even on his last drive on that fateful
afternoon of 11th September, 1948 from Mauripur airfield
to the G.G. House. It is not known, even if the Pilot escort
was there to lead him in, on his last journey. Only an
ambulance carried the stretcher of the ailing Governor-
General, almost on his death bed. There was no break
down ambulance or no second car. According to Miss
Jinnah’s book ‘My Brother’ the ambulance carrying
 61

Father of the nation ran short of fuel and the dying “Man
of Destiny”, the architect and creator of the biggest
Muslim state in the world, lay helplessly on the roadside
for over an hour, in that humid heat of September, with
flies buzzing all over him and a desperate sister struggling
to waive them away and waiting in anguish for help. This
was not only callous but criminal negligence and height of
incompetence that cannot be pardoned.
This was how we repaid our benefactor, our
gratitude to the man who galvanised us into a Nation and
got us a homeland. We have now the audacity of making
it a ritual of paying hypocratic lip service on his death
anniversaries and birthdays without scant regards to his
ideals. Shame be upon us!
(Daily THE NATION, September 11, 2002)

*****
 62

PAKISTAN’S FIRST EID-UL-FITR

Eid-ul-Fitr, is the gift of Almighty Allah to

Muslims on having completed fasting for the month of
Ramadan. Eid-ul-Fitr always brings great joy and it is a
festival of happiness and rejoicing and on this day the
devout Muslims dressed in their best clothes throng to
Eidgahs to offer two Rakats Wajib as thanks giving to
their Creator for enabling them, in His mercy, to keep
fasts for the holy month. It is a collective thanks giving
for those who have fasted for the blessings of and in
obedience to the Commands of the Almighty. Tuesday
18th August, 1947 was the first Eid for Muslims of the
subcontinent as Pakistanis and a befitting culmination to a
spate for rejoicing and merry makings that started in he
wake of the Proclamation of Independence and advent of
the new state on 14th August, 1947. This Eid was a special
Eid because it was for the first time after nearly two
centuries that they were celebrating Eid as free citizens of
an independent state. This Eid, therefore, had a special
significance for them.
Quaid-e-Azam got ready early that morning and
was coming down the stairs when I met him. “I am early!
We shouldn’t be late”, he remarked. He was in a cheerful
mood and had the enthusiasm of the young to go to the
Eidgah and join in prayers. He briskly walked to the car
and we left for Eidgah at Bunder Road, now M.A. Jinnah
 63

Road, to offer Eid prayers. I was the fortunate one to

accompany him. Quaid-e-Azam was happy and relaxed.
On the way to Eidgah I saw yet another side of the Quaid.
So far we had known him as a leader, a politician, a
legislator, a lawyer and a well dressed and a westernized
man in manners and etiquette but today I was pleasantly
surprised when he gave me a masterly discourse on the
philosophy and significance of Ramadan and Eid. As his
limousine left the Governor-General house he asked me as
to how many days in the Ramadan I had fasted. “About
half of the month, Sir” was my reply. “Why half of the
month? Why not the full month? You are young and
healthy”. To this I meekly replied that, “I was on the
move Sir for most of the month”, “you should complete
the counts now that you are settled”. He then went on to
explain to me in depth the significance and the philosophy
behind fasting. He said that besides the religious spirit and
purification of the soul, “…fasting teaches mankind
discipline, self control, self sacrifice and devotion,
abstention from all evil for one month, prepares him to
face all forces of evil with discipline and determination.
Besides, it tones up the physical system and is good for
health. But one has to be careful at iftar as here again it is
discipline which requires us not to over eat to make up for
the lost meals during the day.”
I am the product of a conservative and religious
Muslim family. I had been raised and educated in Islamia
 64

High school Jullundher, MAO College Amritsar and

Muslim University Aligarh. I mean no disrespect for my
religious teachers but I do not recall any body in my life
who explained the rationales and the benefits—spiritual
and physical—of fasting with such lucidity and impact
and so comprehensively as did the Quaid-e-Azam.
Looking back at the pre-partition days, I wonder how
ignorant about Quaids beliefs were those Ulemas who
opposed him in India because they accused him of being
westernized and irreligious and yet migrated to Pakistan
once it was established. On reaching Eidgah, Quaid-e-
Azam was received by the caretaker of the mosque, who
escorted him to the prayer ground. Prominent leaders like
M.A. Khuhro, Mr. I.I. Chundrigar, Raja Ghazanfar Ali
Khan, Hasham Gazdar were already there. One thing was
noticeable that in spite of the mammoth crowd that had
gathered at Eidgah knowing that the Quaid was to offer
his prayers there, the people showed great restraint and
discipline and there was no attempt at mobbing of their
beloved leader. There was no slogan raising. As the Quaid
passed by them, they simply stood up and waived to him
with love and respect in their hearts expressed through
their eyes.
The prayers were lead by Maulana Zahoor-ul-
Hassan Darras. After offering the prayer, the Quaid sat
quietly and listened to the Khutbah. At the end of the
Khutbah, the Quaid first exchanged greetings with the
 65

Imam Sahib. He then met and exchanged Eid greetings

with those around him including the leaders present.
Thank God there was no madcap enthusiast to dare and
greet him with the traditional Eid bear-hug. Nobody had
the guts to break the barriers of his reserve. A couple of
people, when shaking hands, tried to kiss his hand but he
sharply withdrew it with a frown and a loud “NO”. While
this was going on, the crowd around the Quaid started to
thicken and sensing his vulnerability because of Eid
traditions of greetings, I expressed my anxiety and
suggested to move out. The Quaid readily agreed. As he
sat in the car the Quaid-e-Azam instructed the driver to
take a different route for the return journey. Yet another
finer point in the tradition of the Hadith of the Holy
Prophet (PBUH). En route to the Governor-General house
when people in the streets suddenly saw, what by now had
become a familiar sign—the police motorcycle escort and
the Governor-General’s car flying his pannet and a blue
light on its roof, the pedestrians on pavements and
shopkeepers stopped work and came running out of their
shops just to cheer and wave at their Governor-General.
They raised Alla-ho-Akbar and Pakistan Zindabad slogans
and the Quaid cheerfully waved back at them.
There was an open house for two hours for all
those who wanted to come and wish Eid Mubarik to the
Governor-General and Miss Fatima Jinnah. The Prime
Minister with Begum Liaquat Ali Khan, cabinet ministers
 66

with their wives, ambassadors, senior civil and military

officers, politicians and the elite of the city called on the
Governor-General to felicitate him and Miss Jinnah on the
auspicious occasion of Eid. Later a visitor’s book was
kept in the hall for latecomers to sign their names.
(Daily THE NATION, December 06, 2002)

*****
 67

QUAID-E-AZAM AUR MAIN

I am Ata Rabbani honoured and privileged first Air

Force Aide-De-Camp to Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali
Jinnah, Governor-General of Pakistan. I joined Quaid-e-
Azam's staff at noon on August 7, 1947, exactly two hours
before he left 10 Aurangzeb Road for the last time on his
way to the Palam airport. I was one of the three privileged
persons to fly with him from Delhi to Karachi as
Governor-General (designate) on August 7, 1947.
Who is an "aide-de-camp"? Those young
uniformed officers with medals on their chests and aglets
dangling from their shoulders are essential ceremonial
appendents to VIPs at public and official functions. Who
are they and what is their job?
The Concise Oxford Dictionary defines aide-de-
camp, ADC for short, sometimes pronounced ad-ekong,
as an 'officer assisting a General by carrying orders, etc'.
The Chambers Twentieth Century Dictionary calls him
'an officer who carries the orders of a General and acts as
Secretary: an officer attending a King, Governor, etc. This
'assistance' usually embraces the social and personal fields
as well. The glamour of the job has always been and
remains attractive even today, the envy of all eligible
young officers. To qualify he need not necessarily be a
 68

genius, but he has to be sharp, intelligent, quick-witted,

smart and well-mannered. For selection as an ADC,
pedigree and good looks usually take precedence over
other qualifications. It was true in the past and it is so
even today. An ADC is taken in as member of the
household and he becomes a part of the official and
private social life of the family. It is a job of trust and
confidence and that is why, very often, the sons, nephews
and scions of loyal and trusted allies and friends are
preferred. Quite a few aides have ended up as sons-in-law
of the house. In the past it was often by design, now it
happens by accident, but it still happens. In the short
history of Pakistan it had happened twice; daughters of
Ayub Khan and Nawaz Sharif married their aides.
It is the dream of most of the young and upcoming
officers in the armed forces to have a stint in their
careers, as aide-de-camp, ADC for short. Because apart
from the glamour, projection and contacts that he
acquires, he learns a lot from a wider spectrum of life,
which is not available to him in the confines of his
service.
The author was Aide-de-Camp to the Quaid-e-
Azam as Governor-General of Pakistan from August 7,
1947 to March 1948. The story of his selection as aide to
the Quaid is narrated here in his own words, in the first
person.
I joined the Royal Indian Air Force in 1941 as a
 69

pilot and a devout follower of Mr. M. A. Jinnah. I had a

dream to be his personal pilot. It was almost an impossible
possibility but the Almighty willed to fulfill my ambition
and the political situation took such a turn that the sub-
continent was to be bifurcated into the two independent
dominions of Pakistan and India and I was fortunate to be
selected as aide to the Quaid. My dream came true.

Selection as ADC

The fairy tale story of my selection as ADC to the

Quaid-e-Azam starts from here.
In mid-1946 I was posted to Command the Indian
Air Training Corp, Muslim University Aligarh. I found
that only 45 cadets were on the rolls and they too were not
very serious. I analyzed the reasons for this apathy and
came to the conclusion that all that was needed was
motivation. To generate interest I chalked out a
programme of one and a half hours flying every day
during peak hours in the evenings when the maximum
number of students were out of classrooms and hostels
and were on the play grounds, around cafeterias, or out for
a walk on the roads. It worked. Within a couple of weeks
my office was inundated with applications for enrolment
as cadets. I had a wide choice and selected 250 of the best
boys as cadets and froze the rest of the applications.
The ground was now set for serious training in
aeronautics and general services training like drill, etc.
 70

The opportunity came our way to show the flag when in

March 1947, Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan, then Finance
Minister in the Interim Government of India and Sardar
Abdur Rab Nishtar, the Communications Minister, both
old Aligarians, paid their routine visit to their old alma
mater. Their engagements started with the presentation of
a Guard of Honour followed by a march past by the cadets
of the Indian Air Training Corp. Traditionally this
privilege was the prerogative of the University Officers
Training Corp (U.O.T.C) but this time we ended their
monopoly and the Air Training Corp was given the
opportunity. This big breakthrough gave the Air Corp
great exposure. After the parade the honored guests took
time out to have tea with the cadets and evinced keen
interest in the activities of the Air Corp. In their speeches
in the Union Hall the same evening, they both paid
tributes to the training and standard of proficiency of the
Air Training Corp.
During the tea interlude, was my first meeting with
the future Prime Minister of Pakistan and little did I know
then that this short interaction with the number two leader
of Muslim India would prove to be the 'big leap' in the
fulfillment of my dream - my appointment as aide-de-
camp to 'my Leader'.
Ignorance is not always bliss. On 4 July 1947, I
proceeded on a month-long annual leave to my home
town, Jullundur city, in East Punjab. In there on the
 71

surface the atmosphere was relaxed. There was little of

that depressing, suffocating fear felt in the Muslim
minority areas. While the Muslims in the Punjab gloated
over their self-styled victories during clashes with the
Hindus and Sikhs earlier in the year, their enemies with
the backing and active help, particularly of the Sikh States
of the Punjab, were training and arming themselves for a
decisive showdown. But for a person like me, who had
personally witnessed war preparations and the threatening
posture of the opposite side, this peaceful, relaxed and
happy scenario in Jullundur looked unreal and false. The
Jullundries were so ignorant and oblivious of what was
happening around them that my family and friends were
insisting that when returning to Aligarh after leave, I leave
my wife behind in Jullunder and collect her later on my
way to my new posting in Pakistan.
During my leave I received three telegrams from
Air Headquarters Delhi, instructing me to report back
immediately without specifying the reason for my recall. I
ignored these urgent calls and continued to enjoy my
leave.
By now the rioting and killings in the Hindu
majority provinces had assumed alarming proportions but
our people there were still complacent and unaware of the
dangers ahead. Sadly the Jullundri Muslims were
slumbering and all efforts to bring home to them the
realities of the impending dangers were futile. All my
 72

warnings fell on deaf ears. Their typical reaction was,

"We will teach them a lesson. We have done it in the past
and will do it again. Don't you worry." Ignorant and
foolhardy, they continued to think they were invincible.
On the night of August 4, 1947, we boarded railway train
called the 'Frontier Mail' for Delhi.

PANIPAT KA MAIDAN
It was now August 5, 1947, and the train was
merrily steaming towards Delhi. The morning sun was not
quite over the horizon yet, when I dimly heard the familiar
squeaks of the train brakes. Within a few moments the
'Frontier Mail' came to a halt with a jerk. The noise of the
vendors' shouting their wares, the shuffling of the feet of
the coolies under the heavy loads of trucks and bed-rolls,
and the voices of passengers shouting directions to each
other, filtered through the windows of my compartment. I
lowered the shutters of a window and looked out at the
crowded platform. I saw the bearers carrying stacks of
breakfast and morning-tea-trays for the 'bara sahibs' were
rushing about the compartments. The board on the
platform read' 'Panipat Railway Station'. Delhi was still a
couple of hours run from here.
It was a pleasantly cool morning and the refreshing
breeze touching my still half - closed and drowsy eyes
caused my thoughts to wander over the glorious exploits
of the past associated with the vast maidan that lay across
 73

the Railway Station - the memorable battlefield, where the

destiny of India was thrice decided, thus changing the
course of history of the subcontinent. The words 'Panipat-
ka-maidan' had always fascinated me as a student of
history, giving me a feeling of pride and satisfaction for
reasons unknown to me. It was a spontaneous emotion
that I cannot fully explain. This huge maidan was now lit
up with the crimson glow of the rising sun giving this
fateful battlefield the proverbial blood drenched colour
associated with the three battles so bitterly fought there. In
my imagination I could visualize Babar moving amongst
the corps of the fallen Lodhi Afghans and Ahmed Shah
Abdali, sword in hand, trampling on the skulls of the slain
hordes of the Maratha confederacy. Then my thoughts
switched to the present glorious successes of the fourth
and most important victor of Panipat, Quaid-e-Azam
Muhammad Ali Jinnah. This time the battle was not
confined to the plains of Panipat alone but had been
fought throughout the length and breadth of the country. It
had been fought in the rugged hilly terrain of the
N.W.F.P., in the green fields of the Punjab and UP, in the
lush green paddy fields of Bengal, in the tea gardens of
Sylhet, in the deserts of Sindh and the far flung corners of
the South, right up to Rasskumari. This was the battle of
the ballot, fought with more determination than the battles
of the sword and the Commander of the victorious forces
this time was not a tough, broad shouldered and rugged
 74

figure like Babar, Akbar or Ahmed Shah Abdali but a tall,

lean and elegant personality, known for his impeccable
taste in clothes and correct manners. But this undisputed
leader of a hundred million Muslims of India had many
qualities in common with his three illustrious
predecessors, like dauntless courage, inspiring leadership,
rocklike determination, devotion to and a steadfast belief
in their cause. All four were masters in their respective
fields - the first three in the art of the sword and the last
one in the art of politics. "Handsome in his person, his
address engaging and unaffected, his countenance
pleasing and his disposition affable". This is how Farishta,
the historian, described Babar, but the description fits the
Quaid also, making one wonder if it was said about one,
or the other. All the four conquerors achieved their
glorious victories at the head of small and comparatively
poorly equipped forces as compared to the enemy hordes
that they had to face - Babar's ten thousand men against
Ibrahim Lodhi's one lakh, Akbar's twenty thousand
against one lakh men of Hemu, and Abdali's eighty
thousand against three lakhs of the great Maratha
Confederacy. In the battle of the forties it was Quaid-e-
Azam's one hundred million poor Muslims against five
hundred million Hindus backed by the Anglo-Saxon
might. Whereas the third battle of Panipat is considered
the biggest battle fought over the centuries between the
Hindus and the Muslims, the 'fourth' battle should be
 75

regarded even greater as it was fought against the

combined forces of the Hindus and the British authority in
India. The results of each of these battles changed the
course of history of this subcontinent completely. By
defeating Ibrahim Lodhi in 1526, Babar established an
empire, and by destroying Hemu in 1556, Akbar secured
it. Ahmed Shah Abdali the victor of the third battle
plucked out the Maratha thorn from the side of the
Muslims forever. The victor of the fourth battle, the
Quaid-e-Azam, in 1947 established the independent State
of Pakistan - the largest Muslim and the fifth largest state
in the world.
My thoughts were suddenly interrupted by a knock
on the door of my compartment. It was Noor Elahi, my
old bearer. He poked his head into the compartment with
his familiar grin and early morning greetings of Asalam-
o-elakum. He brought a bed-tea tray for my wife and a
newspaper (Dawn) for me. I opened the sports page of the
newspaper, because this was the page that I always looked
up first in those days and for many years afterwards. My
wife got busy with her early morning cup. While perusing
the pages of 'Dawn' I came across a news item concerning
a name which attracted my attention. It said that Mr. M.A.
Jinnah, the Governor-General-designate of Pakistan was
scheduled to leave for Karachi on August 7, and that the
selection of his personal staff was being finalized. On
reading this, a spontaneous wish-cum-prayer leapt from
 76

the depths of my heart and I thought to myself, I wish I

could be one of those lucky ones to be selected. My wife,
who must have seen the disappointed look on my face,
asked me if everything was all right! I read the news item
out to her with a weary sigh and shared my vanishing
wish. Before she could even react I continued telling her
with feelings of disappointment that if the Quaid was
leaving for Karachi on the seventh that is in two days time
the selection of his personal staff must have already been
finalized. Reading the disappointment writ large on my
face, my wife tried to console me by remarking that I
should not feel so disheartened for who knows I might
still be appointed his personal pilot or his next Military
Secretary. The subject was closed. But with this sense of
deprivation hanging heavily on my subconscious, it was
no wonder I remembered little of what else I read or saw
as I glanced through the rest of the newspaper.
At about eight in the morning the train steamed
into Delhi Railway Station and came to a halt on platform
number 4. I was busy supervising the coolies collecting
our baggage in the compartment when a familiar voice
hailed me from the platform. It was my wife's youngest
uncle, who was posted as Major in the GHQ (General
Headquarters Army), India. I was rather intrigued to find
him there as I had not expected him to receive us at the
railway station. He said 'Ata, yar, you are a strange
fellow! Where the devil have you been? Air Headquarters
 77

have sent you three telegrams and Janjua (later Air

Commodore Janjua) has been after my life to find out
about your whereabouts'. I inquired anxiously if every
thing was all right. Having tested my patience sufficiently
he broke the news. He said, 'You have been selected as
ADC to Quaid-e-Azam.' I was stunned yet greatly excited
by the good news. I felt like yelling 'hurray' but remained
speechless with joy. The suddenness of this news was
unbelievable. With the fulfillment of my most cherished
dream, 'wishes' seemed to have become the proverbial
'horses' which I will soon be riding.
I hailed a taxi cab and started for New Delhi where
AHQ was located. During the taxi ride my thoughts were
disjointed and incoherent. I was confused by the miracle
that had happened. My imagination was running wild with
the mood rapidly changing from joy and pride to fear and
despondency lest the appointment was changed due to my
folly of not responding to AHQ calls. If that happened I
would never forgive myself. I really had some very
anxious moments because I did not want to lose the one
chance I had been dreaming of all my life, which luck had
now thrown in my lap. At last AHQ barracks appeared
and I motioned the driver to stop at the entrance. I jumped
out of the cab and hurriedly made my way to Janjua's
office where he greeted me affectionately and then
inquired where I had disappeared. I told him that as a
matter of fact the three recall telegrams sent by AHQ
 78

during the last week of July 1947 were received by me,

but I ignored them believing that the AHQ people were
trying to spoil my leave as usual. He then instructed me to
go and see Chaudhry Muhammad Ali, the Secretary-
General- designate of the cabinet of the Government of
Pakistan, immediately, who was expecting me.
Chaudhry Muhammad Ali, was happy to see me
and remarked, "for the last ten days we have been trying
to find your whereabouts but God alone knows where you
were hiding. We nearly pronounced you "missing
believed kidnapped." He then advised me to report to
Nawabzada Sahib at his residence, 8-B Harding Avenue,
immediately. I reached Gul-e-Raana, at about 1 p.m. and
reported my arrival. A liveried servant escorted me to the
drawing-room. I was hardly seated on a comfortable sofa,
when a deep voice said, "Rabbani why are you sitting
there all by yourself. Come and join us here.' This was the
voice of Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan, the Finance
Minister of India and the Prime Minister-designate of the
new State of Pakistan, calling for me from the dining
table, where the family was already half way through their
lunch. Begum Liaquat Ali Khan, with her usual charming
smile, invited me to join them for lunch. I hesitated but
Nawabzada Sahib intervened and addressing me said,
'You could not have had your lunch as yet,' and without
waiting for my reply added, 'sit down my son and join us,
you seem to have forgotten your Aligarian manners where
 79

we do not wait for a second invitation to eat. Nawabzada

Sahib opened the conversation "Rabbani how would you
like to be an ADC to the Quaid-e-Azam?" "I will love it
Sir, it is a great honour and privilege for me. I am very
happy," was my reply. During the course of the
conversation Nawabzada Sahib mentioned that they had
been expecting me for the last one week or so, and
jokingly remarked, 'The Air Force people thought that you
had gone underground.' I then narrated the story of the
'three telegrams'. At this he had a hearty laugh and patted
me on my back.
Lunch over, Nawabzada Sahib while walking away
from the table whispered to himself, ' I better check up
with Mr. Jinnah; he wanted to see you.' After a telephone
call he came back and told me, 'Get going boy, you better
go and see the old man now. He wants to have a chat with
you. My car will take you to Aurangzeb Road and then
will drop you wherever you want to go.' I thanked him
and Begum Liaquat for their kindness and took their
leave.
I carry very pleasant memories of this unexpected
lunch, though I could not eat much because of the
excitement - thoughts of my new job and my first
introduction to the Liaquat family. They were delightful
people, very warm and hospitable. I was delighted by their
informed ways. He was kind and considerate - a true
Aligarian in every way.
 80

Crucial Interview That

Lasted Six Minutes
I left Gul-e-Raana for the crucial interview with the
greatest living leader of the Muslims of the subcontinent. I
was tense and nervous, and literally had cold feet. I had
been through many an interview before but this one was
an extraordinary one with an extraordinary person, the
architect and creator of the biggest sovereign Muslim
State in the world. I was overawed. Suddenly the car
slowed down and wheeled into a gate bearing the
inscription '10 Aurangzeb Road'. As the car stopped in the
porch, a bespectacled gentleman promptly came out of an
adjoining room to greet the occupant of the car. Perhaps
he expected Mr. Liaquat Ali Khan, as it was his car that I
was riding. He seemed visibly disappointed when he saw
me emerging out of that car alone. I introduced myself
and informed him of the purpose of my visit. He asked me
to wait there and went back to his room. It was a hot
August afternoon with a strong loo (very hot wind)
blowing from East to West and there I was standing in the
verandah nervously waiting to meet my leader. A young
Naval Officer in his whites emerged from the same door
where moments earlier the first gentleman had
disappeared. He scrutinized me for a while and then
 81

withdrew without saying a word. Oh boy, what a

reception! Was it cold! Bewildered, and harassed by the
heat, I stood there licking my parched lips. Then came the
moment I had been waiting for. In the reception-hall,
adjoining the open verandah where I was waiting, there
appeared in the distance, a tall and stately figure
meticulously dressed in a biscuit-colour suit. He walked
across the hall from left to the right with that typical erect
and elegant gait, all his own. When half-way through the
hall he gave me a fleeting glance and paused for a
moment. Then he was in the verandah moving towards
me. I clicked my heels and saluted. He said, "You must be
Mr. Rabbani." I nodded a yes. It was only a nod because
momentarily I lost my voice and became speechless
finding myself face to face with the man Beverly Nichols
called a 'Giant'. "So you have arrived. What happened,
what was keeping you away?" he inquired. I repeated the
three telegrams' story and felt that he disapproved my
action. He then asked me a number of personal questions.
Lastly he asked me if I had any previous experience of
this type of a job but without waiting for my answer said,
"But it does not matter. Be here at noon on August 7,
ready to leave for Karachi, thank you." The interview was
over, and the Quaid started to move away. I saluted. He
paused, turned his face towards me and said, "You may
tell Liaquat that I approved of his choice."
The interview lasted for about five to six minutes
 82

and was conducted while standing in the front verandah of

10, Aurangzeb Road. A long cherished wish and a dream
of mine was now a reality. The miracle had happened. I
was now ADC to the Quaid-e-Azam, the Governor-
General of Pakistan - my leader. It was unbelievably true.
What luck! I could not have asked for anything more. I
would like to express my feelings of gratitude to Almighty
Allah. 'Some call it luck, for me it was the will of God.'
And I am thankful for His blessings and kindness.
The message that the Quaid-e-Azam gave me at the
end of the interview was passed on to Nawabzada Liaquat
Ali Khan who had recommended my name. I was told by
AHQ (India) that when a number of names of the Air
Force Officers for the selection of an ADC to the
Governor-General of Pakistan were submitted to
Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan for consideration, he put a
line across all those names and wrote back, 'I want the
officer who was incharge of Air Corp at Aligarh.' He did
not remember my name but thank God he remembered me
as being incharge at Aligarh and asked for me. This is
how it happened - as simple as that.
I was Quaid-e-Azam's aide for seven months and
with all the proximity of being on his personal staff, it is a
fact of life that during this period I never had the honour
of shaking hands with him. It was not because he did not
like anyone of us, nor can I recollect that at any time or
any incident when he was ever upset with our antics. He
 83

was always kind and tolerant to his personal staff with one
exception and that was the Comptroller of the Household,
Major Mc Coy. The Quaid would get upset at the very
sight of "Mr. Mc Coy" as the Governor-General preferred
to call him. May be his mannerism, his bearings, handling
of the decor of the 'house' or his very face that irritated the
Quaid and "Mr. Mc Coy" would be in trouble. We called
Mc Coy "Quaid's punching bag." He obviously did not
last for long.
The Governor-General was always formal and
correct. He always addressed us as "mister" so and so. He
preferred to address those in uniform as "mister" rather
than by their rank. It would be wrong to say that I admired
the man from my childhood because during my school
and college days my interests were focused on out-door
sports and politics was not my cup of tea. Born, bred and
raised in an orthodox Muslim family where almost all the
elders except my father, performed Haj for more than
once particularly in those days of camel back rides from
Makkah to Madina Munawwarah where two of my
ancestors lie buried; they were not clerics.
We were advised to follow the Islamic injunctions
but were never forced to adhere to them rigidly.
Personally, I was fond of Islamic history from my
childhood, from days when I could not even read or write.
I used to listen to the stories narrated to me by my elders,
of the valour of the warriors and famous generals of Islam
 84

like Khalid-bin-Walid, Tariq-bin-Ziad and Sultan Salah

uddin Ayubi as my favorites; so the streak of hero
worship was there in me from childhood.
I joined Muslim University Aligarh for my
graduation and it was there that I saw and heard Mr.
Jinnah for the first time. His charismatic personality had a
magical inspiration for me. After graduation I joined the
Royal Indian Air Force in 1941 and with the passage of
time my fondness for Mr. Jinnah turned into a passion to
serve him, perhaps as his personal pilot.
(Daily THE DAWN, August 14, 2007)

*****
 85

FLAG STAFF HOUSE

Flag Staff House Karachi, property of the Quaid-e-

Azam was much in the news in the eighties. Much was
written in the newspapers and spoken from public
platforms as to the possible uses that this house could be
or should be put to. Divergent suggestions were
propounded when a Commission headed by Mr. M.A.H
Isphahani was constituted to sort out the issue and give its
recommendations. The Commission decided for
preservation of the House as a relic of the Father of the
Nation but the Government took a long time to make up
its mind and eventually decided in 1984 that “the Flag
Staff House be renovated/restored for use as a museum to
house the relics of the Father of the Nation” The cost of
the project was estimated to be around twenty millions
rupees. However, for reasons unknown, the
implementation of the Government’s decision on the
recommendations of the Commission had been unduly
delayed but it is now hopefully expected that renovation
work will soon be completed and the museum will be
ready for public viewing.
As Flag Staff House is linked to the name of the
Quaid, the Nation wants to know all about it. Questions
generally asked are: Why is it called Flag Staff House?
 86

When was it purchased by the Quaid-e-Azam? How much

he paid for it? Did he ever live in this House, if so, when
and for how long?
I can satisfy some of these queries from personal
knowledge gained during my association with the Quaid’s
house-hold but statistical data and other details will have
to be left for research scholars to dig them up from record
books and offer comments.
Flag Staff House is located at a busy junction from
where roads radiate to all the four sides of the compass. It
is a multi roads intersection previously known as Palace
Cinema crossing. Sind Club, Hotel Metropole, Services
Club, Hotel Avari Towers and the Flag Staff House are all
located on the five corners of this very busy circus. Its
location is most appropriate for housing the Quaid-e-
Azam’s museum because of its location and convenient
accessibility to the tourists. It is within walking distance
practically of all the five star hotels in the town, Sind Club
is across the road, Karachi Gymkhana and Karachi Club
are around the corner. Farere Hall, another place of
historical importance is within stone’s throw from here
and it is conveniently located near and on the road from
Karachi Cantt. Railway station to the shopping centres of
Bohri bazaar and Zebun-Nisa Street.
The House stands on a big plot of land sprawling
over 2.5 acres and is skirted by roads on three sides. The
house comprised double storey main building and an
 87

annexe connected with the main house through a covered

corridor. There are about a score out-houses and four
garages besides a number of guard houses. It is built in
lime stone masonary with sloping roofs covered with red
tiles. The architecture is in line with other prominent
Karachi buildings typical of 19th century British built
buildings in the sub-continent.
The House was leased by Cantonment Board for the
Army as residence for the local British Garrison
Commander of Karachi. Traditionally, the residence of the
local Commander in a Cantonment in the sub-continent
was the only bungalow that flew a flag, a mark of
distinction and was known as Flag Staff House. Hence this
name. This tradition still continues in Pakistan and the
residences of Pakistani Commanders in Cantonments still
bear the same name. The last occupant of Flag Staff House
Karachi, incidently was Gen. Sir Douglas Gracy who was
later appointed Commander-in-Chief of Pakistan Army.
In the G.G’s House we heard that Flag Staff House
is the property of the Quaid but no more than this till about
two months later when G.G. decided to visit the Flag Staff
House. I was to escort him on this visit and when I entered
his room I found Quaid scanning some old drawings. He
neatly folded these drawings and handed them over to me.
The Quaid was in an unusually good mood and I saw him
for the first time in a hurry. He called for Miss Jinnah,
 88

“Fati hurry up, let us go.” On the way to the Flag Staff
House, which is not far from the G.G. House in any way,
addressing me he said, “Flag staff house is good but my
bungalow on Malabar hill was different.” He was
obviously very fond of his Malabar Hill bungalow and
many a times he recounted special features of this famous
‘residence’ of “the most important man is Asia”. He often
talked about it to us while sipping coffee after a quiet
dinner, when he would go into the details of its various
facets, its commanding view, its architecture, special
features of the drawing room like the marble panelled fire
place of which he was very fond, the living and working
areas and of course its garden. Miss Margaret-Burk-
whites, special photographer of the Time and Life
magazines in 1945 photographed Mr. Jinnah standing in
front of this fire place of his drawing room with a cigar in
his hand. Quaid-e-Azam liked this photograph and wanted
to adopt it as “official” photograph for display in Pakistan
Embassies abroad.
He further confided, “I did not have a place of my
own to live in Karachi so I purchased this house. It is a
pretty old bungalow but it has potential.” Just to advance
the conversation I enquired as to when he purchased this
House to which he simply said, “Recently.” This was
another trait of his indomitable legal mind in that he could
be brief and without giving any details yet answer a
precise question correctly. As we reached the guns-
 89

studded gates of the Flag Staff House, Quaid’s penetrating

eyes were actively engaged in taking stock of the
surroundings of the House and the garden around. The
garden was neglected and there was no much of greenery
around. The drive from the gate to the main House is short
and in seconds the limousine, flying G.G’s flag, entered
the porch, which looking by present day sizes of cars is of
very moderate dimensions. Ghulam Nabi, Chief driver of
G.G. House garage who was driving the Quaid stopped the
car, pulled the parking brake and opened the door of the
car and out came the owner of the House, with a faint
smile of contentment on his lips – a rare phenomenon. He
stood in the porch for a while, looking around and then
walked into the House saying, “Let us move in.” He
walked through the main house, the annexe and surveyed
the plot area and the surroundings with a critical eye. In
the annexe he remarked, “This will be my study.”
Inspection tour over, the Quaid sat in the North corner
room and called in the artisans – mason, carpenter, painter
etc. one by one, in the presence of a contractor and directly
gave them instructions for the renovation of the House. He
was very unhappy with the gardener for not properly
maintaining the garden and the lawns and instructed him to
get the garden in shape as quickly as possible.
The way he scrutinized the requirements and
deficiencies in the House and the prompt instructions that
he issued for its renovation and furnishing gave me an
 90

impression as if he wants it to be ready for immediate

occupation. Democracy is a process where according to
Allama Iqbal:-

~ T
ì #
Ö Ói§ u Ze
$ g/
H ÃVzÈ
D ™ 7 ÑÂ D ™ k
So in this system one can expect imponderables. I
felt the Quaid had the vagaries of this in mind. The way
he was trying to get the Flag Staff House ready in a hurry,
gave one an impression that he was perhaps thinking of
Mr. Winston Churchill who was unceremoniously rejected
by his ungrateful nation in the very first general elections
after successfully leading his country through “Blood and
toil” to a grand victory in World War II. In the case of
Quaid-e-Azam such an eventuality was unimaginable but
in democracy it is a technical possibility, howsoever
remote it may have been. Quaid-e -Azam being a devoted
democrat and a realist kept this in mind and was mentally
prepared to leave Governor-General’s House. Such was
his commitment to democracy that in spite of being the
creator of Pakistan he did not think it to be his divine right
to permanently stay in the Governor-General House.
The historical fact is that the Quaid-e-Azam never
lived in the Flag Staff House. Miss Jinnah, however,
moved in it two days after the death of the Quaid-e-Azam
in September, 1948.
(Daily THE DAWN, January 04, 2000)
*****
 91

TAKING PRIDE IN BEING PAKISTANIS

The general elections of 1946 finally sealed the fate

of the Hindu dream of Akhand Bharat. The sub-continent
was to be divided and its modalities were agreed upon
between His Majesty’s government, the Congress and the
Muslim League. The period of August 1947 onwards was
very crucial for the nascent state of Pakistan. The
difficulties were numerous, from putting the government
machinery in some shape, to problems like lack of
economic resources, shortage of skilled manpower, lack
of housing facilities, regrouping of its armed forces and
the influx of refugees. The way the nation responded to
these challenges was simply remarkable. The ceremonies
and official functions connected with the initiation of the
new country were both fascinating and emotional.
It is necessary to briefly refresh the memories of
those few belonging to the old guards who were witness
to this transition and acquaint readers, particularly the
younger generations of Pakistanis, with the background of
the long and arduous road to freedom that their forefathers
had to tread to clinch this prize – Pakistan.
Pakistan is the blessing of the Almighty to the
Muslims of the sub-continent where they could live
without any fear of domination of a ruthless Hindu
majority. The pathway to Pakistan was not an easy one
and the Muslims of India were made to suffer many trials
 92

and tribulations to reach their goal. Their struggle started

with the disintegration of the Mughal Empire. The
reminiscences of this journey are both painful and
rewarding, in the way that it provides many lessons for
those who care to learn.
The generation that endured this agonizing time,
struggled for its very survival and later helped to build the
new state is now fast withering away. After it, there will
be no link left between the past and the present. It is,
therefore, very relevant that Pakistan-born Pakistanis
should know, “Why Pakistan”, and the saga of the
relentless struggle for freedom waged by the Muslims of
India over a long period of nearly two centuries. It will
make them conscious of the values and importance of
Pakistan.
Presently, the situation on the ground is pathetic. It
is rather sad that with the passing away of the old guards
and the passage of time, the enthusiasm and the spirit that
brought about Pakistan is also waning.
Our people have become unmindful of the
blessings of Pakistan and the most reprehensible and
unforgivable part of it is that the affluent sections of
society appear least concerned with the weal or woes of
their hard-won country. Some have even started to
question the very need of establishing a separate state.
Unfortunately, their number is increasing. Their main
topic of discussion these days is money. Late night parties
 93

and dances are their favourite pastimes and as long as they

get their entertainment, they are not pushed. Most of them
have their children getting education abroad and if these
arrangements are not disturbed, they could not care less.
This is their life style, the height of present day fashion.
The result is that the new generations are oblivious
of the “why,” and “how” Pakistan was born. They opened
their eyes in the laps of luxury where everything was
provided for them. They are unmindful of what would
have been their position and that of other Muslims like
them, if Pakistan had not come into being. This poser is
hypothetical for them, they refuse to look at the past, nor
do they care for the future, their only concern is for the
present and as long as they are having a good time and
their activities are not interfered with they are happy.
These generations have developed a different concept of
life and they think differently. Even for social work, they
organize dinner and dance parties and collect funds for
charities on the beat of the Indian Bhangra drums.
No one is against having fun, in fact it is very
necessary to relax and enjoy to overcome the tensions of
everyday life, but the point here is that with all these
pleasure games, the youngsters on whom the future of
Pakistan depends, must remember their past because all
successful nations get guidance and learn from their
history. The creation of Pakistan is often referred to as a
miracle of the twentieth century. It is rightly so. The
 94

creator of this miracle is no other than Quaid-e-Azam

Muhammad Ali Jinnah, who first single handedly welded
a disjointed minority into a nation, gave them a direction
and finally with his charismatic leadership led them to
their goal of an independent country. The name of Mr.
M.A. Jinnah will go down in history like that of George
Washington. It is, however, a pity that after just over half
a century the name of this greatest benefactor of Muslim
India of the twentieth country is beginning to be confined
to history books only. We have already put Mr. Jinnah’s
principles and his motto of “Unity, Faith and Discipline”
on the back burner and forgotten it. One thing we still do
as an annual ritual is to pay him lip service on his
birthdays. There appears to be a deliberate attempt on the
part of some individuals on behest of the promoters of
Akhand Bharat or some agencies to downplay the name of
the Quaid. After over half a century of independence, in
certain circles, the question is now being raised “Why
Pakistan.” This is being done only to create confusion,
dissatisfaction and despondency. We must not let this
happen. The nation will not allow this to happen.
Who is to blame for this state of affairs? The
younger generations including those of the middle age
groups who crossed the borders in 1947. Not entirely, to
an extent yes, but the major blame for this apathy on the
part of the young generation towards Pakistan and its
founding father must rest on us, the senior citizens. We
 95

are to blame, for we failed to acquaint the new breed of

Pakistan with the “why” of Pakistan. We are to blame
because we did not cultivate in them patriotism and the
spirit to take pride in being Pakistanis. We are to blame
because we failed to bring home to them the truth that the
future of their children and their children’s children is
linked with the destiny of Pakistan. We the senior citizens
failed.
Ungrateful nations, who forget their past and do
not honour their benefactors, end up in disaster. Have fun
by all means but do not forget your identity and remember
Pakistan is your identity.
Speaking of identity, there are disturbing ripples of
secularism, regionalism, sectarianism and even of
separatism. We see a mad rush for American, Canadian
and Australian visas, huge sums of money being siphoned
out of the country, and the exodus of trained, competent
and technical manpower. The reasons given are collapsing
economy, denial of rights to smaller provinces, Kalabagh
Dam, corruption, violation of Human Rights in certain
cases, dominance of one particular province over the
others and so on. Any one and every one seeking quick
political prominence raises the bogey, God forbid, of
“Pakistan in danger, Pakistan on verge of disintegration”
and threatens an East Pakistan like scenario of 1971.
Some so called foreign ‘experts’ on south Asia, like
Robert Kaplan even went to the extent of predicting, (God
 96

forbid), the collapse of Pakistan by a certain year. Our

demoralized people pass on such rumours as bewailing
over Pakistan’s future has become their drawing room
gossip.
Admittedly, problems do exist, obviously
exaggerated to some extent, but there is certainly no
reason for despair and to become so desperate. It is a
temporary phase. Pakistan has weathered many a storms
in the past and these will also pass away, ‘Inshallah’.
These are normal problems that most of the countries of
the Third World face. These could be solved amicably
across the table, provided we show the will and
determination for the sake of the country, which is our
pride, our identification.
There is still time to gather the pieces. Let us start
right away by educating our people, particularly the
younger generations, about Pakistan, the “Why” and
“how” of it, and about the dedicated man who guided this
once rudderless ship safely to the harbour. He was no
Columbus, he knew his destination and stuck to his
chartered course with determination, defying all odds that
came his way. Let us drum into our coming generations:
Pakistan is here to stay even if the waters of the Indus stop
flowing into the sea.
Let us, the senior citizens of Pakistan, take up the
challenge and lead our juniors by educating and
 97

convincing them of Pakistan’s viability, invulnerability

and its bright future. Let it not be said that, “we failed”.
It is also the responsibility of the government of the
day to expound the Two Nations theory, dilate on the
Muslim struggle for freedom, explain the teachings of the
Father of the Nation and project his personality, lofty
principles and statesmanship. Not merely by showing
some slides of his sayings on the PTV screen, as is being
done at present, but by regularly holding meaningful
seminars and discussions on the Quaid-e-Azam, his
teachings and personality, evolution of the Two Nation
theory and the emergence of Pakistan. The main target
should be the school going children and for this purpose
the education Ministry may even set up a special cell to
evaluate, select and induct standard books in the syllabus
of the primary, middle and high school classes. Books on
these subjects should also be made available in the
libraries of all colleges and universities. A serious and
concerted effort is required to monitor this subject of
Pakistan studies in the educational institutions.
In my own humble way, I made feeble attempt and
wrote a book “I was the Quaid’s Aide-de-Camp” specially
for the benefit of the younger generations on whose strong
shoulders now rests the destiny of our country. The book
was launched on March 28, 1996 by the then Prime
Minister and was given extensive coverage on the
electronic media and in the press. The Prime Minister,
 98

while launching the book, was very appreciative and said

“It is an education to read Rabbani’s book. It is fortunate
for us and for our children that Cdre. Rabbani has
preserved such an intimate portrait of the founder of
Pakistan. For this, we will owe you a great debt of thanks.
Generations of Pakistanis, yet unborn, will come to
honour and understand the Quaid because of your efforts.
This book is an incredibly useful addition to literature on
Quaid-e-Azam.”
With such a lavish citation for the book, by no
other than the Prime Minister of Pakistan and particularly
repeated references to the youth and even to generations
“yet unborn”, I was expecting that the educationists and
those guiding the destiny of the Education Ministry would
react positively and make use of the book for the benefit
of the youngsters by making it easily accessible to the
schools, colleges and universities. The Urdu translation of
this book would have been useful for students of lower
classes. But, unfortunately, no one in the Education
Ministry seems to be interested in educating the young
ones who need to be educated. Actually there was no one
there to follow up on the book launching speech and the
Prime Minister’s words were left only for TV and press
coverage. It is indeed a pity.
(Daily THE NATION, November 19, 2000)

*****
 99

HONOURING THE MAN WHO GAVE US

PAKISTAN (PART ONE)

December 25 is a day of rejoicing and merry

making the world over. This is one day which is
universally celebrated and enjoyed in all the five
continents, by all nationalities and people of all religions.
Ostensibly celebrated as birthday of Prophet Christ but
celebrations are not confined to Christians only and the
holy date caught universal fancy to become world
celebrations day.
December 25 has special significance for Pakistan.
Muhammad Ali Jinnah was born on this day. No one
could visualize then that this new born son of Jinnah
Poonja, who coincidentally shared the birthday date with
Christ, one day will change the geography of the
subcontinent and give us Pakistan.
Nation called him ‘Quaid-e-Azam’, the great
leader, but it is not what, I and you, as his admirers make
him out to be but it is what the world thinks of him that
matters. Wise men all through had maintained that true
assessment of a person is what his contemporaries,
adversaries/ included, think of him. Balancing on this
yardstick, Mr. M.A Jinnah stands out as a beacon of light
amongst his peers as a person, as a politician and as a
statesman. World luminaries of his times, including his
 100

arch rival Mahatama Gandhi, placed him on a high

pedestal, that give glimpses of the person that was Jinnah.
His Highness Sir Agha Khan III said of him:
“Of all the statesmen that I have known in my
life—Clemenceau, Lloyed George, Churchill, Curzon,
Mussolini, Mahatama Gandhi - Jinnah is most remarkable.
None of these men in my view has out-shown him in
strength of character and that almost uncanny combination
of precision and resolution”.
Mahatama Gandhi admits in his letter to Mr. Louis
Fisher:
“Mr. Jinnah was incorruptible and courageous”.
Mr. Harry S. Truman said:
“Mr. Jinnah was the recipient of a devotion of
loyalty seldom accorded to any man.”
Lord Listowel rated him higher than general de-
Gaulle: “I would rate Mr. Jinnah as a bigger political giant
of the twentieth century than even General de Gaulle”.
Similarly, in spite of all the prejudices, the top
Indian newspaper had this to say about him:
The Daily Statesman wrote:
“Seemingly as hard as diamond, he (Mr. Jinnah)
had all the diamond’s brilliance”.
Amrit Bazar Patrika, Calcutta wrote in its issue of
th
8 August, 1947:
“Jinnah out weights Truman, Stalin and Attlee put
together”.
Muhammad Ali Jinnah was schooled in Madrassa-
tul-Islam Karachi, called to the Bar from Lincoln’s Inn
 101

and returned to Karachi as Mr. Muhammad Ali Jinnah

Bar-at-Law to start his legal practice in the city of his
birth. However, he soon shifted to Bombay for better
opportunities. In Bombay, in the initial stages of his
professional career, he faced hard days and for nearly
three years, he waited for a brief, but he stuck it out with
determination, perseverance and faith in himself. This was
the character of the man. Once he got the break then sky
was the limit.
The life and achievements of Mr. M. A Jinnah,
“the most important man in Asia” as Beverly Nichols
called him, is a fascinating study. There are many facets
of his brilliant career—Jinnah the lawyer, Jinnah the
parliamentarian, Jinnah the politician, Jinnah the
ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity, Jinnah the
constitutionalist, Jinnah the Quaid-e-Azam, Jinnah the
founder of the State of Pakistan.
He distinguished himself in all fields of his
activities and excelled in them all. “No one dances center
stage when he is around” is the story of the towering
personality of Mr. Jinnah.
This was Mr. M.A Jinnah, who brought about the
miracle of the 20th century and gave us Pakistan, the
largest Muslim State, and the 5th largest state in the world.
It is different that only sixty years after the demise of its
founding father, we made a mess of it all, due to our
follies.
Pakistanis as a nation owe him a debt of gratitude,
which we can not fully repay but we certainly can and
 102

should remember him and the sterling qualities of his

character.
In Pakistan, December 25 is celebrated with great
fervour and the date is looked forward to, specially by the
elite, for Xmas/Winter balls and gala parties in the hotels,
clubs and private homes. Not all those who celebrate are
Christians. They are only a microscopic minority, but it is
celebrated by a large number of Pakistanis, as a day of
festivities.
Let us give this date a name and a purpose. Let us
celebrate December 25, birthday of Muhammad Ali
Jinnah, as a National Day and mix pleasure with a
purpose. Let us dedicate this day to the Quaid-e-Azam
and associate his name with all our merry making
activities of the day. Let us for instance rename Winter
Ball as Quaid-e-Azam Day Ball, I am sure it will not
offend anyone. Unfortunately many of us particularly the
younger crop, who celebrate this day are fast forgetting
the ‘why’ of Pakistan. These youngsters are only aware of
the name ‘Mr. Jinnah’ and no more, and if this apathy
continues, a day will come when they may not even
remember who Jinnah was. Associating the name of
Quaid-e-Azam with this day, may one day spark the flame
of curiosity in them to explore; who was this man Jinnah
and what did he do to deserve this recognition and thus
make these people conscious of the blessings and
necessity of Pakistan. As for the ordinary citizens of
Pakistan, it will be a reminder of the spirit of ‘Pakistan
Movement’ and renewal of their pledge to the man who
 103

gave Pakistan, to make this State modern and a model, so

that we take pride in being Pakistanis.
However, only playing birthday songs on Radio
Pakistan and showing a few slides of his ‘sayings’ and
melodies like, “Meer-e-Karwan hai Muhammad Ali
Jinnah” will not do. We must have meaningful
programmes, discussions and seminars on the personality
and leadership of the Quaid-e-Azam. Among others, our
main focus should be on younger generations, college and
school going children because there in lie our future
hopes. Let us start educating them about the ‘why’ and
‘how’ of Pakistan and the man who made it possible for
us to live in an independent country.
Today more than ever, the need is to rediscover the
spirit of ‘Pakistan Movement’ and Quaid-e-Azam’s motto
of Unity, Faith and Discipline, which is almost lost to our
new generations. Let us make a beginning and attach a
purpose with our pleasures. The purpose is to rejuvenate
the ‘Pakistan movement spirit’ and revive the memory of
our benefactor and rekindle his motto of Unity, Faith and
Discipline. In this lies our salvation and glory of our
country.
Let us make December 25 birthday of the Quaid-e-
Azam, a National Day.
(Daily THE NATION, December 25, 2000)

*****
 104

HONOURING THE MAN WHO GAVE US

PAKISTAN (PART TWO)

This is not a new coined slogan but a follow up on what I

suggested, exactly a year back on December 25, 2000. I
wrote an article under the same caption which was
published in ‘The Nation’ dated 25 December, 2000. It
was a coincidence that the same day, on the birthday of
Quaid-e-Azam, the Chief Executive and now President of
Pakistan, General Parvez Musharraf announced “the year
2001 as the year of Quaid-e-Azam.”
I expected that with the Chief Executive’s implicit
desire and government support to commemorate the
memory of the father of the Nation, something concrete
would emerge. The year is almost over and I am
constrained to say that nothing, repeat nothing is on the
ground to show that Chief Executive’s desires have been
given concrete shape. All that , one can see around,
particularly after the tragic events of September 11 in the
USA, is that before the “News”, PTV runs a slide for a
few seconds with Quaid-e-Azam’s photograph with a
revolving green circle around it with a jingle “Pakistan
hamari jan, sub say Pehlay Pakistan” (Pakistan is our soul,
Pakistan is most important). I am sure that was not all that
 105

the Chief Executive meant when he declared, “the year

2001 as the year of the Quaid-e-Azam.”
It is a pity that nothing is being done to halt the
trend of drifting away from the ideology of Pakistan,
particularly amongst Pakistan born generations. The
young Pakistanis should know and remember that
Pakistan was NOT a gift from any one to us. It was
achieved after a long and relentless struggle. Pathway to
Pakistan was long and arduous and Muslims of the
subcontinent were made to rove countless deserts of
wilderness and deprivation and wade through many rivers
of blood, and suffer deprivation, trials and tribulations to
reach their goal—Pakistan. In the process, millions of
lives were lost and heinous crimes against our women folk
were committed by the majority community. Pakistan is
the blessings of Almighty, it provided a safe haven to the
Muslims of India, where they could live with peace of
mind.
Come, December 25, birthday of the Father of the
Nation. M.A. Jinnah by sheer coincidence shared his
birthday date with the birthday of Prophet Christ and also
by default the festivities connected with this date are
shared. But life achievements of Mr. Jinnah were no
coincidence, it was no fluke or chance that he excelled
and distinguished himself in all fields of his interests. He
achieved this by dint of hard work, legal brilliance,
political acumen, uncanny statesmanship and remarkable
 106

negotiating skills and brought about the miracle of the

twentieth century in the form of Pakistan.
In the absence of any action despite the directive to
the government, I revert to my suggestion made in my
article I, a year back on this very day that we associate
this week of celebrations with the name of the Quaid, in
the hope that this may, spark a flame of curiosity amongst
the forgetful nation, to know, who was this man, Jinnah.
But this is not the end all. Government and our
‘intellectuals’ should work out plans to remind Pakistanis,
particularly the younger generations, the debt they owe to
this man, Jinnah and thus revive the ideology and spirit of
the ‘Pakistan Movement’ because Jinnah and Pakistan are
inseparable.
We, the senior citizens of Pakistan have failed in
our duty to indoctrinate the younger generations about the
concept and ideology of Pakistan. The result is obvious;
the Pakistan born generation is oblivious of the blessings
and invocations of Allah in the form of Pakistan. With this
lack of knowledge and ignorance of the struggle for
survival in Akhand Bharat, they are unmindful of what
would have been their plight and that of other muslims
like them if Pakistan had not come into being. They refuse
to look at the past, nor do they care for the future, their
only concern is today. As long as they are having a good
time and their activities are not interfered with, they could
not care less. These generations have developed a
 107

different concept of life and they think differently. Even

for doing social work, they organize dinner and dance
parties and collect funds for charities on the beats of
Bhangra drum of Indian performers.
No one is against having fun, in fact it is necessary
to relax and enjoy to overcome the tensions of life but the
point here is that with all these pleasures, these youngsters
on whom depends the future of Pakistan, must remember
their past because all successful nations get guidance and
learn from their history. Unfortunate nations, who forget
their past and do not honour their benefactors, soon go
into oblivion and end up in disaster. HAVE FUN BY
ALL MEANS BUT FOR GOD’S SAKE DO NOT
FORGET YOUR IDENTITY AND REMEMBER;
PAKISTAN IS YOUR IDENTITY.
(Daily THE NATION, December 25, 2000)

*****
 108

9/11 AND QUAID-E-AZAM

Pakistan and the U.S.A., by coincidence, now have

something in common. It is the date of the century, 9/11.
On this date in 1948 Pakistan lost its founding father and
then 53 years later in 2001, U.S.A. had the New York
Twin Towers blown up. The similarity ends here.
Pakistan since 1948 mourns its loss with dignity, in
a noble and sober manner, whereas the U.S.A has gone
berserk in pursuit of Bin-Laden, Taliban and Al-Qaeda.
September 11, 1948 was a ‘bleack’ day for
Pakistan, when only after 13 months of its coming into
being as an independent state, the advice, wisdom and
guidance of its creator was lost to it. It was a pity that the
Quaid-e-Azam did not live long enough to put Pakistan on
a sound path towards democracy and to give the country
its constitution.
Another tragedy struck Pakistan soon after when its
first Prime Minister was struck down in broad daylight at
a public meeting in Rawalpindi. Thus deprived of two of
its top leaders in quick succession, plunged the country
into political chaos and Pakistan had to wait till 1973, for
a viable and unanimously acceptable constitution.
Mr. Muhammad Ali Jinnah did not keep good
health but without showing any semblance of his health
handicaps he led the struggle for the emancipation of his
 109

community with dauntless courage and determination. He

led the battle almost single handedly and transformed All
India Muslim League, hitherto a party of arm chair
politicians into a mass movement that brought about the
miracle of the 20th century; the establishment of Pakistan,
the largest Muslim and fifth largest state in the world.
Had Lord Louis Mountbatten known of Mr.
Jinnah’s state of health at that time, he for sure would
have deferred the decision on partition of the subcontinent
and the political map of South Asia could have been
different today.
1947 was the year of his triumph, the year
successfully culminating his life long struggle for finding
a safe haven for his people, in the emergence of Pakistan.
He took his success in a stride without exhibiting any
semblance of pride or arrogance. He was the same Mr.
Jinnah, the Quaid-e-Azam. However mental strains and
physical demands of this long struggle took their toll and
his thin frame started to show the pressure. During
independence ceremonies he looked tired and exhausted
but he refused to submit to his health handicaps. He was
always prompt and punctual and whenever ADC on duty
presented himself to accompany him to a
ceremony/function, he always found the G.G. ready and
dressed for the occasion. Handsome, that he no doubt was,
he looked like a Greek God, attired in his three piece suit
 110

or cream colour sherwani and the audience admiringly

looked at him and adored his looks.
Determination and ‘never say die’ were two of the
many sterling qualities of his character. It is a fact of his
life that he always disregarded the advice of his doctors
and continued to work hard and meet his official and
social obligations. But one cannot fight mother nature.
Inspite of all his fighting qualities he could not ward off
the effects of ‘old age’ and his illness took its toll. With
every passing day he was growing weaker but he never
bowed to the inevitable and always kept a brave front. He
attended his office regularly and in the afternoons when
he retired for rest, he invariably took his ‘work home’ and
while resting on a sofa with his legs stretched, he would
peruse through the pile of files stacked by his resting
place. That was the man, who gave the message “Work,
work and work”.
The last time I met the Quaid-e-Azam was on April
13, 1948 when he visited Risalpur and ‘named’ Flying
School as Pakistan Air Force College.
During the visit to Risalpur he looked fine. He was
erect, smart and elegant as usual and walked with poise.
He was firm on his feet and had all the vigour and energy
to meet and exchange pleasantries with all those present.
But then within couple of months his health took a sudden
twist for the worse and he rapidly lost strength and
became weak. He was advised complete rest in bed and
 111

was soon taken to Ziarat for a change of climate and

detachment from day to day affairs of the state, which was
not possible while in Karachi. But the situation did not
improve and he continued to sink physically deeper with
every passing day.
A real fighter that he was, he gallantly defied his
illness and flew down to Karachi for the opening
ceremony of the State Bank of Pakistan. He travelled
lying on a stretcher but walked in his indomitable style to
the stage to perform the ceremony. It was indeed very
brave of him to defy all, including his doctors, to make
this trip to highlight the significance of the State Bank in
the country’s economy.
Strains of this recent visit to Karachi completely
broke him down and it became evident that he could fight
the inevitable, no more. It was September 11, 1948.
Gasping last breaths of his eventful and a very successful
life, the man of destiny, set out on his last journey to his
final resting place in Karachi, the city of his birth, the city
that he liked and the capital of the fifth largest state in the
world, that he founded.
Reception at Mauripur Airfield left much to be
desired and Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah,
Governor-General of Pakistan arrived uncared, unsung
and neglected. It is not known, even if the pilot escort was
there to lead him in, on his last arrival. Only an ambulance
carried the stretcher of the ailing Governor-General,
 112

almost on his death bed. There was NO breakdown

ambulance and NO second car. According to Miss
Jinnah’s book “My Brother” the ambulance carrying the
Father of the Nation ran short of fuel and the dying “Man
of Destiny” lay helplessly on the road side for over an
hour with flies buzzing over him and a desperate sister
struggling to wave them away and waiting in anguish for
help. This was callous, criminal negligence and height of
incompetence that cannot be pardoned.
It appears a blatant and deliberate disregard of all
norms of protocol and G.G. House arrangements with
regard to Governor-General’s movements. Military
Secretary should have been impeached for not providing
for a break-down ambulance. It was a pity that no heads
were rolled and the matter drowned in the sorrows of
nation’s loss. Now we have the audacity of making it just
a ritual of paying hypocritical lip service on his death
anniversaries and birthdays. It is need of the hour to
educate upcoming generations of Pakistan about the
background of relationships between Muslims, Hindus
and East India Company, leadership of the Quaid-e-Azam,
the struggle and coming into being of Pakistan. They
should know all this to fully appreciate the blessings of
being Pakistanis. Pakistan is their identity.

*****
 113

MY LAST BREAKFAST
WITH QUAID-E-AZAM

I had the privilege to serve Quaid-e-Azam

Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Governor-General of Pakistan, as
his A.D.C., for over seven months; from 14 August, 1947
to 9 March, 1948. I joined the Quaid at Delhi on 7 August,
1947 and was one of the four passengers on board the
silvery Dakota (D.C. 3) aircraft of the Viceregal Flight,
that brought the Governor-General designate of Pakistan
to Karachi. The other three passengers, besides the Quaid,
were Miss Fatima Jinnah, Lt. Ahsan, naval A.D.C. and
myself.
P.A.F was short of flying instructors and after only
two months, the air force became desperate to get me back
on active flying duties. The Quaid-e-Azam was not happy
to relieve me, not that he was extra fond of any one of us,
as he was always reserve and formal with his staff as with
every one else, but he just did not want any change in his
personal staff.
Air Vice Marshall Perry Keene C-in-C R.P.A.F
made two unsuccessful visits to the G.G.House to request
the Governor-General for my release but the G.G.
declined. It was only during his third audience that the
Quaid-e-Azam agreed to relieve me to return to the
 114

Airforce for instructional duties at P.A.F. Flying School,

Risalpur.
In mid March I was flown in a special aircraft from
Karachi to Risalpur and joined the Flying Training School
as flying instructor.
Last time I had the honour to share the breakfast
table with the Quaid-e-Azam was in the cool of Frontier
Province, in the exotic settings of the lush green lawns of
the Officers Mess of Pakistan Air Force Flying School,
Risalpur, re-christened by him an hour earlier, as
“Pakistan Air Force College”. The Governor-General was
on an official visit to the N.W.F.P and P.A.F. Flying
School Risalpur was the first military establishment of
Pakistan, to be visited by the Head of the State, a unique
distinction.
It was April 13, 1948, a perfect spring day with
clear blue skies. A gentle refreshing cool breeze was
blowing from the north. Visibility extended to the top of
the hills and beyond. The place was decked with flowers,
roses were in abundance and Risalpur seemed to be sitting
in a bowl decked with roses. The hills that encircle
Risalpur were sporting their last residue of winter snows.
It was a beautiful sight. People from the surrounding areas
started to converge on Risalpur airfield from the early
hours and were directed to one end of the apron reserved
for the general public. The cadets were busy polishing
their belts and boots themselves to ensure proper shine, an
 115

unusual activity for them. They considered it a great

honour that they would be receiving their Quaid-e-Azam
who had chosen their station for his first visit to a military
institution after taking over as Governor-General of
Pakistan. It was a red letter-day in the history of Risalpur.
The Governor-General was scheduled to take the
salute at 9 a.m. The parade markers were in position in the
parade ground at 8:40 a.m. and the parade was marched
on to the parade ground at 8:45 a.m. The Governor-
General’s silver Dakota flying the Governor-General’s
flag taxied to the saluting base and parked behind the dais.
After reviewing the smartly turned out parade, the
Governor-General spoke :-
“…There is no doubt that any country without a
strong airforce is at the mercy of an aggressor.
Pakistan must build up her airforce as quickly
as possible…. The Royal Pakistan Air Force
started with very few assets except loyalty and
determination to succeed, but it is already
taking shape; this school formed only seven
months ago is a worthy example of this. I know
you are short of personnel…I know also that you
are short of aircraft and equipment…I am
pleased to learn the progress which this school
has made and as desired by the Air Commander
and yourselves, I name it from today ‘The
Pakistan Air Force College’…”
 116

Parade over, the Governor-General was driven to

the PAF Officers Mess, where he was to have his breakfast
with all the senior officers of the R.P.A.F. The Governor
and the Chief Minister of the NWFP were also present.
Immediately after the parade, I was rushed to the Mess to
receive and greet the Governor-General at the entrance
door of the Mess. He was pleased to see me and
acknowledged my greetings with, ‘So you are here
Rabbani, how are you?’ Without waiting for my response
he added. ‘I am sure you must be happy to be back to your
flying.’ I remember having managed to say, ‘Yes Sir, I was
very happy in the Governor-General’s House and I am
happy here as well.’ While entering the reception hall, he
looked at me and with a glint in his eyes, enquired, ‘Mr.
First, are there any more firsts here?’ I replied, ‘Yes Sir,
Risalpur is very proud today, as you are the first Head of
the State to ever visit this place.’ He smiled and continued
to walk. In accordance with the rules of protocol I
introduced the Commandant to him and then withdrew.
After about half an hour’s chit-chat with the guests, the
Commandant led the Governor-General to the breakfast
table. I had prepared a table plan for the head table only.
My seat was diagonally opposite the Governor-General and
directly opposite Miss Jinnah. After serving grapefruit,
cereal was passed around which the Governor-General
refused as usual. The next dish siri-paya was meant to be a
 117

surprise for the Governor-General. I was watching his

reactions. He was pleased and satisfied, for before taking a
helping, he looked at me and nodded his head twice. I
knew that Quaid occasionally liked to have siri-paya at
breakfast and I had arranged that to be served to him today.
Miss Jinnah also reacted promptly by remarking. ‘Rabbani,
so you have been disclosing home secrets!’ and smiled.
Breakfast over, he stayed for another eight to ten
minutes and then left. I was the last to say goodbye to
him. He stood in front of me and for the first and last time
put his hand on my shoulder in farewell, and said, ‘Well,
young man, it is now your turn to come to Karachi. Good
luck’. ‘Certainly Sir’, I said in a voice choking with
emotions. I was overwhelmed and honoured by this rare
gesture of kindness. For me it was like the symbolic tap
on the shoulder with the ceremonial sword, made by a
British sovereign while conferring a knighthood on a
subject. The joy the Quaid-e-Azam’s touch gave me was
unbounded. Little did I knew then that it would be my last
meeting with my ‘Leader’. His words and the feel of his
hand on my shoulders are still with me. I feel guilty that I
could not visit him in Karachi as I had said I would. I
went to Karachi all right, not to Governor-General House,
but to his mausoleum to pay my last respects.
(Daily THE NATION, September 11, 2000)

*****
 118

INDEX

Agha Khan, 9, 25, 27, 101 Congress, 15, 16, 17, 21,
Ahmed Shah Abdali, 73 25, 26, 28, 29, 30, 32, 33,
Akbar, 47, 65, 73 34, 35, 92
Akhand Bharat, 26, 92, 95, Curzon, 9, 25, 101
108 Dacca, 27
Aligarh, 37, 64, 69, 71, 82, Dadabhai Naoroji, 26
84 Dar-ul-Harb, 31
Amrit Bazar Patrika, 9, 101 Delhi, 17, 36, 67, 71, 72,
Attlee, 25, 26, 33, 102 76, 77, 115
Azad, 32 Direct Action Day, 35
Babar, 73 Douglas Gracy, 87
Badshahi Mosque, 19, 33 Eid-ul-Fitr, 41, 62
Baluchistan, 20 England, 13, 17, 26, 46
Bengal, 16, 20, 26, 33, 38, Fatima Jinnah, 65, 115
59, 73 Flag Staff House, 85
Beverly Nichols, 11, 81, Fourteen Points, 16, 29
102 General de Gaulle, 9, 25,
Bombay, 8, 14, 27, 40, 102 101
British, 8, 9, 13, 14, 15, 16, Gopal Krishna Gokhale, 26
19, 20, 23, 29, 30, 34, 35, Graham Trading Co., 13
47, 48, 75, 87, 119 Halifax, 13
Calcutta, 26, 27, 38, 101 Harding, 13, 78
Chaudhry Muhammad Ali, Harry S. Truman, 9, 25,
78 101
Chelmsford, 13 Home Rule League, 27
Churchill, 9, 25, 90, 101 Hussain Shaheed
Clemenceau, 9, 25, 101 Suhrawardy, 38
 8
119
Iftikhar Mamdot, 28 Maryam, 14
India, 11, 13, 14, 16, 17, Mauripur, 44, 52, 60, 113
18, 19, 20, 21, 23, 27, 29, Mecca, 37
33, 34, 35, 38, 45, 46, 52, Mountbatten, 32, 35, 42,
54, 64, 69, 70, 73, 76, 78, 46, 47, 48, 51, 111
82, 92, 93, 95, 107, 111, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, 11,
114 13, 14, 15, 24, 26, 36, 49,
Islam, 13, 21, 24, 83, 102 56, 67, 73, 95, 100, 102,
Isphahani, 28, 38, 85 103, 104, 110, 113, 115
Jinnah Hall, 27 Muslim League, 16, 18, 21,
John F. Kennedy, 50 27, 28, 32, 33, 34, 49, 56,
Karachi, 12, 13, 36, 41, 42, 92, 111
44, 51, 56, 67, 75, 81, 85, Mussolini, 9, 25, 101
86, 87, 88, 102, 113, 115, Nagpur, 28
116, 119 Nawabzada Liaquat Ali
Khalid-bin-Walid, 37, 83 Khan, 56, 70, 78, 82
Khawaja Nazim-ud-Din, Nehru, 29, 30, 32
56, 57 Nehru Report. See
King George, 46 NWFP, 20, 118
Knighthood, 14 Pakistan, 11, 12, 21, 22, 23,
Lahore, 12, 19, 21, 33 24, 31, 33, 34, 35, 36, 40,
Lincoln’s Inn, 13, 102 41, 42, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49,
Lloyed George, 101 50, 51, 52, 55, 56, 57, 59,
London, 17, 29 64, 65, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71,
Lord Listowel, 9, 25, 101 75, 78, 82, 87, 88, 90, 92,
Lucknow pact, 28 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99,
Madina Munawwarah, 37, 100, 102, 103, 104, 106,
83 107, 108, 109, 110, 111,
Mahatama Gandhi, 9, 101
 9120

112, 113, 114, 115, 116, Sahibzada Yaqoob Ali

117 Khan, 44
Pakistan Resolution. See SAINT, 24, 35
Panipat, 72 Sardar Abdurrab Nishtar,
Patel, 32 56
Perry Keene, 39, 115 Sardar Shaukat Hayat, 28
Punjab, 20, 30, 33, 59, 70, Sarojini Naidu, 25
73 Sindh, 13, 42, 49, 51, 73
Qazi Muhammad Isa, 28 Sir Charles Ollivant, 14
Quaid-e-Azam, 7, 8, 9, 10, Sir Stafford Cripps, 34
11, 12, 18, 21, 31, 32, 33, South Asia, 7, 24, 25, 111
34, 36, 38, 39, 40, 44, 45, Stalin, 9, 26, 102
47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 53, 55,
56, 60, 62, 64, 65, 67, 68, sub-continent, 7, 17, 18, 25,
69, 73, 77, 79, 82, 85, 86, 26, 32, 33, 69, 87, 92
88, 90, 95, 98, 99, 100, Sultan Salahuddin Ayubi,
102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 37
110, 111, 112, 113, 114, Tariq-Bin-Ziad, 37, 83
115, 116, 117, 119 The Daily Statesman of
Rabbani, 8, 9, 10, 12, 36, India, 26
39, 67, 78, 81, 99, 118 The Times, 26
Radcliffe Award, 35 Two Nation Theory, 98
Raja of Mahmoodabad, 28 United States of America,
Ramzay MacDonald, 14 25
Reading, 13, 14, 76 Wardha Scheme, 16
Risalpur, 39, 112, 116, 118 Wazir Mansion, 13
Round Table Conference, White-hall, 23
29 Ziarat, 56, 113