Agrarian Relations and Friar Lands PDF

MAPU A U N I V E R S ITY
RZL11 0 - A 5 6
GROUP 4
AGRARIAN
RELATIONS AND
FRIAR LANDS
Prepared by
01 DAUB, DELA CRUZ, IGNE & LABAO
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Agrarian Relations
AGRARIAN RELATIONS
Social relationships
pertaining to land and
agricultural production.
- IGI GLOBAL
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Agrarian Relations
FRIAR LANDS
These lands are not
public lands but private
and patrimonial lands of
the government.
- BATASNATIN
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Agrarian Relations
PATRIMONIAL LAND
Public lands become patrimonial
property upon express government
manifestation that the property is
already patrimonial and declaration
that these are already alienable and
disposable.
- L. PEREZ, 2016
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Agrarian Relations
PATRIMONIAL LAND
The property is not intended
for public use, or for some
public service, or for the
development of the national
wealth.
AGRA R I A N R E L A TIONS AND FRIAR LANDS
This section provides a short history of the dynamics of landownership
in the Philippines during Rizal's time. It discusses the hacienda system
in connection with the existence of friar lands.
HACIENDA
a large business enterprise consisting of various money-making
ventures including raising farm animals and maintaining the cultivation
of fruit trees.
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Agrarian Relations
Specifically, it mentions
conflicts arising from the
hacienda system and shows
their impacts on Philippine
society and on the family of
Rizal as inquilinos.
Inquilino
A labourer

indebted to
a landlord
who allows
him to form
a farm in
parts of his
property.
09
1. At the end of this section, the INTENDED
students should be able to:
identify the different issues on
LEARNING
land ownership from pre- OUTCOME
colonial to colonial period; and
2. to explain how the hacienda

system impacts the Philippines.
10
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HISTORY OF THE FRIAR LANDS
The existence of friar lands in the
Philippines can be traced back to the
early Spanish colonial period when
Spanish conquistadors were awarded
lands in the form of haciendas for their
loyalty to the Spanish crown.
CONQUISTADOR
A conqueror
A person who is out to conquer new territory
Approximately 120 Spaniards

were granted either large
tracts of land called sitio de
ganado mayor or smaller
tracts called caballerias.
13
However, the hacienderos,

those who owned the
haciendas, failed to develop
their lands.
14
One reason is that the
Spaniards were not

expected to permanently
stay in the Philippines.
Many of them returned to
Spain once they were done
serving in the country.
15
Also, the livestock market

during this time was still small.
Thus, the Galleon Trade based
in Manila, appealed more to the
Spaniards because it offered
better economic opportunities.
16
Galleon Trade
It is also called as Manila Galleons or Manila-Acapulco Trade
The Spaniards closed the ports of Manila to all countries except Mexico.
The Galleon Trade was a government monopoly.
Galleon Trade
Only two galleons were used: One sailed from Acapulco to Manila with
some 500,000 pesos worth of goods, spending 120 days at sea; the other
sailed from Manila to Acapulco with some 250,000 pesos worth of goods
spending 90 days at sea.
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The Spanish friars were able to acquire
land through whatever means available to
them. According to sources, lands were
donated to the friars in exchange for
spiritual favors. Many Filipinos believed
that the friars had no titles to the lands
they owned because they acquired them
through usurpation and other dubious
means.
THE ESTATES
20
UNTIL THE TURN OF THE 20TH CENTURY

Monastic Haciendas were the dominant form of land tenure in the areas surrounding Manila.
MONASTIC HACIENDAS
Dominant Form of Land Tenure
SPANISH COLONIAL PERIOD
FRIAR ESTATES
Critical factor in 1896 Revolt against Spanish.
THE ESTATES
On the Eve of Philippine Revolution of 1896,
21 Haciendas owned by 4 Religious Orders
American Colonial Government bought 17 of

them for division and sale to Filipinos.
A few year later, the remaining Haciendas were

sold by the Church to the Philippine Government
ending the 3 and a Half century of Large-Scale
Ecclesiastical Landownership.
AGRA R I A N R E L A TIONS AND FRIAR LANDS 21

THE ESTATES
22
AUGUSTINIAN
7 Estates
DOMINICAN
Largest Land Lords (10 estates)
ORDER OF ST. JOHN

3 Estates
THE ARCHDIOCESE OF MANILA

1 estate
The Haciendas that they owned ranged in
size from small 294 hectares to nearly
30,000 hectares with the larger
haciendas even including some towns
within their confines which was evident
in Cavite and Laguna.
Pueblo de Indios
Indian Towns established by the Spanish
Crown to protect the native population
from exploitation.
THE ESTATES
Hacienda Towns in 19th century
1. Municipal Centre (Municipio)

2. Centrally located Plaza with Parish Church and
Government buildings , sometimes with jails
3. Presence of Casa Hacienda (Residence of Friar
Administrators) and Granary marks the presence
of a Friar Estate.
The Municipio is the home of the wealthier citizens

in town. (Traders, Artisans, and Tenants who do not
till the lands)
Outside the Municipio is where the poorer citizens
live.

THE ORIGINS OF
THE ESTATES
The beginning of the Friar Land Estates can be traced
back to the lands that were given to Spanish
Conquistadores.
From 16th to 17th Century approximately 120 Spaniards

were given land grants within a 100 km radius of Manila.
Sitio de Ganado Mayor – Larger Unit (1,742 hectares)

Caballerias – Smaller Units (42.5 hectares)
Sitio Ganado Menor – (774 hectares)

THE ORIGINS
Agrarian Relations
and Friar Lands
OF THE
ESTATES
Spanish Hacienderos did not show
any interest to exploit their lands
as most of them sold their lands to
fellow Spaniard while others
mortgaged or donated them to
religious orders.
27
THE ORIGINS OF
Reasons for not showing Interest
in Lands
THE ESTATES
1. Spanish Population in the Philippines
was not expected to be permanent
2. Livestock products were restricted
during the time
3. Trans-Oceanic commerce was
viewed as more profitable as brought
by the Galleon Trade.

THE ORIGINS OF
THE ESTATES
1. Religious Orders acquired their estates
through donations by the Spaniard who seeks
Spiritual Benefits.
2. Lands were directly purchased.
3. Filipino donors and sellers contributed to the
formation of Friar Estates.
a. Cavite and Laguna ( No Donations and
Few Sales)
b. Tondo ( Numerous Sales by Filipinos)

THE ORIGINS OF
Who Sold the Lands to the
Spaniards?
THE ESTATES
Former Filipino Chiefs and
Headmens – Known as
Principales by the Spaniards,
they have been converted into
Village and Town Officials by
the Spanish Government.
THE ORIGINS OF
THE ESTATES
Most Filipinos did not know the origins of the
Friar Lands and most of them believes that
Religious Orders did not have title to their
haciendas. And in 1697, the government
commanded the friars to present their titles in a
civil court, yet they refused imposing their
ecclesiastical immunity.

THE ORIGINS OF
THE ESTATES
The judge threatened the Friars of confiscation
and asserted that they were usurpers of Filipino
Lands. Eventually the government conceded and
accepted an extra-judicial settlement.
However, this issue re-surfaced

several times in the 18th century.

THE ORIGINS OF
THE ESTATES
Evidence show that friars had titles to most of their
lands.
Filipinos still believe that Friars were usurpers of Lands.
In 1699 and 1754, estates were surveyed and actual
dimensions of lands deviated from the units that
were written on land grants.
Ex.
The Hacienda of Binan and Santa Rosa in Laguna
measured 6,142 hectares on the land grant, but
surveyors of the land found out that the estates
occupied 8,489 hectares of land which was 2,000
more hectares than what was granted.

THE EARLY PERIOD
Obviously, the Spaniards brought with them
the ideas of Land ownership.
Since Spaniards had just also learned new

things from the New World, the 16th and
17th century became a time of
experimentation on the Estates and the way
they administered Filipino Labour to the
lands.

THE EARLY PERIOD
Hacienda Economies
1. Cattle-Ranching
2. Rice
3. Sugar
4. Tropical Fruits
5. Stocks

THE EARLY PERIOD
The Jesuits devoted more of their
lands in producing Sugar, though their operations
were small compared to the
Sugar Industry of the 19th Century.
The Jesuits and Augustinians
brought with them methods they acquired in the
New World.
1. Sugar was grown specifically on reserved
plots which were tilled by labourers.
2. Sugar is then refined by hacienda’s mills
3. Milled sugar is sold by Religious Orders.

THE EARLY PERIOD
Rice was already a main crop and it was grown in
several ways.
Jesuits utilized a different method in growing their rice.

In 18th century, the direct contracts between haciendas
and sharecroppers began to vanish, a different
sharecropping agreement was used by the Jesuits.
Jesuits utilized the Group (Compana method) in which
rice lands were worked by a group of labourers and the
crops are divided between the hacienda and the
workers. However, the Jesuits observed that the Group
method was inefficient for producing rice, which then
resulted for them to stop the said method.

THE EARLY PERIOD
Dominican Friars charged Rent in
Two Ways
1. On irrigated haciendas, a fixed number of

Cavans (44 Kg) of Palay was paid for each
unit of land.
2. On unirrigated haciendas, rent was paid in
terms of Money depending on the price
palay. Since they did not have irrigation,
tenants of the land highly depended on
rainfall which resulted for their production
to be unpredictable.
As Religious Orders did not have trouble
Exempted Labour
gaining ownership to estates, the real
challenge for them was to transform these
lands into profitable asset.
In order to do these, Religious order had to

invest thousands of peso in building dams
and irrigations necessary for agriculture.
The order also asked help for the Colonial
Government to help them supply their
labour needs.
Exempted Labour
In Latin America, Hacendados

(Owners of Haciendas) have been
granted aid through the
Repartimientos System wherein
Indians are forced into labour each
year. However, the Repartimientos
System was already abolished in the
New World before it reached the
Philippines.
40
Exempted Labour
Yet, Filipino Peasants living near Manila still gave up

a month each year for timber cutting and naval yard
building. Filipino Peasants can avoid such forced
labour through Topa, a payment given to officials to
find a replacement in their stead, however, only a few
peasants are able to do so since they do not have the
means to raise the necessary cash.
41
Exempted Labour

The Indirect Repartimientos was seen by Land
Owners as an opportunity to bring in Filipinos in their
estates or to keep the services that they have which
resulted for them to petition to the government to
give others a state of Household Exemption or Casas
de Reservas.
42
Exempted Labour

By 17th Century, the Colonial Government granted a
Specific number of Exemptions to several Haciendas
and as years passed, the numbers of Reservas that
haciendas owned increased and by the 18th century,
a complete exemption of the entire population in
Binan and Santa Rosa was granted from forced
labour.
43
Exempted Labour

The order’s main purpose for petitioning the
Exempted Labour was to populate their
estates and making them a dependable and
constant suppliers of agriculture for the
Spaniards in Manila.
44
THE EARLY PERIOD
Negative Effect of Exempted Labour
As the number of people exempted from

forced labour increased, more Filipinos from
non-hacienda villages suffered as they
became the ones who had to carry the burden
of forced labour.
Filipinos outside the Hacienda felt very

discriminated against because of the
excessive labour obligations which became
one of the grievances of Filipinos during the
1745 revolution.
The events of Filipino Peasantry and
THE REVOLT OF 1745

Excessive Obligations resulted in a form
militant nativism.
Friar Estates became a breeding ground for

numerous protests especially on Estates
where dissatisfied Filipinos revolted into
“Social Banditry” Banditry became regular in
Cavite and Tondo.
Cavite’s continuous defiance from the laws
can be traced from character of its people
and the experience from the three centuries
being controlled by the estates.
THE REVOLT OF 1745
In 1745, Five provinces near Manila issued an

Agrarian Revolt which expressed Filipino Anger with
the estates rooting for usurpations of land and the
closing of haciendas for common usage for
pasturage and forage which is specified in the Laws
of the Indies and were initially practiced in earlier
times of haciendas.
47
THE REVOLT OF 1745

The rebellion becomes more heated due to
the dispute between the Hacienda of Binan
and the neighboring town of Cavite, over
several hectares of land. 3 Years later, a
survey was conducted which included the
disputed lands.
48
THE REVOLT OF 1745

The results of the survey was immediately
ratified by the Royal Audencia in favor of the
Dominicans which resulted for the citizens of Cavite
to believe that the Royal Audencia was paid
beforehand and the survey was incorrectly executed.
As the Dominicants took possession of the lands,
they began to expel the Cavitenos.
49
THE REVOLT OF 1745
This events highly encouraged the

Augustinians to demand a new survey for
their Hacienda in Imus. The Royal Audienca
sent officials to the lands, but armed
residents of Old Cavite, Bacoor, and
Paranaque threatened them which forced
them to retreat.
50
THE REVOLT OF 1745
On April 30, the Revolt began with strong

conviction as rebels from Silang and towns in
Cavite destroyed the boundary markers
placed by the administrator of Binan. Rebels
also captured the administrator and 16 of his
tenants, however was able to escape in
Manila.
51
THE REVOLT OF 1745
After hearing the results of the revolts in

Laguna and Cavite, a Spanish Official was
commissioned to pacify the rebellion. His
negotiations with the Principales of Silang
was disrupted by the common people which
broke out into a new revolt spreading to
towns in Cavite, Laguna, and Tondo.
52
THE REVOLT OF 1745
A new commission was then given to Pedro

Calderon y Henriquez, a judge of the Royal
Audienca, who travelled to the provinces with
27 heavily armed men. Calderon believed that
the roots of the Filipino revolt were justifiable,
but was afraid that more revolts will lead to
outbreak of the haciendas.
53
In order to pacify the rebels,
THE REVOLT OF 1745

Calderon issued general
proclamations which included
1. General Amnesty to all except for the Principal

Instigator of the Revolution.
2. All religious haciendas will be surveyed and free
access to haciendas will be given.
3. Issued a decree regarding abuses with Reservas
on the estates
4. He also left the inhabitants of town control the
land which they claimed, on condition that they
deposit rents until he could determine the
legitimate ownership.
THE REVOLT OF 1745

Unfortunately, after careful deliberation, Calderon announced that most of the
Haciendas were legitimately owned by Estates and could not be returned to the
Filipinos.
Calderon’s firmness and concession was successful in somewhat pacifying the

angered Filipinos. However, a different case is observed in San Mateo as
Spanish Soldiers were killed. Also a disturbance broke out in Meycauayan,
Bulacan caused by a barrio as 1000 men occupied the casa hacienda. Later on,
Calderon was able to decamp the occupiers with the help of some Filipinos.
55
In the last century and a half of the
estates’ existence, five interrelated
development
Before the late 18th century, tenants leased an

average of one half quinon (2.9 hectares) or
CHANGE
less. By the 19th century, tenants frequently
leased a quinon to sharecroppers. From a two-
tiered hierearchy between a Hacendero and
Tenant, it became a three-tiered hierarchy
consisting of a Hacendero, Tenant, and a
Sharecropper.
Hacenderos withdrew to a passive rent-
collecting.
In the last century and a half of the
estates’ existence, five interrelated
development
Export crops, specifically sugar,

played a much larger role on the
CHANGE
estates.
Population growth increased the
competition for lands.
Declining land fertility with rising
rents resulted in decreased crops
shared for the tenants.
CHANGE

Sharecroppers became institutionalized in estates, not as a direct
contractor of Hacenderos, but as a sublease with a tenant.
Sharecroppers occupied the bottom of the Hacienda Social Order and

thus were more economical and socially unstable, especially if their
tenants are expelled for nonpayment. In these events, sharecroppers
also become liable to cover the debt of his former tenant in the form of
his shared crops, tools, and animals. If sharecroppers are unable to pay
the debt, he too will be expelled with his tenants.
58
Nevertheless, the spread of
Sharecropping on the Estates is
beneficial for the estate
administrators.
1. Rent collection was more

CHANGE
secure
2. Hacenderos no longer
involve themselves in
productive activities
Disadvantages of Sharecropping
1. Prosperity between Tenants and

Sharecroppers were dependent on
CHANGE
the amount of produced agricultural
products and how much they divided
their pay on the rent.
2. Tenants keeps smaller portions after
paying rent and expenses.

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When the export of agricultural crops
started to blossom in the 18th century,
the inquilinato system was put into
place. In this system, one who rented
land for a fixed annual amount, an
inquilino, was expected to give
personal services to the landlords.
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If he or she failed to do so, he or
she would be expelled from the
land. The inquilinos could also
lease the land they were renting
from the landlord to a kasama or
sharecropper who would then be
responsible for cultivating the
land.
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The inquilinato system
functioned as a three-
layered system with the
landlords on top, the
inquilinos in the middle,
and the kasamas at the
bottom.
TRANSITION TO SHARECROPPING

sold lands to datus
native elites used the new system to claim land parcels
land ownership became secure control of the native
used old protectorate concept to claim baranggay lands
collection of land rent became a responsibility
debt owing and inability to pay rent bacame formal genesis
lease land to raise revenue
terms of sharecropping appeared
some native chose to work in monastic estate
64
Sharecropping is a type of farming in which families

rent small plots of land from a landowner in return
for a portion of their crop, to be given to the
landowner at the end of each year.
However, most indios persist to work under the friars. They

believe that the friar power was the reincarnation of the
barangay system and they will be under the magic and
protection of the Hispanic shamans.
65
Those who did not agree with the
sharecropping system rebelled and flee to

the lands beyond reach of the colonial
state
The later generations of the natives who
did not flee found themselves in an
increasing contradictory against the friars
65
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Agrarian Relations
Hacienda de Calamba Dispute
The Hacienda de Calamba was
originally owned by a
Spaniard who donated the land
to Jesuit friars to allow him to
permanently stay in the Jesuit
monastery.
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However, since the Jesuits were expelled
from the Philippines, the hacienda went to
the possession of the Spanish colonial
government. In 1803, the land was sold to
Don Clemente de Azansa.
After his death, it was eventually sold to the

Dominicans who claimed ownership of the
hacienda until late 19th century.
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Rizal's family became one of the principal
inquilinos of the hacienda. They rented one
of the largest leased parcel of land
measuring approximately 380 hectares. The
main crop was sugarcane since it was the
most in-demand in the world market then.
The Rizal family got their income mainly
from the land they rented. However, when
conflicts on land ownership in the hacienda
arose in 1883, the family evidently suffered.
Sugar Capitalism
HEWE S L A N D D E VELOPMENT ORPORATION | 2020C

A socio-political essay published in
La Solidaridad in Madrid in 1890. It
was written by Dr. Jose Rizal as a
response to the accusation of Indio
or Malay indolence.
Rizal bewailed the fact that
working hard in Spanish
Philippines made NO SENSE
because the rich person was
exposed to all kinds of vexations
(worries/annoyance)
70
Sugar Capitalism
Two modes of sugar hacienda
production in late 19th century
Spanish Philippines:
Hacienda de Calamba
Epitomized a large-scale estate under a single corporate
(religious) entity.
Dominican owners of Calamba relied on a sector of
wealthy leaseholders (“inquilinos”), generally local
Chinese Mestizos
Chinese Mestizos lessees relied on their own capital or
on Chinese moneylenders & middlemen who brought the
goods to foreign merchants in Manila.
Intentionally political, those in Calamba targeted a
religious order

Sugar Capitalism
Two modes of sugar hacienda
production in late 19th century
Spanish Philippines:
Negros
Showcased a range of haciendas of varying sizes in a
frontier setting involving different ethnicities.
Supported by capital & technology mediated directly by
foreign merchant houses.
Sugar planters (“hacenderos”)\
Sugar haciendas in Negros relied on loans & capital
advances that were sourced directly from foreign merchant
houses based in Iloilo on the nearby island of Panay.
Had no friarorder for an antagonist & no political agenda

Sugar Capitalism
Hacienda de Calamba
Location and ownership

53 kilometers, South of Manila
Extended westward from the shore of Laguna de Bay
One lay Spaniard to Jesuits (1759)
Came back to a lay Spaniard
Finally acquired by the Dominicans (1843)
Connection with Rizal family

Francisco Mercado (late 1830’s)
Largest leaseholders of sugar lands in Calamba
Role of Recollects
Negros became their mission field (1848)
Did not acquire any monastic estate
Fernando Cuenca - parish priest of Minuluan

Sugar Capitalism
Land and Sugar in Negros and Calamba
1850s Major Sugar Hacenderos

Agustin Montilla in Bago
Basque Eusebio Ruiz de Luzuriaga in Bacolod
Frenchman Ives Leopold de Germain Gaston
in Silay
Tia Sipa in Minuluan
Sugar cultivation was also founded
Largest Sugar Producers

Minuluan
Saravia
Silay

Sugar Capitalism
Schemes for acquiring land in Negros
Outright purchase
Leasing
Land Grabbing (usarpación)
Acquiring foreclosed
property
Opening up new land

Sugar Capitalism
Schemes for acquiring land in Calamba
an exceptional sugar producing

friar land
Inquilinos were more dependent
on sugar cane than most
tenants of other friar estates
Leasehold contract (Inquilinato)
only way to acquire land for
sugar cultivation in a friar estate.
3-year contract
Sugar Capitalism
Rizal's brother Paciano was

offered 5 years of rent-free
usage to encourage a wider
sugar cropping area.
Rizal's family was considered
one of the largest leaseholders
in Calamba. Rented 382
hectares of sugar land and 9.8
hectares of rice land.
Sugar Capitalism
Hacienda de Calamba
income increased from few
hundred pesos (1830s) to
40,000 pesos in 1895.
rent for sugar lands also
increase from 15 pesos per
quiñon to 30 pesos.
if the rent is not paid, the
following year will be doubled.
Sugar Capitalism
SHARECROPPING IN CALAMBA AND NEGROS
2-tiered structure
consist of hacienda
management and tenant-
cultivators
hacienda management
provides loans in form of
tools, carabaos, and rice
and salary of labourers
Sugar Capitalism
SHARECROPPING IN CALAMBA AND NEGROS
3-tiered structure
an intermediary stratum of tenant-
leaseholders was between the
hacienda management and tillers of
the soil
The leaseholder assumed the role of
the hacienda management
Hacienda Management merely
collected rent from the leaseholders.
Sugar Capitalism
Sharecropping Arrangements
considered as the best, easiest

and most convenient method of
organizing the hacienda.
Includes subtenants and
peasants (Kasama)
One Inquilino would have
several kasama
Sugar Capitalism
Sharecropping Arrangements
supplied their sharecroppers with work

animals, farm equipment and cash
advances.
Hacenderos endeavoured to transform
the peasants into loyal workforce.
Overseers (encargados) and Foremen
(cabos) supervise the work of tenants
and day labourers.

Sugar Capitalism
EFFECTS OF INVESTMENTS IN
SUGAR MILLING TECHNOLOGY
CALAMBA
Chinese moneylenders
Dependent on the Anglo-Chinese commercial network
No evidence of foreign merchants’ houses
Limited capital investment
Position of the inquillinos in the hacienda worsened
Financial difficulties
No steam-powered sugar mills
Spanish inquillinos were given loans by the Dominicans
Deprived of capital for investment in better milling
facilities

Sugar Capitalism
EFFECTS OF INVESTMENTS IN
SUGAR MILLING TECHNOLOGY
NEGROS
Most hacienderos had their own land
Experienced enormous risk-taking
Crude carabao-driven mill
Investments from foreign merchants’ houses in Iloilo
Four British entities, One American, One Swiss
Had a direct interest in improving milling technology
Easy access to capital
High quality sugar
Not dependent on the Anglo-Chinese
Foreign merchants, they 'possessed the expertise, contacts,

finances, and facilities to make the sugar trade a
success.
Sugar Capitalism
SOCIAL CATEGORIES IN NEGROS
Chinese Mestizos
Forming the kernel of the biggest
segment of the fledgling sugar planter
class
From Guimaras Strait, mainly from Iloilo
districts of Molo and jaro
Naturales
From Panay who were attracted into
having hacienda lands or independent
peasant cultivators.
Serve as the share tenants of the
Chinese Mestizos
Sugar Capitalism
SOCIAL CATEGORIES IN NEGROS
OTHER CATEGORIES
Chinese Traders
and Land-owners
British
American
Swiss
Sugar Capitalism
RESISTANCE AGAINST THE
COLONIAL STATE IN CALAMBA
The amount of the diezmos

collected from the
inquilinos was rising but
payment to the treasury
was declining.

Sugar Capitalism
RESISTANCE AGAINST THE
COLONIAL STATE IN NEGROS
In contrast, there was no single

Spanish colonial institution that
became the concerted target of
native resistance in Negros, where
agricultural, economic, and
technological conditions allowed the
haciendas to weather the crisis of
the 1880s
Thank You!
RZL110 - A56
MAPUA UNIVERSITY
GROUP 4
DAUB, ELYCKA
DELA CRUZ, JESSON
IGNE, CYRIL JOY
LABBAO, TRINITY
89

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Agrarian Relations and Friar Lands PDF

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MAPU A U N I V E R S ITY

and Friar Lands

and Friar Lands

and Friar Lands

and Friar Lands

and Friar Lands

AGRA R I A N R E L A TIONS AND FRIAR LANDS

2. to explain how the hacienda

and Friar Lands

Approximately 120 Spaniards

However, the hacienderos,

Spaniards were not

Also, the livestock market

and Friar Lands

UNTIL THE TURN OF THE 20TH CENTURY

American Colonial Government bought 17 of

A few year later, the remaining Haciendas were

AGRA R I A N R E L A TIONS AND FRIAR LANDS 21

ORDER OF ST. JOHN

THE ARCHDIOCESE OF MANILA

1. Municipal Centre (Municipio)

The Municipio is the home of the wealthier citizens

AGRA R I A N R E L A TIONS AND FRIAR LANDS 25

From 16th to 17th Century approximately 120 Spaniards

Sitio de Ganado Mayor – Larger Unit (1,742 hectares)

AGRA R I A N R E L A TIONS AND FRIAR LANDS 26

AGRA R I A N R E L A TIONS AND FRIAR LANDS 28

AGRA R I A N R E L A TIONS AND FRIAR LANDS 29

AGRA R I A N R E L A TIONS AND FRIAR LANDS 31

However, this issue re-surfaced

AGRA R I A N R E L A TIONS AND FRIAR LANDS 32

AGRA R I A N R E L A TIONS AND FRIAR LANDS 33

Since Spaniards had just also learned new

AGRA R I A N R E L A TIONS AND FRIAR LANDS 34

AGRA R I A N R E L A TIONS AND FRIAR LANDS 35

AGRA R I A N R E L A TIONS AND FRIAR LANDS 36

Jesuits utilized a different method in growing their rice.

AGRA R I A N R E L A TIONS AND FRIAR LANDS 37

1. On irrigated haciendas, a fixed number of

In order to do these, Religious order had to

AGRA R I A N R E L A TIONS AND FRIAR LANDS

Yet, Filipino Peasants living near Manila still gave up

AGRA R I A N R E L A TIONS AND FRIAR LANDS

AGRA R I A N R E L A TIONS AND FRIAR LANDS

AGRA R I A N R E L A TIONS AND FRIAR LANDS

AGRA R I A N R E L A TIONS AND FRIAR LANDS

As the number of people exempted from

Filipinos outside the Hacienda felt very

THE REVOLT OF 1745

Friar Estates became a breeding ground for

In 1745, Five provinces near Manila issued an

AGRA R I A N R E L A TIONS AND FRIAR LANDS

AGRA R I A N R E L A TIONS AND FRIAR LANDS

AGRA R I A N R E L A TIONS AND FRIAR LANDS

This events highly encouraged the

AGRA R I A N R E L A TIONS AND FRIAR LANDS

On April 30, the Revolt began with strong

AGRA R I A N R E L A TIONS AND FRIAR LANDS

After hearing the results of the revolts in