MUHAMMAD ABDUH'S RELIGIO-POLITICAL IDEAS OF REFORMATION

By:

Kamarudin Haji Salleh

Abstrak

Artikel ini memfokuskan pembentangan tentang idea-idea reformasi yang dikemukakan oleh Shaykh
Muhammad Abduh dalam bidang sosiokeagamaan dan sosio-politik yang terpancar dalam pemikiran
pembaharuannya hasil dari pengamatan terhadap situasi kemunduran dan kelemahan umat Islam
berdepan dengan penjajahan dan penguasaan Barat. Hasilnya Shaykh Muhammad Abduh
mencadangkan agar dilakukan reformasimodenisasi khususnya yang melibatkan beberapa aspek
utama pemikiran Islam, sama ada aspek dalaman ataupun luaran seperti pembebasan pemikiran dari
taklid buta, membuka seluas-luasnya ruang ijtihad, reformasi pendidikan dan penggunaan Bahasa
Arab dan mencadangkan bagaimana seharusnya respons umat Islam terhadap cabaran Barat
(penyeruan kepada pan-Islamism, al-Shiira, al-Watan dan hak-hak pemerintah dan rakyat).

INTRODUCTION

Shaykh Muhammad Abduh (1260-1322 A.H. /1849-1905 A.D.) was a dominant personality in Egypt
and Muslim world during the nineteenth and early twentieth century. He was regarded as an
architect of Islamic Modernism1 and one of the most

1 Prof. Esposito calls him, the Father of Islamic Modernism, J.L. Esposito (1985), Islam and Politics,
Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, p. 48. To get a brief ideas of modern ism, I quote some of the
definitions put forward by the well-known scholars:

Islamic Modernism, essentially refers to those Muslim scholars or religious thinkers who having
acknowledged the position of inferiority of Islamvis a vis the West in the nineteenth century, then
argue for active rectification of thestatus quo ante and the restoration of Islamdom to positions of
power.

C.C. Adams writes: Muhammadan Modernism ... constitutes an attempt to free the religion of Islam
from the shackles of a too rigid orthodoxy, and to accomplish

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prominent Islamic reformers.2 He was also described as a nationalist who influenced and inspired,
not only the whole school of thinkers and reformers, including many graduates of al-Azhar
University, but a number of non-Egyptians and non-Muslims as well.3 From the achievements and
contributions that Abduh made, all over the Islamic world especially concerning the programme of
Islamic reformation, he was

reforms which will render it adaptable to the complex demands of modern life. Its prevailing
character is that of religious reform. It is inspired and dominated chiefly by theological
considerations, C.C. Adams (1968), Islam and Modernism in Egypt, New York: Russel 1 & Russell, p. 1.

Muslim modernists, according to F. Rahman, "those who have made an articulate and conscious
effort to reformulate Islamic values and principles in terms of modern thought or to integrate
modern thought and instituitions with Islam," Fazlur Rahman (1979), Islam, 2nd ed., Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, p. 222. Gibb writes of the modernists: Those who do care, and
sometimes care deeply, about their religion but who are, in various degrees, offended by the
traditional dogmatics and by the insistence of the conservatives upon the sanctity of the traditional
instituitions in the Muslim world. For the majority the issues in dispute are mainly those relating to
the practical duties and the social instituitions of Islam. See, H.A.R Gibb (1972), Modern Trends in
Islam, New York: Octagon Books, p. 11.

Ibrahim Abu Bakar tries to show a slight difference between modernism and reform ism: Even
though Islamic modernism shared some of the characteristics of Islamic reformism, it is also differed
from Islamic reformism in certain aspects. Islamic re formism was concerned only with reformism
but Islamic modernism was concerned with both reformism and modernism. However, while Islamic
reformism responded to the internal problems of the Muslim community, Islamic modernism
responded to both internal and external threats to the Muslim community. See, Ibrahim Abu Bakar
(1994), Islamic Modernism in Malaya: The Life and Thought ofSayid Syekh al-Hadi 1867-1934, Kuala
Lumpur: University Malaya Press, p. 28. 2 In Arabic, a few words synonymously and interchangeably
used to describe 'reforma tion' are Islah and Tajdid. Al-Maududi defines Tajdid is striving with a view
to bringing about the revival of Islam in all its various aspects and its true form and spirit against
modernization and innovation. See, Sayyid Abu al-'Ala al-Maududi (1963), A Short His tory of the
Revivalist Movement in Islam, Lahore: Islamic Publication, p. vii. 3 Many studies had been made by
researchers concerning the impact of Abduh's reforma tion thought in Islamic world and especially in
Nusantara, for example Mohamad Aboulkhir Zaki (1965), Modern Muslim Thought in Egypt and Its
Impact on Islam in Malaya, (Ph.D. thesis, Univ. of London; SidekFadzil, Ash-Shaykh Muhammad
Abduh: Suatu Tinjauan Kritis Terhadap Pemikirannya dan Rumusan Mengenai Pengaruhnya Dalam
Masyarakat Melayu, M.A thesis, Univ. Kebangsaan Malaysia, 1997/98); Hamka (1958), Pengaruh
Muhammad Abduh di Indonesia, Djakarta: Tintamas, and others.

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Muhammad Abduh's Religio-Political Ideas of Reformation

given the honorary title al-Ustadh al-Imdm (the Master and the Guide)4 by some Muslim scholars
and thinkers. His tireless effort in reformation could be seen in four main fields; theology, politics,
culture, Arabic language and educational system. Politically, he announced the independent
movements and Muslim nationalism from North Africa to Southeast Asia5 influencing not only the
Arabs but the Indonesians

and Malays.

For the purpose of better understanding of Abduh's thought, I will sketch in brief, his childhood and
the background of Egyptian society at that moment. Muhammad Abduh belonged to an Egyptian
modest peasant family, he was born in 1849 in a village in the Nile Delta (lower Egypt).6 Abduh
received an early religious education from his parents who were a devout people of a good character
although not formally attending any formal education. He learned al-Qur'an and completely
memorized it before he reached the age of nine. At the age of thirteen (1862), he went to study at
the theological school of Ahmadi Mosque in the city of Tanta and completed at the University of al-
Azhar. He studied many subjects in Islamic sci ences including theology, logics, philosophy, and
mysticism. In his twenties, while he a student at al-Azhar University he came completely under the
influence of Jamal al-Din al-Afghani (1837-1897 A.D.), a man who travelled in many parts of the Is
lamic world enchanting Muslims to unite in order to resist the influence of Europe and the West.7

During the 1870s the spirit of nationalism and sense of belonging emerged widely among the
Egyptian nations. It was expressed in the periodical al-Ahram in which Abduh wrote reflecting al-
Afghani's political views, and also criticizing the growth of foreign influences and the corruption of
local rulers, hi view of these criti cisms, al-Afghani was expelled from Egypt in 1879 by the ruler,
Khedive Tawfiq,

4 The title that given to Abduh by his disciple, follower and biographer, Shaykh Rashid Ridha, see Elie
Kedourie (1966), Afghani and 'Abduh: An Essay on Religious Unbelief and Political Activism in
Modern Islam, London: Frank Cass & Co. Ltd., p. 1.

5 John L. Esposito (ed.) (1986), Introduction: Islam and Muslims Politics in Voices of

Resurgent Islam, Oxford: Oxford University Press, p. 6.

6 According to 'Abd 'Ati Muhammad, his full name is Muhammad 'Abduh Hasan

Khairullah. Specifically, he was born in the village Mahallah Nasr, Syubrakhit province of Buhairah in
Egypt, in Abdul Shukor Husin (undated), Tajdld dan Reformasi: Menurut PerspektifMuhammad
Abduh, Bangi: Jabatan Usuluddin dan Falsafah, p. 7.

7 William M. Watt (1988), Islamic Fundamentalism and Modernity, London & New

York: Routledge, p. 14.

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Jurnal Usuluddin, Bil 17 [2003] 133-142

Abduh was dismissed from his teaching post at Dar al-'Ulum and sent to his village8 for association
with al-Afghani. In 1880 Abduh was called back to Cairo by Riyadh Pasha (Prime Minister of Egypt) to
be the editor of the official gazette al-Waqa'i' alMisriyyah (The Realities of Egypt) in which he
published a number of articles call ing for reformation in various fields such as political, religious, and
social reform. As a writer, he played an important role in forming public opinion through a series of
articles on the social and political order, particularly on national education.9 Refer ring to Lord
Cromer's (British Resident in Egypt from 1883-1907) opinion, "Muhammad Abduh was one of the
leading spirit of the (national) movement".10

Opposing the revolutionary violence of the nationalists led by al-'Urabi (Re volt), Abduh,
nevertheless took the side against the Khedive who openly collaborated with British. Consequently,
after the al-'Urabi rebellion was crushed and the British occupied Egypt in 1882, Abduh was sent into
exile for a few years. After a short stay in Beirut he rejoined his old mentor Jamal al-Din al-Afghani in
Paris and collabo rated with al-Afghani on a number of activities, including the publication of a popu
lar journal al- 'Urwah al-Wuthqd (The Firmest Bond).11 This journal lasted for 18 is

sues in 1884 and Abduh went to Beirut again, where he taught in an Islamic school. In 1886, he
returned to Cairo and devoted himself to reform within the existing po litical and religious
framework.12 Then, he was appointed as a judge of the Shari'a Courts (Native Tribunals) in 1888,
and after that, he seems to be less interested in the political endeavour and became interested
merely in educational and legal reforms. From 1889 to 1905 he was appointed as a Grand Mufti of
Egypt (jurisconsult) and had considerable political influence.13 Malcolm H. Kerr explains about
Abduh's in volvement in politics as follows: 'after taking much interest in politics in his early years he
underwent a change in attitude and confined his writing to social, religion,

8 Albeit Habib Hourani (1970), Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age: 1798-1939, London: Oxford
University Press, p. 133.
9 A.P. Hourani (1970), Arabic Thought:, p. 133.

10 Charles C. Adams (1933), Islam and Modernism in Egypt, New York: Russell & Rus sell reprinted
1968 p. 53. Taken from Modern Egypt: The Earl ofCromer, London, 1911, 1, p. 255.

11 The Encyclopedia of Religion, (ed. Mircea Eliade), vol. 1 (1986), New York: Mac

Millan, pp 5-6. See word "Abduh".

12 P.J. Vatikiotis (1980), The History ofEgypt, second edition, London: Weidenfeld and

Nicholson, p. 194.

13 W.M. Watt (1988), Islamic Fundamentalism and Modernity, p.15.

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Muhammad Abduh's Religio-Political Ideas of Reformation

and judicial matters'.14

BACKGROUND OF THE EGYPTIAN SOCIETY

'Abdul 'Ati Muhammad categorizes three main factors of the situation in the Egyp tian society at that
time which have a great impact in Abduh's attitude and thought; society, knowledge and culture,
and politics. I'll try to summarize the background of his society in specific and the Muslim ummah in
general, comprising economic, politic and sosio-culture in a few points:

a. There is no doubt that under the Ottoman Turks, the Egyptians had reached a very low political
and cultural level of development. They seem to remain more or less Medieval or pre-modern up to
the beginning of 19th century in many aspects of their life. H.A.R. Gibb's opinions in the Arab
provinces of the Ottoman Empire that, "the keystone of Ottoman administration was conservation,
and all government insti tutions were directed to maintain the status quo,"]5 lacking any real
consideration for the welfare of Egyptians.

b. In economic sector, the agricultural activities contributed most of the Egypt products but the
mode of production remained unchanged or basically the same as those prevailing in the Medieval
time, except minor alterations in urban areas. How ever, from the early nineteenth century onwards,
the Western impact generally felt particularly in economic system. The growth of British industry in
this period served to bring about fundamental changes in the Egyptians' social polity. The process of
industrialisation spread gradually as a result of the increased inflow of British manu factured goods
in the Egyptian market.16 The Egyptian society underwent profound social and economic
transformations. All systems by which Egyptians ordered their lives were greatly affected during this
period by the frantic attempts of the Khedive Ismail (1863-1879) to make Egypt "a part of Europe" by
extensive activities of a vast largely foreign entrance. He founded new businesses, opened modern
schools, brought Western technology and introduced new organisations by the policies of a
reforming British administration that controlled Egypt after 1882, and by the effort of

14 Malcolm P. Kerr (1966), Islamic Reform: The Political and Legal Theories of Muhammad Abduh
and Rashid Ridha, Berkeley: University of California Press, p. 146. 15 P.A.R. Gibb and P. Bowen (1950-
57 & 1962), Islamic Society and the West, vol. 1, part 1. London: Oxford University Press, p. 200.
Cited in Khaldun S. Al-Husry (1966), Three Reformers: A Study in Modern Arab Political Thought,
Beirut: Khayats, p. 2. 16 Daniel Crecelius, "The Course of Secularization in Modern Egypt," in J.L
Esposito
(1980) (ed), Islam and Development: Religion and Socio-Political Change, Syracuse: Syra cuse
University Press, pp. 49-70.

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Jurnal Usuluddin, Bil 17 [2003] 133-142

a modernizing native elite.17 Another important change in Egyptian society was the increase of
foreign influences, accompanied by immigration of foreigners. Foreign interests in Egypt was the
result of the great financial and economic opportunities connected with the cotton-boom and
manifold projects of the Ismail government.

Unfortunately, the modernization in economic sector that Muhammad Ali and Ismail have done by
introducing the new law of land (The Law of Said) which gave absolute power to the government in
taking over the lands, increase the taxes and as well as open the door to land-lord (feudalism
system) in monopolizing the farmers' land18 arouse the farmers' anger who felt that they were
victims of corrupt rulers. Apparenthy, the government policy also brought new economic and
political devel opments through the monopolization policy and the domination of the British in Egypt
resulted in the inferiority image of the Muslims in general vis-a-vis the West consequently the whole
process of Egyptian political thinking in 19th century based on the feeling of superiority of Europe
and the desire to catch up with it.

c. In another aspect, the great progress in socio-economic give an impetus to the change of
attitudes, values, habits, and beliefs specifically among the urban social groups and native Egyptian
elites who have contacts with foreigners. Hisham Sharabi mentions: "The dawning of critical
consciousness brought about the disintegration of the old system thought: the habit of single way
minded thinking began to disappear, fixed categories to crumble, and divergent modes of thought to
emerge".19

Furthermore, this development built up the conflict between two methods of thoughts: traditional
and modern. The resistance of traditional ulamas from the pro cess of modernization mainly based
on the argument that most of the new ideas do not fit Islam. Conversely, the modern educated
people were extremely astonishing with European civilization and easily accepted all things which
come from the West as good without censorship. Some of them accused religion and tradition as an
ob stacle and impediment to the needed programmes and actions connected with devel opment and
change. Against both of the above thoughts Abduh offered new dimen sion in pragmatic measures
which were derived from the Islamic principles. Abduh

recognized the diversities and shortcomings of the Egyptian society during that time and

17 Daniel Crecelius, The Course ofSecularization in Modern Egypt, p. 50. 18 Abdul 'Ati Muhammad,
transl. by Abdul Shukor Husin, Tajdid dan Reformasi: Menurut PerspektifMuhammad Abduh, p. 19-
23 19 Hisham Sharabi (1970), Arab Intellectuals and the Wesf.The Formative Years 18751914,
Baltimore: The John Hopkins University Press, p. 3.

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Muhammad Abduh's Religio-Political Ideas of Reformation

offered both criticism and constructive suggestions in his writings and lectures. He talked on a wide
variety of topics, some at length and some more in brief, but the central themes were religious and
political: how to bring about the revival of Islam, how to deal with the treat of European civilization,
how to strengthen ties between the nations of the Muslim world and how to bring about pan-Islamic
unity. To keep in mind, it would be difficult to try to present Abduh's political ideas in a systematic

structure because his views were fragmentary, changeable and even contradictory

according to the situation.

RELIGIO-POLITICAL IDEAS OF REFORMATION

Abduh's religio-political thought in many respects were a reflection of the circum stances of his
environment. In his early days, he concentrated on the politics of Egypt and looked upon the
problems of Egypt in term of national interest transcend ing religions and racial boundaries. He
conceived, like al-Afghani, world politics as a struggle between an aggressive West and a victim East
(Egypt). Abduh reformation was to protect the Muslims society in general and the Egyptians in
particular by re sponding to the Western challenge in a "positive way". It strove to re-institute and
strengthen their Islamic truth, but at the same time, not to expose it to free criticism. In this way,
reformism focused on the essentially conservative and restorative effort to bring back the faithful to
the "straight path". Abduh's paradigm was primarily based on the argument that religion is an
important component of any socio-political system (one that can neither be ignored nor easily done
away with). On this count, Abduh belief the principles of Islam must be properly understood to avoid
any incon sistencies with scientific facts.20 Islam in its essence was as valid as ever, only the

Muslim's understanding of it was wrong; this Muslim backwardness was not causedby Islam but
rather by the Muslim's ignorance of its truth.21 He realized that there is a strong link between
political decline with moral and religion, and stressing the importance of modernizing society which
could be carried out only by learning from Europe. He accepted the principle of borrowing, while
insisting that secular reform (i.e., social and political reform) should go hand in hand with religious
(i.e., spiritual

20 Seyyed Vali Reza N. Nasr (1985), Religious Modernism and its Echo in the Political Development of
the Islamic World, Hamdard Islamicus, vol. VIII, No. 3, p. 3-41. Abduh

believes that "in Islam there had never existed a dichotomy between faith and reason as in

the West", p. 15.

21 Hisham Sharabi (1970), Arab lntelectuals and the West:, p. 27.

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and moral).22 From the religious point of view, his aim was, firstly:

To liberate thought from the shackles of imitation (taqlid) and understand ing religion as it was
understood by the community before dissension ap peared: to return, in the acquisition of religious
knowledge, to its first sources, which has created in order to prevent excess or adulteration in re
ligion. So that God's wisdom may be fulfilled and the order of the human world preserved: and to
prove that, seen in this light, religion must be ac counted a friend to science, pushing man to
investigate the secrets of exist ence, summoning him to respect establish truth and to depend on
them in his moral life and conduct.23

He wanted to free the Muslims mind from shackles of "taqlid" (blind accep tance) and demonstrated
the compatibility of Islam with modernity. The decadence of the Muslim world lies in the
incorporation of alien elements into Islam, excessive asceticsm - saint worship and mixing up the
essentials of Islam and trivial aspects. For him, the cure for the ills of Muslim societies lay in a return
to true Islam through the recovering of its essentials in the al-Qur'an and Sunnah and interpretation
of those texts in the light of modern times. Besides that, the Muslims need to modernize the Islamic
law and introduce the ethical and philosophical learning, which would enable them to appreciate the
vitality of reason. He attributed the stagnation of Mus lim society to taqlid the dead weight of
scholasticism:

We must, however, believe, that the Islamic religion is a religion of unity throughout. It is not a
religion of conflicting principles but is built squarely on reason, while divine revelation is its purest
pillar ... the Qur'an directs us, enjoining rational procedure and intellectual inquiry into the
manifesta tions of the universe .... It forbids us to be slavishly credulous .... Well is it said that
traditionalism can have evil consequences as well as good ...24

Muhammad Abduh reformation of thought basically referred to traditional start ing points in terms
of inference the intellectual and spiritual inertia of traditionalism. He argued that the positive and
pragmatic aspects could still be derived from Islamic teachings but the rational approach and
analysis must be a precondition in interpre tation of the Qur'an and Sunnah.

Secondly, Abduh, persistently encouraged the Muslim to exercise the ijtihad in

22 Hisham Sharabi, Arab Intellectuals and the West:, p. 27. From Rashid Ridha, Tar'ikh

al-Ust'adh l,p. 309. 23 Albert Habib Hourani (1991), A History ofthe Arab Peoples. London: Faber
Press, p. 308. From Rashid Ridha, Tarikh al-Ustddh I, II. 24 J.L. Esposito (1994), Islam: The Straight
Path, Oxford, p. 129.

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Muhammad Abduh's Religio-Political Ideas of Reformation

order to produce fresh interpretations of Islam and to demonstrate the relevance and validity of
Islam for modern life. The exercising the ijtihad, as Abduh saw, was not simply to use reason to get
back to original interpretations of Islam covered over by 'ulama scholasticism, but boldly re-
interpreted Islam in the light of its revealed sources. Thus, it is not strange that, Abduh went so far
to say: "in case of conflict between reason and the apparent meaning of the sacred text, reason will
have priority over the letter of the text; the text shall, therefore, require a metaphorical interpreta
tion when the literal interpretation conflict with reason".25 Abduh prolongs his argu ment to claim
that revelation (wahy) and reason are complementary ways to reach truth, then each of them to a
certain extent work at different levels instead.

Lastly, the Muslim hardly ever able to distinguish between the essentials and in essentials of religion,
so to speak the prevalence of un-Islamic popular religious be lief and pratices among Muslim
throughout the world; saint worship, intercession, and miracles, and the stifling of creativity and
dynamism to Sufi passivity and fatal ism. All these factors could cause the degeneration and
backwardness of Muslim, despite the fact the real Islam, Abduh maintained, had a simple doctrinal
structure: it consisted of certain belief about the greatest questions of human life, and certain
general principles of human conduct which are immutable and others of fast majority of regulations
concerned with social affair (mu'amalat) were open to change. Abduh's opinions on tawhid would be
seen clearly from his famous book Risalah al

Tawhld (Treatise on Oneness).

Now, let us examine the reformation ideas of Abduh's relating to his political thoughts and activities.
However, it would be good to keep in mind from the begin ning that his political views which we will
disclose, suitable only for Abduh's early life and career at the young age during his contact with al-
Afghani and became alAfghani's disciple.26 After, Abduh was exiled from Egypt between 1882-1888
(dur ing this period he teach in Syria and stay in France) and return to Cairo, his thoughts and efforts
were drawn increasingly toward education and renewal of Islamic theol ogy.27 Even though, to the
certain extent, there was an essential difference between

25 'Uthman Arnin (1944), Muhammad 'Abduh, Qaherah, p. 91.

26 Muhammad Abduh seems to have accepted al-Afghani's reformist ideas and political activism
before and immediately after the Urabi Revolt of 1882, but once he returned to Egypt, specifically
after 1888, he devoted himself to reform within the existing political and religious framework.
(Charles D. Smith (1983), Islam and the Search for Social Order in Modern Egypt: A Biography
ofMuhammad Husayn Haykal, Albany: State Uni versity of New York Press, p. 18). 27 JL. Esposito
(e.d) (1995), The Oxford Encyclopedia ofthe Modern Muslim World, jil.

1, Oxford: Oxford University Press, p. 11.

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Abduh's programme and that of al-Afghani, the latter was a revolutionary who aimed at a forcible
upheaval, Abduh, on the other hand, held that no political revo lution could take the place of a
gradual transformation of mentality.

Abduh's in his political call, presenting a concept of al-Watan as a weapon to unite the whole
Egyptian. In one important article entitled al-Hayah al-Siyasah (The Political Life) published in
November 1881, Abduh made a passionate call for na tional unity. In it. he described the concept of
al-Watan as follows: The word alWatan as used by those who study politics means the place after
which you are called, where your right is safeguarded, and the claim on you is known, where you are
secure in yourself, your kin and possession. It has been said: there is no al-Watan without
freedom.28 He declared that loyalty to the al-Watan was based on three things: "first, that it is the
place of residence in which food, shelter, family and chil dren exist: secondly, that it is the place of
right and duties upon which political life revolves and thirdly, it is the place to which the person
belongs and from which the individual derives glory or shame".29 Then, in order to attract the
people to love alWatan, Abduh as A.H. Hourani advocates in his book Arabic Thought in the Liberal
Age, published an article in al-Ahram which I quote;

... talks of the great past of the kingdom of Egypt and he always conscious that the common history
and interests of those who lived in the same coun try created a deep bond between them in spite of
differing faiths. The sense of the important of unity, which affected his view of Islamic reform,
coloured also his view of the nation. Unity, he maintained, was necessary in political life, and the
strongest type of unity was that those who shared the same country - not only the place they lived in
but the locus of their public right and duties, the object of their affection and pride. Non-Muslims
belonged to the nation in exactly the same way as Muslims, and thus should there be good relations
between those who differed in religion.30

The call for national consciousness and patriotism of Egyptian people by Abduh, not only confine to
Muslim community but also to the Jews and the Chris tians who are the citizen of Egypt. Osman
Amin explains further about Abduh's
28 Mahmudul Haq (1970), Muhammad Abduh: A Study ofa Modern Thinker of Egypt, Aligarh: Islamic
Studies Publisher, p. 22, From Tarikh al-Ustadh, II, p. 194.

29 Zaki Badawi (1976), The Reformers ofEgypt: A Critique ofal-Afghani, Abduh and Ridha, U.K.: The
Open Press, p. 15.

30 A. Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age, p. 156, In Tarikh al-Ustadh, E, 15 p. 195-195.

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Muhammad Abduh's Religio-Political Ideas of Reformation

view on other religions by saying that, "Muhammad Abduh together with Mirza Baqir founded a
secret religio-political society which the objective was to unite the Islamic, Christian and Jewish
faiths, to work towards a peaceful association of the adherents of these religions, and to co-operate
in relieving the East of the pressure exerted by the West. This society attracted a number of
Englishman, Jews and poli tician such as Mu'ayyad al-Mulk (a Persian Minister) and Hasan Khan (an
adviser to the Persian consulate in Constantinople)".31

Proofs show that Abduh, played an important role in the Urabi Revolt in 1881; the articles which
were written a few months before the rebellion played a consider able role in sowing the seeds of
patriotism, he was also known as the spokesman and go-between of its leaders, and he was accused
of administering unlawful oaths.

Abduh goes to speak about the rights and duties of the people vis a vis the rul ers. He called Egyptian
people to know their rights over their rulers (although the Egyptian nation have no or less idea of it)
and vice versa. Muhammad al-Bahi cites:

Ob J

Abduh's ideal government was more or less like that of medieval jurists. The just ruler ruling in
accordance with a law and in consultation with the leaders of the people (al-Shura), thus he wrote
about(al-Shura)in an attempt to prove the early Is lamic tradition is equivalent to the modern system
of national assembly or constitu tional institutions. His attempt to relate constitutional advancement
to Islam was perhaps motivated by his own need to relate development to well-founded traditional
beliefs whenever possible. Rashid Ridha, the disciple of Abduh, noted that Abduh was the first
person in Egypt after the exile of Jamal al-Din al-Afghani to raise his voice in favour of a national
assembly and for putting limitations on the powers of

the rulers:

31 Osman Amin (1953), Muhammad Abduh, transl. Charless Wendell, Washington D.C:

American Council of Learned Societies, p. 72.

32 Muhammad al-Bahi (1970), al-Fikr al-Isldmi al-Hadith wa Silatuh bi al-Isti'mar alGharb'i, Beirut:
Dar al-Fikr, p. 123. Translation: We summoned it to believe that the ruler, even if it owes him
obedience, is still human, liable to err and to be overcome by passion, and nothing can divert him
from error or resist the domination of his passion except the

advice of the people in word and deed.

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Here, it must be noted that whereas Tahtawi33 in previous years suggested that constitutional
institutions did not conflict with Islamic tradition, Abduh has gone far to claim not merely lack of
conflict but complete identity. The consultation or al-Shura of the past was to be the consultative
assembly of the present.34

In practice when Abduh talked about the need for representative government and limited powers of
the executive, he wanted this to become reality through a gradual process in the long term via
training and education, because he did not be lieve that Egypt was yet ready for it. That is the reason
why Abduh seems to support the despotic regime of Riyadh Pasha and rejected the Urabi party
demand for the representative form of government. Abduh also believed that the Urabi party was
motivated not by national cause but by the interests of the military junta. He was convinced that if
any representative government was created under the shadow of the army, it could not become the
instrument of the people's will. Urabi would use the members of parliament for the furtherance of
his personal aims just as he had used members of the army for the same purpose.35 In short, Abduh
preferred the authori tarian type of government to a representative form so long as the people were
unpre pared to receive it. This is clear when he criticised the hotheads who wished consti tutional
government to be implemented at once.36 In Abduh's mind, the Muslims must prepared themselves
for it and the first essential thing to do is educating the people, so that the cadres might raised and
carry out the responsibilities of a repre sentative government to resort to follow justice and effect
reform. In theory, the people and the government must be accustomed to discuss matters relating
to public welfare and to consult each other by means of special council formed in the prov inces and
governorates.

Regarding the government under the constitution concept, neither the Shariah nor the juristic
doctrine of Muslim scholars provide a specific pattern. Since there is no consensus on the essential
features of such a state, the matter must, therefore, remain open to initiative and ijtihad among the
statesmen and scholars in elaborating the themes and attributes of an Islamic polity. Thus, to justify
the idea of government

33 Rifa'i R. al-Tahtawi (1801-1873), the Egyptian scholar who was the first Arab to study in Paris in
the 1825. He return to Egypt in 1831 with the intention of disseminating what he had learned in
Europe (France). 34 Zaki Badawi, The Reformers ofEgypt: A Critique ofAl-Afghani, Abduh and Ridha,
p. 16. 35 Mahmudul Haq, Muhammad Abduh: A Study ofa Modern Thinker ofEgypt, p. 19. From
Tarikh al-Ustadh 1, p. 202. 36 Zaki Badawi, Three Reformers ofEgypt, p. 14.

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Muhammad Abduh's Religio-Political Ideas of Reformation

by consultation and representation, Abduh interpreted the traditional theory of the Caliphate. He
contends that, the caliph, in accordance with the Qur'anic injunction to the prophet on consultation,
is obliged to consult his subjects. From the purely theo retical point of view the following wordings
of the al-Shura support the contention of the obligation of the ruler to take counsel. These are "and
consult them in matters, but when thou hast determined, put thy trust in God" (49:13 and 42:38).
The practice of democratic consultation in principle allows any-Muslim community to choose the
best means to suit its requirements according to time and place. For instance, one community may
decide to choose its leaders by direct election while other groups may prefer indirect elections by
nominated representatives. However, Mazheruddin Siddiqi in his book, Modern Reformist Thought
in the Muslim World, makes a com ment on al-Shura principal that Abduh and Rashid Ridha put
forward on the ground that, it is not very clear and systematic:
He adheres to the institution of Shura but he does not make it clear whether his Shura will be
nominated by the ruler or it will be elected by the people and whether the ruler would be bound by
the verdict of the majority Shura. Similarly, he does not explain how the ruler will be desposed. If he
rules unjustly, who will depose him and by what method?37

In another view point, Abduh believes in just dictatorship. The just dictator will compel the people to
observe justice among themselves. If the people do not follow their real interest, the just dictator
will make them follow the path which is beneficial for them. He will not tread a step without looking
to the interests of the people he governs. When the people have received proper training and are fit
for freedom, rep resentative instituitions will be established in a gradual manner. First, municipal
bodies will be formed, after a few years advisory councils to be established. Last of all will follow
representatives assemblies. Fifty years will suffice for the completion of this process and then the
people will enjoy their full rights.38 On this issue also, Abduh does not treat it sufficiently, there is no
idea how and what process the just dictator will come to power, whether by means of an election or
revolution.

Finally we turn to the idea of Pan-Israrnism and Caliphate which is genuinely propogated and
popularized by al-Afghani , Abduh's master, that he follows enthusiatically promoting throughout
the Muslim world to strenghten the ties. Most European scholars and statesmen perceived Pan-
Islamism to be a reactionary move ment, a revival of Islamic fanaticism, a combination of Muslims
under the leadership

37 Mazheruddin Siddiqi (1982), Modern Reformist Thought in the Muslim World, Islamabad: Islamic
Research Institute, p. 118.

38 Ibid, p. 116.

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Jurnal Usuluddin, Bil 17 [2003] 133-142

of the Turks which they saw as trying to rage aggresively against the European pow ers. On the other
hand, Muslim intellectuals tend to look upon Pan-Islamism as es sentially progressive movement, a
perception of the increasing dangers to Islam from European penetration, and a movement aimed at
uniting all Muslims in order to en sure free development of their intellectual and moral faculties.39

At the same time, however, it must be made clear that Abduh in line with alAfghani also supported
the idea of a sort of nationalism; Jinsiyyah and Wataniyyah as already showed earlier. Both ideas
could be interpreted as contradictory, if the reader did not understood the situation and context of
Abduh experience and struggle, in order to 'reconcile' these apparent clashs. For example, the
journal of al'Urwah al-Wuthqa, frequently published the opinion of al-Afghani stressing the im
portance of Islamic unity and solidarity of Muslim:

The Muslims had once followed their religion devoutly, and their state was strong, so that the
foreigner had no hold over them because the religion preserved their unity and imbued them with
solidarity ... it was the Islamic religion which earlier solidarity endowed the disunited Arab tribes
with a strong enough solidarity and esprit de corps to enable them to conquer and maintain a
powerful empire in less than eighty years. This empire decline and disappeared, in due course, but
the reason was not that the Muslims had become fewer in number: on the contrary, their numbers
were never greater than when they lost their power. Rather, the decline in power was to be
attributed to the weakening of the influence of religion in the soul of the Arabs, a religion which had
been able, better than any feeling of race and kinship, to unify them and make them into a great
conquering force.40

Clearly we can point out that, the call for al-Watan as a bond was now super seded by religion. The
religious bond between them (the Muslims) is stronger than those of race and language. He argued
that the Ukhuwwah (Brotherhood) of Islam obliterates racial and national boundaries and
constitutes a bond which united all Muslims as one community. Thus, in one of his articles under the
caption "national ity" (al-Jinsiyyah) and the Religion of IslamAbduh vigorously condemned the idea
of racialism or nationalism. Nationalism or racialism, Abduh wrote, is not a natural

39 Mohammad Redzuan Othman, "Afghani's Pan-Islamic Ideas and the Turks' Appeals: The
Perception, and Influence on Malay Political Thought," International Conference on Jamal al-Din al-
Afghani and the Asian Renaissance, Institute for Policy Research (IKD), 23 Feb. 1998. 40 Haifaa
Jawad, "Pan Islamism in the Middle East" in Islamic Quarterly, vol. XXXVII, No. 3, 1993.

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feeling based on human nature but only an acquired state of feeling and the Islamic feeling
transcend all the feeling of nationality.41 This concept could be justified, firstly in terms of utility,
that is to say as the only possible way to unite the inhabit ants of the country and propagating the
national awareness to defend themselves from enemy threats. Secondly, the main purpose of Islam
is common good to every body regardless of religion and race and he believed, Islam regulates in
detail the rights and duties of all in just and fair: Muslims or non-Muslims and also rulers and

subjects.

Besides that, the feeling of superiority of European power over Muslim brought Abduh to worry that
the spread of Pan-Islamism sentiment and manifestations may bring the wrath of Europe on a
defenceless Muslim community. This is clear when he counselled the Muslims in Tunisia and Algeria
to avoid political resistance against France and advised them to concentrate their efforts on
education and social reform.

Concerning the Caliphate system, Abduh firmly believed that, the restoration of this classical system,
would solve the problem of Muslim umma. This system also, is the only hope of preserving the unity
and identity of Islam as well as guarding it against its enemies. In a letter addressed to the Sultan
Abdul Hamid (Syeikh al-Islam) in Constantinople in 1886, Abduh according to Charles C. Adams
strongly holds that "the preservation of the Ottoman Empire to be the third article of belief after the
belief in God and in its prophet, because it alone protects the religion of Islam and guarantees the
existence of its domains: 'this is our belief, praise to be God: in it we live and in it we will die',
therefore, it is a mistake to suppose that regard for the Islamic caliphate arises from any other
sentiment than that due to their religion: it does not come from the name of the fatherland or the
welfare of the coun try or any other such high-sending phrases".42 On the contrary, it is important
to note that, Abduh personally was aware of the oppressive nature of the Ottoman govern ment,
and Rashid Ridha records remark on the Ottoman caliphate privately made by Abduh in 1897, in
which Abduh declared that he gave no credence to Sultan Abdul Hamid's claim to the title of caliph
because the claim was motivated only by his personal ambitions and desires to increase his prestige
in European eyes not by any love for Islam.43 Yet despite this realisation on Abduh's part, it was his
firm convic tion however defective the Ottoman Caliphate might be. It was, nevertheless, the only
living institutions available to the Muslims to defend themselves from the grow
41 Mahmudul Haq, Muhammad Abduh: A Study ofa Modern Thinker ofEgypt, p. 27.

42 C.C. Adams, Islam and Modernism in Egypt, p. 62. From Tarikh al-Ustadh, II, p. 359.

43 Malcolm P. Kerr, Islamic Reform, p. 148.

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ing menace of the European power. "I too, hate the caliph Sultan Abdul Hamid", he reported to have
said, "but the caliphate is the only fence for the Muslims".44

The Caliph in Abduh's concept was bound by law deprived of absolute powers, obliged to consult
with Muslims which were entrusted to the people's representatives (AM al-Hall wa al- 'Aqd), who
could both elect and depose the caliph. Abduh was equally certain in his mind that the caliphate
which he envisaged could match the modern European ideal of parliamentary democracy. This is
what European scholars and statemen claim, such as Malcolm H. Kerr "in substance he proposed a
parlia mentary system on the British model, with Khedive reduced to a figurehead, legisla tive
powers confided to a chamber of representatives, and the executive ministries answerable to the
chamber".45

At the end of his career, Abduh turned away from political activism and focused on intellectual,
religious, educational (reformation of educational system and alAzhar University and renovation of
the Arabic language), and social reform. He adopted a much more conciliatory attitude towards the
British than he had held for merly. C.C. Adams cites the Abduh words as follow "but the matters of
the govern ment and the governed I abandoned to the decision of fate, and to the hand of God
thereafter to arrange".46

CONCLUSION

Muhammad Abduh was a great and most influential figure in the Islamic they were reform
movement who recognizes the backwardness of Muslims vis-a-vis the west. They were socially,
morally, politically and culturally deplorable and were subjected to many weaknesses and the
victims ofmany degrading customs. In view of these re ality, on religio-political perspective, Abduh
tried to provide us with a general frame work to curb these problems, diseases and bring the
Muslims the straight path, based on the Qur'an with a new interpretation. Reject the blind taqlid,
open the door of ijtihad, maximise the use of reason and throw away the innovation {bid'ah) and
super stition (khumfah) are the spherea of religious reformation that Abduh's suggested.

hi the political sphere, for example, Abduh interpretes the consultation or shura of the past was to
be the consultative assembly of the present as understood in modem political system. Then, he
explores the idea of Pan-Islamism and the Caliphate as a tool to restore the Muslim power as ever
happened in the Golden Age of Islam.

44 Mahmudul Haq, p. 29. From Tarikh al-Ustadh I, p. 910-12. 45 Malcolm P. Kerr, Islamic Reform, p.
147. 46 C.C. Adams, Islam and Modernism in Egypt, p. 63.

106