COLLEGE OF NATURAL AND COMPUTATIONAL SCIENCE

DEPARTMENT OF COMPUTER SCIENCE

MORAL AND CITIZENSHIP EDUCATION

GROUP ASSIGNMENT

Question and exercise of Human rights in the contemporary

ethiopia
Name ID

1. Lidiya yohannes w/tensae UGR/2708/12

2. Mahlet sewnet admasu UGR/8098/12
3. Mhiret damtew ayele UGR/1857/12
4. Michael g/gorgis merga UGR/4316/12
5. Nahom tesfaye w/mairyam UGR/1797/12
6. Tensae birhan gebiyaw UGR/4505/12
7. Yeshimebet mekdes Tarik UGR/0131/12

Submitted to:

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Table of contents page
1. Introduction…………………………………………………………………………..3
2. Human rights …………………………………………………………………………3
2.1 Definition of human rights ……………………………………………3
2.2 Nature of human rights………………………………………………….4
2.3 Current constitution of Ethiopia and human rights…………4
2.4 Human right commission ……………………………………………….5
3. Exercise of human rights in Ethiopia ……………………………………….8
3.1 History …………………………………………………………………………..8
3.2 Aspect of religion and culture on human right……………….9
3.3 Violation of human rights ………………………………………………10
3.3.1 Violation of human rights in prison……………………………10
3.3.1.1 Maekelawi prison……………………………………………..11
3.3.1.2 Jail Ogaden………………………………………………………12
3.3.1.3 Kaliti prison……………………………………………………..12
3.3.1.4 Alem Bekagn……………………………………………………13
3.3.2 Violation of human rights in some parts of Ethiopia ..13
3.3.2.1 Gura Farda……………………………………………………….13
3.3.2.2 Human right abuses in Metakal in Binisbangul-
Gumuz region……………………………………………………14
3.3.2.3 The recent Mai Kadra massacre…………………………17
4. Question and exercise of human rights in contemporary
Ethiopia.......................................................................................19
5. Conclusion ………………………………………………………………………………21

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 1. Introduction
Rights are legal, social, or ethical principles of freedom or entitlement; that is, rights are the
normative rules about what is allowed of people or owed to people, according to some legal
system, social convention, or ethical theory. There are two types of rights; democratic and
human rights. Democratic rights are rights given to you for being a citizen of a given country.
Human rights are rights we have simply because we exist as human beings - they are not
granted by any state. This paper mainly focuses on human right and more specifically about
human right exercises in Ethiopia.
Human rights are universal rights that are inherent to us all, regardless of nationality, sex,
national or ethnic origin, color, religion, language, or any other status. They range from the
most fundamental - the right to life - to those that make life worth living, such as the rights to
food, education, work, health, and liberty. In 539 B.C., the armies of Cyrus the Great, the first
king of ancient Persia, conquered the city of Babylon. But it was his next actions that marked a
major advance for Man. He freed the slaves, declared that all people had the right to choose
their own religion, and established racial equality. These and other decrees were recorded on a
baked-clay cylinder in the Akkadian language with cuneiform script. Known today as the Cyrus
Cylinder, this ancient record has now been recognized as the world’s first character of human
rights. From Babylon, the idea of human rights spread quickly to India, Greece and eventually
Rome. There the concept of “natural law” arose, in observation of the fact that people tended
to follow certain un written laws in the course of life, and Roman law was based on rational
ideas derived from the nature of things.
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), adopted by the UN General Assembly in
1948, was the first legal document to set out the fundamental human rights to be universally
protected. The UDHR, which turned 72 in 2020, continues to be the foundation of all
international human rights law. Its 30 articles provide the principles and building blocks of
current and future human rights conventions, treaties and other legal instruments.
The UDHR, together with the 2 covenants - the International Covenant for Civil and Political
Rights, and the International Covenant for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights - make up
the International Bill of Rights.

1. Human Rights

2.1 Definition of human rights

As mentioned before Human Rights are rights we have simply because we exist as human
beings and they are not granted by any government or state. Right to life, right of not to be
arrested and accused without tangible reason, etc.

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2.2 The Nature of Human Right
In general human rights are:

Universal and inalienable

The principle of universality of human rights is the cornerstone of international human rights
law. This means that we are all equally entitled to our human rights. This principle, as first
emphasized in the UDHR, is repeated in many international human rights conventions,
declarations, and resolutions.
Human rights are inalienable. They should not be taken away, except in specific situations and
according to due process. For example, the right to liberty may be restricted if a person is found
guilty of a crime by a court of law.

Indivisible and interdependent

All human rights are indivisible and interdependent.  This means that one set of rights cannot
be enjoyed fully without the other. For example, making progress in civil and political rights
makes it easier to exercise economic, social and cultural rights. Similarly, violating economic,
social and cultural rights can negatively affect many other rights.

Equal and non-discriminatory

Article 1 of the UDHR states: "All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights."
Freedom from discrimination, set out in Article 2, is what ensures this equality.   
Non-discrimination cuts across all international human rights law. This principle is present in all
major human rights treaties. It also provides the central theme of 2 core instruments: the
International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, and the
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women.  
The states have obligations and duties under international law to respect and protect and fulfill
human rights.

2.3 The Current Ethiopian Constitution and Human Rights

The current Ethiopian constitution, which was ratified in the 1995, was relatively more
democratic constitution in the history of the state. It contains articles describing and legalizing
the protection of human rights. They are stated starting from article 14 to 28 of the
constitution.

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In the CONSTITUTION OF THE FEDERAL DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF ETHIOPIA written in the
1995 contained the articles to protect
Article 14: Rights to life
Article 16: The Right of the Security of Person
Article 17: Right to Liberty
Article 18: Prohibition against Inhuman Treatment
Article 19: Right of Persons Arrested
Article 20: Rights of Persons Accused
Article 21: The Rights of Persons Held in Custody and Convicted Prisoners
Article 22: Non-retroactivity of Criminal Law
Article 23: Prohibition of Double Jeopardy
Article 24: Right to Honour and Reputation
Article 25: Right to Equality.
Article 26: Right to Privacy
Article 27: Freedom of Religion, Belief and Opinion
Article 28: Crimes Against Humanity

2.4 Ethiopian Human Rights Commission

Ethiopian Human right commission is governmental institution that works to create awareness
of human rights in the society and investigates human rights violation in Ethiopia. An
independent institution free from government influence which is mentioned in its proclamation
statement under Article 3 about the commission's establishment. The commission is
responsible to the house of peoples’ representatives. Article 55 of the FDRE Constitution
requires the Federal government to establish a Human Rights Commission and Proclamation No
210/2000 was enacted to provide for the establishment of the Ethiopian Human Rights
Commission. The Parliament, in July 2000, approved Proclamation 210/2000, which established
the Commission and defined its work and powers, which came into effect as of the 4th day of
July, 2000. With regard to the purpose of the commission, Article 5 of Proclamation 210/2000 is
about its work in regard of human right awareness, violations and measures taken to correct
them. Ethiopian Human Rights Commission working with the Offices of Ombudsman most
represents the semi-judicial human rights system of Ethiopia.

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Structural organization of the of the HRs commission that is stated under article 8 of the
proclamation, the organization of the commission are described generally in two ways:
a) A council of commissioners
(1) a Chief commissioner
(2) a deputy chief commissioner
(3) a Commissioner heading the children and women affairs
(4) others commissioners and
(5) the necessary staff .
Regarding the appointment procedures of members of the commission, the chief
commissioner, the deputy commissioner and other commissioners are appointed by the
Parliament for the terms of five years. The appointees first recruited by the ‘Nomination
committee’ and receive the support a two-thirds votes of the members of the committee and
after presented the nominees to the house, the one who receive two-thirds votes of the house
will be appointed as a commissioner. To be a member of the commission, the candidate shall
be loyal to the constitution of FDRE, uphold and respect for HRs, has to be an Ethiopian
national, has to be free from criminal offence, need to have honesty and good conduct, and has
to be above thirty five years of age. Composition of the nominators: According to article 11 of
the proclamation No. 210/2000, the Ethiopian human rights commission nomination committee
is comprised of: the speaker of the House who act as a chairperson; the speaker of the House of
Federation, seven members from among members of the house of fedration (HoF), the
president of the Federal Supreme Court, a representative of from the Ethiopian Orthodox
church, Islamic council, and catholic church; and a representative of the Ethiopian Evangelical
church who acts as members of the commission. As far as check and balance principle is
concerned, the chief commissioner is directly accountable to the house; Whereas the deputy
chief commissioner and other commissioners are immediately responsible to the chief
commissioner. The Ethiopian Human Rights Commission has now six branches in the regions
with the headquarter at Addis Ababa.
Activities and Objectives of the commission
The Commission performs various actions to achieve the overall its objectives. Here are some
of its actions :
1. Human Rights Education- the main way to crate public awareness on human rights through
face to face contacts or via the media or publications
2. Human Rights Protection (complaint investigation) – includes activities dealing with inherited
backlogs, filed complaints, sensitive or priority cases, systemic or group issues; ensuring the
application of remedies, attempting amicable resolution of cases as well as ensuring the
implementation of settlements.

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3. Human Rights Monitoring – under this category the Commission monitors places of
detention; ensures the implementation of recommendations; monitors the general human
rights situation of the country; as well as undertakes event monitoring.
4. Advising Government- this program involves the Commission’s provision of advice on
existing legislation, policy and practices; provision of advice on proposed legislation, policy and
practices as well as provision of advice on Treaty Bodies Reporting to the Government.
5. Human Rights Research– under this Program, the comission seeks to conduct in-house or
contracted research into human rights issues; carry out in-house or contracted research to
support the development of guidelines, policies, procedures, etc; carry out in-house or
contracted research to support program delivery; encourages academic research into human
rights issues and develop a program of action research.
Its achievements
The commistion came to an effect in the year 2004. Since then, it has been trying to promote
and protect human rights by undertaking various activities. Its modest achievement lies in its
bid to offer remedies in labour cases, addressing claims related to group rights, provision of
legal counsel (particularly to vulnerable groups), monitoring of prisons and detention facilities,
integration of human rights in school curricular under the subject of civics and ethical
education, assting in submission of periodic state reports of the country in regard of human
rights and rectifying constriants in the application o of human rights. These are some from its
wide achievements.
Its challenges and failurities
As an institution in a country where democracy isnot applied on the ground,the commission
faces different challenges and failurities .some of them are
*failure to investigate allegations of human right abuses attributed to
government authorities and lack of accountablity of public authorities
*faiure to advice the government on legislation pertaining to human right issues
*failure to adhere to strategic opeeational procedure
*frosty relationship with NGOs
*lack of transparency
* financial and human resource constraints(90 staffs at the Addis Ababa office)
*accessibility challenge across the country
*credibility questions in regard of sensitive matters

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 2. Exercise of human rights in Ethiopia

2.1 History
During Emperor Haile Selassie's reign, laws began to be systematically codified, allowing for
the enactment of Ethiopia's first two constitutions: the Constitution of 1931 and the Revised
Constitution of the Empire of Ethiopia of 1955, as well as six Codes that remain fundamental
to Ethiopia's laws today. However, both the 1931 Constitution and the 1955 Constitution
systematized the power of the Emperor, leaving out what rights and freedoms his subjects
should possess.
After overthrowing Selassie in 1974, Major Mengistu Haile Marium established a military
dictatorship that subjected its political opponents to "arbitrary arrests and detentions,
torture, enforced disappearances and extra-judicial execution." Five years later, Mengistu
began the Derg's planned transition to a civil government, forming a Commission for the
Establishment of the Worker's Party in 1979 and declaring a socialist republic, led by
the Worker's Party of Ethiopia, in 1984. In 1987, the Constitution of the People's Democratic
Republic of Ethiopia (PDRE Constitution) formally dissolved the Derg and inaugurated
the People's Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (PDRE), a Marxist–Leninist one-party state
that was dominated by the military and former Derg members. The PDRE Constitution
outlined basic rights and freedoms, including freedom of speech, press, and assembly;
freedom of conscience and religion; and the rights of the accused and arrested. Due to the
PDRE's socialist ideology, the PDRE Constitution emphasized socioeconomic and cultural
rights, such as the right to free education; the right to healthcare; and the freedom to
participate in science, technology, and the arts. However, the same rights established in the
PDRE Constitution were violated by Mengistu's military state.
Mengistu's authoritarian military regime faced organized opposition for all of its fourteen
years of rule. Opposition groups including the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary
Party (EPRP), a rival Marxist–Leninist group, and the Tigray-based Ethiopian People's
Revolutionary Democratic Front, a coalition of ethnic democratic forces, led armed
resistance to the Derg in a conflict known as the Ethiopian Civil War. The Derg used
violence, commonly enacted through military campaigns, to suppress dissidents. In 1976,
the Derg instigated the Qey Shibir (Ethiopian Red Terror), a violent political repression
campaign targeting the EPRP. Under Mengistu's leadership, the Derg did not only rely on
state personnel to carry out the Qey Shibir; it also armed militias and civilian supporters and
granted "genuine revolutionaries and patriots" impunity, further localizing state
violence. The Qey Shibir resulted in 50,000 fatalities. In addition, many victims of the Qey
Shibir were subjected to torture, exile, and sexual assault. The Qey Shibir and the 1983-
1985 famine, an event partly created and exacerbated by the government's military
policies, increased popular support for the EPRDF, which successfully overthrew Mengistu's
regime in 1991.
The EPRDF took power in 1991 with the promise of a transitional program that would
rehabilitate those negatively impacted by the previous regime, promote democracy, and

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 recognize and protect human and minority group rights. The Transitional Period Charter,
which was adopted during the post-war conference in 1991, officially established a
transitional government. Drawing from the United Nations' Universal Declaration of Human
Rights, Article 1 of the Charter guaranteed basic rights and civil liberties, specifically
freedom of expression, association, and assembly; freedom of conscience; and the right to
"unrestricted" political participation and party organization, "provided the exercise of such
right does not infringe upon the rights of others." The Charter also addressed the state of
interethnic relations in Ethiopia. Article 17 of the Charter stated that the Transitional
Government of Ethiopia (TGE) would work to deescalate ethnic conflict as it led the country
toward a full democracy. Article 2 proclaimed the rights of ethnic groups in Ethiopia, which
are officially referred to as nations or nationalities. Among the rights granted to all
Ethiopian "nations, nationalities, and peoples" was the right to self-determination, including
the right to secede.
In 1994, the EPDRF adopted the Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of
Ethiopia, which came into effect following the 1995 general election. Following the
blueprint laid out by the Transitional Period Charter, the 1995 Constitution established an
ethnic federal system. Like the Charter, the 1995 Constitution draws from the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights while also establishing protections of group rights. Articles 14
through 44 of the 1995 Constitution codify "fundamental rights and freedoms," with Articles
14 through 28 pertaining to "human rights" and articles 29 through 44 establishing
"democratic rights."
In April 2018, Abiy Ahmed became Prime Minister and promised multiple reforms in terms
of human rights. In 2018, his government freed thousands of political prisoners, lifted the
state of emergency, ended the Eritrean–Ethiopian War.

2.2 Aspects of religion and culture on human right

Religion can affect the human right in both positive and negative ways. In bible
from the ten commandments there stated:-
 Do not kill.
 Do not commit adultery
 Do not steal.
In some measures these are good attitudes in protecting the right to life
and their property to be protected.
But still it can suppress the freedom of the people because it prohibits the
sex out of marriage .
The religion somehow granted the right to be respected as a human. We can also
consider the negative impact of the religion,

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For instance,
Female genital mutilation has been practicing under the religion including the
culture. In addition there are many practices that are prohibited by the religion
such as homo sexuality and discrimination based on some religious attitudes both
in Christian and Islam.
In the same way as religion culture also affect the human rights positively, under
values and norms of culture such as respecting each other and forbidding stealing,
and negatively, prohibiting the sex out of marriage, encouraging female genital
mutilation, forcing early marriage of girls.

2.3 Violation of human rights

3.3.1 Violation of human rights in prisons
In a 2017 HRCO report, detention centers in Ethiopia came under scrutiny. The prisons are
overcrowded, for example a prison in Asella has a capacity of 400 people, but held 3000
detainees. The prisoners were beaten and some killed, like Ayele Beyene in Kilinto who was
beaten by guards and then his wounds were ignored which eventually led to his death. Once
people are placed in the prison system their families have little knowledge of their
whereabouts. Detainees in some places cannot receive visitors and there is no database or
organization to find the location of prisoners.
In the 2017 HRCO report, the conditions of the Finote Selam Prison in Amhara, the Awash Arba
Prison, and Kilinto Prison, were revealed. In the Finote Selam Prison the reports indicated the
detainees were beaten and tortured, and the Amahara and Oromo ethnicities were given worse
treatment than other groups. Detainees were also subjected to spend time immersed in latrine
pits of human feces. In the Awash Arba Prison, they were overcrowded, unfed, beaten, and
forced to do manual labor. In addition, the detainees spent time outside walking barefoot and
sitting in the sun for consecutive days. In Kilinto, the prisoners were forced to give confessions
at the threat of physical punishment, while being mistreated.
In 2018, under the new leadership of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, the Ethiopian Government
closed Jail Ogaden in the Somali Region of Ethiopia. Jail Ogaden was operated under the former
leader of the Somali Region, Abdi Mohamoud Omar, with many of the imprisoned there
without charges against them. A Human Rights Watch report indicates that the prisoners were
malnourished, beaten, and kept in small confines that promoted rampant disease spread. The
former head of the prison Shamaahiye Sheikh Farah was arrested in September 2018 for his
role in the prison. Shamaahiye's most infamous incident of torture was having a month of
hunger, where none of the prisoners were allowed to eat.

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 Instead of being the place of correction and protection of human rights, our prisons has
been the place where the human right violation crime has been committed inhumanly. Even
though it is clearly stated in the constitution , and it has been known the crime has been cruelly
committed and couldn’t correct the action. Among many prisons some of them are discussed as
follows :

3.3.1.1 Maekelawi
Many of Ethiopia’s political prisoners, opposition politicians, journalists, protest organizers,
alleged supporters of ethnic insurgencies, and many others are first taken to Maekelawi ,which
means “central” in Amharic, after being arrested. There they are interrogated, and, for many, at
maekelawi they suffer all manner of abuses, including torture.
Police investigators at maekelawi use coercive methods on detainees amounting to torture or
other ill-treatment to extract confessions, statements, and other information from them. They
are often denied access to lawyers and family members. Depending on their compliance with
the demands of investigators, detainees are punished with denial or access to water, food,
light, and other basic needs.
Maekelawi has four primary detention blocks, each with nickname, and the conditions differ
significantly among them. Chalama Bet(‘dark house’ in Amharic) is the block where detainees
has limited access to daylight, to a toilet, and on occasion in solitary confinement. In Tawla Bet
(‘wooden house’) access to courtyard is restricted and the cells were infested with fleas.
Physical mistreatment corresponded with their period of investigation, and often with their
period of solitary confinement and detention in Chalama Bet. Methods documented include:
 Punching, slapping, and kicking
 Beatings with objects (sticks, gun butts, electric wires)
 Beatings of the victim on the soles of the feet with an object
 Stress positions, including with hands and legs tied together, or standing up with hands
tied up above head
 Hanging the victim from the ceiling by the wrists by handcuffs so that the toes barely
touch the ground, putting enormous pressure on the victims wrists
 Exposure to cold particularly by having cold water poured over the victim, which was
often followed by whipping

Human rights monitoring of all detention locations in Ethiopia, including Maekelawi, by

government agencies is limited and independent monitoring of any kind is insufficient.
Representative from the government-affiliated Ethiopian Human Rights Commission and other
officials have visited Maekelawi and have raised some concerns about detention conditions in
private and public communications. However, former detainees told Human Rights watch that
commission representatives were accompanied by Maekelawi officials, and the visit have not
resulted in concrete improvements in their situation.

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However, in 2020 Ethiopia submitted its first report to the United Nations Committee against
Torture which was positive step. The government has also drafted a national human rights
action plan for 2013-2015. The draft seen by Human Rights Watch contains some measures that
could help improve detention conditions and treatment of pre-trial detainees and convicted
prisoners.

3.3.1.2 Jail Ogaden

It is officially known as Jijiga Central Prison, is home to thousands of prisoners, who are
brutalized and neglected. Many have never been charged or convicted of any crime.
Many of the former prisoners interviewed said they saw people dying in their cells after being
tortured by officials. Female former prisoners told of rape. Prison guards and the notorious Liyu
police [“special” police], brutalized prisoners, at the behest of regional authorities. The prison is
subject to almost no meaningful scrutiny or oversight.
In Jail Ogaden, disease is rampant, basic water and sanitation needs are systematically ignored,
while prisoners report deaths in detention following the outbreak of infectious disease. Some
former prisoners told Human Rights Watch that corpses sometimes remained in prisoners’ cells
for several days.
The Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC), a federal government body mandated to carry
out investigations into allegations of human rights abuse, has inspected Jail Ogaden on many
occasions since 2011, but there are no publicly available reports on those visits. It is not clear
what actions, if any, were taken to hold anyone accountable for abuses uncovered during those
inspections. Many former prisoners told Human Rights Watch that they had been prepped by
prison officials on what to say and what not to say to the Commission. The most visibly injured,
along with children and pregnant women, were reportedly held in secret rooms or moved out
of the prison ahead of Commission visits. Those who spoke openly to Commission officials were
brutally beaten, sometimes to death, in the days after the visits. Even when prisoners did
appear in court, most did not have access to defense lawyers, could not present an adequate
defense, and were confronted with courts that lack independence and are reluctant to
challenge government abuses. This all leaves prisoners in Jail Ogaden with virtually no channels
for redress.

3.3.1.3 Kaliti Prison

Kaliti Prison (also known as Qilinto Prison) is a maximum security prison in Addis
Ababa, Ethiopia. Commonly referred to as a gulag, it serves as the main prison of the country. It
is 11 km south of central Addis Ababa, in Akaky Kaliti, the southernmost subcity of the the
capital.
The original prison compound is a makeshift structure that was built after 1991 when
the Derg regime fell and was not intended as a prison. Most of the structures built by 2004 had
been built by prisoners by their own means and with help from NGOs.

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Part of the prison consists of sheet-metal shacks arranged in a dense maze.
Around 2012, the prison held approximately 8,000 inmates. A 2009 Human Rights League of the
Horn of Africa (HRLHA) report described overcrowding in the prison with hundreds of inmates
being held in single, poorly ventilated cells. They reported that individuals were exposed to
tuberculosis, fleas, lice, that there was a lack of sanitation, that water for drinking and washing
was insufficient, that inmates had to sleep on cold, concrete floors, and that access to medical
care was nearly absent. They also reported that "complaints against all these human rights
violations being severely punishable". Personnel at the prison are known to have tortured
inmates.
2016 fire: A fire broke out on 3 September 2016 and continued on until the next day. Prisoners
attempted to escape during the chaos, and gunshots were heard. Two prisoners were claimed
to have been killed trying to escape, while 21 other inmates were said to have perished from
"stampede and suffocation". At least 23 people were killed in total. The fire occurred during the
deadly nationwide 2016 Ethiopian protests, and may have been related.

3.3.1.4 Alem Bekagn

or 'Kerchele Prison', was Ethiopia's central prison until 2004. Located in addis ababa the prison
possibly existed as early as 1923, under the reign of Empress Zewditu, but became notorious
after second italo-ethiopian war as the site where Ethiopian intellectuals were detained and
killed by Italian Fascists in the yekatit 12 massacre. After the restoration of Emperor Haile
Selasie the prison remained in use to house Eritrian nationalists and those involved in
the Woyane rebellion. Under the Communist Derg regime that followed, the prison was the site
of another mass killing, the Massacre of the Sixty, and of the torture and execution of rival
groups in the Red Terror. The prison remained a site of human rights abuses until the Ethiopian
People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front entered Addis Ababa on 28 May 1991, after which it
became a normal prison. The prison was closed in 2004 and demolished in 2007 to allow the
construction of the headquarters of the African Union.
**Almost all prisons in all Regional States has been committed the Human Rights violation
crime. In current time too there are many complaints.

3.3.2 Violation of human rights in some parts of Ethiopia

3.3.2.1 The Gura Farda abuse of human rights
At least 31 innocent civilians had been brutally massacred this week in the Gura Farda district of
Bench Sheko zone in Southern Ethiopia. Five other people have reportedly sustained serious
injuries.

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A widespread condemnation is pouring in against the killing of 54 people in an alleged rebel
attack in Ethiopia’s restive Oromia region at the weekend. Many people blacked out their
profile pictures on social media, as a mark of protest.

In a statement Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC) also condemned the killings of
civilians. Quoting eyewitnesses, the EHRC stated that around 60 armed assailants attacked
Gawa-Kanka, Gilla-Gogola, and Seka-Jerbi kebeles (localities) on Nov. 1, soon after the
withdrawal of federal forces form the region. The suspected members of the Oromo Liberation
Army (OLA) targeted ethnic Amharas residing in these three kabeles. “People were dragged
from their homes and taken to a school, where they were killed,” said the EHRC. While officials
have put the death toll at 32, global human rights watchdog Amnesty International has said
that a least 54 people were killed in the rebel attack. The survivors have counted 54 bodies in a
schoolyard in the village of Gawa Qanqa.

“These gruesome killings of civilians are unconscionable and flout basic principles of humanity,”
said Daniel Bekele, chief commissioner of EHRC. “No amount of grievance can justify such
brutality, and perpetrators should be held to account, “he said. Federal authorities have blamed
the Oromo Liberation Army for carrying out the attacks and said that women and children were
also among the victims. The EHRC has urged federal and regional authorities to promptly launch
an independent investigation into the killings and explain the reasons behind the military’s
withdrawal from the area, vulnerable to attacks. It has also called on authorities to ensure
justice to victims and their families. This incident is the latest in a tragic spate of massacres in
Ethiopia over four weeks.At least a dozen civilians were killed in Gura Ferda Woreda in
Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples’ Region in October. Several other people lost their
lives in the Afar Region that same month.

3.3.2.2 Human right abuses in Metakal in Binisbangul-Gumuz region

over 80 people died whose ages range from 2 to 45 years old.The attack took place in an area
called Daletti, in the Metekel zone of Benishangul-Gumuz, which has been plagued by recurring
violence in recent months that has left hundreds of people dead.

Armed militia men killed more than 30 people in the Metakal zone of Ethiopia’s Benishangul-
Gumuz region(September 26).The attacks, whose victims included women and children,
happened in two different times. The first attack happened between Sept. 6 and sept.13 killing
about 30 civilians and the second happened on 25th September when 20 civilians were killed.
Immediately after the first phase of attack to control the security problem in the region a
command post was declared in the region which means the region remains under the military
control temporarily. Despite this, at least 15 civilians were killed on 25th of September due to
continued assault in western Ethiopia, by unidentified armed assailants in the region’s Metekel
Zone in a pre-dawn attack, the latest in a spate of targeted killings of civilians this month. The
number of dead civilians/specially members of Amhara national groups/ goes to more than 50.

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The causes of the problems
Despite the fact that the locale was serene, it has as of late become a region where serious
human rights violations have occurred because of ethnic viciousness. In spite of the way that
the denials of basic liberties were ethnically persuaded, the ruling party has consistently
expressed in the nation’s media that the culprits are outfitted OLF-Shene/Oromo People
Liberation Front-shene/and TPLF/Tigray Peoples’ Liberation Front/, yet the reason for the
wrongdoings and the characters of the culprits have not been distinguished. Be that as it may,
the accompanying fundamental issues can be considered as the reason for the repeated human
rights violations:-
The Constitutions of the Federal and the regional government
In accordance with Article 2 of the Benishangul-Gumuz Proclamation No. 31/2010(constitution),
the indigenous people groups of the state are Berta, Gumuz, Shinasha, Mao and Komo
identities, while the staying ethnic gatherings are called non-indigenous people groups of the
region. Thus, countless ethnic groups, including Amhara and Oromo, don’t reserve the privilege
to possess the area on equivalent balance with the remainder of indigenous individuals in the
locality. It is verifiable; in this manner, the division by the arrangement of the constitution
identities as indigenous and non-indigenous is becoming the root cause of the problem.
Comparative issues are apparent in other state constitutions of the nation. For instance, the
2009 Constitution of the Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples’ Region; The constitution
of the Gambella Regional State, which was revised in 2003, specifies in Article 46 (1) that the
establishing countries of the district are Anuak, Nuer, Ginger, Opo and Komo. Article 8 of the
Oromia Regional State Proclamation No. 44/2002 and its preamble accommodate similar
division among residents. At long last, the constitution of the Harari region makes a comparable
division between the individuals of the district (as indigenous and non-indigenous).
Subsequently, it is anything but difficult to see that these state constitutions have made
divisions among the residents and are making massive violations to human rights.
In any case, despite the fact that there is no arrangement in the FDRE constitution with respect
to the privileges of indigenous and non-indigenous people groups, it very well may be
considered as a political choice and want by the government to legitimize and conceal the local
governments’ move for instituting troublesome constitutions. Maybe other characteristic issues
can be referenced in the FDRE Constitution, for instance: Article 38 of the FDRE Constitution
specifies that one must talk one of the provincial dialects so as to take an interest in
governmental issues; this has made an open way to denials of basic liberties.
While the answer for this issue is accepted to be a revision of change to the federal and state
constitutions, the ruling party has not made any move up until now.
The ruling government and the prosperity party (especially the Oromo and Amhara factions)

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The area is home to Amhara (25.41%) and Oromo (13.55%). While the presence of a sacred
issue might be the reason for issues in the area, it is critical to inquire as to why comparative
issues have not happened in different districts. It is protected to expect that the political
emergency in the region could be a political ploy by Amhara and Oromo prosperity party to
assume control over the area. Maybe it means that they are utilizing various strategies to
dispose of one another. It is particularly essential to inquire as to why Amhara is the main
casualty. In this way, it very well may be expected that it is a scheme being brought forth by
individuals from the Oromo Prosperity Party.
Unmistakably the explanation behind this is the outrages submitted against the individuals of
Gedo in the southern region were started and driven by the Oromo Prosperity Party. Also, Abiy
Ahmed’s administration utilized similar strategies to capture the leader of the Somali region
Mr.Abdi Eilee. It is imperative to inquire as to why Abdi Eilee? The somali natitionalities are very
much aware that the explanation behind Abdi Ile’s capture is accepted to be a danger to the
Aby Ahmed’s government on the off chance that he keeps on partner with the TPLF. There is no
doubt that Abiy Ahmed’s government is making similar moves in the Benishangul Gumuz area.
It merits referencing two focuses here. There is no doubt that the first Abdi Ile is a tyrant, and it
isn’t questioned that the TPLF is a gathering that has been carrying out abominations in this
nation.
The arrangement is that it is hard to state that the heads of the Amhara and Oromo Prosperity
Party have framed a genuine union dependent on the current circumstance; accordingly, they
should do useful alliance/union for both groups and the nation dependent on the standards of
common advantage.
Opposition Forces (OLF Shene and TPLF)
These forces are groups that are recently being used as culprits and cover for atrocities
committed by anyone in the country. It should not be forgotten, however, that these forces will
not hesitate to do anything bad if they can. However, it is weak to think that they are the only
ones who are causing the problem as these forces have recently weakened and lost their public
base(though they have millions of followers such followers are less likely to engage in such non-
peaceful actions).
On top of that despite the continued accusations, the government has not been able to provide
evidence about the role of these opposition groups for human rights crisis in the country. This
can be argued that if the Prime Minister had evidence against these forces, they would have
been mercilessly deployed with military.
The solution is though there evidences that shows these forces are in contrast with the
government, but there must be a determination to solve the problem through political dialogue
and consultation rather than accusations and military and other measures. Otherwise, unity will
only be achieved through paper and political talk. This is because both groups have millions of
followers of their ideologues, both inside and outside their nationalities.

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Weak security institutions and information system / lack of political commitment
The human rights crisis in Benishangul-Gumuz and other parts of the country is attributable to
mainly to one of these two causes. The first is a weak security and information system, and the
second is the lack of political commitment. The latter is justified through evident silence and
inactions by Aby Ahmed’s party which is thought to be the party is doing this for political
profits. This follows that if the government is keeping silent while cognizant of the information
for mass killings for political gain, then this refers the government as anti-public and power
mongering government.
If the government justifies that, the culprits preparations are not known by the government
security, this would lead to a conclusion that the county’s information and security system is in
a state of disrepair.
In the end, it is inevitable that the government will give one of two reasons, but in both cases it
is undeniable that the government structure failure to protect its citizens is apparent.
Therefore, this is not the only cause of the problem, but it should definitely be considered as a
strong cause. The solution is to work on strengthening government institutions and free oneself
from false propaganda.
Conspiracies of ethnic federalism
In particular, Amhara scholars and politicians have used the Ethiopian federal system to blame
for all the problems and to explain that ethnic federalism is not a viable option for this country.
But this tactic has so far not only benefited from media stigma. Instead, it has made the Amhara
people more vulnerable.
This trend has been observed in different parts of the country. The local community is well
aware that the conspiracy against Bench Maji and Keffa was orchestrated by this group,
especially in the Southern Nations, Nationalities and People’s Region.
The solution is to recognize that this approach will have far-reaching consequences in the
future, and that it is better to press harder to reform the constitution that is causing the
problem. This requires strong consultation with the political forces and the ruling party.

3.3.2.3 The recent Mai Kadra massacre

The Mai Kadra massacre was a series of ethnic cleansing and mass murders carried out on 9–10
November 2020 in the town of Mai Kadra in the Tigray Region near
the Sudanese border. Responsibility was attributed to youths from the Samri and
other kebeles loyal to the Tigray People's Liberation Front, in preliminary investigations
by Amnesty International (Amnesty), the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC) and
the Ethiopian Human Rights Council (EHRCO) and to Amhara militias, in interviews conducted in
Sudan by Reuters and the Financial Times and to both Amhara militias and the Ethiopian
National Defense Force (ENDF) by Associated Press (AP), Vice, Agence France-Presse
(AFP) and AfricaNews
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The killings took place amidst an armed conflict between the TPLF-led regional government and
the federal government, as troops of the ENDF were advancing towards the town. The victims
have been described as "civilians, who appear to have been migrant laborers in no way involved
in the ongoing military offensive," particularly those hailing from outside the area.
The total death toll remains unclear, but according to Amnesty International, "likely hundreds"
were killed. Two videos, which were analyzed by Amnesty International to prove that the
massacre had taken place, show dozens of corpses with injuries caused by bladed weapons, like
machetes. According to the EHRC, which described the massacre as a "widespread and
systematic attack directed against a civilian population" at least 600 people were killed; EHRCO
counted 1100 deaths. Most of the victims were Amhara according to the EHRC and EHRCO
reports, refugees state that the victims were Tigrayan. Throughout 2019 and 2020, tensions
progressively increased between the federal government, led by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed,
and the local government of the Tigray Region, led by Chief Administrator Debretsion
Gebremichael, over allegations that members of the ruling Tigray People's Liberation
Front (TPLF), which was the dominant force in Ethiopian politics after the fall of Mengistu Haile
Mariam in 1991, were being unfairly targeted for prosecution by the central government, and
misgivings of the Eritrea–Ethiopia peace deal, which the TPLF viewed as endangering its
security.
Federal-state relations deteriorated considerably after the region held local elections in
September 2020, which the TPLF claimed to have won in a landslide, despite the Ethiopian
government having postponed elections until 2021 due to the COVID-19 pandemic. After the
elections, both sets of governments proclaimed the other illegitimate and illegal; the federal
government maintaining that the regional elections had been extra-constitutional and neither
free nor fair, and the regional government insisting that the federal government did not uphold
the constitution which stated that elections should occur every 5 years and that its mandate
had expired, rendering its authority null and void.
In November 2020, open conflict broke out between the two governments when Tigray Region
security forces allegedly attacked the headquarters of the Northern Command of the Ethiopian
National Defence Force (ENDF) in Mekelle. The federal government quickly launched an
offensive to restore its authority, in concerted effort with regional security forces from
the Amhara and Afar Regions. The government shut down communications in Tigray, access to
the Internet was blocked, banking was closed for residents of Tigray, as was transportation to
and from Tigray. The central government also imposed tight restrictions on access for aid and
humanitarian agencies.[14] Despite these calls the government prioritized securing of the
region's border with Sudan and the border town of Humera, thereby forestalling any possibility
of TPLF forces opening a cross-border supply route.
The Ethiopian Human Rights Commission, an government agency, published its preliminary
findings on 24 November, reporting that a few days before the attack, local militia (or "special
force") and the police barred all exit points from Mai Kadra. Migrant workers, who mainly
hailed from the neighboring Amhara Region, were additionally prohibited from going to their
places of work or moving about the town. Checkpoints were established at the four main exit
points by Tigrayan youths from the Samri and other kebeles in Humera. Residents who

18
attempted to flee the town to the outlying farmlands or across the border to Sudan were forced
back by the local security foces.
On the morning of 9 November, local police began going door-to-door in certain
neighborhoods, particularly those where migrant workers lived, checking identity cards to
identify non-Tigrayans, detaining at least 60 people who were found to be in possession of
Sudanese SIM cards in their mobile phones. According to survivors, this was done to prevent
calls for help or other communications once the attack had started, as the federal government
had already shut off Internet and mobile services to the region, meaning Ethiopian SIM cards
did not work. Ethnic Tigrayan women and children were also told to leave the town shortly
before the massacre.
Reports on the attacks include two primary claims: that of local youth perpetrators loyal to the
TPLF; and that of Amhara militia perpetrators. December reports suggest that both groups, plus
the federal forces, may have been involved in a series of massacres.

There are still so many politically motivated ethnic identity based killings, threats to live with
freedom in in places they want to live in the country, migrations to other parts and outside the
country which must be stopped as soon as possible. The government must take actions in
protecting the rights which are given by nature and granted by the law. This may include the
negotiation with some groups causing threats to violation, increasing the power of the laws,
and taking series measures to actions. The government should also work closely with people in
protecting the human rights from violations.

3. Current Human Right exercise and questions

As we mentioned above human rights are not ordinary moral norms applying mainly to
interpersonal conduct. Rather they are political norms dealing mainly with how people should
be treated by their governments and institutions. All human right treaties require member
parties to secure to everyone within their jurisdiction the rights and freedoms defined in those
conventions and lays human right obligation on them to give effective remedy when there
exists violation.

The struggle to gain respect for a human right must often attempt both to get the government
to restrain its own agencies and officials and to get the government to use its legal powers to
restrain others. However, in current Ethiopia there exists a serious human right violations. This
is happening now a days in the country when outspoken journalists have been zipped their
voices through systematic actions or inactions of the government and this goes against the
obligation to respect human rights. For instance, in Addis Ababa, Eskinder Nega is regularly
threatened by the police and other hooligans from holding a press conference to announce
plans for his new TV station, Senai. At this time, police officers were blocking the entrance to
the Hilton hotel turning journalists and other attendees away.

19
This harassment is solely against individuals’ right to freedom of expression which is the
foundation of all rights and which is recognized under article 29 of the Ethiopian Constitution. It
also goes against the rights of citizens to access to information and turns the government to its
previous violations of blocking information. The government were praised by international
institutions which works on press freedom for its measures towards human rights. But, there
are no positive measures rather than correcting its previous mistakes of not to interfere on
individual rights (negative obligations).

On the other way, there is a serious violations of human rights in the country as a result of acts
of mass violence, hooliganism, ethnically targeted attacks and creation of politically motivated
organized groups as well as illegal armed persons. Let alone protecting the citizens from attacks
the government is unable to protect itself from attacks against its high ranking officials. There
has been an assassination against three regional state officials and top military personnel’s of
the country at the same day which also results mass arrests of individuals. Within this one year
of transition period the above illegal acts continue to be a scourge of humanity and take the
lives of innocent human beings month after month. Under international law states have the
supreme duty to prevent wars, acts of genocide and other acts of mass violence causing
arbitrary loss of life. They have also the duty to denounce any propaganda for war and
incitement to violence. However, it’s now a practice in Ethiopia to give microphones for the one
who incites violence and shutting up dissenters.

Devastatingly, the Ethiopian government has failed to protect persons from internal
displacement. Unprecedented displacement is happening in the country and the country
becomes at the top in internal displacement as a result of new waves of conflict which recorded
over 3 million new displacements. Moreover, displacement, ethnic attack, death and starvation
as well as mob justice becomes a common phenomenon in the country. To mention, mass
killings in the outskirts of Addis Ababa, Ethnic attacks in Benshangul Gumuz region against
Amharans, displacments in Wellega, Guji and Gedeo Zones, border clashes between Tigray and
Amhara region and many more recent incidents result egregious violations of human rights
lowering human right protection in the country. This lgeads people in Ethiopia are in secured
about their right to live and liberty.The government tried to sustain human rights in different
ways and by taking measures on violations during mass uprising by declaring state of
emergency and shutting down communications networks.

4. Conclusion
Even though there exists fundamental problems with regard to guarantying
protection of human rights under the Ethiopian Constitution, the Constitution
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 grant more space for human rights. Chapter three of the 1995 Constitution
specifically deals with human rights. Most importantly, the constitution made
international agreements an integral part of the law of the land and urges the
interpretation of human rights in a manner conforming to the principles of the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights and international instruments adopted
by Ethiopia. The establishment of independent National Human Right
Commission is also one of the commitment of the government towards human
rights. The Commission is established in accordance with sub-articles (1) and
(14) of article 55 of the Constitution and Proclamation No. 210/2000. The
Commission’s mandate inter alia covers responsibility of educating the public
to be aware of human rights and strive for the protection, respect and fulfillment
of human rights as well as monitoring treatment of human rights of citizens.

Currently, after egregious violations of human rights for decades under the
regime of the existing ruling party there exists an uncertain sparkle of
democracy as a result of its internal reform. As part of the reform the
government is in underway to amend repressive laws which violate human
rights and fundamental freedoms of individuals. The reform paves the way for
human rights though massive violations of human rights was also coming along
in the name of reform.

There are still so many politically motivated ethnic identity based killings,
threats to live with freedom in in places they want to live in the country,
displacement to other parts and outside the country which must be stopped as
soon as possible. The government must take actions in protecting the rights
which are given by nature and granted by the law. This may include the
negotiation with some groups causing threats to violation, increasing the power
of the laws, and taking series measures to actions. The government should also
work closely with people in protecting the human rights from violations.

Reference
World report 2021 : Ethiopia | Human Rights Watch
https://www.hrw.org/world report/2021/country-chapters/ethiopia

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Ethiopian Human Right Commission
https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethiopian_Human_Rights_Comission
Human Rights _in _Ethiopia.https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/
Christoper Clapham.(1987).,”The constitution of the people’s democratic Republic of
Ethiopia”,Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics.
Sheger Cafe(2017). Sheger FM 27 January.
Abdo, Mohammed, ‘National Human Rights Institution and Economic, Social and Cultural
Rights:An Examination of the Mandate and Practice of the Ethiopian Human Rights
Commission’, in Eva Brems, Gauthier de Beco and Wouter Vandenhole eds., National Human
Rights Institutions and Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, Intersentia, 2013
Abdo, Mohammed, ‘The Ethiopian Human Rights Commission: Challenges Confronting Its
Effective Functioning’, Chinese Year Book of Human Rights, Vol. 4, 2006
Ethiopian Human Rights Commission, Annual Report 2012/2013Ethiopian Human Rights
Commission, Annual Report 2011/2012
Alene,Agegnew,” Ethiopian Human Rights : Overview”;Journal of Culture,Society and
Development//.pdf
Andrew,Gilmour,”The Future Of Human Rights ”//pdf
Countries/africa/ethiopia/report-ethiopia/ https://www.amnesty.org/en/

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