The Rise of Capitalism and The Productivity of Labour - Michael Roberts Blog
The Rise of Capitalism and The Productivity of Labour - Michael Roberts Blog
The Rise of Capitalism and The Productivity of Labour - Michael Roberts Blog
productivity of labour
In my view, there are two great scientific discoveries made by Marx and Engels:
the materialist conception of history and the law of value under capitalism; in
particular, the existence of surplus value in capitalist accumulation. The
materialist conception of history asserts that the material conditions of a
society’s mode of production and the social classes that emerge in that mode of
production ultimately determine a society’s relations and ideology. As Marx
said in the preface to his 1859 book A Contribution to the Critique of
Political Economy: “The mode of production of material life conditions the
general process of social, political and intellectual life. It is not the
consciousness of men that determines their existence, but their social existence
that determines their consciousness.”
That general view has been vindicated many times in studies of the economic
and political history of human organisation. That is particularly the case in
explaining the rise of capitalism to become the dominant mode of production.
Now there is new study that adds yet more support for the materialist
conception of history. Three scholars at Berkeley and Columbia Universities
have published a paper, When Did Growth Begin? New Estimates of
Productivity Growth in England from 1250 to 1870.
https://eml.berkeley.edu/~jsteinsson/papers/malthus.pdf
The other interesting aspect of the paper is that the authors try to measure the
impact of population growth on productivity and wages. In the early 19th
century, Thomas Malthus argued that it was impossible for productivity growth
toPrivacy
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The authors note that before 1600, there is evidence to support the Malthusian
case. The period from 1300 to 1450 was a period of frequent plagues — the
most famous being the Black Death of 1348. Over this period, the population of
England fell by a factor of two resulting in a sharp drop in labour supply. Over
this same period, real wages rose substantially. Then from 1450 to 1600, the
population (and labour supply) recovered and real wages fell. In 1630, the
English economy was back to almost exactly the same point it was at in 1300.
The reason that the Malthusian argument has validity before 1600 is that there
was little or no productivity growth; so livelihoods were determined by labour
supply and wages alone. Pre-capitalist England was a stagnant, stationary
economy in terms of the productivity of labour. But so was the impact of the
Malthusian over-population theory. The authors found that Malthusian
population dynamics were very slow: a doubling of real incomes led to a 6
percentage point per decade (0.6% a year) increase in population growth. That
implied that it took 150 years for a rise in real incomes to drive up population
sufficiently to cause a reversal in income growth.
But once capitalism appears on the scene, the drive for profit by capitalist
landowners and trading merchants encourages the use of new agricultural
techniques and technology and the expansion of trade. Then productivity
growth takes off at a rate increasingly fast enough to overcome the slow impact
of Malthusian ‘overpopulation’. Indeed, with industrial capitalism after 1800,
the growth in productivity is 28 times higher than the very slow negative impact
of rising population on real incomes.
Thomas Malthus
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Before capitalism, feudal societies stumbled along with their economies
ravaged by plagues and climate. For example, the Black Death of 1348 engulfed
English society for more than a year, claiming about 25% of the population. For
three centuries after the Black Death, the plague would reappear every few
decades and wipe out a significant share of the population each time. So real
wages in England were mainly affected by these population changes and the
consequent size of the labour force (if, as argued above, at a very slow rate).
But under capitalism, productivity rose sharply and the level of real wages was
no longer determined by the weather or pandemics but by the class struggle
over the production and distribution of the value and surplus value created in
capitalist production in agriculture and industry. One of the features of the rise
of capitalism from 1600 that the authors point out is the increase in the
working day and working year – another confirmation of Marx’s analysis of
exploitation under capitalism.
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The
theirauthors
use. are reluctant to accept that Engels was right, preferring a
To find out more, includinginhow
Malthusian explanation thetolate 18thcookies,
control centurysee here: Cookie
(having Policy it).
just rejected
Moreover, they think real wages started to grow as early as 1810, before the
period of the
Close and1820-1840
accept cited by Engels as a ‘pause’. But anyway, we can see
that the gap between productivity and real wages widened sharply from the
beginning of industrial capitalism to now. Surplus value (the value of unpaid
labour) rocketed through the early 19th century.
Most important, the study refutes the ‘Whig interpretation of history’, namely
human ‘civilisation’ is one of gradual progress with changes coming from wiser
ideas and political forms constructed by clever people. Instead, the evidence of
productivity growth in England shows “sharp and sizable shifts in average
growth” supporting the notion that “something changed.” i.e., that the
transition from stagnation to growth was more than a steady process of very
gradually increased growth.” On the gradual Whig interpretation, the authors
conclude that “the results do not support this view of history.”
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/334831075_The_Whig_i
nterpretation_of_history
Also, the study shows that, as sustained productivity growth began in England
substantially before the Glorious Revolution of 1688, it was not the change in
political institutions that led to economic growth. On the contrary, it was the
change in economic relations that led to productivity growth and then political
change. “While the institutional changes associated with the Glorious
Revolution may well have been important for growth, our results contradict
the view that these events preceded the onset of growth in England.”
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As Engels
their use. put it succinctly: “The materialist conception of history starts from
the
To proposition
find out more,that the production
including of cookies,
how to control the means to support
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Policy life and,
next to production, the exchange of things produced, is the basis of all social
structure; thataccept
Close and in every society that has appeared in history, the manner in
which wealth is distributed and society divided into classes or orders is
dependent upon what is produced, how it is produced, and how the products
are exchanged. From this point of view, the final causes of all social changes
and political revolutions are to be sought, not in men’s brains, not in men’s
better insights into eternal truth and justice, but in changes in the modes of
production and exchange.”
The authors cannot avoid reaching a similar conclusion. As they say: “Marx
stressed the transition from feudalism to capitalism. He argued that after the
disappearance of serfdom in the 14th century, English peasants were expelled
from their land through the enclosure movement. That spoliation inaugurated
a new mode of production: one where workers did not own the means of
production, and could only subsist on wage labour. This proletariat was ripe
for exploitation by a new class of capitalist farmers and industrialists. In that
process, political revolutions were a decisive step in securing the rise of the
bourgeoisie. To triumph, capitalism needed to break the remaining shackles of
feudalism…. Our findings lend some support to the Marxist view in that we
estimate that the onset of growth preceded both the Glorious Revolution and
the English Civil War (1642-1651). This timing of the onset of growth supports
the view that economic change propelled history forward and drove political
and ideological change.”
The development of capitalism in agriculture and in trade laid the basis for the
introduction of industrial technology that led to the so-called industrial
revolution and industrial capitalism. The Industrial Revolution occurred in
Britain around 1800 because “innovation was uniquely profitable then and
there”. As real wages rose, there was an incentive to exploit the raw materials
necessary for labour saving technologies in textiles such as the spinning jenny,
water frame, and mule, as well as coal burning technologies such as the steam
engine and coke smelting furnace. Labour productivity exploded upwards.
There was staggering rise in investment in means of production relative to
labour. According to the authors, from 1600 to 1860, the capital stock in
England grew by a factor of five, or 8% per decade.
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Nad M.
March 28, 2021 at 10:59 am
But how is this relevant today in terms of growth and the destruction of nature? “
The productivity of the soil can be increased ad in nitum by the application of
capital, labour and science.”
Growth today means exhaustion of the soil and climate change, among other
things. Yes, today capitalist productivity can feed all humans on Earth. However, in
60/70 years time, capitalist productivity will have to increase exponentially. That
will again impact on nature and the environment.
To feed the growing population and preserve life on earth at the same time,
capitalism has to make all the basic food we eat today synthetic. I don’t see how
that could be done even under an alternative mode of production. Some
anthropologists and socialists for a cooperative economy in harmony with nature.
How that might provide for the world population is a big question.
Reply
Mike Quille
March 28, 2021 at 11:36 am
Do we as Marxists not need to be careful about going from one extreme (the wise
political ideas of the English 17th century bourgeoisie drove economic growth) to
the other opposite extreme (impersonal, inevitable improvements in economic
productivity drove political change)?
IsPrivacy
there not a danger
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interpreting Engels’s
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to use of you
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materialist
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by human consciousness and action?
Is there not a dialectical process at work here, whereby people constantly and
Close and
consciously accept
strive to improve their lives through economic, political and cultural
changes to their material, intellectual and spiritual environments?
It is true that the idealist ‘Whig interpretation of history’, which privileges the
ruling classes’ role in human advancement, needs to be challenged and changed,
but surely not at the expense of limiting the in uence of human consciousness
and action, which itself helps produce the economic growth which then helps
produce the conditions for political change.
Reply
michael roberts
March 28, 2021 at 12:50 pm
Mike yes we do need to be careful as both Marx and Engels pointed out at
various times. It is a dialectical relationship between economic foundation and
the ideas and action of humanity. I think this quote from Marx sums it up. “Men
make their own history, but they do not make it as they please; they do not
make it under self-selected circumstances, but under circumstances existing
already, given and transmitted from the past.”
Reply
Mike Quille
March 28, 2021 at 1:20 pm
Kieran
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March
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The import of this quote is heavily in uenced by where the emphasis is
applied;
Close andtryaccept
before or after the rst comma.
ucanbpolitical
March 29, 2021 at 1:07 pm
Nad M.
March 28, 2021 at 12:52 pm
Agreed! And how not to fall into determinism and mechanical interpretation of
the relation between the economic and the the ideological. After all, how to
explain that a few capitalists, even a ruling class that is so integrated in the
capitalist mode of production and the international circuit of nance capital yet
it has both medieval and bourgeois thinking and morality?
Reply
A.M
March 28, 2021 at 4:08 pm
Should be mentioned that even Engels was wary of such reductionism later on
in his life, as seen in his letter to Bloch – I feel like he was slowly starting to
see how the SPD was shaping up to be. Much to learn
https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1890/letters/90_09_21.htm
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The probably was a lot of consciousness and action before the 19th Century –
we just don’t know about it (and never will, as the documentation isn’t available
and will never be available).
The most we can do is to infer, .e.g the Gracchian land reforms that triggered
the famous Roman Civil War; Spartacus’ slave revolt; some peasant revolts in
medieval England, Italy, France, China and elsewhere. We do what we can, but
we cannot fabricate narratives. You must understand that History is 99.999%
forever lost – what survived to us is merely a tiny hole through time.
It doesn’t change the fact that all the evidence that survived to us points to the
direction Marx’s theory is the correct one, though. History is not a hard science,
but it still is a science, and we shouldn’t shy away from making scienti c
conclusions over the evidence.
Reply
A.M
March 28, 2021 at 11:47 am
Hello, Mr. Roberts! Long-time reader of your blog. Just chipping in that the
embedding of the images from the article you’ve used appear to have been
broken, as they’re much smaller, and therefore, harder to see. Cheers!
Reply
michael roberts
March 28, 2021 at 12:46 pm
yes, the new wordpress format is ruining them i shall try and correct.
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Ron
March 28, 2021 at 3:33 pm
I’m working from home for the last year on a modest 11 years old desktop with
an open source operating systen and some never paid for software. Right. But
the “back of ce” I’m working with consists of two huge data centres with
hundreds of servers and petabytes of storage and ber cables running all
around the country.
So services only serves the real economy.
Reply
Eddie O'Sullivan
March 28, 2021 at 7:40 pm
But who or what is creating value? You or the data centre machinery? My
answer is: you create the value sitting at home. The data centre supports your
value-creation. This is completely different to the way value is created in
tangible good manufacture where labour and constant capital (physical
inputs and machinery) combine together in the same location.
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mandm
March 28, 2021 at 4:48 pm
Close and accept
“But would you agree that the shift in production away from tangible goods
constitutes a historic transformation in the mode of production?”
Most western economists (even good ones) persist in forgetting Marx’s image of
a bloody birth of industrial capitalism: the blood of New World, Asian and
African labor. India, for instance, was much richer than England in 1700, but its
riches ended up in England, leaving Indian peasants and artisans with the
famines produced by English machinery. The situation persists with the Modi
comprador mode of production and the hundreds of million of peasants ghting
for their lives.
Reply
mandm
March 28, 2021 at 6:28 pm
Eddie O'Sullivan
March 28, 2021 at 7:47 pm
This seems to suggest that tangible goods remain the sole value form in
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ofBy
uscontinuing to use this
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(intangible
their use.
commodities) are therefore deemed not to create value. If that’s the case,
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then the 80+% of those employed in advanced economies who work in
services cannot be exploited since de nition they cannot be a source of
Close and accept
value-added. The political implication is that workers in service industries
have no direct interest in change: how can they when they create no value
and consequently create no value.
Eddie O'Sullivan
March 28, 2021 at 7:49 pm
Corrected version (this is what happens when you work from home).
“This seems to suggest that tangible goods remain the sole value form in
contemporary capitalism. Those of us creating services (intangible
commodities) are therefore deemed not to create value. If that’s the case,
then the 80+% of those employed in advanced economies who work in
services cannot be exploited since by de nition they cannot be a source of
value-added. The political implication is that workers in service industries
have no direct interest in change: how can they when they create no value
and consequently cannot be a source of surplus value.”
mandm
March 29, 2021 at 5:27 am
Eddie, i was suggessting that the “intangible” service economies at the center
of present imperial system are supported by the tangible socially necessary
goods produced by labor at the ex-colonial peripheries–not that servce
workers produce no “value”. Any work–private prison guard, professional
torturer or assassin employed by Eric Prince, Facebook ad-placement
computer whiz, Google algorythmaniac, etc.–performed for some capitalist
enterprise produces exchange value. Public librarians, teachers, postal
workers, nurses, unpaid domestic (mainly women) workers are of no value,
but use value.
Eddie O'Sullivan
March 29, 2021 at 8:48 am
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Services
To find (intangible
out more, commodities)
including how to controlde nitelysee
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create and others buy them. But do they have use value?
Close writes
Marx and accept
in C1 Vol 1 Capital:
“The commodity is at rst an exterior object, a thing, which by its properties
satis es human wants of one sort or another.”
The commodity has to be something that meets human “wants” (the word
used by Marx is Beduerfnisse, which can be translated as “needs”, “essentials”
etc).
Services do that.
The idea of the “exterior object” can be inferred as meaning the object must
have material characteristics.
“The nature of such wants, whether they arise, for instance, from the stomach
of from imagination makes no difference.”
Here, Marx acknowledges that wants can be those emerging from the mind
and not just those derived from physical needs such as hunger.
Marx wrote:
“Durch die Eigenschaften des Warenkoerpers bedingt, existiert sie nach ohne
denselben.”
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This
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“Conditioned by the physical properties of the body of the commodity, it has
no existence
Close apart from the latter.”
and accept
But this seems to be wrong. A more accurate translation is: “Conditioned by
the quality/nature of the body of the commodity, it does not exist without the
same (the latter).”
This suggests Marx meant that what conditioned the commodity was
something that could be intuitively perceptible.
Logically, this sentence can only mean that use value has an intangible
component and one that is only intuitively obvious, though it is objectively
perceptible.
The logic of this statement suggests that the labour power embedded in a
use value must be intangible.
For example, a int sharpened so it can be used as a knife has no use value in
today’s world (though people might keep it as a curiosity).
But the same object more than 10,000 years ago would have been deemed to
be very useful.
It’s physically the same object but its use value has changed over time.
mandm
March 29, 2021 at 5:50 pm
vk
March 28, 2021 at 5:00 pm
But your home of ce job only makes sense in the wider context of a global
industrial behemoth, larger than ever. White collar jobs are just a small and
relatively unimportant tip of the entire iceberg.
What you describe is more akin to alienation of labor due to the immense
specialization process on a global scale, where the First World countries keep
the home of ce/services jobs (related to consumption) while the Third World
countries keep the productive jobs (manufacturing and much of agriculture).
Reply
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Eddie O'Sullivan
March 28, 2021 at 8:06 pm
Close and accept
85% of those employed in the UK work in service industries. That’s 25+m
people in the UK alone (not far short of the total who voted in the 2019 GE).
At least 150m people work in service industries in the EU. The scale of service
employment globally is enormous.
It’s suggested service workers cannot be the source of value.
But how can someone who doesn’t create value be exploited?
Why would a capitalist employ someone who doesn’t create value? e
ucanbpolitical
March 29, 2021 at 12:30 pm
But that is only possible because industrial workers are so productive. Service
workers eat, dress, drive and live in similar homes to industrial workers.
stevenjohnson
March 28, 2021 at 2:10 pm
Reading Ellen Meiksins Wood currently (and recently re-read Perry Anderson.)
With that in uence, two things pop out.
First, the idea that capitalism is a marvel of production that breaks the Malthusian
shackles with a shrug, revolutionizes daily life more or less daily, has created a
whole new world of technology etc. seems to me to lead people to overlook the
long, long transitional period. Capitalism, especially when it wasn’t
overwhelmingly present but unevenly distributed in the late medieval social
formation, simply was not the cornucopia. It isn’t just Objectivists I think who tend
to think there was no capitalism rising before 1800 because, if it’s not rich, it’s not
capitalism. (Sort of the same logic that leads them to think the USA or EU is
capitalism but Haiti or Congo or Bolivia or Indonesia aren’t, so socialist
performance in the socialist countries is only compared to the imperial
metropoles.)
And this is political too. It seems to me that the absolutist ideology was a
compromise between feudal survivals in land tenure. Perry Anderson emphasized
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capitalism. The tangled relationship between absolutism, early nationalism and
mercantilism results in the easy pretense that the necessary ideology of
Close and
capitalism accept
is “democracy,” (despite the current counter-example of fascism and
related political movements.) Or that “mercantilism” was not a part of capitalist
development at all. Capitalism wasn’t wonderful to start with, the transitional
epoch was agonizing. Standards for the transition from capitalism to socialism are
of course much, much more stringent.
A fascinating post.
Reply
vk
March 28, 2021 at 4:50 pm
“The authors comment: “our evidence helps distinguish between theories of why
growth began. In particular, our ndings support the idea that broad-based
economic change preceded the bourgeois institutional reforms of 17th century
England and may have contributed to causing them.” In other words, it was the
change in the mode of production and the social classes that came rst; the
political changes came later.”
That’s the problem diagnosed by Preobrazhensky in the 1920s in the USSR (“New
Economy”): he stated that the greatest problem the Soviet Union had was that,
contrary to the previous economic systems, socialism arose rst through its
political revolution, only to then work out on its economic revolution.
He then suggested the “socialist primitive accumulation” as the only way out for
Soviet socialism. In one way or the other, that’s precisely what happened in the
USSR during 1917-1945.
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A later thought about the “Whig interpretation of history.” It is not clear who
precisely the Whig interpreters of history are supposed to be. The primary
opponent of the Whig interpretation of history was one Herbert Butter eld.
Butter eld if I understand it correctly was a committed Christian. Whether that
in uenced him to imagine some perverse secular mental aw of arrogance and
ideology, i don’t know. But E.H. Carr pointed out in What Is History? that
Butter eld neglected to actually name the members of the school or critique with
details any of these Whiggish works. E.H. Carr is a pretty good bourgeois historian
of the USSR, and therefore entirely out of fashion, where revivals of Conquest like
Applebaum and Snyder are the current luminaries in the public sky.
Reply
Chris Harries
March 28, 2021 at 6:16 pm
“(Marx) argued that after the disappearance of serfdom in the 14th century,
English peasants were expelled from their land through the enclosure movement.
That spoliation inaugurated a new mode of production: one where workers did
not own the means of production, and could only subsist on wage labour. This
proletariat was ripe for exploitation by a new class of capitalist farmers and
industrialists. .”
There is much truth in this analysis but to put the matter in perspective not only
did enclosures continue into the late C19th, having reached their greatest
intensity after 1750- the gures ion acreages enclosed are clear on that. But, and
this is often forgotten, the nature of enclosing changed as the emphasis shifted
from enclosing arable and pastures to enclosing common lands-wastes. At the
same time successive changes to the law on poaching, gleaning, gathering fuel
etc underlined the expropriations of enclosure.
And then there were successive changes in the Poor Laws undercutting the
principle that labour had a claim on the harvest.
Malthus was simply jumping on an ideological bandwagon.
As to ‘wage growth’, the living standards of the rural population were based on a
wide swathe
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considerations taken of right. It was while these bene ts were being whittled
awayClose
that the
and ideologists,
accept including Parson Malthus, sang of the inevitability of
poverty.
Reply
Charles A.
March 28, 2021 at 11:06 pm
“The unstoppable end to the historical era of agrarian exploitation occurs when
three conditions prevail.
One, the level of productiveness must develop to the point that a good number of
working people are not needed in farming.
Two, some peasants must be able to keep more of their crops and other products
than the subsistence minimum.
Three, social limits on inequality among the peasants must break down so that on
one hand rich peasants appear and acquire more land than their family can work,
and on the other hand some peasants become so short of land and even landless
that they must hire themselves out at least part of the time.”
No Rich, No Poor, p. 46-7.
Of course, it is a bit more involved than this, as the rest of the chapter from which
this quote comes discusses.
Reply
Martin P Gottlieb
March 29, 2021 at 12:52 am
Michael and friends: anyone interested in productivity should have a look at this –
the rst fully modern metal lathe.
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Carlos
March 29, 2021 at 11:58 am
nice video. except it abstracts from capital. it makes it external to the social
relation and ascribes this to creativity of one guy
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Johanna Fernandez
March 29, 2021 at 1:18 am
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Tuesday, March 30th at 7:15am EDT?
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On WBAI in NYC.
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I’m the host of the morning show.
Thank you,
Johanna Fernandez
>
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michael roberts
March 29, 2021 at 7:03 am
Hi Johanna. I might be available but I have a zoominar around that time can you
give me
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michael roberts
March 29, 2021 at 7:03 am
Reply
Carlos
March 29, 2021 at 9:07 am
Precisely
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consciousness is limited from
the start. Too much emphasis on the role of conscious efforts needs to be
tempered
Close with its limitations. Otherwise, the failures of voluntarism and moralism
and accept
in effecting change.
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louisproyect
March 29, 2021 at 1:08 pm
I have to wonder if Michael is familiar with the debates between Paul Sweezy and
Maurice Dobbs, and then the one that came later between Robert Brenner and
Immanuel Wallerstein. I only ask since this article is written as if they never took
place. In fact, among historians–as opposed to econometrician–there is very little
new research trying to vindicate Brenner’s diffusionist and Eurocentric mythology.
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