ARIADNE, OMPHALE, OR HERCULES: A NEW INTERPRETATION OF AN ANCIENT LAMP

Author(s): Hugh Beames

Source: Mediterranean Archaeology , 2004, Vol. 17, Festschrift in Honour of J. Richard
Green (2004), pp. 15-23
Published by: Meditarch

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/24668130

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 ARIADNE, OMPHALE, OR HERCULES:
A NEW INTERPRETATION OF AN ANCIENT LAMP*

Hugh Beames

With the advent of mass production in the terracotta lamp industry at the beginning of the 1st
century ad, a large range of images and motifs was employed to decorate the discuses of
lamps. Today, these mouldmade discus reliefs are often regarded as standardized, even
mediocre, modes of adornment: a visual means to merely beautify a lamp and attract
purchasers. Only rarely have the scenes been considered original and innovative designs,
worthy of close study in their own right.
Recent developments in lamp studies, however, are proving that some discus scenes are
more significant than previously believed.1 In fact, certain images are so remarkable that their
correct interpretation may provide new insights into the ideology and iconographie heritage
of ancient imagery. The relief decoration within the discus of one Italian oil lamp illustrates
this point. The lamp is now in the collection of the University of Sydney's Nicholson
Museum and bears an image which has never been properly understood, (pi. 3, fig. I).2
The shape is typical of Italian lamps of the 1st century ad, consisting of a large, circular
oil chamber, a ring handle, and a nozzle bearing two double scroll volutes extending to the
shoulder. The lamp measures 13.6 cm in length, has a width of 10.1 cm, and stands to a
maximum height of 3.7 cm. It possesses a circular flat base, with a central potter's mark of an
impressed foot or planta pedis. It is made from fine pink clay, with a red-brown slip. The
surface and slip are worn and chipped in places, and parts of the lamp's base, wall, and
shoulder have been lost and restored. Cracks are visible in the discus, wall, and nozzle. The
shape of the nozzle forms the basis of its typological classification, having been classed as
Dressel Form 11 and 14,3 Loeschcke Type IV,4 and Bailey Type B, group ii.5 The date range
is based on the shoulder and nozzle form and probably extends from the Late Tiberian to the
Early Flavian period, approximately ad 30-75.6
The finely detailed relief decoration within the discus is indicative of the high quality of
workmanship achieved by craftsmen working in the Italian lamp industry in the 1st
century ad. The scene shows a semi-naked female figure sleeping beneath and to the right of
a tree. She appears to lie face down, with her arms outstretched above her head, and her legs
bent at the knees. She wears her hair in a krobylos, and her upper body is clothed in a kestos
or breastplate, with an armband and bracelet on each arm. She sleeps on a lion skin, her legs
draped under what appears to be either the folds of the pelt or a chiton, exposing her lower
back, buttocks, and feet. Around her are three Erotes, one moving past her knee towards a
bow and bow-case, a second moving right, holding the folds of the lion skin overhead and a

* I wish to thank the Curator of the Nicholson Museum,

other details are known about its provenance or how it came
Professor Dan Potts, for permission to publish this lamp.
into the possession of the donor.
Much gratitude goes to Michael Turner of the Nicholson
3 H. Dressel,'Lucernae',CIL XV.ii.l (1899) 782 pi. 3.
Museum, with whom my original discussion about this lamp
4 S. Loeschcke, Lampen aus Vindonissa. Ein Beitrag zur
led to the writing of this article. My thanks also go to him and
Geschichte von Vindonissa und des antiken Beleuchtungs
Dr Ted Robinson for reading a draft of this paper and
suggesting improvements. wesens (1919) 225.

5 D. M. Bailey, Catalogue of the Lamps in the British

1 P. Stewart, 'Cult Images on Roman Lamps', Hephaistos
18,2000,7-28. Museum, Π. Roman Lamps made in Italy (1980) 157-9.
6 Ibid. 157.
2 The lamp, inv. no. NM 94.74, was bequeathed to the
Museum in 1994 by Dr Phyllis Rountree. Unfortunately no

MEDIT ARCH 17,2004,15-23

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Figure 1. Italian discus lamp with volute nozzle, ad 30-75. Drawing by Helen Wilkins. 1:1.

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 Ariadne, Omphale, or Hercules 17

third on the skin below her, carrying a set of arrows. At the lower right of the discus lies a
club, beside the head of the lion skin.
The lamp parallels examples from Vindonissa,7 the Athenian Agora,8 and another of
unknown provenance now in the Alba Museum,9 and all were possibly produced from the
same or parallel moulds. Several other lamps with a comparable image are known, although
they are made from separate moulds and are slightly different in detail. These include
examples from Rome10 and Tarsus,11 as well as lamps of unknown provenance in the Trier
Museum12 and the National Library in Paris.13 All are dated to the 1st century ad. The most
notable difference in the scenes on these lamps is found on the example from Rome. On this
discus, the scene is reversed, so that the tree is on the right and the head of the lion is situated
to left. The central figure rests her head on the club, which is partly covered by the lion skin,
only the handle end protruding. The bow is also partly hidden by the skin and, unlike the
Nicholson Museum example, is not stored in a bow-case. The Eros beneath the sleeping
figure carries an indistinguishable object, rather than a set of arrows.
A similar image is also depicted on the floor of a silver bowl found at Berthouville,14
dated to the first half of the 1st century ad. Again, the central figure rests her head on the club
covered by the lion skin, but both ends of the club protrude from underneath the pelt. One
Eros figure is carrying what appears to be a box, and the tree is absent, replaced by a cup.
The first publication of one of these lamps (found on the Monte Celio in Rome) goes back
to 1691 and is to be found in the three-volume work dedicated to ancient lamps by Pietro
Santi Bartoli and Giovanni Pietro Bellori, the former producing the engravings, the latter the
discussion of the scene which, in a manner typical of his time, he interprets as representing
Sleep (fig. 2).15

7 Loeschcke op cit. no. 396; A. Leibundgut, Die rômischen quali presi da profondo sopore, giacciono posati gli
Lampen in der Schweiz (1977) pi. 25: 21. strali, & l'arco. Pausania negli Eliaci riferisce che nel
Monumento di Cipselo Tiranno era scolpito il
8 J. Perlzweig, The Athenian Agora. Results of Excavations
Simulacro della Notte con due Fanciulli; l'vno di color
conducted by the American School of Classical Studies at
nero, l'altro bianco, scrittiui i lori nomi: MORTIS, ET
Athens. Vol. 7. Lamps of the Roman Period. First to Seventh
SOMNI. Questi due riputati fratelli, alienando l'anima
Centuries after Christ (1961) no. 56.
da i sensi, producono gli stessi effetti in noi, essendo il
9 L. Maccario, Lucerne del Museo di Alba (1980) no. 273. Sonno vna placida Morte, come và descriuendo Seneca
10 P. S. Bartoli-G. P. Bellori, Le antiche lucerne sepolcrali Tragico nell'Ercole furioso:
figurate, raccolte dalle cave sotterranee e grotte di Roma 1 Placidum lethi genus humanum
(1691, reprinted 1972) no. 8.
Cogis lentam discere mortem.
" H. Goldman-F. F. Jones, 'The Lamps', in: H. Goldman
Per tal cagione in alcuni antichi Monumenti leggesi:
(ed.). Excavations at Gozlii Kule, Tarsus. Vol. 1. The
SOMNO AETERNALI. QUIETI AETERNAE, & in
Hellenistic and Roman Levels (1950) no. 430.
vna inscrittione Sepolcrale: IN AGRO SOMNI. La
12 K. Goethert-Polaschek, (Catalog der rômischen Lampen pelle del Leone sopra la quale giace costei con li trè
des Rheinischen Landesmuseum Trier. Bildlampen und Fanciulli, non bene si appropria alla Notte, ed al Sonno,
Sonderformen (1985) pi. 53: 484 (M72). essendo il Leone animale Solare, & vigilante parco del
13 M.-C. Hellmann, Lampes antiques de la Bibliothèque dormire. Con tutto ciô anch'egli, benche insonne, è
Nationale, II. Fonds général: Lampes pré-romaines et vinto dalla necessità del Sonno, come il nostra Poeta
romaines (1987) no. 107. disse della Notte, & di ogni animale.

14 E. Babelon, Le Trésor d'argenterie de Berthouville (1920) Hora ch'ogni animal riposa, e dorme.
pl. 15. (Sleep. On this lamp, they chose to represent Sleep,
15 Op. cit. (n. 10)5. brother of Death, both of whom were born of Erebus
and Night. Here, Night is curled up, covered in her
IL SONNO. Vollero in questa Lucerna effigiare il
dark, shadowy cloak surrounded by three Erotes. They
Sonno fratello délia Morte, ambedue nati dall'Erebo, &
too, overcome by a deep drowsiness, are lying down,
dalla Notte. Questa si avvolge, & si ricopre sotto il suo
having set aside their bow and arrows. Pausanias in the
nero, ombroso manto, circondata da trè Amorini, li
Eliaci refers to the monument of the tyrant Cypselus, on

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18 Hugh Beames

Figure 2. Italian discus lamp from Monte Celio (after Bartoli—Bellori op. cit. [η. 10] Vol. 1, no. 8).

which was sculpted the image of Night with her two inscription, In the Field of Dreams. The skin of the lion,
children, one black, the other white, their names on which she lies with three Erotes, is not well
inscribed, Death and Sleep. These two reputed brothers, connected with either Night or Sleep. The lion is a solar
able to separate their soul from their senses, produce the animal, associated with wakefulness rather than sleep.
same effect in us—Sleep becoming a peaceful Death. However, despite being ever alert, the lion eventually
As Seneca says in his tragedy Hercules fiirens, has to sleep. As our poet (Dante) says of Night and of
all the other animals,
'Peaceful in lethe (i.e. forgetfulness—sleep),
'The time when every animal rests and sleeps'.)
you (Night) teach the human race of slow death'.

For this reason, on some ancient monuments we read, Many thanks go to Michael Turner and Marcella Pisani for
their translations of this text.
Eternal Sleep, Eternal Peace, and on one sepulchral

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 Ariadne, Omphale, or Hercules 19

Evidently, a more judicious explanation of the discus scene is required. At first glance the
female image on the Sydney lamp seems influenced by standard representations of Ariadne,
the moment of sleep being a key dramatic element in the story. The story was a common
theme in the mythographical tradition surrounding Theseus and a popular choice for artists. It
was represented in various media from the 5th century bc to the 3rd century ad, with similar
portrayals surviving on vase-paintings, mosaics, frescoes, sarcophagi, gems, and coins.16
What is puzzling in this scene, however, are the objects surrounding the sleeping figure,
including the club, a bow and arrows, and the lion skin, all well-known attributes of Hercules.
Links between Theseus, Ariadne, and Hercules are tenuous and, although Theseus is
sometimes represented with a bow and arrows and less commonly a club, the lion skin is only
ever associated with Hercules. Puzzling also is the tree in the background and more
importantly the Erotes, who are clearly linked with the bow and quiver, the arrows, and the
lion skin. Although images of Eros are often found in depictions of Ariadne, these never
include the attributes of Hercules. The conclusion is inescapable: the woman cannot be
Ariadne.

Who then is the sleeping female figure? Most scholars studying similar iconographical
arrangements on lamps have interpreted her as Omphale.17 Omphale was the Queen of Lydia,
to whom Hercules was enslaved as punishment for killing Iphitus. In most versions of the
story, Hercules was obliged to spend a year with her, not only becoming her lover but also
forced to complete various labours and endure certain humiliations as part of his bondage.18
As an interesting twist to his punishment, Hercules was sometimes dressed in female clothes,
even exchanging his own for those of Omphale herself, and made to do the work of a woman.
The idea that the scene represents Omphale stems from the remains of the name Omphale
inscribed onto a similar discus lamp from Carthage, published in 1913.19 Since then, most
scholars examining identical or similar discus images have accepted this identification,
despite the fact that only one other lamp bearing the same discus scene together with the
name Omphale has come to light.20 The purpose of this paper is to propose another possible
interpretation of the image by dissecting all its various elements, and tease out a different
meaning. Art theorists have often emphasized that images surviving from the past are 'fixed'
moments that should be examined in all their constituent parts; otherwise attempts to decipher
their meaning as a complete entity are pointless.21 Along with individual iconographical
motifs, an analysis of imagery must also include the relationships regulating the way motifs
are arranged within a composition, as well as the cultural influences on visual depiction
within a given region and time.22
With this in mind, it is intriguing that three structural components of a classical scene such
as this one have previously been ignored. Firstly, while all the attributes of Hercules are
present, Hercules it seems is not. The use of specific objects as signifiers of identity was a
fundamental element in Greek and Roman art, and it is the clear placement of his attributes
around the central figure that suggests that they play a more significant role in the figure's
identification than has previously been noted. Secondly, the Erotes and the tree are a

16 LIMC III (1986) 1050-70 s.v. Ariadne (Bernhard Fab.32.

Daszewski).
19 BAntFr 1913,368-74 pl. 2: S.371.
17 Hellmann op. cit. 32; Goethert-Polaschek op. cit.;
20 J. Ede, Charles Ede Limited, London. Catalogue of Cypriot
Leibundgut op. cit. 135; J. J. Bachofen, Rômische
and Roman Antiquities (2005) no. 28.
Grablampen (1958) 348; Goldman-Jones op. cit. 130-1;
Loeschcke op. cit. 393. 21 J.-C. Schmitt in: A. Bolvig-P. Lindley (eds.), History and
Images. Towards a New Iconology (2003) 26.
18 Apollod. Bibl. 11 6: 2-3; Diod. Sic. IV 31: 5-8; Hyg.
22 Ibid. 27.

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 20 Hugh Beames

perplexing inclusion in this scene, as they are motifs not usually connected with imagery of
Omphale. The placement and combination of certain elements in ancient iconography was an
important way of conveying a message, and these can acquire full meaning only when
considered in relationship to each other. Separately, individual figures may have little IT

significance, but combined they suggest to the viewer

placing a tree and three Erotes around the recumbent
further fundamental clues as to the identity of the pers
of so many individual components in the scene render
fact providing what Woodford calls a 'synoptic
comprehensive mental picture of a particular mytholog
motifs within the discus. Although this single image is
several parts of the story are happening simultaneo
outdoors and fallen asleep by a tree. The winged figure
sleeper, are in the process of moving the weapons and l
One wonders, therefore, why the artist has placed eve
the central figure, without depicting Hercules at a
immediate possible explanations. The first is that Herc
task for Omphale, while she rests surrounded by his equ
interpretation of this scene on a lamp from the Ago
Omphale, stating that 'there is no reason to show Omp
Although it could be argued that the presence of th
intended to suggest to the viewer her relationship wit
explain the presence of the tree. Insignificant as it mi
particular purpose or meaning, as the discus scene is
included as mere background filler. A second possibilit
represent Erotes, but rather three Kerkopes, mischi
equipment while in the service of Omphale.26 The figu
bringing with them Hercules' belongings to place aroun

Neither explanation of this scene is convincing. No oth

have survived from ancient times and the act of sleepi
97
Omphale, as it does so significantly in the story and in the visual representation of Ariadne.
Similarly, there is no reason to depict Omphale sleeping outside, while surrounded by
Hercules' equipment. Numerous portrayals of Omphale, alone or with Hercules, show her
wearing the Nemean lion skin and holding Hercules' olive-wood club.28 This emphasizes that
Hercules has been forced to swap his clothes with those of Omphale as part of his
punishment. In fact, images of Omphale have become synonymous with a female figure
draped in a lion skin or brandishing a club. Presumably, if the figure on this discus scene were
Omphale, she would be depicted holding or wearing at least one of the attributes of Hercules.
Instead, the figure wears female clothing and Hercules' attributes lie around her.

23 Ibid. 31. Kerkopes (Woodford).

24 S. Woodford, Images of Myth in Classical Antiquity 27 In a story known from Ovid, Fasti II 305-58, Omphale and
(2003) 39. Hercules become lovers and fall asleep together in a cave,
where Pan discovers them. This episode bears no relation to
25 Perlzweig loc. cit. (η. 8).
the scene on this lamp, as the central figure sleeps alone,
26 The Kerkopes were often thought to be a pair of brothers, beneath a tree.
but it was also believed that sometimes there were more than
28 LIMC VII (1994) 45-53 s.v. Omphale (Boardman).
two. For a full discussion, see LIMC VI (1992) 32-5 s.v.

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 Ariadne, Omphale, or Hercules 21

Careful observation of the way the winged figures have been placed around the edge of the
scene also suggests that they are moving away from the central figure and not towards her.
They are certainly not sleeping, nor are they putting down Hercules' equipment. In fact, the
figure with the lion skin seems to be pulling it out from underneath the sleeping figure.
Another appears to be removing the arrows and the third is heading towards the bow and
bow-case, undoubtedly to carry them away as well.
The rejection of the first two interpretations leads to a third explanation, which again
challenges our understanding of the central figure and presents another idea of what the
artisan was trying to achieve. The sleeping figure may not be Omphale at all, but instead a
representation of a youthful, beardless, and emasculated Hercules, stripped of his usual
attributes and wearing the clothes exchanged with the Lydian queen. In fact, his emasculation
is so complete that the artist has portrayed him quite theatrically as a woman. In a story
9Q
known from ancient literature, during Hercules' period of servitude to Omphale, the
Kerkopes discover Hercules sleeping beneath a tree and, as he rests, secretly try to steal his
possessions. Hercules later catches and punishes them by tying them to a pole and hanging
them over his shoulder. This interpretation justifies both Hercules being dressed in female
garb and the appearance of his attributes lying around him. It also accounts for the
incorporation of the tree and the winged figures within the parameters of the story.
Furthermore, I would suggest that the winged figures replace earlier representations of the
Kerkopes, who instead of bringing the stolen equipment to Omphale are actually portrayed
at the moment of theft, while Hercules lies unaware and asleep.
Comparisons with contemporary literary and iconographical sources help confirm this
interpretation. Ovid, writing between 23 bc and ad 18, twice deals with Hercules'
'transvestite servitude':31 first in an epistle from Deianira to Hercules in the Heroides32 and
•3 Ο

secondly in the mythological poem Fasti. A short excerpt from the Heroides, reflecting
Deianira's resentment of Omphale's subjugation of Hercules, serves to illustrate Ovid's slant
on the story:
Shamelessly you braceleted your arms,
Embellishing with gems your brawny charms—
To think that those same arms had strength to slay
Nemea's scourge, whose hide you wear today!
You even wound a turban round your hair—
A poplar garland would look better there!
Nor, like a harlot, did you think it wrong
To dress up in a Lydian sarong.34

The concept of Hercules exchanging clothes with Omphale became popular in literature
from the 1st century bc onwards and is included in the writings of other contemporary
authors, particularly Roman ones. These include Seneca, Statius, Plutarch, and Lucian.35
Various artistic representations of Hercules especially popular in the late Republic and
early Empire show the naked hero lying on his lion skin beneath a tree, while several winged

29 S. Brock, The Syriac Version of the pseudo-Nonnos 31 D. Hine, Ovid's Heroines. A Verse Translation of the
Mythological Scholia (1971) 100-1; Gregory of Nazianus, Heroides (1991) 28.
Invectivae adversus lulianum 39, trans, in A. Westermann, 32 Ov. Her. 9: 55.
Scriptores Rerum Mirabilium Graeci (Paradoxographia
33 Ov. Fast. II 305-58.
Mythologia) (1839) 375. Many thanks go to Susan Woodford
for providing these references. 34 Ov. Her. 9: 55; Hine op. cit. 30.
30 During the 6th to 4th centuries bc, Kerkopes were usually 35 Sen. Hercules 371-7; Stat. Theb. X 646-9; Plut. Quaest.
represented as beardless, nude youths. See Woodford loc. cit. Graec. 304c-e; Lucian Dial. D. 15: 2 and Hist, conscr. 10.
(η. 26).

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22 Hugh Beames

figures steal his equipment. Examples of such images, which are similar but not identical to
the scene on the Nicholson lamp, appear on a marble relief fragment of the 3rd to 1st century
bc,36 on a marble table-leg of the early 4th century ad,37 and on a clay plaque38 and a bronze
relief disc,39 both dated to the 1st century ad. In the most detailed version of the scene,
however, Hercules lies beneath a tree dressed in female garb. He reclines with his right arm
outstretched, wearing a white chiton, surrounded by many winged figures who steal his
equipment, while Omphale watches from a distance. This depiction is seen in two wall
paintings from Pompeii, one dating to the mid-1st century ad40 and the other to 70 ad.41 It
suggests also that the scene on the Sydney lamp is probably an abbreviated version of the
original, Omphale having been deleted and the winged figures reduced to just three, so that
the image could be suitably placed within the smaller confines of the discus.
Correctly identifying the central figure allows for a fuller understanding of the significance
of this figurative discus. In terms of lamp studies, a reassessment of such an intriguing image
demonstrates that interpreting reliefs on some Italian lamps is not always straightforward and
suggests that other lamp scenes may need careful re-examination. The identification also
reminds us of a point raised by Broneer in 1930 in his discussion of the decoration on discus
AD
lamps, but contradicted by more recent scholars. He observed that a careful study of the
iconography on certain lamps will reward scholars with a better understanding of both ancient
art works and misunderstood aspects of mythology.43 Some seventy-five years later, his
words seem perceptively accurate, at least in regards to the examination of this lamp. It is also
worth noting, that, apart from the incorporation of this image on a single silver bowl from
Berthouville, the only other surviving media used to portray Hercules in the form of a woman
is on the discus of several ancient oil lamps.
Iconographically, it is worth raising four main issues in relation to the new interpretation
of this image: (i) the appropriation of popular images in ancient times, (ii) comedic
representations of Hercules in the Roman period, (iii) contemporary influences, in particular
political and social, on iconography, and (iv) the placement of winged figures in conjunction
with images of Hercules.
The borrowing of a well-known prototype such as that of Ariadne on Naxos reflects the
common artistic practice in ancient Italy of utilizing popular imagery in the depiction of
another story. Often, there was little need to devise a new pictorial representation of a myth,
when craftsmen could readily borrow from the many visual formulas available to them at the
time. Certain components from one scene could be erased, added, or modified in
reconfiguring it to depict an often unrelated myth 44 Thus the original artistic arrangement of
a sleeping Ariadne surrounded by Erotes has been cleverly combined with the iconography of
Hercules and modified to become a new representation of the hero, asleep and dressed in
female clothes, while the Kerkopes steal his equipment. The attributes of Hercules are
prominently placed so that the viewer understands clearly the identity of the central figure
and to ensure that there is no mistaking the scene for the more standardized iconography of
Ariadne.

36 LIMC V (1990) 173 no. 3419 s.v. Herakles (Woodford). 40 Boardman art. cit. (η. 28) 48 no. 28.

37 Ibid. no. 3428. 41 Ibid. no. 27.

38 LIMC III (1986) 1029 no. 620 s.v. Amor, Cupido (Blanc 42 Most notably Bailey op. cit. (η. 5) 6.
Gury).
43 Ο. Broneer, Corinth. Results of Excavations Conducted by
39 H. B. Walters, Catalogue of the Bronzes, Greek, Roman the American School of Classical Studies at Athens. Vol. IV

and Etruscan in the Department of Greek and Roman Part 2. Terracotta Lamps (1930) 3.
Antiquities, British Museum (1899) no. 857.
44 Woodford op. cit. (η. 24) 11.

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 Ariadne, Omphale, or Hercules 23

The much admired and popular Hercules, often a symbol of masculinity in the ancient
classical world, was also known to have been depicted in comedic fashion from as early as
the 5th century bc.45 A muscular and bearded Hercules in women's clothing in the Roman
period undoubtedly represents another facet of this long-standing comedic tradition. Until
now, however, Hercules' depiction in female form has never been recognized. Such a
portrayal is both a humorous slant on the reuse of Ariadne's iconography and a clever
expression of artistic licence in poking fun at the masculinity of Hercules himself. What
better way for an artist to emphasize this than not only to dress him in female clothes, but to
take this one step further and depict him as an actual woman?
The image within the discus may also reflect a larger relationship between art and
iconography and the political and social climate of the time. It is quite possible that the
imagery of Hercules and Omphale became popular in Roman culture after depictions of their
story were utilized by Octavian in his propaganda campaign against Mark Antony and
Cleopatra. Many scholars believe that Antony and Cleopatra were likened to the mythological
couple: Antony derided in the West because he had become infatuated with, subservient to,
and emasculated by a powerful Eastern Queen, in much the same way as Hercules was
dominated by Omphale.46 This political appropriation of Hercules' and Omphale's imagery
coincided with a continuing interest in what Natalie Kampen calls 'gender déstabilisation' in
Roman times.47 Many artists and writers of the Roman period explored themes of sexual
ambiguity and the transparency of gender-based boundaries, symbolized in the most obvious
way by an exchange of clothes between male and female. Kampen believes that the
popularity of the story of Hercules and Omphale increased, at least in part, because of a
growing wider interest in the fluid conceptions of gender and sexual relations 48
Finally, a fresh interpretation of this discus scene suggests a new portrayal of a particular
moment in the story of Hercules. Representations of the story of Hercules and the Kerkopes
were well known from the 6th to 4th centuries bc, but it was usually the moment of their
capture and punishment by Hercules that was depicted. Representations of the theft of
Hercules' equipment are believed to have 'had little appeal to artists'49 and are previously
unrecognized in the repertoire of Hellenistic and Roman art. The association of Erotes with
Hercules has also caused some confusion in scholarship. As Woodford has noted, 'in the
absence of literary evidence, the scenes of Hercules and Eros are extraordinarily difficult to
interpret. We can seldom be absolutely sure whether we are looking at allegories of the power
of love or subtle illustrations of stories whose content eludes us'.50 The use of Erotes as
replacement figures for the Kerkopes in this particular scene may offer a solution to this
dilemma. Artistic depictions of the Kerkopes, having died out four centuries earlier, meant
that lst-century Italian artisans were required to draw upon other, more contemporary models.
Erotes, well-known for their mischievous nature, probably became expedient substitutes.
The significance of the pictorial representation on the Sydney lamp therefore lies not only
in an intriguing twist in the reuse of imagery but, more importantly, in a suggested new visual
concept of Hercules and the Kerkopes and a hitherto unrecognized portrayal of a particular
moment in ancient mythology.

45 Ibid. 19-20. Ο. Hekster, 'Hercules, Omphale and Octavian's "Counter

Propaganda"', ΒABesch 79,2004,159-66.
46 Ν. Β. Kampen, Omphale and the Instability of Gender',
in: Kampen (ed.), Sexuality in Ancient Art. Near East, Egypt, 47 Kampen art. cit. 243.
Greece and Italy (1996) 233-6; S. Ritter, Hercules in der 48 Ibid.
romischen Kunst von den Anfàngen bis Augustus (1995)
81-5; P. Zanker, The Power of Images in the Age of 49 S. Woodford, JHS 109,1989,201.
Augustus (1988) 57-65. This has recently been disputed: 50 Woodford art. cit. (n. 36) 176.

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Hugh Beames Plate 3

Italian discus lamp with volute nozzle, ad 30-75.

(Photo Russell Workman. Courtesy of the Nicholson
Museum.)

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