Ceramic Ethnoarchaeology
Ceramic Ethnoarchaeology
Ceramic Ethnoarchaeology
OF SOUTHWESTERN ETHIOPIA
By
JOHN W. ARTHUR
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
2000
Copyright 2000
by
John W. Arthur
For Ray C. Arthur and Frances B. Arthur
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to thank the Gamo people for their patience and graciousness
There are a number of people who I would like to thank for giving me support
and guidance, which helped me to accomplish this research. I was blessed with an
1995, Steven A. Brandt took me to Ethiopia. While surveying the different ethnic
production and use among all these groups. Therefore, I am in debt to Steven A.
as a committee chair and I admire his patience and enthusiasm. Peter Schmidt
demonstrated to me the powerful need to listen to the African voice and provided a
more concise manner. Kenneth Sassaman's support and continued positive influence
IV
throughout the writing of the dissertation was invaluable. I also thank Melanie Brandt
for producing wonderful maps and illustrations for my dissertation. I thank James M.
anthropology and archaeology, and I appreciate their support and kindness. These
students include: Florie Bugarin, Matt Curtis, Jim Ellison, Girma Hundie, Birgitta
Kimura, George Luer, Audax Mabulla, Agazi Negash, Donna Nash, Fred Smith,
There are several Ethiopian institutions that made field research possible. I
would like to thank Ethiopia's Ministry of Culture and Information's Center for
Information, and the Institute of Ethiopian Studies (IES) and the Herbarium at Addis
the field research, therefore I greatly appreciate the support of: Jara Haile Mariam
Hadro and Ababanu Agabebo (Heads of Bureau of Culture and Information, Arba
Minch office), Zenebe Bonja Bonke (Chencha official), Dr. Abdul Samed (IES
director), Taddese Bereso (IES assistant director), Adane Dinku (Department of Soil
v
and Water Conservation, Chencha office), and Sebsebe Demissew and Melaku
These people include: Berhano Wolde, Gezahegn Alemayehu, Getacho Girma, Paulos
Dena, and Ato Saleh. There a number of friends that made life in the Gamo region a
more enriching experience and these include: Tihun Mulushewa, Chunga Yohannes,
Tesefaye Mekuria, Daniel Tadesse, and Ato Nega. I also would like to thank Calche
Cara and his wife, Goonashay Dara, for providing us (my wife and I) with a home in
Doko Shaye. During my fieldwork, the Catholic Missions provided invaluable help in
repairing our truck, therefore I greatly appreciate the help that we received from
Father Denis and the people working at the Chencha and Arba Minch Catholic
Missions. I would like to thank Dena Freeman, who was living in the next valley over
in Doko, for her insightful knowledge concerning Gamo life. I thank John Fleagle for
I would like to thank some extraordinary friends I met in Ethiopia, who made
life away from home a fantastic journey. Declan and Kate Conway and Ibrahim
Labouts for being my friends and experiencing life with me in Addis Ababa. They
kept me motivated and gave me strength to finish my fieldwork. A special thanks goes
out to Carlo Iori, my friend, supporter, and facilitator, who made research in Ethiopia
possible by providing a vehicle and then his continued support throughout the two
years.
research. I would like to thank the National Science Foundation for funding this
vi
research. I also extend my gratitude to the five anonymous National Science
research. I would like to thank the Center for African Studies for furnishing me a
travel grant in 1995, so that I was able to conduct predissertation research in Ethiopia.
The College of Liberal Arts and Sciences McGinty Fellowship provided me with a
scholarship, which allowed me to focus and finish writing this dissertation. Finally, I
would like to thank the Charles H. Fairbanks committee for awarding me a scholarship
LeBlanc, helped me in many ways while I was living in Ethiopia, and for this a special
thanks goes out to them. My brother, Jeffrey S. Arthur, has given me an unlimited
who insightfully commented on drafts of this dissertation and has given me strength
and motivation each and every day for the last ten years.
vn
TABLE OF CONTENTS
page
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS iv
ABSTRACT xii
CHAPTERS
2 THE GAMO 22
Methodological Approach 50
Fieldwork among the Gamo 51
Village Selection 52
The Census and Mapping of Three Gamo Villages 53
Pottery Census 54
Gamo Potter Interviews 58
viii
Interpreting Social Status and Economic Wealth in the Household 60
Conclusion 66
IX
6 DISTINGUISHING THE CERAMIC LIFE-CYCLE THROUGH
SPATIAL AND USE-ALTERATION ANALYSES 173
x
8 GAMO CERAMICS AND ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR
ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY AND ARCHAEOLOGY 266
APPENDICES
REFERENCES 301
xi
Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
By
John W. Arthur
August 2000
Ethiopia. The Gamo are an agrarian society who produce and use pottery for the daily
activities of cooking, serving, storing, and transporting water and a variety of foods. I
spent two years working among the Gamo focusing on pottery procurement,
production, distribution, use, reuse, and discard within a household context. I use the
life-cycle of pottery to explore how pots move through different social and economic
contexts from the time they are produced to eventual discard. In addition, research
are explored through the regional, social, and economic conditions of Gamo society.
My study indicated that ceramic variability exists between regions, castes, and
xii
economic ranks throughout the entire life-cycle and within the larger issues of space,
population, and vessel use-life. The regional analyses revealed dramatic differences
households obtain, use, mend, reuse, and discard their pottery, as well as how pottery
correlates with population size, storage of vessels, and vessel longevity. The analyses
concerning caste and economic wealth variability concluded that household ceramic
differences.
allow for global cross-cultural comparisons and, more specifically, aid researchers in
sites.
xm
CHAPTER 1
POTTERY VARIABILITY AND THE LIFE-CYCLE PERSPECTIVE
A potter once lived, by herself, on top of Tsudo Mountain. The potter collected
the clay from the mountaintop and made her pots. One day she tested the
strength of her pots, by rolling a pot down from the top of Tsudo Mountain.
When the pot reached the bottom of the mountain it still had not broken.
Knowing that she would not make a living because her pots were too strong,
she left Tsudo Mountain, and that is why today no potters live in the Doko
region of Gamo.1
social identity, economic wealth, and occupation in Gamo society. The potter was
bom into a low caste and she will remain in this low caste until her death. The story
also reflects the economic alienation of potters in Gamo society. Potters and other
artisans usually have households located on poor agricultural land and they are
clustered together away from higher caste households. In the story, the potter lives by
herself on top of a mountain that is an area of high soil erosion and unsuitable for
farming. Without farmland, the potter must provide a livelihood for herself by
producing and selling her pots. She needs consumers to continue purchasing her pots
after they break, but since her pots were too strong, she was forced to live in another
region of Gamo. This story illustrates how pottery interfaces with many of the social
'The story was told to me by a Maka (a Gamo religious leader) living in Etello, a non-pottery-producing
village, and one of the three villages discussed in this analysis.
1
2
broken pots to help us understand social and economic variability. Earlier studies (e.g.,
Deetz 1968, Hill 1970, and Longacre 1968, 1970) showed that ceramics could help to
between ceramic style and social complexity. These earlier studies inspired
variation from pottery has been limited for archaeologists (Plog 1980:6-12).
through pottery suggests there is a need for multiple lines of evidence to control for
production, distribution, use, reuse, and discard among different villages and
households to understand social and economic variation. Within the framework of the
life-cycle of pots, I explore the spatial use of pots, their use-alteration attributes, the
correlations between the frequency and volume of pots with household population,
different life-cycle stages that household ceramics undergo. This is important to the
study of archaeology because archaeologists should not assume that the material
addition, translating the different life-cycle stages in the archaeological record should
provide a more accurate delineation of the social and economic context of prehistoric
The southwestern region of Ethiopia (Figure 1-1) is one of the few places in
the world where locally made pottery is a dominant material in the everyday life of
rural societies. The Gamo continue to produce and use pottery on a daily basis for
cooking, storing, serving, and transporting water and a variety of foods. At present,
especially since little behavioral information exists concerning the use of low-fired
ceramics in past and present societies. I believe the Gamo people of southwestern
vessels from 60 households in three Gamo villages, three castes, and across
pollution. Interpreting the social and economic variation from pottery requires an
4
Figure 1-1: Map of the Gamo region within Ethiopia and Africa.
5
analysis that is not direct or simple, and requires linking the socioeconomic context
with the life-cycle and structural properties of Gamo society (Figure 1-2).
was to test if patterns in Gamo household pottery represented different castes and
economic ranks so that archaeologists could identify castes and economic wealth in
the archaeological record. It should be clear that caste hierarchy and economic wealth
are not commensurate in Gamo society. For example, an elderly widow who belongs
to the highest caste is not necessarily wealthy. Her lack of wealth comes from her
inability to farm her land and her income comes only from spinning cotton. Her
villages. I hope to show in this study that patterns found in each type of analysis help
households. As the above parable indicates, there are some Gamo regions where
household ceramic assemblages among these two types of villages (Aronson et al.
1994:101; Nelson 1991; Tani 1994). Previous ethnographic studies have found that
(Aronson et al. 1994:101; Nelson 1991:171; Tani 1994:56). In order to test if the
Gamo exhibit a similar pattern to the previous research, I investigated how they
CASTE
◄ ► ◄ ► Potter / Consumer
Occupation Ascribed
J
Procurement, Production,
and Distribution
I t
Market
i
Pottery-Producing Non-Pottery-Producing
Village Village
\ /
Natural and
◄ ► Use / Reuse
Social Resources VILLAGE ◄ ►
I i I
Discard /
Surplus / ECONOMIC
◄—►
WEALTH Replacement
Purchasing Power
Figure 1-2: Gamo society and pottery model demonstrating the relationship among
structural, socioeconomic, and life-cycle properties.
7
Ceramic Life-Cycle
As the Gamo parable shows us, pots have their own life-histories, pots are
bom; go through multiple life experiences of use, and eventually are discarded at their
death. The patterns of variation occurring throughout each life-cycle stage provide a
the use and eventual discard of ceramic containers within a village setting. I asked two
vessel cost, social relationship between potters and consumers, etc.) found in different
villages influence the production and use of pottery in a cultural system (Aronson et
al. 1994; Gosselain 1998)? Second, are the differences in the potter's production
pottery consumers obtain their household pots (Schiffer and Skibo 1987)? I
investigated whether consumers were purchasing their pottery based on social ties
with potters or if consumers were concerned more with the potter’s techniques and
materials. These questions are important because archaeologists are not always able to
identify the technological and nontechnological factors that influence the distribution
of ceramic production and use within a region. I conducted household censuses in both
types of villages to understand the decision consumers make in choosing their pottery.
I also investigated the life-cycle stages of vessel use, reuse, and discard to
understand the variation found among villages, castes, and economic ranks. Following
Braun (1983), ceramic vessels are tools that are directly associated with people's
8
Previous ethnoarchaeological research indicates that the ecology and the technology of
food processing directly affect vessel frequencies and the types found within different
Different vessel forms are tools that allow households to process different resources
stratification in a contemporary setting has the potential to provide inferences that are
more powerful for interpreting social differences in prehistoric societies. The types of
vessels used in preparing, transporting, and serving specific foods may provide a
better understanding of the relationship between ceramics, foods, and the distribution
indicating that the different items used in food preparation reflect the quality of diet
and wealth in agrarian societies (Castro et al. 1981; DeWalt 1983; Lewis 1951; Otto
1984). Trostel (1994) found that vessel volume (including metal vessels) is a better
indicator of wealth among the Kalinga than the number of vessels present.
indicate dietary differences between low and high status residences (Cowgill et al.
classes, differences may also exist concerning frequency of ceramic forms, discard
rates, and taboos and proscriptive rules that limit use and ownership. For example, the
wealthier segments of society may reuse their ceramic vessels less because they can
9
afford to replace vessels more often. This would affect the number of forms present
and the discard rates that would serve as indicators distinguishing wealthier
The ecological setting of a Gamo village and its associated resources affected
the types and number of ceramic containers that households use. Differences in village
ecology and available foodstuffs affected the types of cooking vessels and their use
within a village. The Gamo region is extremely mountainous and the production of
altitude. Researchers have not systematically explored the variability in ceramic use
between settlements where people grow different crops in distinct ecological zones.
Farmers located in different ecological zones often grow different types of crops due
the movement of crops between villages located in different ecological zones and how
people use ceramics to process, store, and transport these specific foods, then
context of ceramic vessels and their corresponding uses within households and
the ceramic assemblages with the ecological setting will provide archaeologists with
information in which to build models that are more effective for interpreting ceramic
use.
Vessel use, reuse, and their eventual discard have important implications
subsistence, food processing, activity areas, socioeconomic status, and the interaction
10
between potters and consumers (Aronson et al. 1994; D. Arnold 1985; P. J. Arnold
1991; Deal 1985, 1998, Deal and Hagstrum 1995; Hally 1983; Miller 1985; Nelson
1991; Schiffer 1972). My study of vessel use, reuse, and discard provides contextual
Use-alteration
use of a pottery vessel leaves markers on the ceramic wall, both interior and exterior,
that can inform the archaeologist how the vessel functioned in the past.
Ethnoarchaeological studies of ceramic use have proven vital for revealing specific
vessels that represent specific types of food processing (Kobayashi 1994; Skibo 1992).
Matson (1965:202-217) was the first to advocate that archaeologists need to focus on
the processes of pottery production and use, rather than just using ceramics for
research by Griffiths (1978), whose work was then followed by a number of other
patterns to: (1) specific abraders (Griffiths 1978; R. C. Henrickson 1992); (2) patterns
of carbon deposition and oxidation discoloration indicating how vessels were placed in
the hearth (Hally 1983); and (3) specific vessel use by pitting, abrasions, striations,
11
and carbon deposition (Bray 1982; Crown 1994; Hally 1983; E. F. Henrickson 1990;
Experimental research also has revealed that different materials interact with
pottery including salt (O'Brien 1990) and water (Skibo and Schiffer 1987).
Skibo's (1992) and Kobayashi's (1994) studies among the Kalinga are currently
setting. Kobayashi (1994) and Skibo (1992) obtained household pottery inventories,
ceramic use-alteration data, economic and census information, and made observations
of pottery use from 40 households in three villages from which they also collected 189
used vessels (Kobayashi 1994:129; Skibo 1992:63). Skibo's (1992) research correlated
(1994) research indicated that the Kalinga cook rice and vegetable/meats differently
differences, thermal spalling, interior nicks, and oxidized patches on the vessels.
how use-alteration reflects the complex nature of ceramic life-cycles (single use,
multiple use, storage, cooking, transporting, serving, etc.). Researchers have revealed
the life-cycle and how these life-cycle stages relate to use-alteration. Furthermore, no
12
The Gamo villages' ecological setting should influence the use of certain vessel
types that may have a direct effect on the types of use-alteration that occur throughout
the life-cycle of the vessel. For instance, differences in the types of foods grown
between the lowland and highland regions may have an effect on the types of foods
eaten that should influence the use-alteration patterns found on ceramic vessels. In
addition, I expected that Gamo vessel types used for a single function will leave
distinct use-alteration patterns, compared to vessels used for multiple functions. I also
expected that a portion of the population would have a higher access to social and
economic status. These high caste and wealthier households should eat specialized
Spatial Analysis
economic wealth, I investigated the storage of pots within these three units of analysis.
No studies that I am aware of have explored how different villages, castes, and
economic ranks store their ceramic vessels. One of the most important criteria
concerning the spatial locations of the ceramic assemblages is the organization of the
households concerning how they organize their compound and the amount of land
they own should determine where domestic pots are stored throughout the different
patterning through the observation of social rules, and the location of activity areas
13
versus discard areas. How households curate, reuse, and scavenge pottery are also
deciphering how to interpret the primary-use, reuse, and discard stages of pots. Few
villages in the Tzeltal Mayan area of Chiapas, Mexico, found the same spatial pattern
in both villages, with pots stored in formal and informal contexts. The storage of food
preparation vessels in the interior of structures was usually associated with a food
processing table, located adjacent to the back wall. Other areas of storage include
clusters of vessels on benches or racks, as well as ritual type vessels associated with
the house altar (Deal 1998:88). During the reuse stage, there were specific spatial
locations for cooking and water-carrying vessels among the Tzeltal Maya and the
Wanka of Peru (Deal and Hagstrum 1995). When vessels reached their discard stage,
formal and informal contexts continue with individual vessels randomly stored
throughout the household that are eventually lost. The storage of groups of vessels was
(Deal 1998:118-123). Comparisons to other villages around the world indicate similar
Reina and Hill 1978:247; Weigand 1969:23). Among the Dangwara households in
Malwa India, household pots are found in five different locations: around the hearth,
on the water storage table, around the large clay grain-storage bins, near the back wall
of the house, and in the courtyard area, each of which are associated with specific
14
Working with the Gamo, I investigated the idea that ceramic vessels with
specific functions, whether they are primary, secondary, etc., had a specific spatial
location within the household area. The village location and the household's
socioeconomic level determined the storage location of pots. Gamo households have a
central area for cooking and subsequently cooking vessels were spatially concentrated
near the hearth. Other vessels such as storage and serving vessels were stored or used
in different areas of the household compound. The primary function of vessels may
reflect their location within the household, such as the association between the hearth
and cooking vessels or the storage of specific types of foods in different areas of the
compound. In addition, when households use ceramic vessels for different types of
functions than their intended or primary function, the spatial location of specific
vessels may reflect their secondary or tertiary function. The mapping of the spatial
location of ceramic vessels and correlating this with their observed uses provided a
basis for assessing the relationship between ceramic use and space. I focused on the
My research among the Gamo also focused on vessels used throughout their
life-cycle from three villages and different caste and economic households to help to
clarify the factors that affect the relationship between the household's ceramic
assemblage and population. Once archaeologists are able to interpret different stages
15
of the life-cycle of pots, they may be able to determine accurately prehistoric and
historic demography. Intervillage variation between vessels and population has not
been studied previously and only one study (i.e., Nelson 1981) has addressed the
relationship between vessel volume and household population when controlling for
socioeconomic variation. However, caste variation between vessels and population has
not been studied previously. Exploring the association between household population
and the number and size of pots throughout the different life-cycle stages provides
population (Nelson 1981; Tani 1994; Turner and Lofgren 1966). Investigating the
relationship between household population of a village with vessel volume was first
conducted by the classic study of Turner and Lofgren (1966). They examined Anasazi
sites in the American Southwest that were occupied for an 1100-year period. They
found that household populations could be correlated with the volume of cooking
vessels (Turner and Lofgren 1966). Turner and Lofgren's (1966) study was tested in
ethnographic settings among the Maya in Mexico (Nelson 1981) and the Kalinga in
Tani’s (1994) study comparing household size and vessel volume was in
correlation between the mean volume of regular-sized cooking vessels and household
population. In contrast, Nelson’s (1981) study indicated that specific cultural cooking
activities can affect the relationship between the members of a household and their
vessel volume. In addition, his study correlating household volume with population
16
found that status was a major influence on whether pots correlated with household size
(Nelson 1981). This is partly due to higher status households conducting feasts
sometime in the past, causing them to have an excess number of large vessels within
their household assemblage (Wilson 1994:55). Nelson and colleagues (Nelson 1981;
Nelson et al. 1994) suggest that researchers look at different villages within a society
and study a community where each household produces its own pottery.
Longacre’s (1991) and Tani’s (1994) studies indicate that the number of
household pots among households that produce their own pottery does not correlate
with household size. Furthermore, Tani (1994) found among the Kalinga that larger
household populations use larger cooking vessels. The reason these populated
households have more broken pots is because large pots break more often due to the
amount of thermal stress placed upon large cooking vessels (Tani 1994).
and sum and mean volume of different functional vessels among the three villages and
different caste and economic ranked households. I expected that the population of a
Gamo village would correlate with frequency and sum and mean volume of the village
household's ceramic vessels. This would seem to be especially true for cooking
vessels, because cooking pots are a direct tool for providing the members of the
household their daily food. Serving vessels are expected to have a strong association
with the number of people eating from a given household, because the Gamo serve
food communally. In addition, storage and transport vessels are tools that reflect the
needs of a given household population, and I expected that these functional vessels
pottery-producing villages are found to stockpile their pots, then this may indicate a
Furthermore, I expected that high caste or wealthy households will have a weaker
association between their household population and their pots because they may have
Use-life
The final analysis is vessel use-life and the influence that production
techniques and materials, vessel cost, size, and function have on the longevity of pots
within different villages and castes and economic rank households. The study of
ceramic use-life from villages around the world remains an important methodological
tool for interpreting the frequencies of types in the archaeological record. The
duration of occupation and population of a site (Foster 1960; Longacre 1985; Rice
groups that vary in terms of the longevity of functional classes of pots. Many factors
can affect the use-life of a pot including household size (Tani 1994), vessel size
(Birmingham 1975:384; David and Hennig 1972; DeBoer 1985; de la Torre and
Mudar 1982; Longacre 1985:340; Shott 1996), production methods (see Chapter 4)
1987:452), and use (Bankes 1985:72; Foster 1960; Reid 1989; Tani 1994). This
previous research concluded that cooking vessels and small pots moved from location
to location have a shorter use-life than storage vessels and large pots that remain in
for cooking and serving vessels that tend to be used with more frequency than other
a factor that influences ceramic use-life (e.g., Rice 1987:300; Shott 1996:480), I am
not aware of any studies that directly address the relationship between socioeconomic
With the Gamo, I expected that production techniques and vessel cost, size,
and function will affect vessel longevity. Specifically, potters who use better materials
and techniques, based upon consumer opinions, should have vessels that have a longer
use-life. In addition, potters who sold expensive pots should produce pots with a
longer use-life. A household's social and economic status may also contribute to the
types of vessels that a Gamo household could afford. Cheaper and poorly
manufactured pots purchased or exchanged by low caste and poor households may
have a shorter longevity. Previous research (David 1972; DeBoer 1985; Longacre
1981:64; Shott 1989; Tani 1994:62) shows that larger vessels are used less and have a
longer use-life. Therefore, I also expected that larger vessels should have a longer use-
life than smaller vessels. In addition, the function of the vessel should influence vessel
longevity, in that cooking, serving, and transporting vessels would have a shorter use-
life than storage vessels. The frequency of pots used among households may also
influence their use-life. If the poorer and low caste households have fewer pots at any
given time, then they are expected to use them with more frequency causing them to
have a shorter life expectancy. Furthermore, the factors that affect a vessel’s use-life
19
are influenced by the distribution of pots throughout the Gamo landscape; therefore,
intervillage comparisons should demonstrate the link between vessel distribution and
longevity.
especially where the researcher observes the life-history of specific ceramic vessels in
study of Gamo ceramics can provide archaeologists with a more concise framework in
the processes contributing to the behavior behind the variation and distribution of
The parable at the beginning of this chapter tells us the social and economic
story of a Gamo potter and points to the life-history of pots. From the time the potter
produces and distributes her pots and the consumers use and discard their pots, each
pot moves through a range of social and economic contexts that help to define Gamo
society. As the parable presents a society that is rich in intervillage and socioeconomic
necessary to discuss Gamo society. Chapter 2 discusses the Gamo people, relating
how their political organization, castes, economic wealth, markets, agriculture, and
Gamo and their pottery. The importance of using the life-cycle approach is explained,
and it is argued that the life-cycle provides a more complete analytical tool in
three units of analysis, village, caste, and economic rank, are described concerning
how and why specific villages and households were included as part of the research.
pottery procurement and production, as well as the technological, social and economic
factors influencing ceramic distribution at the village, caste, and economic wealth
contexts. This chapter investigates the consumers' opinions concerning different Gamo
potters ability to produce pots and tests if their opinions are reflected within their
household assemblages. Furthermore, I compare the cost and types of pots household's
In Chapter 5,1 look at factors influencing how Gamo villages, castes, and
economic ranks use, reuse, and discard their ceramic pots. The ecological location
among the three villages is an important component concerning the types of vessels
potters produce and consumers use. Furthermore, this chapter investigates whether the
Specifically, I compare the different caste and economic rank households in the three
21
villages concerning the frequency of vessels and vessel types, sum volume, and the
during the primary-use, reuse, and discard stages. This chapter focuses on how people
change their storage of ceramic pots within villages, castes, and economically ranked
deposition and surface attrition indicate how the Gamo people use their different
vessel types.
Chapter 7 details the correlations between the frequency and volume of pots
with household population, and the various factors that affect the longevity of pots. I
demonstrate that within the contexts of village, caste, and economic wealth there are
differences in how pots reflect household population, especially as pots move from
primary-use to their discard stage. Furthermore, I explore how vessel use-life at the
village, caste, and economic wealth contexts are affected by factors such as vessel
volume, function, and cost, as well as their frequency of use and the potter's
production methods.
dissertation. Based on the success of the research, I present avenues for future
This chapter places the Gamo people in perspective by outlining their culture
and explains why they are an excellent model for understanding the relationship
motivation for this study because among them: (1) pottery is an extremely important
material for everyday living and its production and use has not been curtailed by the
substitution of metal and plastic vessels; (2) there are two types of Gamo villages
castes in Gamo all use ceramics; and (4) ceramic users are found throughout the
the use of ceramic containers and different agricultural foods can be investigated.
The Gamo people of southern Ethiopia, some 600,000 people strong, inhabit
the mountains east of the Rift Valley lakes of Abaya and Chamo (Hasen 1996). The
Gamo highlands rise from the rift valley lakes at an elevation of 1,160 meters to a
height of 3,540 meters at Mount Tola. The dramatic rise of the Gamo highlands from
the Rift valley lakes of Abaya and Chamo provides a diversity of ecological conditions
that affect regional climates and agricultural potential. The average rural population
22
23
density is high, with some places exceeding 200 persons per square kilometer. The
Gamo territory and peoples are subdivided into: deres or districts, with each dere
divided into mota or subdistricts, and guta or villages that are led by elected and
hereditary elders (Abélés 1979, 1981; Cartledge 1995; Olmstead 1975; Sperber 1975).
Etello (Figure 2-1). The village of Zuza is located within Zuza mota and in Ochollo
number of households found in Zuza at the time of my census numbered 57, with five
weavers (Figure 2-2). The number of people living in Zuza at the time of my census
was 198 people or 3.5 people per household. There were no smiths or hideworkers
living in Zuza. Because the village is located on top of the Ochollo ridge, the
The village of Etello is located within Doko Kalay mota and in Doko dere at
census numbered 68, with three household compounds of hideworkers and the
the time of my census was 315 people or 4.6 people per household. There were no
The village of Guyla is located within Leesha mota and in Dita dere. Guyla is
Guyla at the time of my census numbered 91, with 10 households of potters, three
24
Figure 2-1: Map of the village locations of Zuza, Etello, and Guyla within the Gamo
region.
25
Figure 2-2: Map of households located within the Gamo village of Zuza.
26
Figure 2-3: Map of households located within the Gamo village of Etello.
27
meters
•/♦ house
—■
stream
——
foot path
(3) meeting place
; mourning area
°o orthodox church
Figure 2-4: Map of households located within the Gamo village of Guyla.
28
was 342 people or 4.1 people per household (i.e., not including the abandoned
Political Organization
The Gamo are not an isolated agricultural community, but rather they are
incorporated into the larger Ethiopian society, as they were controlled by the Omotic
Menelik II invaded the Gamo, as well as the other neighboring groups, which began
the full integration of Gamo society into the Ethiopian Empire (Bureau 1980; Halperin
and Olmstead 1976). It is the thought that this influence from the Amhara caused the
Gamo to adopt political and social titles such as Halaka and Dana, which are similar
to the Amharic Aleqa and Dana titles (Bureau 1979). How these outside influences
have changed the production and use of pottery in Gamo society is unknown. Gamo
potters continually stated that they make the same pottery types as their ancestors.
Gamo people (Abélés 1979, 1981; Bureau 1978, 1981; Halperin and Olmstead 1976;
Olmstead 1975; Sperber 1975). The political leaders in Gamo (i.e., Kao, Dana, Maka,
Uduga, and Halaka) must be baira, who is the senior male in his family and
sometimes a member of a senior clan, as certain positions come from one clan
29
(Sperber 1975:212). A Kao and other political leaders cannot become a political leader
if his father is still alive. Within each of the intraethnic divisions or deres, there is a
hereditary ritual sacrificer or Kao. The Kao is a full-time baira, who represents his
The Dana is below the Kao in the ritual-political hierarchy. The Dana must
first be a Halaka, then an Uduga before he is chosen as a Dana. A man must have
considerable wealth to become Dana. The Maka is also a hereditary position who
sacrifices and prays for the people of his dere. Each Uduga is chosen yearly and his
The Halaka has received the most focus from previous researchers (Abélés
1978, 1979, 1981; Freeman 1997; Halperin and Olmstead 1976; Sperber 1975). The
majority of Gamo Halakas are from the caste, mala. However, some of the regions
inhabited by mana and degala castes have their own Halakas that represent only the
mana or degala people (see Caste section below). A Halaka has been described as a
man appointed by district assemblies and must be circumcised, married, wealthy, and
morally respected (Sperber 1975:215). However, Freeman (1997) states that "a Halaka
is an initiate, and that he is being initiated into the community as a full member" (351).
Halakas usually wish the appointment did not occur because becoming a Halaka
give a series of feasts, one at his house and the other in the area of community
gatherings or dubusha (Freeman 1997:352). The last feast occurs when the Halaka
30
musa) for four days that consists of beer and ceremonial Gamo foods (Freeman 1997).
Pottery is an integral material for conducting Halaka feasts, as it is the use of ceramic
vessels that helps ferment the beer and cook the food given to the feast's participants.
In addition, ceramic vessels generally are used to serve the food at the feasts,
After 1974 when the Marxist government came into power, many of the
traditional Gamo political institutions were forced to relinquish power. In Zuza and
other villages, the presence of ritual-political leaders and their associated wealth
affects the types and the number of pots present within their households. According to
oral history, the Argama clan first inhabited Zuza, which was the first village inhabited
in all of Ochollo dere. There is only one Kao living in Zuza, whose responsibility it is
to speak first at meetings held at Bakero (i.e., the Zuza debusha or gathering place),
where all of Ochollo meets. This is the only responsibility for Kao Bulche, because the
responsibility of the Kao in Ochollo has diminished. After Kao Bulche's father died in
1960, Kao Bulche became Ochollo's Kao and had a feast for all of Ochollo. However,
after the Marxist Government took over in 1974, Kao Bulche was forced to relinquish
his role as Kao in Ochollo dere. There are three former Halakas living in Zuza, but at
the time of my research, no one in Zuza was being initiated into becoming a Halaka.
In addition, there are no Danas, Makas, or Udugas living in Zuza. I interviewed and
In Etello, there are no Kaos, Danas, or Udugas, whereas there are six former
Halakas and one Maka living in Etello. In Doko dere, where the village of Etello is
31
located, the recent Dana gave the people 10,000 birr, which is the equivalent of 99 ox.
The length of the Dana's term is dependent upon whether there is another person who
is qualified and has the wealth to donate either the ox or the money to the people. The
previous Doko Dana was Dana for 28 years until his death. The first people to inhabit
the village of Etello were from the Maka clan and this is the reason the Maka comes
from this clan. In Etello, the Maka explained that he has been a Maka for seven years
and when he became Maka by the people's wishes, he was given an ox from the seven
Halakas of the dere. In addition, every year for seven years the seven Halakas give the
Maka an ox, which they take to Tsudo Mountain in the forest. In the forest they slay
the ox and pray to God that the seven motas in Doko will be productive and the people
will have peace and health. In addition, they eat gordo (see Gamo diet below for
description) that is given by the dere's Uduga. Currently in Doko, the Uduga no
longer collects the people's taxes. I interviewed and studied the pottery of one Maka
In the village of Guyla, which is located in Dita dere, the only leaders present
are six former Halakas. The people of Guyla repeatedly stated that they do not have
enough wealth for someone to become Halaka in Guyla. However, there was one
recent initiated Halaka living in a village adjacent to Guyla. In Leesha mota, the first
people inhabiting the area were from the Gawmala clan and this is the reason the Kao
of Leesha is always from the Gawmala clan. However, it is not known which clan first
inhabited the village of Guyla. There are presently no Danas, but in the past, the Dana
came only from Leesha and his duties were to collect taxes. Presently in Leesha, there
is a Maka and his duties are to lead the people to the debusha Lalume that the people
32
consider an honored place. Lalume is an open field and when people are walking
through Lalume to the market, people sit for a short time in respect to this honored
land. The Uduga in Leesha is from the clan Galomala and his duties are to pray for the
people and during Meskal, he sprinkles honey in the Leesha market. I interviewed and
Castes
researchers argue that castes can only be applied to southern Asia where it is
associated with the Hindu religion (Dumont 1957; Leach 1962). However, others have
clearly demonstrated that castes are not confined to southern Asia, but are present in
many regions of the world including Africa (Haberland 1984; Hocart 1950; Hutton
1963; Levine 1974; Lewis 1970; Maquet 1970; Shack 1964, 1966; Sterner and David
castes can be applied to Ethiopian societies, in terms of their origins and present-day
classification. Three alternative theories have been proposed to explain the origin of
caste groups in Ethiopia: (1) the remnants theory (Cerulli 1956; Clark 1954;
Haberland 1984; Honea 1958; Jensen 1959; Shack 1966:9); (2) the mutualistic
specialization theory (Levine 1974); and (3) the internal social differentiation theory
(Todd 1978). Proponents of the remnants theory state that pre-Cushitic groups of
hunters and artisans were remnant groups of foragers. According to the proponents of
this theory, these hunter and artisan groups exhibit a different phenotype than their
host group (Fleming 1973, 1976; Orent 1969; Shack 1966:9). Levine's (1974)
33
incorporated into the larger society because there was a continuous demand for these
crafts. Todd's (1978) internal social differentiation theory is based on his research
among the Dime of southwestern Ethiopia. He believes that among the Dime, surplus
food was present, causing groups of people to develop specific artisan skills, who
India or Ethiopia, has its own specific structure for integrating castes into its larger
socioeconomic order. Therefore, to state that caste can be applied only to the borders
of Pakistan and India not only denies cultural complexity, but also molds each society
into the same caste system. The difficulty in presenting a clear definition of a theory of
caste is that caste is dependent upon spatial and temporal context, thereby making it
certain attributes are more clearly applicable than others. The strict rule of ascribed
and marriage relations throughout India. Related to the concept of endogamy is the
importance of pure and impure relationships that occur among all members of society.
Purity and impurity are established in everyday affairs of eating and socializing, which
with castes but as mentioned above it must be used cautiously, since not all members
group that is part of a larger society that ranks members on a hierarchical scale. It is
34
also associated with purity and impurity and each caste has its own perceptions and
The northern and central regions of Gamo have a social organization that
entails a rigid caste system consisting of three castes, in order of rank: (1) mala; (2)
mana; and (3) degala. In the southern Gamo region, there are only two castes, mala
and mana. The mala caste is the highest status caste group. The mala caste controls
the Gamo political, economic, and religious systems. They are associated with farming
but also are merchants. The majority of weavers belong to the mala caste but it is
possible for both mana and degala caste members to learn to weave. The mana and
degala castes have no political control in Gamo society except some mana and degala
members will choose their own Halaka (village sacrificer), but this Halaka does not
have the political influence that the mala Halaka has. The degala caste is the lowest
status caste group and are associated with iron-working, hide-working, and ground-
Each caste is endogamous and there are strict taboos against engaging in
sexual intercourse, living, eating, or marring someone from another caste. If a taboo is
broken, then the parties are ostracized from society. In addition, it is thought that if a
person from the mala caste has sexual intercourse with either a mana or degala
member, death will occur for both individuals. Presently, this taboo is strictly enforced
because his wife became drunk and began to flirt with members of the mala caste. As
the mana husband stood and held the Halakas staff, the Halaka took grass from the
potter's compound and threw into the air indicating that he has blessed this land and
35
stated that his family had given this land to the mana. The Halaka, as well as other
past Halakas, ordered her temporarily to leave the village as part of her punishment.
Table 2-1: Social hierarchy and their economic associations in Gamo society.
mala
Kao Farmer
Dana Merchant
Maka Govt. Official
Uduga Weaver
Halaka Cotton Spinner
Market Carrier
mana
Halaka Potter
Farmer
Weaver
Cotton Spinner
Market Carrier
degala
Halaka Hide-worker
Smith
Ground-stone producer
Farmer
Weaver
Cotton spinner
Market Carrier
One's caste membership in Gamo is ascribed at birth and there is nothing that
one can do to change her/his status. The mala caste members are farmers, weavers,
merchants, elected officials, and sacrificers. The mana caste members are
predominantly potters. Potters are full-time craft specialists who live in specific
villages throughout the Gamo region. Thus, some villages and regions have no potters
36
and these differences between villages affect the distribution and use of a village’s
ceramic assemblage. The location of degala members is dependent upon their social
groundstone producers also must live in an area that is geologically suitable for them
Some mana households own land that they either obtained from the mala caste
or received from the Marxist government that took over political control Ethiopia in
1974. However, some mana families do not own farmland and must rely solely on the
manufacture of ceramic vessels for their livelihood. In the past, the degala were not
able to own farmland. However, since 1974 with the takeover by the Marxist
government, some degala families have gained access to farmland. In 1991, when the
new Ethiopian government took control, the Gamo began to reinstate their traditional
In Zuza, there are only mala and mana castes. Five households of the mana
caste live within one area with a population of 23 or 4.6 people per household, and the
rest of the village households (n=52) belongs to the mala caste with a population of
175 or 3.4 people per household (Figure 2-1). In Etello, where the mala and degala
castes are represented, there are three degala households living in one area with a
population of 11 people or 3.7 people per household. The rest of the Etello population
(n=65) belongs to the mala caste consisting of 304 people or 4.7 people per household
(Figure 2-2). In Guyla all three castes are represented: there are three degala
consisting of 13 people or 4.3 people per household and ten mana compounds
scattered throughout the village, which represent 47 people or 4.7 people per
37
household. The remaining households of Guyla (n=70) are inhabited by the mala
caste, which has a population of 282 or 4.0 people per household (Figure 2-4).
Economic Wealth
cycle, as well as one's social placement. As discussed in Chapter 1, social status and
wealth are not isomorphic, as a household's economic wealth may be higher than
another household that may belong to a higher caste. For example, some potter
households do not have farmland, but because there are a number of people generating
income, they are economically wealthier than households inhabited by mala widows.
Thus, the developmental cycle in terms of who is living within the household and their
Among the Gamo, the wealthiest households generally belong to the political
elite such as the Kao, Dana, Maka, Uduga, and Halaka. However, some of these titles
indicate social and political roles rather than economic wealth. The Kao, Uduga, and
Maka sacrifice animals for the well being of the people that live in their mota.
Whereas the Dana and Halaka must pray for their people, they also must give feasts
The Gamo people assess the wealth of a household in terms of: (1) the number
and quality of house construction; (2) the amount of land farmed; (3) the type and
number of livestock owned; (4) the number of wives that a man has; and (5) the type
and number of occupations people are engaged in. These emic factors are the basic
tenets of whether a household is wealthy or not. All three villages have households
38
that represent the various economic ranks, with Guyla having the wealthiest
Markets
Gamo markets are an extremely important part of Gamo life, not only in terms
of dispersing goods throughout the landscape, but also in providing a setting for Gamo
people to engage socially. Although it is not known how long Gamo markets have
been a formal part of everyday life, Jackson (1970) believes that the specialized
markets that make up the largest markets came into being during Menilik's occupation
of the region and therefore are a relatively new aspect of their society.
Presently there are two types of markets in Gamo. The local market is visited
by people living within a /nota/subdistrict. Here, potters from the region sell to their
patrons, either new patrons or patrons that have been purchasing or exchanging food
with specific potter families for generations, such as the case with the market in
Leesha. The larger markets of Zada, Ezo, Tuka (Chencha), Bodo (Dorze), Ochollo,
and Lante (Figure 2-5) are open on different days and staggered, so that they do not
interfere with each other. However, the Ezo and Bodo markets fall on Monday and
Thursday, but they both specialize in different materials. Bodo is known for its cotton,
as many of the weavers live in and around Bodo. Ezo, however, is known for its
pottery, because Birbir potters sell there, as well as potters from Zada, Leesha, and
Borada. In addition, Ezo is known for selling high quality milk, which Jackson (1970)
39
Figure 2-5: Map of markets located within the Gamo region, which are associated with
the villages of Zuza, Etello, and Guyla.
40
also documented thirty years ago. Tuka's (Chencha) market has a variety of materials
present, but it specializes in selling foods from the lowlands (e.g., bananas, maize,
sweet potatoes, teff, etc.) and highland crops (e.g., enset, barley, wheat, potatoes,
cabbage, etc.). In addition, potters from both the lowland and highland areas sell at
Tuka.
does the Lante market. In addition, the Ochollo potters sell at both the Ochollo and
Lante markets, and sometimes at the Bodo markets. The people of Zuza usually visit
the Bodo, Ochollo, and Lante markets, which specialize in the selling of raw and spun
cotton. Many of the Zuza women spin cotton as a source of income so they are either
purchasing raw cotton and/or selling their spun cotton to weavers living throughout
the region.
Etello is centrally located near many of the important Gamo markets. They
visit the Tuka, Bodo, Pango (Doko Mesho), and Ezo markets. However, the Tuka and
Pango markets are the most common markets visited because of their size and
proximity. Here they sell and buy agricultural items and purchase ceramic vessels.
The Guyla people visit the Ezo, Zada, Pango, Tuka, and the small Leesha
markets. The potters sell their wares at the Leesha, Pango, and Zada markets, but
sometimes sell at the Tuka and Ezo markets, as well. The markets are the link between
pottery producers and consumers and determine how pottery is dispersed over the
landscape, since it is the markets where potters and consumers sell and purchase their
pots.
41
Agriculture
Agriculture is the primary occupation for the majority of Gamo people. The
Amharic (the national language of Ethiopia) as: (1) woyna dega, 1,500 to 2,300 m; (2)
dega, 2,300 to 3,000 m; and (3) wurch, above 3,000 m (Cartledge 1995). However, the
Gamo classify two distinct ecological zones, the dega, considered the highland region
located between 2,300 and 3,000 meters, and the baso the lowlands situated between
,
1,500 and 2,300 meters. These agroecozones vary in their annual amount of rainfall
that are dispersed over two biannual rainfall periods. The small rains occur from
March to May and the big rains occur from June to September, but it is also possible
for the small rains to merge into the big rains, causing continuous precipitation from
March to September (Westphal 1975:22). It is during the big rains that pottery
production is slowed because potters are not able to extract their clays, dry and fire
their vessels.
Within these altitudinal zones, different types of crops are grown. In the Baso
zone, the principal crops are wheat (Triticum savituml. an indigenous Ethiopian grain
called teff (Eragrostis teffi. maize (Zea mays'), and coffee (Coffee arabical. Secondary
crops include enset (Ensete ventricosum) and barley (Hordeum vulgare). Enset is an
indigenous Ethiopian crop that is a large fibrous-leaf plant with the edible portions
consisting of the roots, pseudo-stems, and leaf-stems (Brandt 1984; Brandt et al. 1997;
farmed throughout southern Ethiopia. Enset is grown in every ecological zone from
1,200 to 3,100 meters (Brandt et al. 1997:5). Many researchers believe that
southwestern Ethiopia was possibly the region where people began domesticating
enset (Brandt 1984, 1997; Brandt and Fattovich 1990; Harlan 1969; 1992; Sauer 1952;
date has been conducted in the region to understand the development of enset and
In the Dega zone, where the majority of people live, enset, barley, and
Ethiopian cabbage (Brassica integrifolia var. carinata) are the primary crops.
Secondary crops include Oromo potato (Coleus edulis L.) and castor bean (Ricinus
communis L.).
occurs in Zuza is garden plots that have a mixture of enset, com, cabbage, and
peppers. There is not enough land in the village to have large-scale agriculture, so the
majority of land used for agriculture by the Zuza people is located away from the
village. Weaving and spinning cotton are two common types of work conducted by the
people. Likewise, the owning of livestock was minimal compared to the other two
Etello is situated at 2,600 meters within a large valley where the Itsamighty
River provides enough well watered land to conduct large-scale agriculture. The
majority of households are situated adjacent to the Itsamighty River, where the village
drinking water is gathered. Except for the hide-workers, farming is the main
occupation of the village, with weaving and spinning cotton providing secondary
43
occupations. The crops grown in Etello are barley, wheat, enset, potatoes, cabbage,
peas, and beans. In addition, the majority of people in Etello own some livestock.
Guyla is situated at 2,700 meters on the upper slope of a large valley providing
mountainside where several small streams provide ample drinking water. The majority
throughout. Except for the artisans, farming is the main occupation of the village, with
Etello in the types of crops grown and amount of livestock owned. The types of
agricultural products greatly affect the types of pottery used throughout the household.
This association between agricultural crops and pottery types also influences which
Diet
There is a strong association between the use of pottery and food in Gamo
society. Different ceramic vessel forms are used to process a variety of Gamo foods
for everyday consumption. Before discussing Gamo ceramics and their role in
The Gamo diet consists of a range of foods, but depends, in part, on the
economic means, they can purchase foods that are not grown near their village from
one of the many weekly markets dispersed throughout the Gamo hinterlands. The
44
majority of meals eaten throughout the Gamo region are made with enset, which is
available throughout the year. Different parts of the enset plant are processed and
prepared for making specific meals, which can be fermented, boiled, and/or roasted.
One of the most common foods is the corm of a young enset plant. They prepare the
enset corm by cutting it into a number of pieces and boiling it (chaday) usually with
either cabbage or potatoes; also garlic and/or onions may be mixed into the cooking
pot. Another common type of meal is prepared by fermenting enset by burying it for
seven days then trampling it with the feet and then burying it again for another seven
days. After two weeks, the enset has fermented and is made into bread that is cooked
make ooetsa. All breads are cooked on the ceramic baking plate {bache) (see Chapter
4). In addition, enchila (highland name) or kashca (lowland name) is made with
fermented enset (zaluma) by mixing with barley, wheat, maize or sorghum flour. The
enchila/kashca are formed into oval shapes, and to prevent them from sticking to the
vessel wall the cooking pot is lined with enset leaves. Another form of food prepared
with enset is patella that is made from the scraped enset and cooked with salt and
cabbage or potatoes that is boiled using Gamo cooking pots. Eterna is another type of
food made from the enset plant and is a white paste that is produced by squeezing the
liquid out of the enset pulp. The eterna is considered the most prized part of the enset
As mentioned above, grains such as barley, wheat, maize, teff, flax, and
sorghum are grown and eaten by the Gamo. In the highland areas, most meals are
made with barley and wheat, whereas in the lowland areas, maize and sorghum are
more common. Barley is considered the baira of cereals because of its importance in
traditional rituals, but wheat is a close second because of its use in Christian rituals
(Sperber 1975:212). An important grain food prepared and eaten during the religious
gordo is prepared for Halaka feasts. Barley is used only in the preparation of gordo
for which preparation is intensive. First, the barley must be pounded with a pestle in a
wooden mortar to remove the husk. Then the barley is ground three or four times on a
grinding stone to produce coarse flour. Every time the barley is ground on the grinding
stone, it is sieved through a small woven basket (zazarey). After the barley is made
into flour, water is boiled in a cooking pot and milk and a small amount of the flour
are added and stirred with a bamboo stick. Eventually all of the flour is added and it is
cooked for approximately one hour. Then the gordo is taken out of the cooking pot,
placed in a large serving bowl, and mixed with butter. One of the most common forms
of preparing and eating grains is by roasting them (shasha) and serving them in a
during religious holidays. Different animals are eaten during different holidays. A bull
is purchased communally by several families and killed by the oldest baira. The meat
is usually prepared as a spicy stew (ayshow wat) or eaten raw with butter and spices.
Chicken is eaten at Christmas and Easter in the form of a spicy stew (cutoe wat). Meat
46
is an expensive item of the rural people of Gamo, and even during religious holidays,
the artisans usually can not afford to purchase meat. It is customary for the farmers
(mala) to give the hideworkers (degala) the cow’s head during Meskal. If the artisans
do not receive meat from the farmers, then they usually will purchase with other
artisans a bag of barley or maize, which they will prepare and eat together.
Butter in Gamo society represents a direct measure of status and wealth and is
directly tied to Gamo symbolic life. Households that own cows are the main producers
of butter in Gamo villages. Milk is transformed into butter by using a large pottery jar
(otto). The milk is separated after one week, with the thick curd placed in the jar and
then the jar orifice is securely covered with enset leaves. The jar is rocked back and
forth in the compound for approximately 8 hours. Potters make a small dimple in the
upper portion of the jar's neck so that the consumer can punch this dimple out and use
it to see when the milk has changed to butter. Butter in Gamo society is used during
both life and death ceremonies (Freeman 1997; Olmstead 1997:41,49, 144-145;
Sperber 1974:60-61). When the Kao of Dita died in the 1920s, butter was placed on
the Kao's head and people from Dita brought milk and butter to the Kao's relatives
(Olmstead 1997:41). Butter is place on the head of Halakas during marriage and
Halaka initiation ceremonies. When Halakas have authority over the dere, they wear
Other types of foods that are cooked individually or in combination with other
foods are cabbage and potatoes. Whereas cabbage and potatoes represent lower-
income foods, the production and consumption of butter (oysa), beer (farso), and
coffee (tukay) represent foods that are associated with wealth, high status households.
47
Beer is produced using a number of different grains such as barley, wheat, or maize.
The grain is ground on a combination of grinding stones, with the flour placed in a
large serving bowl (shele). First, water is boiled in a large cooking jar and the boiled
water is poured over the flour and stirred in the large serving bowl and left to cool.
Then it is poured into the largest storage jar (batsa) to ferment for five days. It is then
ready to be consumed.
Coffee is made by roasting the beans on a ceramic baking plate (bache) and
then grinding them in a mortar or on a grinding stone. Water is boiled in the coffee pot
(jebana) and the ground coffee beans placed into the coffee pot that sits over the
hearth. It is traditional in Gamo society to add salt to the coffee, instead of sugar. In
addition, it is customary for a person to be served three cups of coffee in one sitting.
Food such as enset, potatoes, bread, shona, and chaday are spiced with a
liquid spicy sauce (datsa), which is a combination of garlic, ginger, onion, red chili
peppers, and salt. These foods are ground intensively on a special small grinding stone
and put in a small ceramic jar with water or milk. This jar is then sealed with an enset
leaf. Datsa is used when eating the foods mentioned above. Peas and beans are also
common forms of food in the Gamo diet. A light boiling of peas and beans served with
coffee in a small serving bowl is especially common. Another form of preparing beans
and peas is called eretza, which is made by roasting them separately on a ceramic
baking plate. After they are roasted they are mixed together and ground four times into
a porridge. Then they are boiled with water and milk, added to the above ingredients,
The foods prepared in Zuza households reflect Zuza's ecological zone. Meals
in Zuza consist of enset, sweet potatoes, cabbage, maize, and sorghum. In Etello and
Guyla, located in the highland region of Gamo, meals include enset, potatoes, barley,
wheat, beans, and peas. However, households can vary their diet by visiting markets
and purchasing foods not grown locally. In addition, the types of foods prepared in
each household are a reflection of the household's social and economic status.
Conclusion
The Gamo are a society with complex political, social, economic, and
ecological structures that influences every aspect of daily life. Much of what we know
about Gamo society occurred only within the last 100 years. Therefore, research must
begin to focus on the historical conditions that have influenced changes among the
Gamo. In addition, research should include a long-term study among the Gamo
documenting the external and internal influences that affected their cultural practices.
Within Gamo society, cultural variation occurs between regions, affecting how the
society produces, distributes, uses, and discards its household ceramics. Gamo society
recognizing that the present is used to help us understand the past (Fewkes 1900). The
pottery through ethnoarchaeology has dramatically expanded within the last fifty
years. Pots are produced, distributed, used, broken, reused or discarded, and
approach to provide a more contextual interpretation of how people interact with their
pottery (Deal 1998; Schiffer and Skibo 1997; Skibo 1999). Archaeologists and
oversimplify the variability that occurs between people and their pots (Rice 1996:191).
Whether focusing on present or past societies and their pots, researchers should
approach that I use in this ethnoarchaeological study to understand how the lives of
49
50
Methodological Approach
Linton (1944), Matson (1965), and Shepard (1956) were the first researchers to
discuss pottery in terms of its functional and technological complexity, rather than
analysis (David and Hennig 1972; Deal 1998; DeBoer and Lathrap 1979).
Although David and Hennig (1972), Deal (1998), and DeBoer and Lathrap (1979) do
not use the term life-history, they discuss production, distribution, use, and discard in
systemic and archaeological contexts. Schiffer and Skibo (1997:27-50) use the
utilitarian cooking pot and its different life-history components as an example for their
specific to the interaction between artisan and artifact, further interactions can be
addressed that relate to the interaction between pottery and the user (whether an
identity (e.g., Bey and Pool 1992; Howard and Morris 1981). Following Lemonnier's
opératoire" (i.e., the different stages of the production sequence) to understand social
boundaries. These examples illustrate that focusing on the life-history of pots allows
51
The stages of a pot's life-cycle are intertwined. Each stage of the life-cycle
and the socioeconomic context of those individuals in a society. For example, the
procurement of clays and temper affects the production and in turn affects the strength
of the pot and thus its use-life, which eventually affects the discard rate. The consumer
opinions concerning which potters produce the best pots can affect the distribution, as
Furthermore, consumers who believe certain potters produce high quality pots may
pay more for these pots. Thereby households of different economic wealth and social
status may have different ceramic assemblages. These few examples indicate the
complexity of pottery, demonstrating the need to study the different components of the
societies, yet there has been little research conducted to date. Previous research among
Amhara potters (Messing 1957) and symbolic study of the of placing pots
a use on the
photographic overview of some of the pottery types that the Museum of the Institute
of Ethiopian Studies has in its collection. Lastly, there is a study from Hakemulder
52
(1980), who as part of the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa studied
two villages in the Shoa province to improve the technical and organization of pottery
production.
Village Selection
The majority of ceramic research has focused on a single village (Arnold 1993;
Graves 1985, 1991; Hendry 1992; Kobayashi 1994; Miller 1985; Nelson 1981;
Nickolson and Patterson 1992; Skibo 1992, 1994; Stark 1994; Tani 1994; Trostel
1994). These intravillage studies point to important issues such as the ceramic life-
that need to be expanded and examined at the intervillage level. Researchers have
concentrated on different villages from a single society to better cope with the factors
between ceramics and population (Nelson 1981; Nelson et al. 1994). Studies involving
of the ceramic life-cycle and use-life (P. J. Arnold 1991; Aronson et al. 1994; Deal
1998; DeBoer and Lathrap 1979; Gosselain 1998; Hayden and Cannon 1983;
Longacre 1985, 1991; Nelson 1991; Reina and Hill 1978). The significance of my
ethnoarchaeological research is that it explores not only the life-cycle of ceramics, but
household vessels. This will provide a model for archaeologists, who seek to
understand the social and economic context of a village from household pottery.
53
regional similarities and differences within a single society. Ceramics can help us to
intervillage variability, but also clearly adds to the interpretation of household social
status.
Zuza and Guyla villages are located in the Dega (2300-3000 meters) and Baso
producing and pottery-consuming households (Figure 2-1). These two villages enabled
me to gather information regarding differences in diet and ceramic use between two
socioeconomic ranking.
village located in the Dega (2300-3000 meters) ecological zone (only hideworkers and
farmers live in Etello) (Figure 2-1). Thus, my research questions in Etello focused on
how a
non-pottery-producing village obtains, uses, and discards their household
ceramics. The Etello people can purchase ceramics from a number of different potters
from other areas at the weekly markets. In addition, my research in Etello may
indicate if villages without potters use pottery differently than villages with potters.
Gamo villages, Zuza, Guyla, and Etello. The census was undertaken to understand the
54
demographic, status, and wealth differences among households in each of the three
villages. This consisted of drawing a map locating each household compound and
major footpaths, and then a short interview with either the head male or female of each
household. One of the most important aspects during this part of my research was that
the members of each of the three villages and myself became acquainted with each
other. As I learned about their village, they became aware of the purpose and goals of
my research, which helped me build a rapport with each of the village households.
each household, including name, clan, and primary occupation of the head male and
and where they are located; the number of houses they owned; the type of crops they
grew; where they obtained the majority of their food (i.e., the market or their farm);
which markets they went t; and what type and how many livestock they owned. The
last part of the census questions pertained to the consumers' opinions concerning
Gamo pottery. I asked which pottery they purchased (i.e., village or region) and what
they thought was the best village or region for pottery production and why (i.e.,
Pottery Census
After the census was completed, I chose 20 household compounds from each
village. In each village, I stratified the sample to include the different socioeconomic
groups (i.e., elder, farmer, potter, hide worker). At each of the 60 household
55
compounds, I spent one day recording the complete life-cycle for each ceramic vessel.
I interviewed the head female since she was usually the person who purchased and
used the vessel. After each vessel was brought out into the compound (if the vessel
was too large I would measure and photograph the vessel in situ), I would ask the
informant: how old is the vessel; where did you purchase the vessel and which village
or region produced the vessel; how much did the vessel cost; is the vessel broken; if
the vessel is broken when and how did the vessel break; and how was the vessel used
Informants were asked specifically where each vessel was stored. The purpose
for documenting the storage location of each vessel was to document spatial changes
in the location of vessels relative to their life-cycle (use, reuse, and discard) stages.
The storage location of each vessel was documented whether the vessel was stored
inside a specific building or outside. If the vessel was stored inside a building, then
information was gathered as to the function of the building (e.g., kitchen, storage,
weaving, or general living) and where in the building each vessel was kept (e.g.,
rafters, storage room). The storage location for vessels stored outside was gathered as
I consider primary-use vessels as those ceramic pots that are not broken. Reuse
vessels are broken pots that are reused for some function. Provisionally discarded pots
are broken and at the time of analysis were not being used for any function nor did the
informant have a function in mind for the future. This information provided use-life
information for each vessel beginning with its production and ending when the vessel
broke or was still being used when the interview was conducted. After the vessel
56
vessel. Furthermore, the morphology of each vessel allowed for the calculation of the
variability of vessels with their associated functions. Archaeologists use form to infer
whether a vessel was used for serving, cooking, or storage (Arthur 1994, n.d., Braun
1980, 1983; Nelson and LeBlanc 1986; Plog 1980; Sassaman 1993; Steponaitis 1983).
Each whole and broken vessel also measured within the household
was
compound for
rim diameter (both interior and exterior), rim thickness and height, neck diameter and
height, vessel height (both interior and exterior), height from rim to maximum
diameter, height from maximum diameter to base, vessel circumference and diameter
at the maximum diameter of each vessel, and base diameter at its maximum
point. In
addition, I documented for each vessel the type of rim (i.e., direct, concave, or
convex), the presence or absence of a base ring, handle(s), and interior and exterior
variability and strength of vessel forms and how they are linked to different uses. The
ceramic form measurements provide information about how different settlements and
volumes of spherical vessels is V = 4/37tr3 (Rice 1987:221). The formula used for
axis * Larger horizontal axis x Smaller horizontal axis (Rice 1987:221). This type of
analysis determines if the sum and mean vessel volume correlated with household
population, as some researchers have suggested (Nelson 1981; Tani 1994; Turner and
Lofgren 1966).
I conducted the use-alteration analysis during the ceramic vessel census for
each of the 60 households in the three villages. The use-alteration analysis allows us to
link specific foods eaten by the Gamo to use-alteration attributes. Therefore, the use-
vessel was measured, I took notes concerning the interior and exterior portions of the
vessels. The use-alteration attributes were described for the interior and exterior base,
lower body, maximum diameter, upper body, neck, and rim. Photographs were taken
parts of the vessel, as each attribute related to specific behaviors associated with vessel
use. Pedestailed temper was identified by the presence of eroding or raised temper
from the ceramic wall. It is caused by an abrader (i.e., stick, spoon, spatula, etc.) that
has a diameter less than the distance between the temper (Skibo 1992). Identification
linear scratches), thermal spalling, etc. and was identified on each vessel through a
lOx hand lens or by the naked eye. Thermal spalling appears on the vessel wall in the
(Skibo 1992:134). Thermal spalling is the result of water evaporating from a vessel
placed in the fire for a long duration. I also recorded the patterns of the glossy and dull
research to determine the distance a vessel is placed from the fire, as well as assessing
how hard and soft woods affect exterior carbon patterns and how moisture affects
with water produces a glossy soot on the exterior of the vessel. In addition, Skibo
(1992:157-173) showed that all types of wood used to fuel the fire created similar
carbon patterns. Third, his experiments suggest that cooking without water produce an
use and with informant's knowledge of cooking, storage, and other activities. I
interviewed informants concerning how they manipulate their vessels (i.e., cooking,
washing) and then recorded how different behaviors cause the distinct use-alteration
traces. A vessel's life-cycle usually involves a number of functions that have not been
will have specific signatures such as abrasions, thermal spalling, oxidation, etc.,
During the period when I collected data on the vessels from each of the 60
households, I also spent time with the potters, interviewing them on the social and
59
understand how the manufacturing and distribution of pots influences their use, reuse,
and discard patterns. The interviews with the potters were open-ended and so each
village did the potter come from (Gamo society is virilocal); what type of clays and
fuels do you use to produce and fire the vessels; what are the names of each clay and
how far (i.e., the time it takes to walk round trip to the clay source and back) is each
clay source; what does each clay do in terms of its usefulness; what type of tools do
you use; is it difficult to obtain fuelwood; do you produce the vessels individually or
with other people; and at which markets do you sell your vessels.
the production process. In Zuza, a village with seven potters, interviews were
conducted with six potters. In Guyla, all nine potters were interviewed. Interviews
with potters included questions concerning: 1) the clay sources and their use, owner,
cost, and location; and 2) the preferred clay sources, and reasons why the potters
prefer a given source (Aronson et al. 1994). Additional information was collected on
the entire production process including fuelwoods used to fire the vessel and questions
To understand the ecological areas that potters collect their fuelwood from, I
conducted a survey to find as many species of trees and grasses that were used for
fuelwood by the Gamo potters. Several days were spent with a number of local people
looking for specific trees and then a small branch was collected for genus and species
identification. I could not find some of the fuelwoods. Adane Dinku from the Ministry
of Agriculture, Department of Soil and Water Conservation, Chencha and Dr. Sebsebe
Demissew from the Addis Ababa University Herbarium identified the taxonomy of
For future analysis, I collected from Gamo potters 27 samples of unfired clay
and temper samples in order to conduct laboratory analyses. These samples will aid in
our understanding of the technology of distinct potters in the Gamo region and on the
measure pottery quality by laboratory analysis. The analyses on the clay and temper
samples will provide both emic and etic information that will aid archaeologists in
understanding pottery distribution. The clay samples were brought back to the United
States after I had received permission from the Ministry of Culture and Information
production and consumption activities take place within the household area and
61
position, the analysis at the household level allows for a larger view of the social,
political, and economic conditions and changes that occur within agrarian societies
(Smith 1987:298).
Mortuary remains and architectural studies are the most common types of
analyses concerning the interpretation of wealth at the household level (Bartel 1983;
Chapman et al. 1981; Lewis 1951:178; Mack 1951; McGuire 1983; Wilk 1983; Yang
1945:37-41). However, there has been little systematic work concerning how other
correlates (Deal 1998; Hayden and Cannon 1984; Kramer 1979, 1982). Smith
household wealth in the archaeological record as long as suitable methods are utilized.
Household ceramics are closely linked with the status of the household, because
ceramics directly reflect the daily food preparations of all members of the household.
Therefore, this ethnoarchaeological study of the Gamo, who have a strict social
hierarchy, provides a valuable model for interpreting household social status in the
archaeological record.
Household wealth is more difficult to interpret than social status, since wealth
system is ascribed and usually does not change unless society allows a caste to acquire
62
additional status. Ceramic vessels are an excellent material for identifying household
terms of frequency, cost, and use-alteration attributes (McBride and McBride 1987;
Miller and Stone 1970:98; Otto 1977, 1980; Smith 1987). Since household wealth can
change through time, it is critical to analyze the different life-cycle stages of the
using different types of analyses such as the spatial storage of vessels, vessel volume
and frequency, and the longevity of vessels (Nelson 1981; Rice 1987:300; Shott 1996;
Smith 1987).
because of their close association with subsistence and their durability against post-
reuse, and discard of Gamo household ceramics may reflect different household
The Gamo have a strict social hierarchy consisting of a caste system. The caste
hierarchy is, in order of ranking; (1) mala; (2) mana; and (3) degala. The Gamo caste
system is an ascribed system and no action may change the status of an individual.
Differences occur in the marriage rules among the Gamo. In the northern and central
Gamo regions, caste members can only intermarry with members belonging to their
same caste. The artisans belong to two caste groups, mana (potters) and degala (hide-
workers, smiths, and groundstone makers), and they cannot marry one another.
63
However, in the southern Gamo region, all artisans belong to the same caste group,
mana, and intermarry. They are considered equal in social status. Throughout the
Gamo region, an individual may not marry another person belonging to the same clan.
The mala caste obtains a majority of their economic needs from farming,
weaving, and trading. The mana caste acquires its economic means around the
production of ceramic vessels. Although not all mana individuals have knowledge
concerning how to produce ceramic vessels, individuals that belong to the mana caste
always live in potter compounds. In addition, mana caste members may also farm or
weave so that occupation is not synonymous with a specific caste. Members of the
stones. Before the Derg regime came into political power in 1974, the mana and
degala castes were not able to farm because of the control of land by the mala caste.
However, after the Derg toppled Haile Selassie’s government, the Derg government
gave farmland to both the mana and degala households. Presently, some mana and
degala still do not have land to farm and with the new government, some degala have
reported that farmland has been taken away, as the Gamo are reinstating traditional
The Gamo people base economic wealth on a number of conditions that are
economy is fundamental to Gamo society, land is one of the most important wealth
items. Thus, the mana and degala households that do not have land to farm are
economically disadvantaged because they must rely on the selling of products that
64
they produce to provide income. If the household has more than one type of
occupations gives the household economic diversity during the growing season. The
nontraditional house constructed with wood, mud, straw, and corrugated tin sheets is
important indicator of economic wealth is the type and frequency of livestock that a
expensive food items. Livestock makes the farmland more productive by providing
manure for fertilizer and draft power for plowing. A household that consists of a
husband and wife or wives, because the Gamo practice polygyny, provides the
developed a point system where I gave for each occupation within a household. If the
two houses then they received one point and so forth for each additional house. If the
category, but if the household owned farmland or livestock (excluding chickens) they
received one point for each category. If a widow or widower occupied the household,
they received no points for the marriage category. Households with one wife received
one point and if they had more than one wife, they received two points. I tabulated and
65
averaged all five categories for each household from the three villages. Based on the
ranges and the mean rank score from the three villages I determined three ranks. The
poorest rank ranges from one to three points, the second rank ranges from four to six
points, and the wealthiest rank ranges from seven to ten points.
Caste and economic rank do not always coincide, so that the lowest caste
group does not always belong to the lowest economic rank. Surprisingly, there are
degala households that are members of the wealthiest economic group, as well as
some mana and degala households situated within the second economic group. This
Table 2-1: Mean values of wealth attributes among each of the three Gamo castes.
Figure 2-1: Relative frequencies of caste households found in each of the three
economic ranks.
Conclusion
allows for a detailed contextual analysis between people's behavior and their pots. A
Gamo pottery vessels are associated with the different regional, social, and economic
contexts of Gamo life, they provide a means to understanding how to interpret cultural
variation at historic and prehistoric sites. Therefore, the focus here is to aid in
contexts concerning the pot's life-history and the Gamo's complex regional, social, and
economic framework.
CHAPTER 4
THE INTEGRATION OF CERAMIC PROCUREMENT,
PRODUCTION, AND DISTRIBUTION
ceramics are made and dispersed over the landscape (Bey and Pool 1992). The types
of Gamo pots manufactured during the year are affected by consumers' demand. In
addition, the materials (i.e., clays, tempers, and fuelwood) that potters have access to
influence the types of pots they usually produce. The markets at which potters and
consumers sell and purchase their pots determine where vessels are used and
eventually deposited. The social makeup of a village strongly determines how pots are
produced throughout the Gamo region than a village with resident potters. Gamo
villages of Zuza, Guyla, and Etello. Regional information is also incorporated into the
distribution.
68
69
among potters in their manipulation of the production and distribution processes. The
Gamo potters are fulltime specialists, who either do not own land or own a limited
amount of farmland. They produce fewer ceramics during the second rainy season, as
it is often difficult to obtain the clays due to flooding and the unfired vessels dry too
slowly. In addition, the rainy season can also postpone or even put out firings half way
through the firing process. Potters store their materials, produce vessels, dry, prefire,
and fire their vessels within their family compound. Wealthier potters have small
workshops adjacent to their house, where they conduct their work. The poorest potters
Women make pottery in Gamo society. Only one man was observed forming
small toy jars to sell to children because his wife had died and he did not have any
family or farmland. Women work on all aspects of the production and marketing of
their wares
including: digging the clay; carrying the clay and wood; forming and firing
the vessels; and carrying the pots to the market. Depending on the household, men do
help with some production tasks such as digging and cleaning the clay, collecting the
wood, firing the pots, and carrying the vessels to the market.
birth, and no action may change the hierarchical positioning of individual potters or
other craft specialists. Potters believe that they must teach their daughters how to
70
produce pottery, because the limited amount of farmland prevents the mana caste from
Women potters may find themselves in family that has farmland they
a or may find
that their new family owns only the land in which the house is situated. Even if the
husband has farmland, it usually does not produce enough food for the family.
Therefore, learning how to produce pottery provides the mana women with a skill and
Gamo potters learn how to produce pottery usually from their mothers, when
they are six to thirteen years old. Some potters do learn from their mothers-in-law,
after they have been married and move to their husband's household. Apprenticeships
usually last for three years or until the daughter is married. Girls begin learning the
production process by helping their mothers mine and carry the clay from the clay
sources to the household compound. They also will transport water from the well or
stream using a water jar (hadza otto) to mix the clays. In addition, they help in
cleaning the clay of stones, grinding the clay, and selecting grog temper from broken
vessels, which cracked either during the drying or firing process. As they become
more experienced with all of the production activities, they will practice producing
small vessels.
The majority of Gamo potters, with the help of their daughters (in-law),
produce pots by themselves. Sometimes two wives of the same husband will work
together, as one family does in Guyla. Some potters who are friends will travel to the
71
clay sources together to procure the clays. In addition, sometimes a mother or daughter
will travel to each other’s village and stay for a week or so and help the host potter
manufacture pots. There are competitive feelings between different potter families,
even if they are friends, and so the majority of potters work alone with their own
family members.
The potters state that they produce their vessels similar to the person who
taught them (e.g., mother or mother-in-law). However, the new locality, family,
Although the majority of the learning process is conducted at the mother’s household,
once the potter moves to her husband’s household she learns how to produce and
distribute her vessels from both her husband’s relatives and other village potters. The
new potter has to learn where the clay and temper sources are located. She has to leam
what proportion of the different clays work well together, as some clays do not work
well in the shaping of specific vessel forms. She needs to know if the drying process is
the same as in her childhood village, as the temperature and precipitation patterns may
be different if her new village is in a different ecological zone. In addition, she has to
leam what types of fuelwood are accessible and how her new village potters prefire
their vessels. She then needs to leam which weekly markets are best to sell her wares
and if the prices for different forms are different from her former childhood village.
Thus, there are two subsystems in the learning process among Gamo potters, her
The learning process not only influences the potter’s production methods but
also has direct implications towards how the potter forms and decorates the vessel, and
72
this affects the vessel’s style. The majority of potters believe their rim shape is the
most important attribute in discriminating their vessels from their teacher’s vessels.
Other attributes that potters felt were different from their mothers is the type of formal
decoration (e.g., appliqué, impressed designs, and incising) and the shape of the
vessel. Although no sorting test was conducted to test if daughters could differentiate
their own vessels from their mothers, future research will include testing mothers and
daughters living in the same compound and village and mothers and daughters living
Each village has its own set of clay sources, which is either mined individually
or with other potters in the village. One reason that potters mine at particular sources
is the relationship between the clay source's landowner and the potter. Archaeologists
are able to measure the physical attributes of clays such as elasticity, hardness, particle
size, etc., but we are usually unable to measure the social conditions that influence a
potter’s choice in clay procurement (Aronson et al. 1994). Thus, understanding both
the social and physical conditions in the mining of clay can aid us in understanding the
Proximity to the clay source is an important factor for Gamo potters, since
potters carry the clay in baskets (tise) on their backs. Guyla potters mine their clay
from sources that are less than six kilometers from their village. Guyla potters collect
three of the five clays and one temper (nonplastic material) between one to six
kilometers and the remaining two sources are within one kilometer of their village.
73
Guyla potters who collect the ano temper and poze and ooka clays walk 6 hours
(round trip) to transport all three materials. However, one potter family in Guyla
obtains their zoo clay directly from their household property and the caretsa clay is
All three clays used by the Zuza potters are between one and six kilometers of
their village. The time it takes for Zuza potters to transport their clays both ways is
five hours each for the walle and kura clays, and three hours both ways for the
mochollo clay. Potters living in the villages of Denkarar and Keya (less than one
kilometer from Zuza) use different clay sources than Zuza, indicating that each village
within a region decided independently where the potters should mine their clay. When
potter women marry and move to Denkarar, Keya, or Zuza villages, they are taught by
the older potters in their new village where to extract clay. Zuza potters stated that
.
they pay a tax to the Ethiopian government for the use of the clay.
Other factors that influence where potters may obtain clay and temper are their
relations with the landowners of the clay sources and elders' decisions on where
potters may mine clay. The majority of Guyla potters belong to two families. One
potter family extracts all of its clays from its own land. The other potter family
collects only one clay from its land and the poze clay is collected from a farmer's land.
However, both families do mine from the same temper source (ano) located outside of
Guyla approximately four kilometers to the northwest. The two families do not share
their clay sources with each other to protect their clay source(s) from becoming
depleted. Two landowners who are farmers will not allow the Guyla potters to mine
their clay. Several of the Guyla potters complained that they are not treated well by the
74
farmers because of the potter's low status within Gamo culture. One Guyla family that
uses a clay source named pullticalo (after the landowner's name) has had problems
with the water table flooding the hole. This is especially a problem during the rainy
seasons, which limits the frequency of production among this family of Guyla potters.
The pullticalo clay is extracted approximately 4 to 5 meters from the surface with the
majority of the clay lying just above and below the water table. An adjacent source
was abandoned after a potter was killed in 1996 when the wall of the clay pit
collapsed. This potter family is uncertain about their future because the pullticalo clay
source is becoming too dangerous and it is difficult to find a landowner within the
Efforts by the national government to have people move from the highlands to
the lowlands adjacent to Lake Abaya took place during the Derg government between
1974 and 1991. The Derg government established lowland villages and more than ten
potter families have moved from the highland region to the village of Fura Mandita.
The incentive for potter and other families to move to the lowlands is to obtain
farmland. The Derg government’s socialist ideology advocated that all people have
access to farmland. Although the potter families have farmland in the lowlands, there
are no clay sources in the lowland region, causing potters to travel back to the
highland sources for clays. Potters from Fura Mandita walk six hours round trip
(approximately 14 kilometers round trip) up to the Donay region to obtain their clays.
The husband of the family I interviewed collects the three clays. Among the Gamo
potters, relations with landowners, geological constraints, and proximity are the
primary reasons given by the potters for deciding where to mine their clay.
75
Whereas social conditions tend to influence where potters extract their clay,
once the clay has been mined technical factors predominate concerning how the
potters manipulate their clays and tempers (Table 4-1). The Gamo potters are
concerned more with how the clays and temper perform when being processed during
production than with how the clays react when used by consumers. The potters have
specific reasons for using their selection of different clays and temper (Arthur 1997).
Table 4-1: The functional attributes ascribed to clays and temper by Zuza and Guyla
potters.
Types of Clay
and Temper Zuza
Kura (clay) Provides elasticity to the vessels and is the most important clay.
Mochollo (clay) When Mochollo is mixed with the Kura clay, the two protect the
vesselsduring the firing process. Mochollo is the second most
important clay.
Walle (clay) Provides color to the vessel and is the third most important clay.
Guyla
Ano (temper) Provides elasticity and strength. Provides strength during firing.
Zoo (clay) If only use Zoo the vessel will not have strength. Provides form to
the vessel especially during the dry season.
Caretsa (clay) The best clay because of its elasticity and keeps the vessel from
falling when wet.
Pose (clay) Stone like quality. Stops cracking during drying period.
Ooka (clay) Will break easily without mixing Ano and Pose clays. Provides
elasticity. Stops cracking during drying period.
proportion of the clays when mixed indicate the importance of using all of the clays
and tempers to achieve the proper result. In Guyla, potters state that if they just use the
zoo clay the vessel will not be strong, and they have to mix the ooka clay with temper
76
and pose clay or the pot will break. In Zuza, the mochollo and kura clays have to be
mixed so that the pots will not break during the firing process. In addition, collecting
clays that provide elasticity when forming the vessel, curtailing cracks during the
drying period, and protection against the firing process are all important during
production.
Every Guyla potter uses the ano temper indicating that the temper provides an
based on the fact that the ano temper source is located farther than any other material,
and all the Guyla potters use it for the manufacturing of pottery. The ano temper is an
important resource in protecting the vessels during firing. One Guyla potter stated that
before placing the pots in the fire she covers them with the pumice ano temper which
keeps them from breaking during firing. The walle clay is the only material that has a
nontechnological role by providing color to Zuza pots. The potters' clay and temper
descriptions provide an emic perspective concerning what clay and temper attributes
The number of pots manufactured by potters varies with each potter, with a
range of 5 to 70 vessels per week. Gamo potters usually specialize in the production of
one or two vessel types even though they can usually produce all types. Sometimes the
clays used in a village are not suitable for the production of certain vessel types. For
example, Guyla potters do not usually produce baking plates {bache) because they
state that the clay is not adequate for this type of production. The Gamo potters
77
produce specific types of vessels to process various crops. For example, they produce:
two types of cooking jars (otto and tsaro)\ a cooking pot (diste); a beer storage jar
(,batsa)\ a coffee pitcher (jebana)\ a drinking jar (tsua) and a baking plate {bache).
They also make water transport and storage jars {hadza otto), two types of serving
bowls (shele and peele), and water pipes (guya) for smoking tabacco. Protestant
potters will not produce water pipes, because it is not allowed by their religion. The
less commonly produced types include a bowl for washing feet (gumgay), a drinking
jar {kolay), and a small cooking jar (tayche). In the past, they produced a coffee cup
{sene), which has been generally replaced by imported Chinese porcelain cups. Only
one traditional sene was found during my vessel inventory of sixty households in three
villages. Figures 4-1,4-2, and 4-3 indicate the types of vessel forms manufactured by
Gamo potters.
Gamo potters mix three to four types of clay together to produce all of the
vessel forms. Naturally mined temper (nonplastic inclusions) and/or grog (small pieces
of broken ceramic) are also added to the clays. Guyla and Zuza potters use ground
fragments of fired clay or grog, but Zuza potters do not use additional temper because
enough temper occurs naturally in the Zuza clays. The potters remove the pebbles and
other impurities from the clay to prevent production problems. After the clays are
cleaned, the clays are pounded with a large stick {bookadoka) and sifted through a
woven basket {zizarey). The zizarey or woven basket also serves to aid in measuring
the proportion of each clay in the final clay mixture. All vessels are made with the
same proportion of clays. Once the clays, tempers, and water have been mixed
together in their proper proportions, the potters can begin to form the vessels.
78
Figure 4-1: Profile drawings of (A) tsua, (B) otto, (C) batsa, and (D) tsaro, which the
Gamo potters produce.
79
Figure 4-2: Profile drawings of (A) guya, (B) jebana, (C) sene, (D) peele, (E, F) shele,
which the Gamo potters produce.
80
05 15 25cm
■ ■ ■ i i r—i
Figure 4-3: Profile drawings of (A) tayche, (B) kolay, (C) gutngay, (D) diste, and (E)
bache, which the Gamo potters produce.
81
Vessels are formed using a combination of hand building, coil-and-scrape, and paddle-
and-anvil techniques. The type of vessel construction is dependent upon the vessel
form. While the vessels are still wet, a piece of leather (gelba) or cloth is used to help
form the clay rim and neck. The exterior of the vessel is thinned using a bamboo stick
(mylee). The interior of the vessel is thinned and smoothed with the outer covering of
half a seedpod (kayshe tree) (I was not able to obtain the taxonomic name) that is
The jars (e.g., tsua, tsaro, otto, and batsa) are formed by drawing the clay up to
produce the upper part of the body and then the neck and rim are formed using the
coil-and-scrape method. Once the top half of the vessel is formed, it is turned upside
down on its rim and placed on a piece of enset leaf to keep the vessel from touching
the ground. Then the rounded base is formed using the coil-and-scrape method until
the base is eventually closed up. Distes (cooking pot) are formed as the jars are, except
that the base of the diste is flat instead of round. The production process is more
elaborate on the large storage jars (batsa). After the upper half is formed, the vessel’s
exterior is scraped to thin the walls. Then the potter uses two hand stones, one in the
interior and one on the exterior, to pound and compact the walls of the batsa.
Small-to medium-sized bowls (shele) and serving dishes (peele) are formed by
pounding a fist into a lump of clay. Then the potter moves around the bowl and dish
shaping it until it is formed into a shele or peele. Although large bowls (shele) are
produced similar to the jars by forming the upper half first and then the base, some
shele and peele vessels have base stands attached to the body which are formed after
The baking plate (bache) is formed from a lump of clay that is pounded with
the fist until it begins to take the shape of a bache. Then the potter moves around the
vessel slowly working on the shape of the rim with a wet piece of leather or cloth.
After the bache dries in its first stage (i.e., 15 days), the exterior of the bache is
scraped with a bamboo stick and then laid upon a grinding stone and pounded with a
hand stone to compact the vessel wall. The interior of the bache (baking plate) is
The coffee pitcher (jebana) is produced by forming the base and body similar
to the small-to medium-sized bowls. Then the neck is produced using the coil-and-
scrape method. The spout is formed by attaching a small coil on the upper part of the
body. A small stick is used to hollow out the spout, which is then shaped into its final
form.
The vessels are dried from three days to two months depending on the potter's
preference, which is based on the type of clays, type of vessel, and season (Table 4-2
and 4-3). The majority of vessels are first dried on the ground and then placed on an
elevated rafter situated over a hearth, where they will sit until they are ready for firing.
During the two rainy seasons (i.e., March to April and June to September), vessels are
dried for a longer period of time, which reduces the number of vessels produced.
Although some potters use the same types of clays, there is variation in the amount of
time to dry specific vessel types. Zuza potters will hang their baking plates (baches)
with enset rope from the interior wall of their house until they are leather hard. It is not
83
Table 4-2: The drying location and time for specific vessel types produced in Zuza.
Table 4-3: The drying location and time for specific vessel types produced in Guyla.
uncommon to see more than a dozen baking plates hanging from the house walls
After the vessel is dried, the potters then burnish the vessel with a quartzite
polishing stone (elasucha) either on both the interior and exterior walls or only on one
side of the wall. The location of the burnishing relies on the vessel type (Tables 4-4
and 4-5). Potters stated that burnishing gives the pots "a bright color." The Guyla
potters decorate the vessels with a combination of appliqué, incising, and rippling,
whereas the Zuza potters decorate their pots only with appliqué.
The type and placement of decoration is dependent upon the vessel form and
most importantly, the individual potter. Appliqué rings (sheto) that encompass a vessel
are common on the cooking and storage jars. Usually one sheto is placed on the
maximum circumference of the large cooking and storage jars, but the largest storage
jars may have two or three shetos placed on their maximum circumference. Three
shetos are placed also on the upper body of the large jars. A sheto is also found on the
base of serving bowls, which serve as footrings, but sometimes shetos can begin at the
maximum circumference of the serving bowl and continue either to the base or to the
rim.
9) found on the upper exterior wall of the cooking and storage jars. Sometimes potters
put a series of temos on the upper body of distes (cooking pots), which otherwise are
undecorated.
85
Incising (beesho) vessels is usually practiced in the central Gamo region, such
as Guyla, but is rarely made by Zuza potters. The incised designs are made with either
sheep teeth attached to a stick or two iron prongs attached to a wood handle (both
tools are named chechamarcho). The beesho can be applied on the interior and/or
exterior of the serving bowl and dish (i.e., shele and peele), the exterior of the drinking
jars (tsua) and on the exterior of the water pipes (guya). The individual potter and the
potters often discussed how incising is a time consuming activity. Therefore, potters
weekly market. Serving vessels produced in the central Gamo region can have a
combination of all types of decorative styles, based on the individual potter, the village
The third type of decoration is rippling (kansa), which is when the potter forms
grooves on the exterior wall. Rippling is found on the necks of jars and serving
vessels. The rim on all jars and the majority of bowls also is referred to as kansa.
Yes
Shele (serving bowl) - -
Yes
Peele (serving dish) - -
Yes
Jebana (coffee pitcher) No Yes -
Yes
Tsaro (cooking jar) - -
Yes
Shele (serving bowl) - -
Yes
Peele (serving dish) - -
Yes
Jebana (coffee pitcher) No Yes -
neck)
Guya (water pipe) No Yes -
Otto (cooking, - -
No
transporting, storage jar)
Batsa (storage jar) No No -
Gamo potters name pots with human anatomical features. Potters name the top
of the rim the mouth (dona), the neck is also called the neck (core), the body is called
the stomach (oolo), and the base is called the anus (tache in Zuza or meskatay in
Guyla). A rare type of appliqué is a large oval, which points upward and is placed on
the upper body of cooking jars. This decoration is called dansa, which translates as
breast. Guyas (water pipe) usually have a specific decoration that is only placed on
this vessel form that is called pigay. Pigay translates as a scar and is associated with
scars created by burning the skin believed to heal wounds and pains. In addition, the
hole, where the hollow bamboo stem (pikay) is used to suck the smoke from the guya
(water pipe), is called the drinking place (owezaso). Besides giving potters a
classification for specific parts of a pot, the naming of anatomical features by Gamo
potters suggests a symbolic importance to potters. Since the majority of potter families
rely on the manufacturing of pottery vessels for their sole livelihood, potters take the
clay and temper, and bring what the mala consider dirty work, to life in the form of a
87
pot. The ceramic vessel can be used to bring sustenance to the potter family by selling
location (Table 4-6). For example, since Zuza potters live within the baso ecological
zone and are socially tied to other lowland communities, they collect their fuel from
the lowlands. The area surrounding Zuza is dense with grass and trees and it is much
easier to obtain fuel for the Zuza potters, than it is for Guyla potters who live in the
Guyla potters as causing production problems. Guyla potters will use cow dung (osha)
and/or horse dung (fando) if they are not able to find enough wood or grass. Since the
Guyla village is located in the dega ecological zone, which is more densely populated
and farmed than the Zuza hinterland, the Guyla potters gather some of their fuels from
the baso ecological zone (e.g., gargecho and odora trees). Potters from both villages
have favorite types of fuels that are based primarily on technological rather than
nontechnological factors.
Zuza potters pay five birr (US $0.75) per bundle for all of their types of fuels.
They use ten types of fuels collected individually from the lowlands adjacent to Lake
Abaya but prefer seven fuel types. The fuel types they prefer are shankara, shobo,
checha, omazey, galas, and goganza trees and gata grass. They prefer the goganza and
galas trees because the fire burns longer than other types of fuel.
88
? Shankara (tree)
? Omazey (tree)
? Goganza (tree)
? Bolala (tree)
(Bamboo)
Dombeva sp. Anka (tree) 850-3100 m
Guy la potters communally buy fuelwood that costs between 14 and 40 birr
(US$ 2 to 6) per tree depending on the type of fuel. They use between two and 11 fuel
types that are all found within six kilometers of Guyla. The types of fuels aiefando
(horse dung); osha (cow dung); kashelo (bamboo leaves); barzaf (eucalyptus tree),
gedema, borto, anca, shenato, tseda, and gargecho trees. The two rainy seasons affect
the types of fuelwood used, because certain woods dry faster during the rainy seasons
than others. The Guyla potters prefer anka, barzaf, barto, shenato, gata, or kashelo
fuel. Two reasons were given as to why certain fuels were best. First, they believed
that anka, shenato, barto, or gargecho woods are best because they bum longer than
89
other fuel types, especially during the dry season. Second, the eucalyptus or barzaf
tree was considered the best during the rainy season because it dries fast. Potters from
both villages stated that it was more important to have a fire that bums for a long time
After burnishing and decorating the pots, potters prefire vessels on top of a
wooden rack (afansha) located in the workshop or potter's house. The vessels are
slowly smoked and heated for approximately four hours before being put in the open
fire located outside in the compound. The construction of the open fire begins by
placing either a layer of ash or eucalyptus leaves on the ground. This is done to
provide a buffer between the ground and the vessels, as the ground may be moist,
which will cause the vessels to crack. A layer of wood is carefully laid on the ash or
leaf surface. Then the vessels are placed on top of the wood and finally dried grass is
applied. During the firing of the vessels, more grass is placed onto the fire and the
potter eventually pokes a stick at the base of the grass heap to make a hole so the
potter can see how the vessels are firing. This also provides more oxygen to the fire,
which will ignite the remaining portion of the grass. The open fire lasts approximately
two hours. Potters usually fire between four and 30 vessels on a specific day every
week. Generally the vessels are fired the day before they are taken to the market.
The majority of potters have strong opinions concerning who can be around
when they are firing. They believe that a person who has “a bad leg” will cause the
vessels to break during the firing. They believe that if someone with “a bad leg”
90
thinks, “the potter is firing too many pots," then the vessels will break. The belief is
related to the person eating the vessel's spirit (i.e., godomaty), causing the vessels to
Immediately after removal from the fire, a coating of eterna (i.e., liquid from
the enset plant) is applied to the exterior and/or interior of the vessel (Table 4-7 and 4-
8). They believe eterna gives the vessel strength and beauty. In Zuza, they put eterna
on the same vessel side that they burnish, which they state provides a reflection and is
a type of decoration. In addition, cow dung is applied on the exterior of cooking jars
from the base to the maximum diameter. The application of cow dung provides added
Tsaro No Yes -
storage jar)
Batsa (storage jar) No No -
Yes
Shele (serving bowl) -
-
Yes
Peele (serving dish) -
-
Yes
91
Yes
Diste (cooking pot) - -
Yes
Tsua (serving jar) - -
Yes
Tsaro (cooking jar) No Yes -
Yes
Peele (serving dish) - -
Yes
Guya (water pipe) - -
Yes
variety of weekly markets (Table 4-9). Vessels are tied together with enset rope and
transported either by head carrying and/or horse or donkey. Men and/or women
transport their vessels to the weekly markets. Women will usually stay home if they
have small children, since some markets are over 10 kilometers one way from their
house compound. The majority of the market transactions are conducted with the
Ethiopian national currency, the birr. In the small village markets, vessels will be
traded for a certain volume of a specific crop. In addition, neighbors of potters will
usually trade the potter’s vessels for crops, which is an important component in the
patron-client relationship, since many potters do not have farmland. Thus, many
potters are dependent upon their farmer clients. This has implications for the variety in
the diet of potters, because potters and other artisans have a less varied diet than the
Table 4-9: The location and the distance different Gamo potters transport their vessels.
The Gamo people purchase their pottery by different means. Pottery consumers
in the villages of Zuza and Guyla either purchase their pots from markets or directly
from the potters' households. The inhabitants of Etello must travel to markets to
purchase vessels because there are no potters living in the village or within the larger
associated region of Doko. Figure 4-4 shows the differences in the frequency of pots
between Etello, a non-potter village, compared to Zuza and Guyla, which have potters
living within each village. When comparing the 20 households from each of the three
villages, Zuza and Guyla have a mean of 17.3 and 24.5 pots per household,
respectively. In contrast, Etello has only a mean of 11.1 pots per household.
The markets in Gamo are organized according to the days of the week. Large
markets that are located near one another do not have their markets on the same day.
93
Large markets in the central Gamo region include Bodo (Dorze), Tuka (Chencha),
Pango (Doko Mesho), Zada, and Ezo. The only large markets that are on the same day
(Table 4-10) are Ezo and Bodo, which are 18 kilometers apart. Consumers will decide
to travel to either one of the markets based on the type of material they want to
purchase, because some markets have cheaper prices for some goods or better
Table 4-10: Large markets in the central Gamo region and their corresponding days.
Market Days
Bodo
(Dorze) Monday and Thursday
Tuka (Chencha) Tuesday and Saturday
Pango (Doko Mesho) Sunday
Ezo Monday and Thursday
Zada Tuesday
the villages of Guyla and Zuza. In the past before the integration of an Ethiopian
currency, potters and farmers exchanged pots for food, but presently there is a mixture
of exchange for food and purchasing with the birr. However, the system remains as an
important means of social and economic integration between the two castes (i.e., mala
and mana). Potters are in one respect responsible for supplying their village with pots,
but also they are free to sell at weekly markets, providing non-potter villages access to
vessels. The vessel inventory indicates that the households that purchase their vessels
from Guyla potters buy or exchange mostly with a single Guyla potter (Figure 4-5).
The majority of Zuza consumers also purchase their pots from the Zuza potters.
94
House 19 (n=20)
■■■■■■■■■■
■ ■■■■■■■■■
iv.v.v.v.v.j
■■ imm ■ ÍV..V.V..V.11
House 28 (n=10)
House 17 (n=15)
House 47 (n=ll)
House 25 (n=23)
House 55 (n=20)
House 15 (n=26)
House 65 (n=16)
House 66 (n=4)
House 39 (n=5)
House 53 (n=13)
House 45 (n=27)
House 31 (n=16)
House 56 (n=l 1)
House 5 (n=27) ^
House 3 (n=
(n=27) m
□u.
0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100%
Figure 4-5: Graph illustrating that Guyla households generally purchase most of their
ceramics from a single potter.
The census information collected from the villages of Zuza, Guyla, and Etello
indicates the frequency of consumer preferences for particular potters. Each household
was visited in each village and the eldest woman for the household was asked two
96
questions relating to pottery: (1) which pottery region or village produces the best
pottery?; and (2) why she preferred pottery from that region or village? Comparison
Zuza village
combination of Zuza and other Ochollo dere potters (Table 4-11). Ochollo has a
market every Sunday with all Ochollo potters attending to sell their wares. The
nontechnological factors. Most people believe that the Ochollo pots are stronger
(technological), meaning they last a long time or are more durable. Other important
technological factors are the quality of the clay, the quality of the work, and/or the
length of time the potters take in drying their pots. Proximity was the only
nontechnological answer given by the Zuza consumers. Part of the Ochollo market
Guyla village
The majority of Guyla consumers indicated that they were concerned with
either preferred Birbir subdistrict/mota or the village of Guyla pots stated that both
were preferred because they were strong pots that lasted a long time (Table 4-12). All
of the Guyla consumers who prefer Birbir pots gave opinions based on technological
aspects of either pottery use (i.e., strong: lasts a long time) or production (i.e., clay
97
quality and fire the pots for a long time). Among the Guyla consumers, 7 percent
stated that they preferred Guyla pottery because they could exchange food for pots (a
nontechnological reason).
Table 4-11: Reasons give for why Zuza consumers (n=44 households) prefer Zuza and
Ochollo dere pots.
Percentage Reason
Consumers preferring Zuza pots (n=24)
29 Stronger: last longer, more durable
25 Proximity
17 Clay quality
17 Quality of work
17 Dry the pots for a long time
8 No reason
15 Clay quality
15 Proximity
5 Dry the pots for a long time
Thus, we have two groups of consumers in Guyla: (1) the group that prefers
Birbir pots and who are more interested in technological aspects of pottery use and
production; and (2) the group that prefers Guyla pots and who have mixed opinions
distribution. Consumers who purchase Birbir pots must walk 10 kilometers one way to
the weekly Ezo market, where Birbir potters sell their pots. Consumers who live in
Guyla can visit the small weekly Leesha subdistrict/moia market located in the village
Table 4-12: Reasons given for why Guyla consumers (n=51 households) prefer Birbir
and Guyla pots.
Percentage Reason
Consumers preferring Birbir Pots (n=36)
56 Stronger: Lasts a long time
39 Quality of Clay
6 Fire the pots
for a long time
Consumers preferring Guyla pots (n=15)
56 Stronger: Lasts a long time
20 Proximity
7 Quality of Clay
7 Able to exchange pots for food
6 Only buy Guyla pots
Etello village
Unlike the villages of Zuza and Guyla, the village of Etello has no potters in
the village. Etello consumers must travel to one of the markets to purchase pottery.
There is a direct relationship between which market the Etello consumers visit and the
kind of pottery they can purchase, as Gamo potters usually go to specific markets. The
Guyla potters usually go to the Leesha, Pango (Doko Mesho), or Zada markets, and so
the Etello consumers who prefer Guyla or Zada pots (n=12) must go to one of these
three markets. Etello consumers who prefer Birbir pots (n=40 households) must go to
Ezo, which is the closest market for the sale or trade of Birbir pots (Table 4-13).
In the 52 Etello households surveyed, 77 percent (n=40) prefer Birbir pots and
only 23 percent (n=12) prefer either Guyla or Zada pots. Consumers who prefer Birbir
pots provide only technological reasons for their preference. These reasons are related
to either use (i.e., stronger: long lasting) or production (i.e., either the quality of the
clay, potter's work, or fuelwood). The majority of consumers who prefer Guyla or
Zada pots do so because of proximity, since they can purchase these pots at the Doko
99
Table 4-13: Reasons given for why Etello consumers (n=52 households) prefer Birbir
and Zada or Guyla pots.
Percentage Reason
Mesho market, only a six kilometer round-trip walk from Etello. Another
nontechnological reason for preferring Guyla or Zada pottery is that they are cheaper
than Birbir pots. Reasons for preferring Guyla or Zada pottery are based either on
distribution (i.e., proximity), production (i.e., stronger: long lasting or the quality of
the potter's work or clay), tradition (i.e., only buy Zada or Guyla pottery), or
My research indicates that individuals do not always purchase pots from the
particular potter/village that they prefer. I recorded the origin of each ceramic vessel in
Zuza village
Zuza consumers' preference for Zuza pots is reflected in their actual use of
Zuza vessels. Figure 4-6 indicates the number of pots and their manufacturing location
among the 20 Zuza households. From the 346 pottery vessels inventoried, I was able
to obtain information on 329 vessels concerning where they were manufactured. Just
over half (55.9 percent) of the vessels used were manufactured in Zuza. This reflects
the strong patron-client relationship that occurs in Zuza between the mala and mana
households.
Other Gamo
Regions/Villags Unknown
5% 14%
Other Ochollo
Villages ■ Unknown (n=47)
25%
eaZuza (n=184)
56%
Zuza
The unknown category is a reflection of informants not knowing where the pot
was manufactured, primarily because the informant’s mother-in-law had purchased the
101
pot. In addition, almost a quarter of the pots (24.6 percent) used in Zuza came from
other Ochollo village potters, which reflects that consumers and potters living in
Ochollo do most of their purchasing of pots in the Ochollo market. The fact that Zuza
consumers purchase the majority of their pots in Ochollo is strengthened by the fact
that only 5.2 percent of the used pots came from areas outside of Ochollo.
Guyla village
almost three-fourths (71 percent) of the pots were produced in Guyla. Although
consumers in Guyla prefer Birbir pots (see Table 4-12), only 15 percent of the pots
were produced in the Birbir region (Figure 4-7). This indicates that even though a
majority of people prefer Birbir pots, proximity seems to be a stronger reason for
the farmer (mala) and potter (mana) is longstanding in Gamo society, where the mala
households purchase a majority of pots from a specific potter (see Figure 4-5). The
consumers in Guyla had the lowest percentage of pots that were in the unknown origin
category (3 percent) compared to Etello (13 percent) and Zuza (14 percent). This
possibly is due to the higher number of Guyla informants living in the household for a
■ Unknown (n=15)
□ Birbir (n=71)
a Zada (n=39)
E3 Guyla (n=344)
□ Ezo (n=8)
a Other Gamo
Regions/Villages (n=6)
Etello village
The pottery inventory data indicate a difference between the preference and
actual use of pottery among Etello consumers. The household inventory of pots from
20 households in Etello indicates that the highest percentage of pots are manufactured
in Zada (32 percent) (Figure 4-8). This is a result of women traveling to the Doko
Mesho market where the majority of Zada pots are sold. Although the majority of the
Etello consumers prefer Birbir pots (see Table 4-13), less than one-fifth (18 percent)
■ Unknown (n=29)
□ Birbir (n=39)
□ Zada(n=70)
□ Guyla (n=12)
□ Ezo (n=17)
□ Other Gamo
Regions/Villages (n=53)
Gamo women purchase most of their ceramic vessels from the markets.
Therefore, where women grow up and then live after marriage may affect their market
choice. The majority of women who are married and live presently in Zuza were
raised in Ochollo kebele. This may explain Zuza women’s preference and use of Zuza
and other Ochollo village pots. The majority of Etello women come from either Etello
or neighboring villages (within the Doko Gambela or Doko Mesho regions of Doko)
and market at Doko Mesho, Chencha, or Ezo. There are several possible reasons why
the use of Birbir pots in Etello does not correspond with the percentage of consumers
104
who prefer Birbir vessels. First, since Birbir pots are sold only at the Ezo market
distance may be a problem. Women who have small children stated that they can not
travel to distant markets like Ezo because of the time it takes away from child care. In
addition, elderly women who have health problems stated that they are not able to
travel to Ezo and must purchase their pots at closer markets such as Doko Mesho or
Chencha. Second, Birbir pots are more expensive than pots made in other regions such
as Guyla. The majority of the Guyla women were bom in villages near to Guyla,
therefore they are familiar with the use of Guyla pots. As with the Etello consumers,
Guyla women are not always able to travel to the Ezo market where Birbir pots are
Consumers know which potters manufacture the strongest pots as the use-life
analysis indicates in Chapter 7. However, consumers are not always able to purchase
Vessel Cost
The cost of vessels varies depending on its type and where it was produced.
Large storage jars (batsa) are the most expensive type for potters to produce and
consumers to purchase (Table 4-14). The production of batsas takes more clay than
for other vessel types. Batsas take one month to dry and more fuel wood is needed to
fire the batsas than other vessel types. In addition, after considerable investment in the
Batsas are expensive to buy because they are the most expensive to
manufacture. The average price for batsas among Zuza, Etello, and Guyla consumers
is 14.02 birr. This compares to 2.93 birr for the average price of 804 vessels of all
types from the three villages. Cost data were not available for vessels purchased
before the wife came to live in the household, purchased by someone who died, or
most expensive pots, based on a sample size of at least 20 vessels, come from the
Birbir region with a mean cost of 4.39 birr. The least expensive region that produces
vessels is Zuza with a mean cost of 1.81 birr. The reason for the high cost of Birbir
pots is partly based on their popularity with consumers. A majority of Guyla and
Etello consumers prefer Birbir pots (see Tables 4-12 and 4-13). In addition, the
106
number of Birbir batsas, the most expensive type of vessel, was less than the number
of batsas manufactured by Zada and Guyla potters. This is because the majority of
consumers could not afford batsas produced by Birbir potters, but can afford batsas
There are three Gamo caste groups: mala, mana, and degala, which have
different occupations, access to land, and social and economic standing (see Chapter
2). The mala, mana, and degala castes purchase different types of pots and from
different villages/regions because of their different social status, income, and marriage
The mean expenditure on pots for different caste households suggests that the
mala caste households spend more on pots than the degala caste households. All mana
households in both Zuza and Guyla villages use their own wares so it is not possible to
Among the mala households in Etello, the average cost for vessels is 2.82 birr
with a range of 0.10 to 30.50 birr (Figure 4-9). The degala households in Etello spend
on average 2.21 birr with a range of 0.25 to 4.00 birr. In Guyla, the mala spend on
average 3.93 birr with a range of 0.20 to 50.00 birr. The degala households in Guyla
spend on average 2.26 birr with a range of 0.20 to 10.00 birr. Thus, artisans spend less
Figure 4-9: Mean cost (birr) of pots in Etello and Guyla illustrating the degala caste
spends less on ceramics than the mala caste group.
Artisan households tend to purchase less expensive pots than mala households.
However, in areas where artisans own more land and are subsequently wealthier, they
Etello village
In Etello, the mala caste households purchase a higher percentage of pots (19
percent) from Birbir potters compared to the degala caste households (5 percent) (see
Figure 4-10). The degala households tend to buy pots produced in Guyla (25 percent),
unlike the mala households (3.5 percent). Zada and Guyla potters visit the Doko
108
Mesho market weekly to sell their wares, and Etello’s degala go to these markets to
sell and purchase products, one of which is ceramic pots. In contrast, Etello’s mala
pots, which are sold at the Ezo market. Therefore in Etello, the mala tend to purchase
Birbir pots, which are more expensive than Guyla pots. The higher percentage of pots
that are in the unknown category among the mala households (14 percent) is the result
of the postmarital residence rules where the informant came to live at her husband’s
house after the vessel was purchased. In addition, the mala households have a higher
percentage of vessels that are older than the degala vessels (see Chapter 7).
Guyla village
The higher percentage of pots among the mala households coming from Guyla
is an indication of the strong patron-client relationship that occurs between the Guyla
mala and mana households (Figure 4-11). However, in Guyla the differences between
the mala and degala distribution of ceramics is not as dramatic as among Etello’s
caste. This is because Guyla has potters that both castes can purchase pots from and
Guyla’s degala households own farmland and are not as economically deprived as
degala households living in other Gamo villages (i.e., Etello’s degala). Although
Guyla’s degala members have farmland and have more economic opportunities than
other degala members, they still are considered as social outcastes by Guyla's mala
members.
109
Ezo(n=17)
Guyla (n=12)
Zada(n=70)
Birbir (n=39)
Unknown (n=29)
Percentage of Vessels
Figure 4-10: Relative frequencies of pots in mala and degala households in Etello by
source of manufacture (n=220).
Percentage of Vessels
Figure 4-11: Relative frequencies of pots in mala and degala households in Guyla by
source of manufacture (n=412).
110
Zuza village
and mana households. The Zuza mana households produce all of their own vessels, so
As defined in Chapter 3, economic rank in Gamo society is based on: (1) the
number of different occupations; (2) the number of household buildings; (3) the
presence or absence of livestock; (4) the presence or absence of farmland; and (5) the
vessels than households with less wealth. This holds true for Zuza and Guyla, but in
Etello, the first-ranked households spend less on ceramic pots than do the lower
spend the most and the first-ranked households (2.21 birr) spend on average less than
from potters that sell their pots at cheaper prices, than the wealthier households.
However, the origin of household ceramics is also related to the origin of the
household wife.
4.5
3.5
3
id Economic Rank #1
Mean Cost / 2•5 □ Economic Rank #2
Vessel
g ■ Economic Rank #3
1.5
0.5
0
Zuza Etello Guyla
Village Village Village
(n=329) (n=220) (n=483)
Figure 4-13: Mean cost (birr) of pots in Zuza, Etello, and Guyla by economic rank
illustrating that higher economic ranks generally spend more on household ceramics.
Zuza village
As stated earlier, most Zuza households purchase their ceramics from Zuza and
Ochollo potters. Most of the first- and third-ranked households maintain the village
fewer pots from Zuza potters and more pots from other potters (Figure 4-14). When
looking at the social makeup of the second-ranked households it becomes clear that
the reason they have fewer pots from Zuza is because they have stronger social ties to
other Ochollo regions. One household’s mother’s brother is the Koa (ritual sacrificer)
of Ochollo and so they have social obligations not only to Zuza but also to all Ochollo
villages. A second-ranked household informant that has no Zuza vessels was raised in
Ochollo Dinkarar/Moye and has a number of pots from that village even though she
prefers Zuza pots. Another informant, who has no Zuza vessels, prefers Ochollo Kia
pots and so purchases her vessels from Kia potters at the Ochollo market.
Other Gamo
Regions/Villages
(n=18)
Other Ochollo
Villages (n=80)
Unknown (n=47)
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70
Etello village
Unlike Zuza, the Etello households purchase vessels from a variety of sources.
The ceramic distribution among different economic rank households in Etello shows
that the first-ranked households have a higher percentage of vessels purchased from
Birbir and Ezo potters than either the second- and third-ranked households (Figure 4-
15). This indicates that the first-ranked households can afford to purchase the higher
priced Birbir pots. The second- and third-ranked households have a higher percentage
of vessels from Zada and the third-ranked households obtain more vessels than the
Other Gamo
Regions/Villages
(n=53)
Ezo (n=17)
Guy la (n=12)
Zada (n=70)
Berber (n=39)
Unknown (n=29)
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45
other two ranks from Guyla. This suggests that the second- and third-ranked Etello
households purchase more of their vessels from the Doko Mesho market where both
Guyla village
There are only two economic ranks in Guyla based on the criteria discussed
above, which indicates that Guyla households are generally wealthier than Zuza and
Etello households. The two economic ranks in Guyla have similar percentages
concerning the potters from which they purchase their ceramic vessels. As expected,
the wealthiest households (Rank 1) purchase a little over twice the percentage of their
vessels from Birbir potters than do the second-ranked households. The second-ranked
households purchase a higher percentage of their pots from Guyla potters, but it is
remarkable the consistency between the two economic ranks concerning from whom
village reflects differences in the distribution of ceramics that are manufactured and
potters belong to a submerged caste group that manufactures ceramic vessels full time
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throughout the year. Production decreases only during the second (heavy) rainy
season. Gamo potters manufacture pots for their economic needs, but most
importantly, they are socially linked to the occupation of potting by their caste. Since
many potters do not own farmland to fulfill a portion of their economic needs, mothers
and mothers-in-laws teach their daughters how to manufacture pots. This ensures that
their daughters will have an economic livelihood while they are apprentices and when
they move to their husband’s households. In contrast, Deal (1998:29-30) reports that
two generations ago Maya potters were more likely to learn from their mothers-in-
laws because they married at age 11 or 12, but presently a majority of potters have
116
learned from their mothers. Herbich’s (1987:200) research among the Luo of Kenya
indicates that women marry young and leam how to manufacture pots from their
mothers-in-laws, rather than from their mothers. Gamo potters leam through informal
instruction by watching and conducting chores such as gathering water, cleaning and
pounding the clay, and over time practicing how to make small pots. This type of
informal instruction is also conducted among the Maya (Deal 1998:27; Hayden and
Cannon 1984); the Kalinga (Longacre 1981:60); the Huichol of northern Mexico
(Weigand 1969:31-32); the Atzompa of southern Mexico (Hendry 1992:100); and the
Even though potters leam two different microtraditions, one from their
mother's household and village and one from mother-in-law's household and village,
the ceramic forms and designs reflect those in which they reside. The majority of
Gamo potters believe they produce pots similar to those of their teachers (e.g., mother
and mother-in-law). Gamo potters tend to work alone or with their family members,
which is similar to Maya potters, except that among some Mayan communities potters
manufacture “in an almost assembly-line manner” (Reina and Hill 1978:21). Hence,
archaeologists looking at ceramic materials can discern the village or regional origin
village of potters uses a unique clay source that should be mineralogically distinct
from each other. Therefore, the distance between producer and consumer can also be
estimated. Gamo potters living in the same village often procure their clays and
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tempers from the same sources. However, some potters living in the same village will
mine their materials from two distinct sources. The Guyla potters do not share their
clay sources because of competition and the fear that the clay source will become
depleted. Both Guyla and Zuza’s potters extract their clays and temper from within six
sample of potters that indicates a majority of potters collect their clay within seven
kilometers of their village and 33 percent of the world's potters collect within one
kilometer of their production site. This is not surprising given the amount of labor
will select less quality clays that are closer to their production area rather than clays
that are of higher quality but farther away (P. J. Arnold 1991:23; Davison and Hosford
1978; Haaland 1978:49; Rye and Evans 1976:126). Hence, proximity of the clays and
Gamo potters use different clays and tempers based on several social,
economic, and technical factors. The low social status of Gamo potters makes it
difficult for some potter communities to find suitable clays because some farmers will
not allow potters to dig for clay on their farmland. This problem has resulted in some
potters having to change from four clays to only one clay (e.g., Ezo Shasha potters).
Zuza potters must pay taxes to the government for their clay. Other conditions that
affect the types of clays used are geological factors such as the high water table
flooding sources used by the Guyla potters. In addition, Gamo potters stated that it is
important to acquire the right mixture of clays and temper or else the pots will break
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during production. The proximity and quality of clay sources as well as land
ownership are important components in the use of particular clay sources throughout
the world (Aronson et al. 1994:88; Handler 1963:315-316; Lauer 1974:143-144; Van
clay, form, and decoration at different households. Village households engaged in the
manufactured by a single potter living within the same village. Gamo villages with
resident potters have a patron-client system (mayla) (e.g., Zuza and Guyla), but
villages without potters do not have the patron-client system (e.g., Etello). The Gamo
patron-client system in villages with potters has important ramifications for the origin
purchase their pottery from a single potter. The Gamo patron-client system also
influences the use of household ceramics (see Chapter 5). A strict caste hierarchy with
a strong patron-client system also is found in Rajasthan (Kramer 1997) and Malwa
(Miller 1985) regions of India. Gamo potters sell both to their village and at weekly
markets to non-potter villages, which is also conducted among the Rajasthan and
distribution, even if a household prefers long distance ceramics, most of their ceramics
will reflect the purchase and use of local pottery. Hence, consumers are influenced
Kalinga consumers, like the Gamo consumers, listed technological reasons rather than
nontechnical reasons in deciding which pots to purchase. The Kalinga cite pottery
strength and pot weight as their major reasons for purchasing particular vessels from
Dangtalan and Dalupa villages, respectively (Aronson et al. 1994:98-102). The only
particular village water jar was that they were "nicely decorated" (Aronson et al.
1994:100). The Gamo consumers prefer pots because of their strength, so that weight
and decoration of the pot was never given as a concern. Although Gamo consumers
pots from local potters, indicating that proximity and social relationships take
precedence.
the presence and absence of village potters. Villages without potters should have a
wider range of ceramics with different clays, forms, and decorations. Gamo non¬
pottery-producing villages have a wider variety of ceramics from different areas than
from specific villages/regions they are not always able to purchase pots they prefer.
Gamo consumers purchase the majority of their pots from potters living in their village
or from markets that are in close proximity to their village, rather than travelling to a
distant market to purchase preferred pots. A vessel’s cost is another important element
determining which pots people purchase, because the more preferred pots are the most
expensive, and many consumers cannot always afford them. Hence, social and
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economic context influences the consumer’s choice. The higher caste and wealthiest
households purchase more expensive pots than lower caste and poorer households.
in association with the regional, social, and economic context of Gamo society
household level. The social condition of potters influences their reliance on their craft
for an economic livelihood and determines what types of materials they use. At the
village level, the social makeup determines the relationship between ceramic
producers and consumers. Consumers living in villages with potters can either use the
Consumers living in villages without potters are able to obtain their household pots
only from the weekly markets, causing households to have a higher percentage of pots
produced from different regions than consumer households that have potters living in
their village. The next chapter further integrates the life-cycle of Gamo pots by
focusing on the use and discard of household pots at the scales of village, caste, and
economic rank.
CHAPTER 5
THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CONTEXT
OF CERAMIC USE AND DISCARD
subsistence, demography, social and economic status, and social interaction (e.g., Deal
1985, 1998; Deal and Hagstrum 1995; Miller 1985; Nelson 1991; Stanislawski 1969).
The use and discard of a household ceramic assemblage is dependent upon the
interaction between ceramic producers and consumers, and thus is reliant upon the
This chapter organizes the analysis of household ceramics into three units of
socioeconomic context important to the Gamo: (1) villages; (2) castes; and (3)
economic wealth. Gamo households still rely on Gamo produced ceramic vessels to
prepare their food. Furthermore, the ceramic types that potters produce are dependent
upon the demands from the consumers concerning the types of foods consumers eat.
The analysis concerning the social status and economic wealth of households indicates
that the frequency and function of household pots are the most reliable indicators of a
121
122
I conducted a study of ceramic use and discard in the Gamo villages of Zuza,
Etello, and Guyla (see Figure 2-1). Zuza (2,100 meters) is located in the baso
ecological zone where the predominant crops grown are enset, com, cabbage, coffee,
and tobacco. Zuza is one among seven villages that are in Ochollo dere. Zuza sits at
the top of the ridge that comprises the Ochollo dere overlooking the rift valley lakes of
Abaya to the east and Chamo to the southeast. The villages of Etello (2,400-2,500
meters) and Guyla (2,500-2,800 meters) are located in the dega ecological zone.
Enset, wheat, barley, potatoes, beans, and peas are the primary crops grown in both
villages. Etello is one of the 11 villages in the Doko Kalay mota of Doko dere. The
majority of Etello’s household compounds are situated along the Itsomighty River
Valley, but some compounds also border the road leading to Doko Mesho. Guyla is
one of the seven villages of Zada dere in the Leesha mota. Guyla is located along the
Industrial Types
The replacement of ceramic with industrial types among the Gamo people has
not had the dramatic effects that have been witnessed in other parts of the world
types are more common in the villages of Zuza and Etello than they are in Guyla
because Guyla is geographically more remote. The only type of industrial vessel that
has completely replaced a Gamo ceramic form is the Chinese porcelain, which most of
Ethiopia uses as a coffee cup. All of the inventoried Gamo households have replaced
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the ceramic coffee cups with the Chinese porcelain cups, so no attempt was made to
include them in the household inventory. Another common type of industrial container
in use among the Gamo people is the plastic container people use to collect and
transport water. Trucks from Kenya transport large quantities of these plastic water
containers and distribute them into the Ethiopian hinterland. In the future, these plastic
water containers may completely replace ceramic water jars. However, presently the
Gamo use both ceramic water jars and plastic water containers to store and transport
their water. Other types of industrial containers are small plastic bowls and drinking
In Zuza, a popular industrial type is the plastic water container, which is in use
in 50 percent (n=10) of the households inventoried. The use of the plastic water
container makes it easier for these people to transport water, especially the people who
live in Zuza. The people with houses on the crest of the Ochollo ridge, Zuza, must
walk down a 20 to 40 meter steep rocky ridge to a well, which is their closest water
source. Only one Zuza house has a large assemblage of industrial vessels,
predominantly metal cooking vessels. The adults in this household still use a ceramic
jar to transport water, while the children use a plastic container. Another Zuza person
stated that she uses plastic bowls instead of the ceramic serving bowls (i.e., shele and
Etello uses more industrial vessels than either Zuza or Guyla, as Etello is
located close to the town of Chencha, which has many small stores that sell metal and
plastic containers. In Etello, 90 percent (n= 18) of the households inventoried use some
type of industrial container. Plastic containers are the most common type used in
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Etello but a larger variety of both metal and plastic containers also are used. Two
reasons why Etello households have more industrial containers than either Zuza or
Guyla is: (1) there are no potters living in Etello and (2) their proximity to the town of
Chencha. Etello consumers can travel to Chencha to purchase industrial containers and
there is not the patron-client relationship between pottery producers and consumers
that is evident in both Zuza and Guyla. Although Etello uses more industrial type
containers than Zuza or Guyla, Etello households still rely heavily on their household
Guyla has the least amount of industrial vessels of the three villages I studied,
as plastic water containers, bowls, and cups are present in only 35 percent (n=7) of
using metal containers. People living in the least accessible areas of the Gamo region
(e.g., Guyla) are slower to change from the traditional ceramic vessels to the industrial
containers. The cost of industrial types and their accessibility remain impediments to
the technological change from ceramics to plastics and metals. In addition, the change
to the industrial containers is hindered because people believe food tastes better when
The vessel assemblages of the three Gamo villages of Zuza, Etello, and Guyla
are distinct because of their different ecological locations, crops, and diets. The Zuza
people have more coffee pots, stew pots, and baking plates than Etello and Guyla
people. In Etello and Guyla, there are more types of serving vessels and water pipes
than in Zuza.
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Coffee pitchers are more common in the village of Zuza. This is a reflection of
Zuza’s ecological location, as many households are able to grow their own coffee. In
contrast, in Etello and Guyla, people are not able to grow coffee because of the high
altitude, and consumers must purchase coffee at the weekly markets. Coffee beans are
There are different types of cooking vessels in the three villages, which reflect
their dietary habits. Distes (cooking pots) also are more common in Zuza households
than in Etello and Guyla. Ninety-five percent of distes (cooking pots) present in Zuza
households were produced by either Zuza or other Ochollo potters. Zuza’s consumers
eat more wat (a type of stew made with either lintels, chicken, or beef) than Etello and
Guyla consumers, and diste 's main function is for the preparation of wat. Baches
(baking plates) also are more common among Zuza households. The Zuza people eat
more maize bread and roasted maize, which is cooked on baches. In addition, a major
crop grown by Zuza farmers is maize that cannot be grown in the high altitude areas.
The number of Zuza households reporting eating maize food is much higher (n = 19;
percent). Etello and Guyla households eat more barley and wheat than do Zuza
households. Although wheat and barley also is roasted, the majority of barley and
wheat is combined with other ingredients and cooked in the otto (cooking jar). The
demand for baches and distes among Zuza and Ochollo households is the primary
reason why Zuza potters specialize in the manufacture of baches and distes. However,
Guyla potters repeatedly stated that the type of clays mined by Guyla potters are not
Table 5-1: Percentage of vessel types and their use in the three Gamo villages.
The location of villages in relation to local water sources effects their ceramic
storage/transport jars (ottos) than Etello (11.0 percent) and Guyla (6.3 percent). The
majority of Zuza households are located on the ridge crest, but their water well is
located approximately 50 meters below this ridge crest, which forces people to climb
the steep ridge to gather their water. The majority of Etello and Guyla households live
Serving vessels such as shele (serving bowl), peele (serving dish), and tsua
(serving jar), occur with a much lower frequency within Zuza households than in
either Etello and Guyla households. The majority of Zuza people use wooden bowls
instead of ceramic bowls for serving. The land surrounding Zuza is less densely
occupied than the higher elevations of Etello and Guyla and provides for an abundant
127
supply of wood for the Zuza inhabitants. Peeles (serving dish) are more predominant
in Guyla households with the majority produced by Guyla potters (87.5 percent).
The smallest jar (i.e., tsua), that is usually used for drinking, is less common
among the Zuza people. Zuza people use gourds for drinking, rather than tsuas, which
are used more in Etello and Guyla. There is a mean of 6.35 gourds per household
among the 20 Zuza households inventoried, whereas in Etello, the mean number of
gourds is 2.85 gourds and Guyla has a mean number of 1.3 gourds.
The water pipe, guya, is less common in Zuza than in Etello or Guyla. A
logical explanation for the latter would be that there are more Protestants in Zuza. It is
However, there are only four inventoried Zuza Protestant households. The number of
Protestants in Etello and Guyla is small with only three and two Protestant households,
respectively. Therefore, religion is not the reason for the lower frequency of water
pipes in Zuza. While working in the three villages, I did not experience people
gathering to smoke the water pipe everyday in Zuza that I witnessed in both Etello and
especially in Guyla (Table 5-1). It is surprising that Zuza households do not smoke
tobacco since tobacco is more commonly grown in Zuza’s ecological zone (i.e., baso)
than in dega zone of Etello and Guyla. Tobacco in Gamo is a mixture of cooked
tobacco leaves and cow dung. Cattle in Zuza and Ochollo dere are not as common as
in the central Gamo region, which may explain the low numbers of guyas (water pipe)
Zuza, but Etello and Guyla households had 31 cows in each village. In addition, the
central Gamo region around the town of Ezo is known for its high quality tobacco.
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Thus, the smoking of tobacco in different Gamo regions may be a result of economic,
Ceramic Life-cycle
Primary-use
The Gamo have four primary-uses for ceramics—cooking, serving, storage, and
transporting. Gamo vessels fall into two distinct use categories: (1) pots that are
usually used for a specific function (e.g., a jebana coffee pitcher only functions to boil
coffee); and (2) types that have multiple functions as their primary-use (e.g., a cooking
otto may primarily function as a cooking pot but it also may function to store and
transport water). Pots that are used specifically for either cooking or serving are
usually not used later for a completely different function. For example, a cooking pot
The percentages of ceramic types (Table 5-1) (vessels of the entire life-cycle)
found in each of the villages is similar to the percentages of ceramic types for primary-
use in each of the three villages (Table 5-2). However, there are two differences.
Within Zuza, there is a much larger proportion of large storage jars (11.3 percent) or
batsa than in either Guyla (3.2 percent) or Etello (2.2 percent). This reflects the
developmental cycle of the household ceramic assemblage, as the Etello and Guyla
households had not replaced their broken batsas (storage and beer processing jars). In
addition, the low percentage of primary-use batsas (storage jars) demonstrate that the
majority of batsas in both Guyla and Etello are in their reuse stage and function for
vessel types in each village demonstrates how their use influences their ubiquity in the
vessels, which are generally associated with cooking, is lower than primary-use
serving or storage vessels. Storage vessels are expected to have a low breakage rate,
but many of the batsas (storage jars) in both Guyla (79.6 percent) and Etello (80
percent) are broken. This is due to: (1) a high cost of batsas, making them difficult to
replace after breaking; (2) the large percentage of broken batsas used for storing
crops; and 3) the high rate of breakage during primary-use from the wearing down of
the vessel wall caused by the fermentation of beer (see Chapter 6 on discussion of use
alteration analysis).
Because Etello has no resident potters, consumers must travel to the markets to
primary-use pots because they may be more careful with their pots, compared to
villages with potters such as Zuza and Guyla. However, there is only a slight
difference between the three villages, with Etello surprisingly having only a slightly
Zuza (49.1 percent) or Guyla (52.8 percent). Etello's higher percentage of primary-use
sheles (serving bowls) (89.4 percent) is the only type dramatically different from
either the Zuza (68.9 percent) or Guyla (68.7 percent) assemblages (see Table 5-3).
130
Table 5-2: Percentage and frequency of primary-use vessel types found in three Gamo
villages.
In addition, the actual use of different ceramic types influence their breakage
and replacement rates, because some types cannot be used for a secondary function.
For instance, the guya, used as a water pipe, has a high percentage of primary-use
among the village assemblages. It is not possible to reuse a broken water pipe to
smoke tobacco and the guya has only one function (i.e., to smoke tobacco).
131
Table 5-3: Percentage and frequency of primary-use vessel types and their comparison
to their respective type found in the three Gamo villages.
Mending vessels
The Gamo mend vessels with a variety of materials (Table 5-4). The enset
plant is the most common material for mending pots. Different parts used for mending
pots include eterna, juice from enset, rope (gola) made from enset leaves, and holes
are stuffed with the inner part of the enset leaves. Another common mending material
is cow dung usually used by itself or in combination with soil, cloth, or enset rope.
are mended is 4.3 percent (N=487, n=21). It is expected that Etello would have more
mended pots than Zuza and Guyla, because Etello has no potters living within the
village and it is more difficult for consumers to obtain pots. Etello’s assemblage
132
indeed contains the highest percentage of mended pots (12.3 percent, N = 89, n=l 1).
The percentage of vessels from Zuza that are mended is 4 percent (N=174, n=7) and
Guyla’s percentage of mended vessels is the lowest of the three villages, with only 1.3
percent (N=224, n=3). The age range of all the mended vessels from the three villages
are from one month to fifty years. Locally made pots were repaired as often as pots
obtained from distant sources. Most mended pots are transporting or storage pots,
Table 5-4: Absolute and relative frequencies of materials used for mending pots.
Dung 1/4.8
Cow Dung and Enset Rope 1/4.8
Cow Dung and Soil 1 / 4.8
Cow Dung and Cloth 1 / 4.8
Burlap 1 / 4.8
Honey Comb 1/4.8
Frankincense 1/4.8
Nora (White Clay) 1 /4.8
Cloth 1 /4.8
Cloth Tied Around Neck to Hold Neck and 1 /4.8
Rim Together
Concrete 1 / 4.8
Tar 1 /4.8
Plastic 1/4.8
The Gamo do not only mend pottery purchased from distant markets, but more
frequently mend locally made pots. In the Zuza households, Zuza potters produced
four of the mended pots, two other pots from Ochollo dere (Kia and Moye). Yet in
133
Etello, five of the mended pots came from the Birbir region, four from Zada, one from
Gema, and one pot the owner was uncertain about its manufactured location. All three
Guyla mended pots came from Guyla potters. Clearly, distance to the ceramic
Table 5-5: Mended vessels by vessel type, function, frequency, and percent of mended
vessels by village illustrating that the non-potter village (Etello) has a higher
frequency of mended pots.
The pots that were mended in the three villages were more expensive than the
pots that were not mended. The average cost of pots from Zuza’s 17 inventoried
households, not including the three potter households, is 1.84 birr, but the average cost
of the six mended pots is 2.75 birr (the cost of one vessel was not available). The
average cost of Etello’s pots is 2.77 birr, but the average cost of the mended Etello
pots is 4.00 birr. The average cost of Guyla’s pots is 3.71 birr but the average cost of
the one mended vessel (where the cost information is available) is 7.00 birr. Therefore,
the average cost of the mended vessels is more than the cost of the average non-
134
mended vessels from all three villages. This indicates that the cost of the pot is an
Although the number of reuse pots is small, compared to the larger village
assemblage, mending vessels does indicate the importance that the reuse stage has in
the overall household ceramic assemblage. The average cost of the mended vessels
indicates it has an economic value to the household. The mending of vessels consists
of a transformation between the primary and reuse stages, with curation prolonging the
Reuse
In this analysis, I consider the reuse of vessels as vessels that have been broken
and then reused. Among the households inventoried in Zuza, Etello, and Guyla, 32.9
percent of the pots are reused within the household assemblages. In addition, we
would assume that because Etello does not have potters, its households would reuse
their vessels more than those of Zuza and Guyla, where potters live. However, the
Etello vessel assemblage has only 23.4 percent reused broken vessels, compared to
31.8 percent for Zuza and 35.3 percent for Guyla households (Table 5-6).
There are differences between the three villages in the range of types that are
the most and least common to reuse. The otto (store and transport water) is the most
common reused vessel type in Zuza (27.3 percent), Guyla (24.8 percent), and Etello
(21.1 percent). The reason the ottos, used for storing and transporting water, have a
high reuse percentage in all three villages is because they are useful for secondary
Table 5-6: Percentage and frequency of reused vessel types found in three Gamo
villages illustrating ottos and tsaros (both jars) are the most common reused vessel
types.
Cooking vessels vary in their reuse among the three villages. The cooking otto
is one of the least reused vessels in Zuza (6.4 percent) and Guyla (6.3 percent), but has
a
high reuse rate in Etello (15.4 percent). Jebanas (coffee pitchers) also are rarely
reused in the three villages, Zuza (8.1 percent), Guyla (2.3 percent), and Etello (3.8
percent). When jebanas are reused after they break, they are turned on their side and
placed on the hearth to boil coffee or are reused for storing crops, especially in Guyla.
The tsaro, another type of cooking vessel, has a high reuse in Zuza (13.6 percent),
Guyla (20.2 percent), and Etello (13.5 percent). People reuse tsaros by turning them
on their side for cooking or to store crops. Bache (baking plate) is another type
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exhibiting variation between the villages. After a bache breaks, it will be reused for
after breakage compared to vessel types people discard (Table 5-7). Guyla households
(77.2 percent) reuse a higher percentage of their broken vessels than Etello.
Surprisingly Etello (57.7 percent) reuses less of their vessels than both Zuza and
Guyla. Etello households only reuse 46.1 percent of their broken batsas (storage jars)
compared to 100 percent and 87.5 percent for Zuza and Guyla households,
respectively.
Certain vessel types (i.e.Jebana [coffee pitcher] and diste [cooking pot]) such
as small vessels like jebanas have a small rim orifice that makes them difficult to
reuse for secondary functions such as for crop storage. These two vessel types,
jebanas (coffee pitchers) and distes (cooking pots) are usually discarded or placed
into provisional discard, until there is a need for a large sherd or to function as lids for
larger storage jars. Large and small cooking jars (i.e., ottos and tsaros) provide a
suitable form to reuse for storing crops after they break. The reuse of a vessel depends
on its primary-use and form. Most of the pots that are reused are large expensive non¬
cooking vessels.
Discard
stated were broken and had no further function. Discarded pots have either broken and
discarded. The ceramic consumers may someday find a function for these break them
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discarded pots, which some have already been reused. However, they may eventually
into large sherds that also may provide a household function such as carrying fire to
the hearth or from one household to another to light a guya (water pipe) or used as lids
Table 5-7: Percentage of broken vessel types reused for secondary use among the three
Gamo villages.
Guyla discards the lowest percentage of their vessels with only 7.7 percent of
their entire assemblage, compared to 17.9 percent and 17.6 percent for Zuza and
households than in Zuza and Etello, and these households use their broken pots for
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storage of excess crops. The most frequent vessel type discarded in all three villages is
tsaro (small cooking jar). The majority of tsaros (small cooking jars) function for
cooking activities and this type, as well as the cooking otto, usually succumbs to large
cracks on the base of the vessel caused by repeated exposure to the hearth. As
expected, Zuza discards a higher percentage of jebanas (coffee pitchers) and distes
(cooking pots) because they use these types more than the other villages. Etello
discards a higher percentage of batsas (storage jars) than either Zuza or Guyla. It is
unexpected that Etello and I do not have an adequate reason why a village without
potters would discard large expensive vessels (i.e., batsas) more than villages that
Some vessel types (i.e., shele [serving bowl], bache [baking plate], tsua
[serving jar], and peele [serving dish]) may only crack during use and therefore people
then will continue to reuse them for the same primary function. Baches (baking plates)
will crack from continuous cooking, but because baches function for only roasting or
baking and not to hold liquids, they can continue to function for cooking for an
extended period of time. Serving vessels such as the shele and peele will crack from
the rim to the base but continue to function for serving until the vessel eventually
forms a large break. The tsua (serving jar) also has a low percentage of discard among
the three villages. Thin cracks usually form along the rim, which does not hinder its
Once a vessel has broken into sherds, people throw sherds into either the
household garden or footpaths depending upon the household. Women sweep the
sherds. However, a common sight along the footpaths of all villages is imbedded
sherds. The sherds are repeatedly walked over and they become part of the pathway.
This accumulation of sherds in the footpaths provides people with traction during the
rainy season. This type of formational process is especially noticeable in Zuza and
Ochollo dere where water from pumps run down the ridge into the footpaths, making
Table 5-8: Percentage of discarded vessel types found in three Gamo villages.
reflecting upon diet, cooking, and storage practices that within one society differences
in the household ceramic assemblages do occur. People tend to mend more vessels
that are expensive and in Etello, a non-pottery-producing village. The reuse and
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discard analysis indicates that whether a vessel is used or not after it breaks, depends
Caste Groups
The analysis of ceramic use and discard in association with the three Gamo
caste groups, mala, mana, and degala, will provide the social context concerning
household ceramic assemblages and caste groups. I expect that household ceramic
assemblages will reflect Gamo’s rigid caste system regarding differences in frequency,
Frequency of Vessels
measurement of vessel use, past or present (i.e., primary, reuse, and discard stages),
that are associated with some form of food processing. Vessels used for pottery
production are included in the analysis, except for wasters. The analyses indicate that
there is a strong correlation, between caste status and the frequency of household
vessels. However, the differences in the frequency of vessels between the different
castes households is not significant because of the small number of artisan households.
Mala households have more vessels in each of the three villages than both the mana
The mala households of Guyla have a mean frequency of 26.1 vessels per
household, which is dramatically more than the average number of pots in Zuza (18.1
ceramic vessels) or Etello’s (11.9 ceramic vessels) mala households. Guyla’s mala
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Chapter 4, there is a strong patron-client relation in Guyla between the mala and mana
households. This patron-client relationship also occurs in Zuza but is not as strong as
in Guyla. Etello’s mala households have fewer numbers of vessels per household
because there are no potters living in Etello and so the mala must travel to weekly
markets to purchase their household vessels. In addition, Etello is located near Tuka,
Mean amala
Number amana
of Vessels adegala
Figure 5-1: Mean number of vessels by caste and villages (see Appendix A for
summary statistics).
Guyla’s mana households own almost twice as many vessels per household
with 23.7 than Zuza’s mana households that only own an average of 12.7 vessels per
household. The mana in Guyla have a larger household population with a mean of 6.3
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people than the mana household of Zuza, which has a mean population of 4.3 people.
One possibility is that the Guyla mana own more land than the Zuza mana, therefore
Etello and Guyla’s degala households in the mean number of ceramic vessels per
household. The large difference in the number of vessels owned between the two
degala groups demonstrates the variation in households belonging to the same caste.
process a more varied diet and also to store crops that they grow on their farmland,
while Etello’s degala do not own farmland and use a majority of their ceramic pots
only for cooking. In Zuza, the mana own fewer pots than the mala. The mala caste in
Zuza has a mean of 18.1 vessels and the mana caste households have a mean of 12.7
vessels. Potter households in Zuza have a large cache of wasters adjacent to their
houses and scattered in parts of their compound. If wasters were included in the
analysis then potter households in Zuza would have more vessels per household than
castes in Etello. The mala households of Etello have a mean of 11.9 vessels per
household, compared to a mean of 6.7 vessels for the Etello degala. The Etello degala
households have fewer number of pots due to their low status. The Etello degala have
no land to farm and their only livelihood comes from selling scraped cowhides.
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The frequencies of pots between the castes in Guyla also clearly indicate the
Gamo social hierarchy. The mala caste in Guyla have a mean 26.1 vessels, whereas
the means for the mana and the degala households is 23.7 and 17.7, respectively. The
potter households in Guyla do not keep their wasters but deposit them in the footpaths
and gardens. Although the trend is consistent throughout the three villages, the t-test
results indicate they are not significant because of the large range of vessel frequency.
Vessel Types
indicator of social status in Gamo society (Figure 5-2). The mala own only slightly
more vessel types in Zuza, with the mala in Guyla owning fewer ceramic types than
the mana and degala households. In Etello, the difference in the frequencies of vessel
types is considerable between the mala and degala households. The different castes
eat a different variety of foods and the processing of foods affects the types of vessels
In Zuza, the mala own slightly more vessel types than the mana. The mala
caste in Zuza has a mean number of 6.9 types compared to a mean of 6.0 types for the
mana caste. Among the Zuza castes, the biggest difference is that the Zuza potters
(mana) do not own any of the large storage jars (batsas). However, the mana
households do not have farmland and therefore do not need large storage jars for
storing excess crops nor do they have enough grain to produce beer. Another
difference is that the mana households own over twice the amount of serving bowls
(sheles) than the mala households. This indicates that the mala households eat more
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with the wooden bowls compared to the potters, who can easily produce their own
serving bowls. Another example of Zuza potters (mana) producing their own wares
instead of using another type of material is the difference in the frequency of tsuas
(serving jars). The Zuza potters own just less than twice the amount of tsuas compared
to mala households, which reflects the fact that mala households are using gourds for
drinking instead of tsuas (serving jars). Both the Zuza mala and mana use the same
amount of ottos for the transporting of water (i.e., 40 and 39.2 percent respectively).
Only the Zuza mala households use their ottos for the transporting of beer, which they
In Etello, the mala caste has a mean number of 5.9 types compared to only 3.7
vessel types among the degala households. Degala households do not own jebana
(coffee pitcher), bache (baking plate), tsua (serving jar), batsa (storage jar), and peele
(serving dish). The jebana, peele, and bache types are owned by less than 5 percent of
mala households indicating that these types are not common among even the mala
Etello households. Batsas (storage jars) are not owned by the degala households
because they do not own land and thus generate no agricultural surplus. Therefore,
they have no need for large storage jars. Etello degala store food in smaller types such
as distes (coffee pitchers) and ottos (cooking/storage jars). Jebanas (coffee pitchers)
are not present in the degala household assemblage because it is expensive to purchase
coffee. The lack of tsuas among the Etello degala is due to one degala household
owning plastic cups which two neighboring degala households borrow. Two types, the
otto and tsaro, predominate in ceramic assemblages of the Etello degala, as these two
Figure 5-2: Mean number of vessel types by caste and villages (see Appendix A for
summary statistics).
In Guyla, the mala caste households have a similar mean number of types (8.1)
compared to the mana and degala with 8.3 and 8.7 mean number of types,
respectively. The similar results of the mean number of vessel types among the Guyla
castes indicate that all households use the vessels in normal daily activities. The
differences that occur among the different Guyla caste households are somewhat
reversed from Etello, since Guyla degala have the most number of jebanas (coffee
pots) compared to the mana and mala households. The Guyla mana caste households
have a higher percentage of distes (cooking pots) than the other two castes. The Guyla
mala caste households have a much larger percentage of ottos, than either the mana or
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degala households. The most interesting phenomenon is that degala households do not
use ottos but use tsaros instead for their cooking. The ottos among degala households
consist of only 1.3 percent of their assemblage whereas the tsaros represent 26.4
percent of the assemblage. The degala households continue with the trend of having
more than twice the percentage of guya water pipes in their assemblage than the mala
households. Also, the degala households use more gumgays (washing bowls) which
are used to wash their feet. This may be a result of their trying to rid the idea on the
Variation in the use of vessel types across castes provides insight on the
variation in caste diet. Some households that are socially of low status have a limited
dietary choice due to their poor access to land and money. For instance, boiling coffee
beans is restricted to the jebana (coffee pitcher) type, but some households cannot
afford coffee beans and will boil coffee leaves instead, using the tsaro (small cooking
The higher frequency of water pipes (i.e., guyas) among mana and degala
households in the three villages indicates that potters and hideworkers smoke more
tobacco than do the mala people. This is due to some of the mana and degala castes
not becoming Protestant and Ethiopian Orthodox church members, which ostracize
artisans.
foods such as butter, milk, meat, beer, and other ceremonial type foods are expensive
and poorer households can not afford to process or buy these foods. The consumption
of meat occurs only twice a year during religious holidays and lower caste households
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usually do not eat meat, even during religious holidays, because it is so expensive. The
use of a wider variety of cooking pots (i.e., distes, ottos, and tsaros) among the mala
households, in all three villages, indicates that their diet is more varied than the diet of
the mana and degala households. Although not statistically significant because of the
small sample size of artisan households, Figure 5-3 indicates that higher caste
households have a higher percentage of ceramic vessels that function for the
The presence of the large storage jars or batsa among the mala households in
Zuza and Etello, and their absence among the mana or degala households is a
reflection of the differences in their diet. The large storage jars are predominantly in
use for the processing of beer (i.c.,farso), which is an expensive food to process
every Guyla caste has batsas in use, principally for the processing of beer, the analysis
of foods consumed with the different vessel types by the mana and degala castes are
less diverse and include fewer foods that are expensive to process. As discussed,
wealthy mala households eat different foods, and therefore use their pots differently
than poorer mana and degala households. A household with only a residing widow
will eat less costly foods, and use vessels differently than a Halaka household with an
extended family living in one large compound. Differences occur between the Zuza
and Guyla mana in terms of owning batsas', the mana households in Guyla own
batsas, but the Zuza mana do not. The reason is that Guyla potters own more farmland
and can produce grain. Therefore, batsas contribute to the household’s need for
storing grain and fermenting beer. In contrast, the potters in Zuza do not own
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farmland, making it expensive to purchase large amounts of grain for storage or for
producing beer. The mana in Zuza will store grain in ottos rather in the large batsa.
Ceramic Life-cycle
Primary-use
There are differences among the caste groups concerning their primary-use of
vessels. Differences do occur among the highest caste, the mala, in the three villages
with regard to the frequency and use of primary-use vessels. The mala in the three
villages use many of the forms available and cook a variety of foods. The vessel types
that the mala purchase and use are influenced by a complexity of factors. The mala
distributions in each village parallel what was discussed above in the primary-use
section in each village. Thus, the ecological zone of the village affects the types of
vessels that each mala group uses. The Zuza mala own more jebanas (coffee
pitchers), baches (baking plates), and distes (cooking pots) because of their close
association with coffee, maize, and cooking stews. In addition, the Zuza mala use
more wooden serving bowls than sheles (serving bowls) and peeles (serving dishes),
The degala caste is the lowest caste in the social hierarchy in Gamo society,
but there is variation in the frequency and types of ceramic vessels that degala
households own. The degala households in Etello own only a few vessels types and so
among the three households there are no jebanas (coffee pitchers), sheles (serving
bowls) or peeles (serving dishes), baches (baking plates), tsuas (drinking jars), or
149
batsas (storage jars). In addition, the restricted ceramic assemblages among the Etello
degala households clearly demonstrates their lower social status in Gamo society.
Comparing the three castes to each other provides evidence concerning how
Considerable differences occur between the Zuza mala and mana households in their
use of different vessel types for household food processing. Within the cooking
category the largest difference is that 100 percent of the cooking ottos used among the
mala households function for cooking compared to only 40 percent for the mana
households. The Zuza mana used their ottos for pottery production and storing wheat
flour. Storage is restricted to only two types among the mana households compared to
seven different types used to store food and water by the Zuza mala. The mala and
mana households use the same type of vessels to transport food and water but differ in
their reliance. The mala households use the water carrying ottos more for transporting,
water. Both the mala and mana households have an average of 4.3 people per
household, so household population does not provide a reason for the difference in the
vessel type to transport water. The reason the mana have more tsaros than the mala is
because a common chore for the mana children is to work for their mothers carrying
water frequently for pottery production. It is easier for children to carry smaller
vessels to transport water, and thus mana households have more tsaros than ottos.
150
60
49.7
Ornala
Percentage amana
of Vessels
a degala
Figure 5-3: Percentage of vessels used for the processing of high cost foods by village
caste.
The mala have a more diversified household ceramic assemblage than the
degala households in Etello. The Etello degala own only distes (cooking pots), ottos
(cooking/transporting/storage jars), tsaros (small cooking jars), and one shele (serving
bowls) for the primary-use stage. The degala have one tsaro to transport and store
water and all the other pots only are used for cooking. This is the most drastic
intravillage difference concerning the primary-use of pots found between castes in the
three villages. Again the restricted use of the household ceramic assemblage firmly
contrast to the degala in Guyla who own a variety of types including batsas (large
storage jars), which three-fourths of these batsas are used to cook farso (beer).
Among the different caste households living in Guyla, there are interesting
similarities and differences between the use of specific vessel types among castes.
Vessels primarily used for cooking such as distes, ottos, and tsaros do not vary among
the Guyla caste households. The only dramatic difference is that the degala
households use half of their large jars (batsas) for cooking farso (beer), while none of
the mana and only 20 percent of the mala households use them for this function. The
mala and mana in Guyla use more ottos for cooking beer than the degala. There are no
drastic differences among the caste households concerning the percentage of serving
conducted with specific types. The three castes use peele, shele, and tsua as serving
vessels. Both the mana and degala households use the same types for storing water.
The mala households use two more types for storing, although the difference in
percentages is not large with only 16.7 percent for distes and 5.5 percent for peeles.
The mana households use only tsaros for transporting water, whereas both the mala
and degala households use more types for transporting water and foods.
Reuse
I expected that the mana and degala households would reuse more of their
broken vessels than mala households for two reasons: 1) to reuse vessels for the
production of ceramic vessels; and 2) to reuse their vessels because of their lower
socio-economic status in Gamo society. In all villages 90.5 percent of the mala
households mend and reuse their vessels compared to only 9.5 percent for the mana
and 0.0 percent for the degala. Only in Zuza do the mana households reuse a higher
152
percentage of their broken pots (84.6 percent) than do the mala households (70.4
percent).
The Guyla mala reuse the highest percentage of their vessels (84 percent)
compared to 70.4 percent and 57.5 percent for the Zuza and Etello mala households,
respectively. Although Etello has no potters living in the village, the Etello mala reuse
fewer pots than the Zuza or Guyla mala, where potters live within each village.
The Zuza mana households reuse a slightly higher percentage of their pots
(84.6 percent) compared to the percentage of pots reused in Guyla mana households
(76.9 percent). In Guyla, the mana households mended only two vessels.
The Etello degala reuse 50 percent of their vessels compared to the 80 percent
reused by the Guyla degala households. The lower percentage of reuse is due to the
Etello degala households using their vessels predominantly for cooking. Generally,
once a vessel is broken by the cooking process, it cannot be used again for additional
cooking needs and the degala in Etello have no farmland resulting in the lack of a
storage need. Therefore, the majority of Etello degala households discard their
cooking vessels instead of attempting to reuse them for storage. Surprisingly, the
Etello degala reuse 100 percent of their distes, which otherwise has the lowest reuse
percentage for all types among the three villages. The degala households from Etello
and Guyla reflect two different patterns. The Guyla degala reuse their vessels almost
at the same percentage as the Guyla mala households. The Guyla degala have
farmland and so these households need broken vessels to store their excess crops.
Furthermore, farmland provides the Guyla degala more economic opportunities than
Discard
The mala caste households discard a higher percentage of their vessels than
either the mana or degala castes. Guyla mala households discard a smaller percentage
of vessels than either the Zuza or Etello mala. The livelihoods of many Zuza mala
households are dependent upon weaving (52.9 percent) and so storing excess amounts
of crops in large vessels is not as common as among the Guyla mala households. In
addition, widows occupy a large percentage (47 percent) of the Zuza mala households
and so farming is not an economic option, making discard more common than reuse of
broken vessels for storage. The Etello mala have more discarded vessels (41.2
percent) than the two other villages. The Etello mala households discard a larger
percentage of their batsas than the Zuza and Guyla mala. As discussed above, it is
surprising that a village without potters would discard a higher percentage of their
ceramic vessels, than villages that have potters and therefore an easier access to new
pots.
The mana households in both Zuza and Guyla discard only 15.4 percent and
23.1 percent of their vessels, respectively. The Zuza mana discards only diste and
tsaro, but the Guyla mana discards six different types of vessels (i.e., diste, tsaro,
shele, bache, batsa, and peele). In addition, only 34.2 percent of the Zuza mana pots
are broken in their household assemblage, compared to the 54.9 percent of broken pots
in the Guyla mana household assemblage. The the Guyla potters have
reason a higher
number of types and discard rate is because they manufacture more types and when
those types break during production they keep these vessels for possible future use.
154
The Etello degala have half of their broken vessels in discard compared to only
15 percent vessel discard for the Guyla degala. Although the Etello degala have 35
percent more vessels in discard than the Guyla degala, they only have three vessel
types in the broken life-cycle stage compared to six types among the Guyla degala.
Furthermore, 60 percent of the Etello degala vessel assemblage is in the broken life-
cycle stage, compared to only 37.7 percent for the Guyla degala assemblage. Finally,
the Etello degala primarily use their vessels for cooking, which is an important
component to their high discard rate. Cooking vessels will usually crack on the base
when they break and therefore they cannot be used to store liquids such as water or
beer, but only dry goods. Since the Etello degala do not have farmland they do not
have the need to store a seasonal harvest and therefore they discard their vessels rather
Artisan castes have limited use of farmland, which influences the foods they
eat and their use of pots, especially during the reuse stage. However, households
belonging to the same caste, but residing in different villages also may have different
economic wealth and its association with household ceramics below provides an
economic context concerning how wealth influences household ceramic use and
discard.
Economic Rank
refine the association between household wealth and household ceramic assemblages.
155
I expect that variation in household wealth influences the frequency, spatial use, and
discard of household ceramics and their diet. Because the number of households in
each economic rank is small in each village, the frequency of vessels, types, and the
percentage of vessels used for processing high-cost foods are not significant.
However, the general pattern throughout indicates that household ceramics can
Frequency of Vessels
indicates that the mean number of vessels is a strong indicator of economic wealth
(Figure 5-4).
In Zuza, the highest ranked households have a mean of 23.4 mean vessels,
while the middle ranked households have a mean of 15.7 vessels and the lowest
ranked households have a mean of 14.9 vessels. Etello households cluster together
with a 12.8 mean in the highest ranked households, 11.7 mean in the second rank, and
7.2 mean in the lowest ranked households. In Guyla, the households are ranked only in
two categories, with the highest ranked households having a mean of 30.3 number of
vessels and the second ranked households having a mean of 21.4 number of vessels.
The mean frequency of vessels indicates a strong correlation with household wealth.
household vessel frequency, the general pattern suggests that household ceramic
frequency in association with the household economic context may aid in the
35 r
30.3
30
25 23.4
21.4
10
Figure 5-4: Mean number of vessels by economic rank and villages (see Appendix B
for summary statistics).
Ceramic Types
There is a larger disparity of vessel types among the different economic ranks,
than among caste households, especially in the villages of Etello and Guyla. The lower
economic ranked households have fewer ceramic types in Etello. The second-ranked
households have fewer types than do the first economic rank in all three villages
(Figure 5-5).
Guyla is the wealthiest village with seven first rank households and Etello and
Zuza each have five wealthy households. Guyla’s wealthiest households have a higher
percentage of tsaros (small cooking jars), tsuas (serving jars), and peeles (serving
157
dishes) than Etello or Zuza's wealthiest households. Poorer households tend to use
enset leaves for serving food, rather than ceramic bowls or dishes. Gumgays (washing
bowls) and tayches (cooking and serving jars) vessel type are found only in these
from Guyla’s potters. The tsaros in Guyla’s wealthy households functions as an all¬
purpose pot, with these households favoring it for transporting water during the
primary-use stage and then reusing it to store crops. Tsuas in Guyla are an important
jar form for drinking water, milk, and farso (beer) compared to the other villages,
which rely more on gourds for drinking. Etello’s wealthiest households only have a
higher percentage of sheles (serving bowls) and guyas (water pipes) in their household
ceramic assemblages compared to the other two villages. Although Etello has a higher
percentage of sheles (serving bowls) than the other two village’s wealthy households,
their use is more restricted than Guyla’s shele use. Zuza’s wealthiest households have
than found in Etello or Guyla’s wealthiest households. The high percentage ofjebanas
(coffee pitchers) reflects the ecological setting of Zuza because coffee is commonly
grown by its wealthy households. The only surprise is the high frequency of batsas
(storage jar) in Zuza’s first-ranked households. As indicated earlier, Guyla has more
wealthy households and, in general, Guyla owns more batsas. However, there are two
Halaka households in Zuza that specialize in the manufacturing of farso (beer) and so
I believe these households have skewed the percentage of batsas among Zuza’s
158
wealthiest households. These two Zuza Halaka households’ own eleven batsas and the
The second-ranked households in Zuza, Etello, and Guyla are similar to the
first ranked-households discussed above. Two differences occur between the three
village's second-ranked households with the first being a higher percentage of batsas
households. This is expected and further strengthens the conclusion that one Zuza
Halaka household skewed the expectation that a higher percentage of batsas (storage
jars) should be found in Guyla households. The other difference is that a higher
compared to the percentages of guyas found in Zuza or Etello. This is not surprising,
as smoking tobacco in Guyla is a popular past time among people from different
households. In addition, work parties will take time to rest during the day and will
The third- or poorest ranked households in Etello have fewer vessel types (4.2
vessel types) than the average number of vessel types found in Zuza’s poorest
households (6.5 vessel types). Zuza’s poorest households have higher percentages of
jebanas (9.3 percent), distes (12.7 percent), sheles (10.2 percent), baches (7.6 percent),
tsua (6.8 percent), and batsas (5.9 percent) compared to the Etello’s poorest
households. Etello’s poorest households own more ottos (41.4 percent), tsaros (27.6
percent), and guyas (6.9 percent) compared to the Zuza’s poorest households. The
differences between the two groups of households reflect their social context. Three-
fourths of Etello’s poorest households are hide-workers, who have no land to farm.
159
a Economic Rank #1
□ Economic Rank #2
■ Economic Rank #3
Figure 5-5: Mean number of vessel types by economic rank and villages, (see
Appendix B for summary statistics).
Zuza’s poorest households are all widows that belong to a high social status (mala).
The severe poverty of Etello’s poorest households forces them to prioritize the types
they use, which are predominantly cooking vessels (i.e., ottos and tsaros). Zuza’s
poorest rank households consist of widows that either spin cotton or manufacture pots
for their economic livelihood. Zuza’s poorest households can either sell enough spun
cotton to weavers to purchase a more diversified ceramic assemblage and the potters
households and the wealthier Zuza households in regards to their use of cooking jars
(tsaros and ottos) and storage and beer fermentation jars (batsas). Zuza’s poorest
160
households use and own more tsaros than do the wealthier households, which use and
own more ottos. The most common uses of tsaros among the poorest households are
to boil coffee leaves, cook kashca (i.e., known as enchila in the Gamo highland area)
(see Chapter 2 for a description of Gamo foods), and boil cabbage. Drinking the water
from boiled coffee leaves and eating kashca and boiled cabbage represents poverty
among Zuza’s households. Widows inhabit the majority of Zuza’s poorest households,
therefore; they do not need large cooking jars {ottos). Zuza’s wealthier households are
using ottos for more of their cooking and to ferment, transport, and sell beer (farso)
than do the other two lower economic ranks. Zuza’s wealthiest households own more
batsas and use them more for storing and fermenting beer. Since the production of
beer requires a large amount of grain there is a strong relationship between the
production of beer (farso) and wealth in Gamo society, which is clearly demonstrated
among Zuza’s different economic households. Beer production seems to influence the
use of drinking vessels, as Zuza’s wealthiest households use fewer tsuas that primarily
function as drinking cups compared to the other rank households. The reason why the
first rank households have fewer tsuas is they use gourds rather than tsuas for drinking
beer. The first economic rank has 12.2 gourds per household compared to only 3.6 and
5.1 gourds for the second and third rank households, respectively.
In Guyla, the two (economic ranked) households are more similar to one
another than the Zuza and Etello’s (economic ranked) households. The only
differences occur among the baches (baking plates) and peeles (serving dishes). Only
households, which own nine baches. The first-ranked households tend to use their
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cooking ottos, in lieu of purchasing and using baches. There is no clear explanation as
to why these two economic ranks differ in their use of baches. Both ranked households
use peeles for serving but the wealthier households use their peeles for a larger variety
of foods than does the second rank Guyla households. The use of peeles is an
indication that the first-ranked households have a more diversified diet than do the
second-ranked households.
In Etello, among the different ranked households there are drastic differences
between their households, with only distes (cooking pots) and baches (baking plates)
ottos and tsaros. Whereas, the first- and second-ranked households have a higher
percentage of sheles (serving bowls), peeles (serving dishes), tsuas (serving jars), and
batsas (storage and beer fermentation jars). The reason there are a large percentage of
ottos and tsaros among the third-ranked is due to the large amount of cooking with
these two types. Etello’s poorest households use only the necessary vessel types,
which are predominantly those for cooking. In addition, the four households among
the poorest economic rank use only two sheles and no peeles for serving. In addition,
one household uses a metal serving dish for serving. As expected, the poorest
economic rank does not use batsas, which the wealthier households own. Three of the
Etello’s poorest households are situated next to each other. Therefore, the low use of
tsuas among the poorest households is possibly the result of one household using
plastic cups for drinking and then sharing with the other two households. The contrast
between the third-ranked households and the first- and second-ranked households is
162
due to the extreme poverty of Etello’s poorest households, who use a restricted
expected that they would use a higher percentage of ceramic vessels to process
expensive food than would the lower economic rank households (Figure 5-6). The
percentage of ceramic vessels that are used to process high-cost foods are higher
among the first- and second-ranked households in both Zuza and Etello villages
percentage of vessels is higher among the first-ranked households than among the
households use their pots to cook, serve, store, and transport more diverse and
Ceramic Life-cycle
Primary-use
wealth because certain vessel types are directly associated with specific types of foods.
concerning how they use their primary-use vessels. Some of these differences reflect
the village’s ecological setting, as Zuza’s wealthier households own more distes
(cooking pots) and baches (baking plates) than do Etello or Guyla’s first-ranked
households. As stated before, Zuza’s households cook more stews, which are
163
traditionally cooked in distes, and use their baches for roasting and cooking maize
bread more than the other two villages. The similarities among Gamo’s wealthiest
households indicate that their primary-use of vessels reflects both their diet and their
wealth. For instance, the wealthiest households within each village rely more on their
ottos and batsas for the production of beer than the poorer households do, which is an
indicator of wealth in Gamo society. The wealthiest households among the three
villages studied use an average of 1.5 batsas and 2.4 ottos per household for
processing beer during their primary-use stage. This compares to only an average of
1.1 and 0.1 batsas per household among the second- and third-ranked households,
respectively. In addition, the second- and third-ranked households only use an average
of 1.2 and 0.5 ottos per household for beer production during their primary-use stage.
differences between households may affect how vessels are used and discarded. There
indicate differences, however. The lowest rank households serve only with sheles. The
second-ranked households only use shele and tsuas for serving, whereas the wealthiest
households in Zuza use a combination of peeles, sheles, and tsuas for serving. Storage
among the three ranks is generally similar in the types and percentages used for
storing water and foods. The wealthiest households have a higher percentage of tsaros,
which function for transporting, than do the other two lower economic ranks.
164
60
50
40
□ Economic Rank #1
Percentage □ Economic Rank #2
of Vessels 30
■ Economic Rank #3
20
10
0
Zuza Village Etello Village Guyla Village
(n=346) (n=222) (n=485)
Figure 5-6: Percentage of vessels used for the processing of high cost foods by
economic rank and villages.
three of four of the poorest households belong to the degala caste. Therefore, the
functions among the different vessel types are more restricted, compared to the
wealthier households.
The Guyla households reflect only slight differences concerning how people
use multiple functional vessels across ranks. Cooking ottos are used for generally the
conducted with this type of pot among the wealthiest households. The second-ranked
165
households use their smaller cooking pot (i.e., tsaro) to cook more frequently cabbage
and potato than do the wealthiest households. The first and second economic ranks use
Reuse
In Zuza, the different ranks cluster together in their percentage of reuse of broken pots,
with the wealthiest households reusing 62.8 percent, the second-rank reusing 63.8
percent, and the poorest households reusing 66.7 percent of their broken pots. Guy la’s
two ranks also cluster together with the wealthiest households reusing 86.4 percent
and the second-ranked households reusing 80.5 percent of their broken pots. Etello has
the largest disparity between its economic ranks among the three villages, with the
59.2 percent, and the poorest households reusing only 57.1 percent of the broken pots.
The low percentage for Etello’s poorest households is due to their use of only a few
types that function for cooking, and their lack of farmland. Thus, the cooking pots are
difficult to reuse if they break irreparably from cooking activities and the lack of
farmland means there is little need for storing excess crops. There is a higher reuse
among the wealthiest households because they farm and need storage vessels.
Discard
Comparing the economic ranks within each village, there are no large
circumstances discussed earlier concerning Etello’s reuse patterns found among the
different economic ranks. Etello’s wealthier households have larger harvests and
therefore discard fewer large broken storage jars than do the poorer second and third
economic ranks.
households with 37.2 and 38.1, respectively. Guyla’s wealthiest households discard
only 13.6 percent of their vessels, suggesting they have a larger harvest and more
demand for reused vessels than do either Zuza or Etello’s wealthier households.
All three villages have different discard percentages among their second-
ranked households, with Guyla having the least and Etello discarding almost half of all
discarding a higher percentage of their large batsa jars than do those of either Zuza or
Guyla. Comparisons are tenuous as Zuza’s second-ranked households only have two
batsas among all its households. The reuse of batsas is predominantly for storage,
suggesting that the amount of crops harvested among the Etello’s second-ranked
Zuza and Etello’s poorest rank households have different discard percentages
surprising that these households do not have the capital to purchase large, expensive
storage jars for processing beer during primary-use or the need to store crops during
This analysis suggests that household economic wealth influences the types
and use of ceramic vessels. The wealthier economic ranks in all three villages have a
more diversified assemblages, own more vessels, use larger vessels, and use a higher
percentage of their household assemblage to process expensive foods and reuse large
around the world has provided researchers an avenue to explore how technological
change affects household material culture (Sargent and Friedel 1986; Skibo 1994).
beginning, but presently industrial vessels are not as important to the processing of
foods as ceramic vessels. The Gamo still cook, serve, and store foods with mostly
ceramic vessels. The use of plastic water containers is beginning to impact how people
transport their daily water, especially in villages located near large towns. Plastic
containers do not break as easily and ceramic transporting jars have a short use-life
(see Chapter 7) because people tend to drop their vessels when they slip and fall on the
wet and slick footpaths, making plastic containers more popular. However, a 50 liter
plastic container costs approximately 25 birr (U.S. $3.0), whereas the average cost of a
large ceramic jar (i.e., otto) costs only 3.36 birr (U.S. $0.50). Etello located near a
large town has the highest use of industrial types, while Guyla has a more rural
location and is less impacted by industrial containers. The only ceramic type in Gamo
which potters do not manufacture because of the influx of an industrial container is the
168
small coffee cup (i.e., sene). Gamo households, as well as most of Ethiopia, now use
and socioeconomic status, and demand and use of specific vessel types include: (1)
potential for crop production; (2) proximity to water sources; (3) household social
status; (4) household economic wealth; and (5) social interaction between ceramic
to use more wooden serving vessels than do either Etello or Guyla, because Zuza is
located in a less densely inhabited region where there are abundant trees for producing
serving vessels. However, in Guyla and Etello where the land is densely occupied,
there are only localized forests, which are protected from cutting. Villages located in
specific ecological zones affect the types of crops that people grow, which, in turn,
influences their use of particular ceramic types. Coffee, an expensive crop to purchase,
frequency of jebana coffeepots than do those of Etello or Guyla, where coffee does
not grow because of the high altitude. In addition, Zuza’s water sources are farther and
more difficult to travel to, which encourages Zuza households to acquire and use more
A direct association occurs among the types of foods consumers produce and
eat and the vessel types that potters specialize in reflecting onto the village and
169
household assemblages. In addition, where both potters and consumers sell and
purchase their pots affects which types are found in particular villages and households.
Because Zuza and Ochollo farmers grow maize and teff, Zuza consumers cook more
enjera and Zuza potters manufacture more baches than do Etello or Guyla households.
Zuza consumers cook more stews (wat) in distes, and thus Zuza potters manufacture
this type of cooking pot more than do Guyla potters. In contrast, Etello and Guyla
households have a higher frequency of sheles, tsuas, and guyas than do Zuza
households. Guyla consumers prefer peeles (serving dishes) more than Zuza and
peeles,. Therefore, the consumer’s demand for specific types partly determines the
The process of mending vessels for further use after they have cracked occurs
throughout Gamo households, but is most common in the non-potter village of Etello.
Etello, as expected due to its lack of potters, has the highest percentage of mended
pots (12.3 percent) which is far greater than the 4 percent and 1.3 percent of mended
pots for Zuza and Guyla, respectively. Senior (1995:97-98) found in her analysis of
Mexican Rarámuri pots that large vessels were most often mended. Similarly among
the Gamo, large vessels such as the otto and batsa are the most common types of
vessels that Gamo households repair. These two types of Gamo vessel types are most
commonly used after they are mended for the storing of surplus agricultural crops.
potters do not live within the village or surrounding area. Furthermore, mending of
170
specific types of pots may indicate particular economic activities such as the storage of
surplus crops.
household social status. Previous ethnoarchaeological research indicates that there are
two Mayan communities reveals a strong association between pottery diversity and
social status. The strongest association occurred between social rank and diversity of
ritual types rather than domestic types (Deal 1998:102-107). Miller’s (1985:73)
India concluded that there was not an association between caste hierarchy and
household frequency of pots or with specific types of water vessels. In addition, high
castes have a higher frequency of metal vessels compared to the lower caste
households. The study also found that caste hierarchy is related to specific types of
cooking vessels based on color, indicating that cooking vessels transmit social power
(Miller 1985:773-74, 142-160). The Gamo analyses between caste hierarchy and
household pots and the function of vessels with social status. However, there is a weak
relationship between the average number of vessel types and caste hierarchy, with
both positive and negative associations between ceramic frequency and type with
wealth. Deal’s (1998:101-107, 168) ethnoarchaeological research among the Maya did
171
not find a strong association between pottery diversity and economic wealth. Only
when industrial types were included with the ceramic types did economic wealth
found that the average number of pots (i.e., both ceramic and metal) per household
wealth in India found a strong association between the number of metal vessels with
household economic wealth, with the wealthier households having a higher frequency
of metal pots than the poorer households. The study concerning Indian wealth
demonstrates that wealthier families have a more diverse diet and eat more often than
and use vessels for the processing of more elite items, than would poorer households.
The analysis of Gamo households indicates that the frequency and function of vessels
used are strong indicators of economic wealth. The diversity of vessel types correlates
more strongly with Gamo household economic wealth than with social status.
households in Gamo use more of their batsas and ottos for beer production. In
addition, during the primary-use stage, the large storage jars (batsas) are used to
ferment the beer, which is the most expensive vessel type in the Gamo assemblage
discarded and never reused (Deal 1998; Deal and Hagstrum 1995; Stanislawski 1969,
1978). This study duplicates results from other studies, namely that the reuse of
study conducted among the Maya indicates that reused vessels made up on average 21
percent of the household inventories, whereas 32.9 percent of the Gamo household
the different ceramic life-cycle stages. The use, reuse, and discard of ceramic vessels
have definitive household activities concerning how people use their assemblages. For
stage in providing the household’s food processing needs. The life-cycle stages may
also reflect a household’s social and economic status, providing the archaeologists
with a more
complete picture of the societies social organization and interaction.
CHAPTER 6
DISTINGUISHING THE CERAMIC LIFE-CYCLE THROUGH
SPATIAL AND USE-ALTERATION ANALYSES
Spatial and use-alteration studies provide two different types of analyses for
interpreting the different stages of a vessel’s life-cycle. The spatial location of ceramic
vessels can leave information concerning human behavior and help address
archaeological formation processes (Deal 1998; Schiffer 1972, 1983, 1987). The goals
the ceramic life-cycle and its association to differences and similarities within the
village, social, and economic context. In conjunction with the spatial analysis, the use-
alteration analysis further details the stages of the ceramic life-cycle. The use of a
pottery vessel leaves markers on the ceramic wall that can inform the archaeologist
how the vessel functioned in the past. Ethnoarchaeological studies of ceramic use have
proven vital for revealing specific use-alteration patterns, such as carbon deposits and
The spatial location of a pot is dependent upon its life-cycle stage, as well as
the village’s location and the household’s social status and economic wealth. The use
alteration analysis distinguished the association of specific vessel forms with specific
functions, which in turn relate to the socioeconomic position of the user. Therefore,
173
174
these two types of analyses further distinguish the signatures of the ceramic life-cycle,
The layout of Gamo households varies depending on the region, social status,
and economic wealth of the household. A wealthy household has several buildings that
serve as the main house, kitchen, and storage. This is especially true for the villages of
Etello and Guyla. However, the village of Zuza is located on top of a narrow ridge
causing a shortage of land for the households. Therefore, Zuza households usually
only consist of one house, where all daily activities take place.
The interior of a wealthy house is broken into different sections. Vestibules are
common in Etello and Guyla, but they are not built in Zuza. Usually two benches are
placed on either side of the vestibule, where people can sit and sleep. Pots are stored
sometimes underneath these benches. The central portion of the house is constructed
for the hearth and the main gathering Benches and beds
area. are placed along the
central area with bamboo walls separating this section from the partitioned areas for
storage and keeping livestock. A wooden rack is constructed over the bamboo walls,
where people keep large storage vessels. Other vessels are kept underneath the beds
and benches, and in the storage rooms, while serving vessels are hung from the
bamboo walls for easy access. However, the majority of vessel types are informally
addition, people stack smaller vessels on top of larger ones for lids and to have more
Poorer households have one structure containing only a bed and a few wooden
chairs, such houses are found among the Zuza mana and the Etello degala. Mana
houses have wooden racks built over the hearth where they dry newly constructed
vessels. The use of space throughout the different life-cycle stages should aid
Primary-use
The spatial location of vessels is largely dependent upon where the vessels are
in terms of their life-cycle. In all three villages, households store a majority of their
primary-use pots in clusters of two or more (see Table 6-1). All villages keep the
majority of their primary-use vessels stored in association with other vessels within
the main house. The second most common place to store primary-use vessels is in the
kitchen, where people store them in clusters, adjacent to the wall or surrounding the
hearth.
Primary-use pots also are stored in clusters in the compound, adjacent to the
house, and inside either the store or weaving houses. Individual primary-use pots also
are stored in the compound, garden, and either adjacent to the house or to the kitchen.
Only ten (16.7 percent) of the 60 households studied kept some of their primary-use
vessels either adjacent to the house or kitchen. In addition, only six (10 percent) of the
sixty households studied kept primary-use pots either in the garden and compound,
Table 6-1: Percentage of village households and the location of vessels stored during
primary-use.
20% 15 % -
House
Compound 5 % 10% 5 % 5 % -
10%
Garden 5 % - - - -
Adjacent to “ -
10% - " -
Kitchen
Store House -
5 % 5 % -
5 % 5 %
Weaving House - - - - -
10%
Reuse
The village spatial analysis demonstrates that after pots break, Gamo people
begin to gradually shift their storage location from inside the house or kitchen to
storage either adjacent to the kitchen or house (Figures 6-1 and 6-2). However, as with
the primary pots, the majority of reuse pots continue to be stored in clusters of two or
more within the house or kitchen. The spatial use of household compounds affects
where pots will be stored during different stages of their life-cycle (Table 6-2).
During the reuse stage, a larger number of households in both Etello and Guyla
store pots individually or in association with each other in their kitchens. Zuza (n = 6)
has fewer households with separate kitchen structures, compared to kitchens for Etello
(n = 19) and Guyla (n = 20) (Figures 6-1 and 6-2). Zuza's location on top of the
Ochollo Ridge restricts the size of household compounds resulting in a fewer number
Figure 6-1: Generalized spatial pattern of the different pottery life-cycle stages in the
village of Zuza, and the low caste and economic ranked households of Etello and
Guyla.
178
Figure 6-2: Generalized spatial pattern of the different pottery life-cycle stages in the
villages of Etello and Guyla, including their high caste and economic ranked
households.
179
t sherds
i footpath
garden
#
group of
discarded pots
^
bed
hearth
gourds and
serving pieces
s hanging from wall
pirmary use
benches
0GPO,S
ashy area
•
.
v ° S'V
•
firing area with
i broken pots
small potter's workshop
with reused pots along
the interior and extenor wall
Figure 6-3: Generalized spatial pattern of the different pottery life-cycle stages in the
potter households of Guyla.
180
adjacent house and the storage of vessel clusters occurs in firing areas and adjacent to
a workhouse.
Table 6-2: Percentage of village households and the location of vessels stored during
reuse.
5 %
House
Compound 10% -
5 % 5 % -
5 %
Garden 5 % -
10% - - -
Adjacent to 5 % 10% 5 % 5 % -
Kitchen
Store House - - - -
10% 5 %
Weaving House - - - - -
10%
Pottery Firing - “ " - -
5 %
Area
Abandoned - -
5 % - - -
Adjacent House
Adjacent to - - -
5 %
Workhouse
Discard
Although there is a gradual change in the spatial storage of vessels from their
primary-use to broken reuse stage, the spatial location of pots in their discard stage is
store their discarded pots individually in the house and kitchen compared to when the
pots were in their primary and reuse stages. Although the pots are in the discard stage
181
the household may decide to use them to fulfill some function, break and use the
sherds, or toss the vessels into the household garden or village footpath. Individual
pots also are placed adjacent to the house or weaving house, compound, garden, and
inside the store house. In Zuza, more households (40 percent) store their single
discarded pots inside their houses, but in Guyla, more households (30 percent) store
their single discarded pots inside their kitchens. This is a result of Guyla having 21
households keep their single discarded pots in both their houses (15 percent) and
The three villages differ concerning where they place their groups of two or
more provisionally discarded vessels. The people of Zuza keep a majority of their
discarded vessels in their gardens (25 percent), whereas Etello households store
groups of discarded vessels inside their kitchens (20 percent), and 15 percent of Guyla
households keep their vessels in the kitchen. Discarded vessels that are placed together
are also stored inside houses and adjacent to houses and kitchens.
The location of vessels in each of the three villages changes throughout the
vessel’s life-cycle. During the primary stage, the majority of vessels are stored
together in groups of two or more in either the house or kitchen. After vessels break
people moving pots outside, adjacent to the house and kitchen. In addition, the spatial
store broken reused vessels in their kitchens; where kitchens are not common, as in
Zuza, kitchen storage is comparatively low. Although there is a gradual change to pots
being stored individually, the majority of broken reused pots remain together in
Table 6-3: Percentage of village households and the location of vessels stored during
discard.
Discard Types Single Single Single Two or More Two or More Two or More
Vessel Vessel Vessel Vessels Vessels Vessels
House 40% 15 % 20% 5 % 5 % 10%
Adjacent to 10% -
10% 15 % -
House
Compound -
Garden 10% -
5 % 25 % 10% -
Adjacent to - - -
5 % 5 % -
Kitchen
Adjacent to 5 % - “ - - -
Weaving House
Store House -
5 % - - - -
function, household abandonment, activity areas, and the social and economic
Primary-use
The spatial analysis of caste households indicates that the social status of a
household can influence where people place their household ceramics. Caste
households parallel the results discussed above concerning the spatial location of pots
within each village (Figures 6-1 and 6-2). There is a larger range of household areas
where mala households put their single vessels of primary-use. These areas include
inside the house, kitchen and storehouse, outside in the compound, garden, and
adjacent to the house, kitchen, and weaving house. Both mana and degala artisan caste
households have more restricted areas where they store their individual primary-use
pots. The artisan households store their single primary-use vessels only inside the
house and kitchen and adjacent to the house. The mana and degala households have
smaller plots of land than the mala households. All three castes in each village store
the majority of their primary-use vessels in clusters inside their houses (see Tables 6-
Table 6-4: Percentage of Zuza caste households and the location of vessels stored
during primary-use.
Storage Types Single Vessel Single Vessel Two or More Two or More
Vessels Vessels
House 11.8 % -
82.3 % 100%
Kitchen 11.8 % -
29.4 % -
11.8 % 33.3 %
Compound 5.9% - -
33.3 %
Garden 5.9 % - - -
184
Table 6-5: Percentage of Etello caste households and the location of vessels stored
during primary-use.
57.1 % -
Compound 14.3 % - - -
Table 6-6: Percentage of Guyla caste households and the location of vessels stored
during primary-use.
33.3 %
Adjacent to 21.4% 33.3 % - - -
House
Compound 7.1 % 14.3 % - -
Adjacent to 14.3 % “ -
-
Kitchen
Store House 7.1 % 7.1 % - -
Reuse
household areas than do either artisan caste households. Except for the Guyla mana
households, the other artisan households store their single broken vessels in more
household areas than they do their single primary-use vessels. The majority of vessels
stored in clusters located inside houses, but not to the extent that they were during
their primary-use stage. Degala households in both Etello and Guyla villages persist in
185
storing their reused vessels in either their houses or kitchens (see Tables 6-7, 6-8, and
6-9).
Table 6-7: Percentage of Zuza caste households and the location of vessels stored
during reuse.
Storage Types Single Vessel Single Vessel Two or More Two or More
Vessels Vessels
Household 11.8 % -
70.6 % 66.7 %
Kitchen 5.9% -
17.6% -
Compound 11.8 % -
5.9% -
Garden 5.9% - - -
Adjacent to Kitchen - -
5.9 % -
Table 6-8: Percentage of Etello caste households and the location of vessels stored
during reuse.
23.5 % -
5.9% -
Store House - -
11.8 % -
There are differences in reuse locations between the mana households of Zuza
and Guyla. The Zuza mana use vessels for pottery production that were not accepted
as quality vessels to sell to Gamo consumers. The Guyla mana use broken household
vessels for pottery production. This difference among the types of vessels used for
pottery production affects where broken reuse vessels are stored. Two-thirds of the
186
Zuza mana households store their vessels in groups of two or more inside their houses.
However, the Guyla mana store vessels in clusters of two or more either in the
compound, adjacent to the work house or pottery firing area as wind protectors.
Table 6-9: Percentage of Guyla caste households and the location of vessels stored
during reuse.
66.7 %
Adjacent to 7.1 % -
33.3 % -
33.3 % -
House
Compound 7.1 % - - -
33.3 % -
Garden 14.3 % - - - - -
33.3 % - " -
Kitchen
Store House - - -
7.1 % - -
Weaving House - - -
14.3 % - -
33.3 % -
Firing Area
Abandoned 7.1 % - - - - -
adjacent house
Adjacent to - - -
33.3 % -
Workhouse
Discard
Different castes may place their discarded vessels in distinct locations, thereby
providing clues in identifying a household’s social status. Zuza and Etello mala
households equally deposit single and grouped vessels in different areas of the
household compound. Guyla mala households deposit more vessels individually rather
than in groups of two or more inside their kitchens and houses. All mala households
187
deposit the majority of their discarded vessels in either their houses or kitchens.
However, a large percentage of Zuza mala households (29.4 percent) place discarded
pots in clusters within their gardens. In addition, Zuza mala households store more
single and grouped discarded vessels outside in the compound than do either Etello or
Guyla mala households. This is possibly a result of only 1.5 buildings per Zuza mala
household, compared to 2.8 and 2.7 buildings per mala household for Etello and
Guyla, respectively. Thus, Zuza mala have fewer buildings and they must place
Table 6-10: Percentage of Zuza caste households and the location of vessels stored
during discard.
Kitchen 11.8 % -
5.9% -
17.6 % -
Compound - -
11.8 % -
Garden 11.8 % -
29.4 % -
Adjacent to Kitchen - -
5.9 % -
House
The majority of mana households in both Zuza and Guyla put their discarded
vessels inside their houses, although Guyla mana households also put discarded
vessels outside, either adjacent to the house or in the compound. In addition, 83.3
percent of the mana houses (i.e., five of the six houses studied) keep discarded pots
within their compound. The majority of degala households in both Etello and Guyla
put their discarded vessels, in association with each other, outside either in the garden
188
or compound. Only one Guyla degala household put a discarded vessel by itself inside
their kitchen.
Table 6-11: Percentage of Etello caste households and the location of vessels stored
during discard.
5.9% -
Kitchen 17.6 % -
23.5 % -
Compound 5.9% -
5.9% -
Garden - - -
66.7
Adjacent to Kitchen - -
5.9% -
Table 6-12: Percentage of Guyla caste households and the location of vessels stored
during discard.
7.1 % 33.3 % -
Kitchen 35.7 % -
33.3 % 21.4% - -
House
Compound -
33.3 % -
7.1 % -
33.3 %
Garden 7.1 % - - - - -
Although caste households parallel the results in the village spatial analysis,
households, they are able to place pots in more locations than can the lower castes.
The spatial analysis of pots may help to identify the social status of a household, as the
189
location of reuse vessels grouped together among Guyla mana households (e.g.,
Primary-use
household, determines the spatial placement of ceramic vessels throughout their life-
cycle. Poorer households have less access to storage space, which effects where they
store their ceramic pots during different life-cycle stages. However, the richer
households have more structures and more area in which to store their ceramic vessels
During the primary-use stage of the ceramic life-cycle, vessels belonging to the
lowest rank keep a majority of their primary-use vessels inside their houses. While the
higher ranked households also keep a majority of their primary-use vessels inside their
houses, they also place vessels inside their kitchens. The number of buildings among
the poorest ranked households in Zuza and Etello average only 1.1 and 1.0 per
household, respectively. The first ranked households, which are economically the
and Etello, respectively. Therefore, the poorest households in Zuza and Etello are
restricted to keeping their primary-use vessels inside their houses. Guyla has only two
economic ranks but the second has fewer buildings per compound with 2.1 buildings,
compared to 3.4 buildings per compound among the wealthiest Guyla households.
This reflects where households place their primary-use vessels. A higher percentage of
190
Guyla’s first-ranked households keep their primary-use vessels in both their houses
and kitchens, than do Guy la’s second-ranked households (see Tables 6-13, 6-14, and
6-15).
Table 6-13: Percentage of Zuza ranked households and the location of vessels stored
during primary-use.
Storage Types Single Single Single Two or More Two or More Two or More
Vessel Vessel Vessel Vessels Vessels Vessels
House 20% 14.3 % -
Adjacent to - - -
20% 42.8 % -
House
Compound 20% - - -
14.3 % -
Garden - -
12.5 % - - -
Table 6-14: Percentage of Etello ranked households and the location of vessels stored
during primary-use.
Storage Types Single Single Single Two or More Two or More Two or More
Vessel Vessel Vessel Vessels Vessels Vessels
House 40% 18.2% 25 % 60% 81.8% 75 %
Kitchen 20% - -
60% 45.4 % -
Store House -
9.1 % -
20% - -
191
Table 6-15: Percentage of Guyla ranked households and the location of vessels stored
during primary-use.
Storage Types Single Vessel Single Vessel Two or More Two or More
Vessels Vessels
House - -
100% 100%
Compound -
7.7 % 28.6 % -
7.7 %
Weaving House - -
14.3 % 7.7 %
Reuse
After pots have broken, the different Zuza economic ranked households
continue to store pots either individually or in groups in the houses and kitchens. As
vessels enter their reuse stage, Zuza’s wealthier households store more individual pots
in their house, whereas the two lowest ranked households store more individual pots
outside. Zuza households store their reuse vessels in clusters, within and adjacent to
Etello’s economic ranks are more clearly delineated concerning the location of
their household ceramics, than the other two villages. Etello’s poorest households have
only one house each and so reused vessels are stored individually and in groups within
the house. Etello’s first and second economic ranks are similar to one another, with
both individual and group vessels more widely distributed in other areas because these
192
households are wealthier and have more buildings in which to store vessels (see Table
6-17).
The largest difference between Guy la’s economic ranks is that, except for the
individual pots, all of the wealthiest households keep all of their reuse vessels grouped
together within structures (see Table 6-18). This contrasts with the second-ranked
households, which keep some of their reuse vessels clustered outside in the compound.
The storage of reuse vessels that cluster together follow the general pattern found
among the storage of primary-use vessels. The only exception is that more of Guyla’s
second-ranked households now store reused pots in the firing areas since they belong
to the mana caste. All three village’s economic ranks generally follow the village
trend, with reuse vessels associated less within houses and kitchens than during the
primary-use stage.
Table 6-16: Percentage of Zuza ranked households and the location of vessels stored
during reuse.
Storage Types Single Single Single Two or More Two or More Two or More
Vessel Vessel Vessel Vessels Vessels Vessels
House 40% -
Kitchen -
14.3 % -
20% -
25 %
Adjacent to -
Compound - -
25 % -
14.3 % -
Garden - -
12.5 % - - -
Adjacent to - - -
14.3% -
Kitchen
193
Table 6-17: Percentage of Etello ranked households and the location of vessels stored
during reuse.
Storage Types Single Single Single Two or More Two or More Two or More
Vessel Vessel Vessel Vessels Vessels Vessels
House 20% 18.2% 50% 20% 36.4 % 50%
20% 27.3 % -
Adjacent to 20% - - - - -
House
Adjacent to -
9.1 % - -
9.1 % -
Kitchen
Store House - - -
20% 9.1 % -
Table 6-18: Percentage of Guyla ranked households and the location of vessels stored
during reuse.
Storage Types Single Vessel Single Vessel Two or More Two or More
Vessels Vessels
House 14.3 % 15.4% 42.8 % 76.9 %
Adjacent to House -
7.7% -
7.7%
Compound 28.6 % - -
7.7%
Adjacent to Kitchen -
23.1 % - -
Store House - - -
7.7%
Weaving House - -
14.3 % 7.7%
7.7%
House
Adjacent to Workhouse - - -
7.7 %
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Discard
Once pots have completed their reuse stage, households begin to place a
majority of provisionally discarded pots in their houses and/or kitchens. This occurs in
all economic ranks among the three villages. In addition, people begin to place an
the compound or garden. Both Zuza’s and Etello’s poorest-ranked households store all
of their discarded pots in clusters in the garden area. This is possibly due to their lack
of storage space because all of these households, except for one, have only one
Table 6-19: Percentage of Zuza ranked households and the location of vessels stored
during discard.
Storage Types Single Single Single Two or More Two or More Two or More
Vessel Vessel Vessel Vessels Vessels Vessels
House 20% 42.8 % 62.5 % 20% - -
Adjacent to -
14.3 % 12.5 % 20% 28.6 % -
House
Compound - - -
20% 14.3 % -
Garden -
14.3 % - - -
75 %-
Adjacent to “ - -
14.3 % -
Kitchen
Adjacent to “
14.3 % “ “ - "
Weaving House
195
Table 6-20: Percentage of Etello ranked households and the location of vessels stored
during discard.
Storage Types Single Single Single Two or More Two or More Two or More
Vessel Vessel Vessel Vessels Vessels Vessels
House -
27.3 % - -
9.1 % -
20% 27.3 % -
Compound 20% -
25 % -
9.1 % -
Garden - - - - -
50%
Adjacent to - - - -
9.1 % -
Kitchen
Store House -
9.1 % - - - -
Table 6-21: Percentage of Guyla ranked households and the location of vessels stored
during discard.
Storage Types Single Vessel Single Vessel Two or More Two or More
Vessels Vessels
House 42.8 % 7.7% -
15.4%
Kitchen 71.4% 7.7 % -
23.1 %
Adjacent to House -
15.4% - -
Compound -
7.7% - -
economic ranks depends on the vessels' particular life-cycle stage. The primary-use
and reuse vessels are usually stored in the house or kitchen for all economic ranks and
then, as vessels reach their discard stage, people begin to store discarded vessels in
different outdoor areas of the compound. The economic ranks among the different
villages vary in the number of buildings, with the poorer households having fewer
buildings compared to the wealthier households and this influences the placement of
196
vessels can be stored in more diversified areas of the compound. The poorer
households usually only have one building per compound. Therefore, the economic
assemblage.
This use-alteration analysis focuses on the question of whether vessels that are
alteration patterns (e.g., carbon deposition and/or surface attrition) can provide
archaeologists with clues concerning how people used the vessel during a specific life-
cycle stage. The Gamo use vessels differently based on the vessel’s form, which is
also dependent upon the vessel's present life-cycle stage. For example, an unbroken
otto may function for cooking, but once it breaks, households may use it to store
crops. This analysis discusses the ceramic life-cycle and corresponding use-alteration
patterns at the Gamo scale, rather than at the village, social group, and economic rank
level. People in all regions and social and economic backgrounds use cooking pots for
multiple cooking functions. There are no patterns representing regional, social, and
The Gamo use a single hearth located usually in the central area of their main
house and/or kitchen. They also may construct a hearth outside. The Gamo construct
hearths by having a single hole in the floor of the house or kitchen and in the hole is
Surrounding the chochay are either three large spherical rocks or three mastakalays,
which are ceramic pot supports located above the chochay on the floor surface. The
majority of households use rocks as pot supports rather than the mastakalays.
The food that households cook and the number of people that are eating at the
household will determine the type of vessels used. During religious holidays, a diste
(cooking pot) is usually the type that households use to prepare different types of wat
(i.e., different types of stew), usually with chicken, meat, or lintels. During normal
cooking periods, the majority of people subsist on a variety of foods such as enset,
cabbage, potato, beans, peas, barley, wheat, and corn. People use the tsaro (small
cooking jar) and otto (large cooking jar) pots to make different types of foods from
these vegetables and grains. The Gamo have a large number of recipes that they use to
provide variety to their diet. However, during the rainy season, food becomes more
Gamo villages use a range of different vessel types with different functions.
These specific functions reveal different carbon deposition and surface attrition
Primary-use
(cooking pots), ottos (cooking jars), tsaros (cooking jars), and batsas (storage and beer
fermentation jars). The jebana (coffee pitcher) is used only for boiling ground coffee
beans and has a specific carbon deposition on the exterior base to upper body. The
198
exterior base is predominantly covered with a thick and chipping dull carbon deposit
continuing up to the lower body. The maximum diameter on the exterior then changes
usually to a glossy soot that can continue to the upper body. The glossy soot on the
maximum diameter occurs on 58.6 percent of vessels compared to 41.3 percent having
a dull soot. There is an equal percentage of dull or glossy soot on the upper body. A
very glossy circle can surround the spout because traditionally people boil coffee with
the jebana tilting with the spout nearer to the ground while the coffee is boiling. The
presence of an oxidized patch on the exterior upper base to the maximum diameter is
on 15.5 percent of Gamo jebanas. Figure 6-4 illustrates the presence of exterior carbon
deposits found on jebanas. Due to the restricted orifice on the jebana, it was not
Distes (cooking pot) function for multiple types of cooking but the majority of
Gamo people use distes for cooking different types of wat (lintel, chicken, or meat
stew) and also boiling cabbage and cooking enchila (i.e., a type of food consisting of a
grain, either barley, wheat, or maize, cooked with fermented enset). On the majority of
distes, the interior base has a dull carbon deposit ranging from light to thick/chipped
carbon. There is no difference in what a person cooks that would cause either a dull
light carbon or heavy carbon in the diste 's interior. The difference seems to be whether
the liquid in the wat evaporates causing the food to bum. Burning food creates a thick
dull carbon deposit. The distes that have either a dull light carbon deposit or a dull
thick carbon deposit on the interior base will usually have this type of carbon deposit
continue to the upper body and to the rim. Figures 6-5 and 6-6 illustrate the types and
The diste's exterior has an oxidized patch on 9.6 percent of the primary-use distes.
Both jebanas and distes have a higher percentage of oxidized patches on their
exteriors than do other types of cooking vessels. Because the diste base is flat, there
are no carbon deposits on the exterior base on the majority of distes. The flat base
causes the fire to hit directly on the surface, whereas a round base will have carbon
deposits attaching to the exterior wall. There are also no carbon deposits found on the
central base section of baches (baking plates), which are roasting plates used to cook
bread and roast different types of grain and coffee. The majority of distes have a dull
have a light to thick glossy soot that will continue also to the upper body. There are
two reasons why some distes (cooking pots) and jebanas (coffee pitchers) have a
glossy carbon deposit and others do not. This may be based on how much liquid
remains in the pot to keep it cool and/or how far the pot is placed above the hearth
(Skibo 1992:152-168; Hally 1983). Figures 6-7 and 6-8 illustrate the types and
The two types of cooking jars (i.e., otto and tsaro) function for multiple types
of cooking activities. It is not uncommon for a person to use a cooking otto or tsaro to
boil cabbage, then the next day to boil potatoes and then a few days later to cook
enchila. This multiple use of ceramic pots challenges the ethnoarchaeologists to find
pattern that may determine whether a vessel functioned for boiling foods with a liquid
or for dry cooking. The majority of recipes that Gamo people use to cook foods in a
pot (i.e., diste, otto, or tsaro) contain some amount of water. The particular food may
200
dense glossy
carbon
thick dull
carbon
oxidized patch
Figure 6-4: Jebana (coffee pot) vessel with a characteristic exterior carbon pattern
caused by boiling water and tilting the pot on the hearth.
201
less dense
area
light dull
carbon
Figure 6-5: Diste (cooking pot) vessel with a characteristic interior carbon pattern
caused by boiling foods.
most dense
area
thick dull
carbon
Figure 6-6: Diste (cooking pot) vessel with a characteristic interior carbon pattern
created when water evaporates causing food to bum onto the interior wall.
202
, ItmiMMiMiiimL
/ZSSSSÁk
flBBBBSBB
miSSSm9lossy carbon
>pfflBaabt —
oxidized patch
Figure 6-7: Distes (cooking pot) vessel with a characteristic exterior carbon pattern
caused by boiling foods.
Figure 6-8: Distes (cooking pot) vessel with a characteristic exterior carbon pattern
created when water evaporates.
203
be thicker in consistency such as shona / moyde (i.e., a type of porridge) than foods
that only require a simple boiling. The general pattern on all multiple use pots is either
a thin or thick dull carbon deposition from the base to the upper body on both the
interior and exterior wall. The amount of carbon deposition is dependent upon how
much water is boiled out, which causes the food to adhere to the interior of the vessel
wall and bum. While measuring the use-alteration and morphological attributes of
cooking pots, it was not uncommon to find food such as enset, potatoes, etc. burned on
the interior of the vessel from the base to the upper body. This type of carbon
deposition usually remains on the pot as the Gamo only gently rinse the vessel and do
not actively wash all of the carbon residue from either the interior or exterior ceramic
wall. However, the tsaros and ottos that function only for boiling water or foods such
as cabbage have a glossy soot on the exterior surface, from the base to upper body
caused by the water cooling the pot's surface. Figures 6-9, 6-10, 6-11, and 6-12
provide examples of both types of interior and exterior carbon deposition found on
The analysis of surface attrition on Gamo vessels was conducted on all vessels.
However, the thick carbon deposits and the use of dung on the exterior cooking
vessels from the base to the maximum diameter made attrition observations difficult.
All of the vessels that function to process beer had a large amount of erosion on the
interior portion of the vessel wall. This is due to the yeast activity within the beer that
eventually erodes the interior vessel wall. In addition, this erosion was a major cause
of large storage vessels (i.e., batsa) breaking when the person pours the boiling beer
into the batsa for fermentation. The batsa vessel wall becomes thin from
so
previous
204
less dense
towards
top of pot
light dull
carbon
Figure 6-9: Multiple use Gamo pots with a characteristic interior carbon pattern
created when food is boiled.
Figure 6-10: Multipleuse Gamo pots with a characteristic interior carbon pattern
created when the food has a thick consistency or the amount of water is reduced.
205
Figure 6-11: Multiple use Gamo pots with a characteristic exterior carbon pattern
created when food is boiled.
light dull
carbon
thick dull
carbon
oxidized patch
Figure 6-12: Multiple use Gamo pots with a characteristic exterior carbon pattern.
206
yeast activity, causing large pits and in some cases complete erosion of the wall, that
the thermal stress is so great as to cause the vessel to crack at the base. Pots that
function to cook, store, cool, or transport beer all had erosion on the interior part of the
vessel wall. Pitting and erosion occur from the interior base up to the upper body and
in some cases up to the rim, so that there is erosion of the entire interior part of the
vessel. Since lower caste and economic rank households do not usually produce beer,
this is the only type of use-alteration pattern that may reflect socioeconomic variation.
Interior erosion also occurs on vessels used to make dough. The erosion occurs
because the yeast in the dough breaks down the interior wall surface. Figure 6-13
Reuse
does not usually involve cooking but rather storage of crops. Yet, approximately half
of the cooking pots retain some form of carbon deposition after the vessel functions
for storage or some other secondary use. Providing that there is good post-depositional
majority of reused vessels are stored in either the main house or kitchen, which
protects the carbon deposits from erosional factors. The reuse of vessels that have
pitting or erosional attrition on the interior vessel wall continue to show these patterns.
Some large storage jars that have cracked continue to be used for fermenting beer, if
Figure 6-13: Gamo vessel with characteristic erosion caused by fermenting beer.
208
Discard
Households sometimes do not reuse a vessel after it breaks, but instead discard
the vessel in the household compound. The majority of discarded cooking vessels
continue to have carbon deposits on the interior and exterior portion of the vessel.
Discarded cooking vessels that are provisionally stored outdoors in the compound or
garden also have visible signs of carbon residue, suggesting that the carbon deposits
discarded vessels are also present after the household discards the vessel into the
household compound.
Although the majority of ceramics that archaeologists find are broken sherds
and not whole vessels, use-alteration analysis can provide archaeologists with valuable
dramatically change the carbon or attrition attributes, these attributes should remain
relatively intact. This research among the Gamo indicates that although the majority of
pots have multiple functions, initial use-alteration attributes remain throughout the
life-cycle.
The spatial analysis of ceramics promotes the deciphering of the distinct stages
of the ceramic life-cycle and the social and economic wealth of a household. The
location of pots within the household context provides archaeologists with a key to
understanding ceramic stages of use. People tend to store pots inside that are in
primary-use and to store pots outside that are in secondary use and discard. The
209
majority of Gamo primary-use vessels are stored in clusters in the main household
and/or kitchen. Once vessels break, the majority still are stored within the main
household and/or kitchen but a gradual shift occurs where more households begin to
place broken individual reuse vessels outside. Therefore in Gamo, as the life-cycle
changes from primary to discard, pots become less formally placed within the
store a variety of vessel types and sizes. The only formal place within a household
occurs on the bamboo walls where people hang serving vessels and on the racks above
villages of Chanal and Aquacatenango also discovered that villages informally store
their ceramic vessels in the interior and exterior areas of their houses and kitchens and
a combination of these structures. However, Deal found that certain types of vessels
are stored formally in specific locations, for instance, water carrying jars are stored
outside in depressed areas adjacent to the house and along the patio. Larger vessels are
more likely to be stored on the ground than on racks (Deal 1998:89). In addition,
with more care than utilitarian vessels (Deal 1998:88-89). The Gamo do not have
ritual vessels, therefore a comparison cannot be made to the Maya. However, the
Gamo tend to store large vessels both on the ground and on racks.
I consider discard pots as those that informants stated had no function, but at
the same time were kept in various places within the household. Nelson (1991:171)
terms this type of storage as “dead storage”, which he observed among the Maya. In
210
addition, Deal (1985:253, 1998:118-123) and Lindahl and Matenga (1995:106) both
describe broken vessels being stored in provisional discard among the Maya of
Mexico and the Shona of Zimbabwe, respectively. Discarded vessels among the
Tzeltal Maya represent two distinct types of household placement (Deal 1998:118-
122). One is the isolated storage of ceramic vessels in out-of-the-way areas that are
often lost. The placement of these vessels indicates little value to the household and it
is expected that they would be left behind when the people abandon their houses. The
second type of spatial placement is a cluster of pots that are in continuous use (Deal
1998:118-122). These clusters of pots are found along the outer areas of structures.
Among the Shona, broken discarded vessels are stored in association with unbroken
rarely used vessels, under raised floors of granaries protecting vessels from further
destruction by livestock (Lindahl and Matenga 1995:106). The Gamo indicate similar
types of discard patterns, with broken, discarded pots that are eventually lost when
stored in storage rooms, on racks, under benches and beds. Clusters of pots are found
adjacent to the exterior walls of structures and are either used for water storage or are
kept for future use. Both types could be wrongly interpreted as representing different
the spatial location of their pots. For instance, lower socioeconomic households have
fewer households and less space for storage. Hence, pots in these households tend to
cluster more than in higher caste and wealthier households. The spatial patterns among
different Gamo castes indicates that the mana and degala castes have a more restricted
household area to place their pots than mala households. The clustering of vessels
211
among the mana households in association with workshops and firing areas are a
specific signature for deciphering potter households. The different economic ranks
parallel the caste analysis in that poorer households have a more restricted household
the wealthy Gamo. Deciphering caste households from economic ranked households
based on the spatial analysis of ceramics is difficult because of their parallel patterning
throughout the life-cycle. However, the ceramic vessels and their associated materials
for ceramic production (e.g., firing areas, workshop areas that show evidence of
unfired clays and production tools) and hide-working (lithic material associated with
the house and/or kitchen hearth) may help to identify the household occupation, which
is associated with Gamo social status. In conjunction with the spatial patterning of
ceramic vessels, the number of structures present and frequency of vessels and vessel
types within the household compound assists in interpreting the economic wealth of a
household.
indicate the types of foods cooked and how they were cooked. Because different
Ethnoarchaeological research among the Kalinga indicated that exterior and interior
carbon deposition patterns and oxidized patches reveal the different types of foods
cooked and the different types of cooking practices (Skibo 1992). There are three main
factors affecting carbon deposition on the interior of the vessel: (1) heat intensity; (2)
212
moisture in the interior; and (3) source of heat (Kobayashi 1994:144; Skibo 1992:148).
Observations revealed that when food either adheres to or is absorbed into a vessel, it
creates interior carbon deposition. The portion of the vessel that is closest to the fire
will exhibit interior carbon deposits because the food will eventually carbonize,
The patterns of exterior carbon deposits and oxidized patches indicate how the vessel
was placed over the fire, the intensity of the fire, the general contents of the vessel,
and the degree of permeability of the vessel wall (Skibo 1992:179). Gamo cooking is
diverse but the majority of cooking is with boiling water. The use-alteration analysis
of Gamo cooking vessels indicates that cooking is usually done in the wet mode.
However, the carbon deposits will change as people leave vessels on the fire too long,
causing the water to evaporate and food to burn on the interior wall. This is similar to
the description given by Skibo and Blinman’s (1999:179-182) analysis of seed jars
used in the American Southwest sites from the Prayer Rock caves, where vessels are
and ethnoarchaeological studies (Schiffer and Skibo 1989; Skibo 1992; Skibo and
Schiffer 1987). There are three main factors that affect the processes of surface
attrition: (1) characteristics of the ceramic material (paste hardness; surface porosity;
surface treatments; and hardness, size, shape, and quantity of temper); (2)
characteristics of the abrader; and (3) the interaction between the ceramic vessel and
abrader (Schiffer and Skibo 1989; Skibo 1992). Hally's (1983) research, which
213
focused on two Barnett phase sites in Georgia found severe erosion on the interior
vessel wall of large carinated bowls and large pinched rim jars. He attributes this
interior surface attrition to the chemical corrosion of liquids in the preparation of foods
(Hally 1983:19). Patterns of severe pitting and erosion are associated with the
processing of beer, which occur on 100 percent of all Gamo beer processing vessels.
The fermentation of the yeast seems to affect all different types of clays, as attrition
occurs throughout the Gamo region among vessels manufactured from different clays
sources, and is the cause for the majority of surface attrition on Gamo vessels. In
addition, Gamo serving bowls that were used to serve or store fermented foods (e.g.,
fermented enset) have evidence of severe erosion on the interior vessel wall.
levels- Griffiths (1978:77) and Smith (1987:314)- who suggest that the lower socio¬
economic households should use their valuable serving vessels less often than
not have a distinction between ceremonial and utilitarian serving vessels. In contrast,
the pitting associated with beer fermentation in Gamo society is a direct indicator of
social status and economic wealth. Since lower caste and economic ranked households
The spatial and use-alteration analyses clarify the household use of ceramics
during their different life-cycle stages, as well as indicating the distinctions between
villages, castes, and economic ranks. Defining the different life-cycle stages based on
accurate models concerning the type of abandonment that may have taken place at the
household level.
CHAPTER 7
HOUSEHOLD POPULATION AND CERAMIC USE-LIFE
In the last three chapters, I discussed the life-cycle of Gamo household pots in
relation to their regional, social, and economic contexts. This chapter explores how
between household population and vessel size (Mills 1999; Nelson 1981; Shapiro
1984; Tani 1994; Turner and Lofgren 1966). In addition to the possible link between
household size and pottery, the social status and economic wealth of a household may
relate to the size of household vessels (Deal 1998; Hayden and Cannon 1984; Nelson
1981; Smith 1987; Tani 1994; Trostel 1994). There also are many factors that may
affect the use-life of household vessels, including household size (Tani 1994), vessel
size (Birmingham 1975:384; David and Hennig 1972; DeBoer 1985; de la Torre and
Mudar 1982; Longacre 1985:340; Shott 1996), production methods (see Chapter 4)
1987:452), and use (see Chapter 5) (Bankes 1985:72; Foster 1960; Reid 1989; Tani
1994). This chapter reveals that a village without potters has more correlations
between household population and frequency of vessel types, vessel frequency, and
size than villages where potters reside. Villages without potters also have stronger
correlations between the household size of different social castes and economic ranks
215
216
and vessel frequency and size than the pottery-producing villages. Vessel use-life
and materials that potters use, as well as the function, frequency of use, volume, and
the pot’s cost. Finally, vessel size and feasting is explored, to show that households
holding Halaka feasts in the past have a higher frequency of large storage jars (batsa)
Researchers studying households have discussed in great depth the role of the
developmental cycle and how it affects the social and economic structure of
households (Netting et al. 1984). The economic and social makeup of a Gamo
household depends, in part, upon the productive capabilities and its determined caste
group. As discussed in Chapter 1, a household that belongs to the highest caste (i.e.,
mala) may be poorer economically than a lower caste (i.e., degala) because of the
demographic makeup of the household. Among the three Gamo villages I studied,
Zuza provides for the best example of how the household population affects the size
and frequency of ceramic vessels. There are six households in Zuza that are inhabited
by widows who belong to the mala caste, but all six households are within the lowest
economic rank in terms of wealth because their only livelihood is spinning cotton.
Although these households are members of the highest caste in Gamo, their economic
wealth is lower than some mana and degala households. Another important social
factor that affects the demographic and economic context of Gamo households is the
217
larger Ethiopian economy. A number of Gamo families are without husbands because
they migrated to one of the larger towns or cities to weave. They can sell their woven
goods at a higher price in a larger town than if they stayed in their Gamo village.
These types of household variations have an important effect on the material culture of
the household, specifically on the frequency and size of vessels used for the
processing of food.
Gamo vessel types and sizes are affected by the household context in terms of
its population, and its social and economic attributes. Three other important factors,
discussed in Chapter 4, that effect which vessel types Gamo people use are: (1) their
village location in terms of which markets potters sell their wares; (2) potters living in
pots. Each Gamo vessel has the potential to provide a range of different uses including
cooking, serving, storage, and transporting. The only exceptions are the jebana and
guya, which are used only to boil ground coffee and smoke tabacco, respectively. In
addition to having a range of uses for the majority of vessel types, the types also range
in size, which allows consumers to choose which vessels are best suited for their
Village Analysis
The three villages of Zuza, Guyla, and Etello each have their own social and
economic structure because of the different portions of caste members and economic
218
populations and vessel frequency, size, and use-life will indicate the similarities and
differences that occur between the three villages, but also within one society. The
frequency and size of vessels that functioned for cooking, serving, storing, and
transporting are compared with household population to test if there are significant
Table 7-1: Gamo vessel types and their corresponding primary-use and capacity.
may prove to demonstrate that households actually use types that correspond to their
household size for food preparation. At the village level, Etello has a significant
219
correlation between the number of types a household uses and their population (r =
0.59) (Table 7-2). This may be due to Etello not having potters living within their
village or region and so each household uses only the number of types that is actually
needed for the household. Etello consumers must travel to one of the weekly markets
to purchase their household pots, compared to the Zuza and Guyla consumers who can
easily purchase their household pots from neighboring potters. Thus, the purchasing
and using of ceramic vessels by Etello consumers is more closely connected with their
household population than villages that have potters living in their village. In addition,
the number of vessels in Etello is less than either Zuza or Guyla, which supports the
argument that Etello consumers do not have a surplus of household vessels (see
Chapter 4).
Table 7-2: Correlation between frequency of household vessel types and population
and mean number of vessel types and household
population. (Bolded values are
significant at the .05 confidence level with 18 degrees of freedom).
volume with household population. In addition, this analysis demonstrates how the
different life-cycle stages correlate between the use of ceramic vessels and the number
Entire life-cycle
The frequency and volume of vessels used for cooking and serving should
have a strong correlation with household population size. Storage vessels should have
size is expected to have a weak correlation, especially in villages that use plastic water
the water or beer. For example, a child whose responsibility is to collect the
consumers do not have surplus household pots, their population can be correlated
using ceramic vessels. Etello has a significant correlation with the frequency of the
entire assemblage of vessels (r = 0.67), cooking vessels (r = 0.45), and serving vessels
between Etello’s mean (r = 0.60) and sum (r = 0.48) volume of cooking vessels with
household population. This suggests that a consumer living in a village without potters
only purchase or exchange for pots that the household population needs.
not surprising that Zuza (r = 0.53) (r = 0.53) and Guyla (r = 0.55) (r = 0.45) have a
significant positive correlation between the frequency and sum volume of serving
vessels and household population. Only eleven of Zuza’s households have ceramic
serving vessels and when those households are correlated with vessel frequency and
221
volume then even stronger, significant results occur. I expected that Gamo villages
would have a strong correlation between the frequency and size of serving vessels,
since the Gamo people and the majority of Ethiopians eat using communal serving
vessels. These significant relationships between the frequency and volume of vessels
and household population suggest that given the proper context archaeologists will be
Primary-use
Vessels in their primary stage of use are expected to correlate with household
population, because during this stage pots are purchased to satisfy the household’s
basic food preparation needs. This is especially apparent in Etello, where the
=
0.63). Other significant correlates are Zuza’s (r = 0.62) frequency of serving vessels
and Guy la’s (r = 0.49) (r = 0.51) frequency and sum volume of serving vessels and
household population. Although the primary-use analysis does correspond with the
majority of the entire life-cycle analysis, once the ceramic vessels move to the reuse
stage they dramatically differ with both entire life-cycle and primary-use correlation
analysis.
Reuse
It is not expected that vessels used during the reuse stage will correlate with
this is dependent on the severity of the break. Zuza’s frequency (r = 0.63) and sum
significant negative correlation with household population. The reason there is this
contrast between Zuza and Guyla is that Guyla people are predominantly farmers who
reuse their broken cooking pots for storage of surplus crops. However, the Zuza
people rely more on weaving than farming and are more likely to continue using their
broken cooking pots for cooking by tilting the cooking pot on the hearth. Zuza
continues to use 37 percent of its broken cooking pots for cooking, compared to Guyla
consumers who continue to use only 18 percent of their broken cooking pots for
cooking.
Reused vessels usually are kept for storage and it is this functional type that
one would expect to have the greatest chance for a strong or significant correlation
they have a significant correlation between the mean volume of storage vessels and
transporting vessels, they did not correlate with household population. In addition, the
small number of Etello’s households (n = 6) that reused only one serving vessel each
prevented a correlation test. The analysis of the entire life-cycle and primary-use
contained similar results, unfortunately for archaeologists once we begin the reuse
stage there are no patterns similar to the entire life-cycle stage analysis.
Discard
discarded vessels will also increase, since more people produce more trash. However,
number of people and the number of discarded pots. In fact, there are no significant
correlations between discard vessel frequency and size with household population.
behavior, since discarded vessels may be the only vessels left at a site and therefore
could not be used for population studies. Hence, the need for archaeologists to
understand the dynamics of household ceramic use and their corresponding life-cycle
ceramic studies, we need to consider the social and economic context of each
village.
Vessel frequency and household population provides the best correlation between
vessels used for cooking and serving. Etello demonstrates the most significant results
between household size and vessel frequency. This indicates that a village, such as
Etello, that does not have potters living within the village may have a more substantial
correlation between vessel frequency and size and population. The life-cycle analysis
indicates that primary-use vessels are similar to the entire life-cycle analysis, but the
reuse and discard stages are considerably different than the entire life-cycle analysis.
The latter are dependent upon whether the households represent farmers or another
Table 7-3:Summary of significant correlations (r) between village population and the
frequency and size of different functional vessels at the 0.05 confidence level. (Z =
Zuza, E = Etello, G = Guyla, F = Frequency, M = Mean Volume, and S = Sum
Volume).
GF, GS
Primary-Use EF ZF, ZM, ZS, - -
GF, GS
Reuse -
ZF, ZS, -
EM -
GS
Discard - - - - -
Use-life
trying to understand site function, population size, occupational duration, social status,
of factors such as vessel size, household population, vessel function, and production
random acts, and production problems. The majority of cases involve use and
breakage, with the base as the most likely place where pots crack from thermal stress
and shock. Because cooking vessels usually break at the base, they are not able to be
reused for cooking or functions that require holding liquids because they will leak.
Dropping the vessel on a stone was a common explanation for the breakage of
225
transport vessels especially in Zuza, where the footpaths are usually slippery and lined
with rock outcrops. In terms of the production process, firing of pots causes the
majority of them to break. Then there are a number of reasons given that range from
use (e.g., making butter), transport (e.g., bringing home from the market), and various
other factors that cause vessels to break. The process of beer fermentation erodes the
interior vessel wall (see Chapter 6 on the discussion of surface attrition) and when the
beer is cooked and the hot liquid is poured into the vessel, the vessel wall cannot
withstand the thermal shock, causing the vessel to crack. This is one of the reasons
why large beer fermentation jars have a short use-life (see use-life section below). The
production of butter involves rocking the otto back and forth on its side for hours
while the milk changes to butter. This rocking motion sometimes causes vessels to
Generally the larger the vessel the longer the vessel’s use-life (DeBoer 1985;
Longacre 1981:64; Shott 1989; Tani 1994:62), but the Gamo data do not support this
(Tables 7-5, 7-6, and 7-7). There is not a strong correlation between the use-life and
volume of different vessel types. This suggests that other factors may be responsible
for a vessel’s use-life other than size. Zuza’s distes and have
ottos a
significant
correlation between vessel use-life and volume, respectively. The Zuza distes have a
shorter use-life than in Guyla and Etello. I have no answer as to why they correlate
significantly in Zuza and not in Etello and Guyla. In Zuza, people primarily use ottos
to store and transport water and beer, while in Etello and Guyla they are used for
beer do not correlate between use-life and volume. Because Gamo people use the
Table 7-4: Reasons why vessels break with their corresponding frequency and
percentages.
Table 7-5: Zuza’s vessel types and their use-life in years and associated volume
measurements and correlation between use-life and volume. (Correlations in bold are
64.50 64.50 0 -
beerprocessing)
Guya (water pipe) - - - - - - - -
Table 7-6: Guyla’s vessel types and their use-life in and associated volume
years
measurements and correlation between use-life and volume. (Correlations in bold are
significant at the .05 confidence level).
Table 7-7: Etello’s vessel types and their use-life in years and associated volume
measurements and correlation between use-life and volume. (Correlations in bold are
5.16 - - -
1.44 - - -
The function of a vessel is one of the most important determinations for how
long a vessel will survive before it breaks (Tables 7-8 and 7-9). Vessels in Gamo have
a large range of uses with some pots functioning only as cooking pots, while other
pots are used for cooking, storing, and transporting. Four functional categories were
analyzed concerning their relationship with use-life, cooking, serving, storage, and
categories.
The shortest use-life occurs among cooking vessels, which is not surprising
since cooking pots continuously used in a hearth break from repeated thermal stress
and shock. Serving vessels range in their use-life among the three villages from 1.5 to
2 years (median) and are broken because of their constant use within the household.
229
Serving food is a communal activity in Gamo society and therefore every member of a
household handles serving vessels. Such widespread activity within the household
provides a higher chance for serving bowls and dishes to break. In all three villages,
storage vessels have the longest use-life, and they are the largest pots by volume.
Therefore, on a functional basis, larger pots do last longer than smaller pots. People
usually break transport vessels by slipping on the footpaths, dropping the vessels, or
hitting the pot on a rock while carrying the vessel on their back. Except for the use-life
of storage vessels in Zuza, the range of median use-lives among the different
Production techniques and materials may be factors that determine the use-life
of vessels. Considering the range of techniques and materials used throughout the
Gamo region, it is important to analyze the different pots that were produced in
pots. In addition, the Gamo consumers believe that certain villages/regions produce
the “best” pottery based on technological reasons (see Chapter 4). Therefore, the use-
life analysis will test if potters that produce the “best” pottery actually produce pots
potters from Ochollo dere, with the predominant reason that their pots are stronger and
therefore last longer (see Chapter 4). When comparing the use-life of Zuza pots with
the use-life of other Ochollo dere pots, the mean Zuza use-life is 2.1 years and the
mean use-life for the Ochollo dere pots is 1.5 years. However, the Zuza and Ochollo
230
dere pots have a median use-life of 1 year. The number of households that prefer
either Zuza or a combination of Ochollo potters is almost equal, with only four more
interesting that the median use-life is the same, which is mirrored in the opinions of
The Etello consumers prefer Birbir pots, because they believe Birbir pots last
longer than Guyla or Zada pots. The ten Birbir pots used in Etello, of which the
majority (70 percent) of the vessels used for cooking, have a mean and median use-life
of 2.7 and 1.8 years, respectively. The 40 Guyla and Zada pots (68 percent) used only
for cooking, and have and median use-life of 2.1 and 1.4
a mean years, respectively.
Therefore, the use-life data agree with the consumer opinions that Birbir pots do last
Use-life Use-life
Cooking 60 2.04 1.9 0.1-10.0 1.91
Serving 9 6.57 2 0.2-46.0 14.82
Storage 18 4.28 2.5 0.6-19.7 4.69
Transporting 6 1.95 1.5 0.1-6.0 2.12
Guyla Functional Type n Mean Median d.
Range s.
Use-life Use-life
Cooking 118 2.39 2 0.1-9.0 1.78
Serving 34 2.95 2 0.1-9.0 2.65
Storage 48 3.56 2.5 0.1-14.0 3.09
Transporting 37 3.35 2 0.3-13.0 2.81
231
The Guy la consumers also prefer Birbir pots to their own Guy la potters’ pots,
stating that they believe Birbir pots are stronger and last longer than Guyla pots. The
use-life data also agree with Guyla consumers' opinions. The 31 Birbir pots, used
mostly for cooking, have a mean and median use-life of 3.5 and 3 years, respectively.
The mean and median use-life for the 123 Guyla pots, used mostly for cooking, is only
2.1 and 1.6, respectively. All three villages indicate that consumer opinions do parallel
the use-life of pots, indicating the importance of the emic perspective concerning the
The use-life of pots may influence the cost of the pot, since cheaper pots may
reflect the quality of the pot and therefore its longevity. People who purchase more
costly pots may be more careful than consumers who purchase less expensive pots. In
Zuza, the cost of pots is less than in Guyla or Etello, and Zuza pots have a shorter use-
life than the other two villages. This suggests that the more expensive the pot, the
In Zuza and Guyla, the cost of pots does significantly correlate with use-life.
discussed in Chapter 4, consumers purchase their pots through the market. There is no
correlation between the cost of pots and use-life in Etello, since Etello consumers
purchase all of their vessels at weekly markets and these markets fluctuate in their
pricing of ceramic pots (Table 7-10). This market fluctuation caused by seasonal
variations (e.g., higher market prices during Easter, Meskal, and Christmas) in the
market price of pots is the reason there is no correlation between the cost of Etello
pots and use-life. The majority of consumers in Zuza and Guyla purchase their pots
directly from the potter’s household or from Zuza and Guyla potters at the weekly
market, which may result in more consistent prices for the different vessel sizes and
types.
233
Table 7-10: Cost and use-life of pots used in Zada, Guyla, and Etello villages.
Correlations in bold are significant at the 0.05 confidence level.
Caste Groups
The social status of Gamo society with its strict hierarchy of three castes, mala,
mana, and degala, provides a unique opportunity to explore the relationships between
It is expected that lower castes would have a stronger correlation than higher
caste households would between the household vessel type frequency and population.
Artisans can only afford to purchase and therefore use a specific amount of vessel
types. Specifically, it also is expected that potter households that produce different
vessel types may have a negative correlation between the frequency of vessel types
and population, since they could make and use many different types.
their use of vessel types and the number of people per household (Table 7-11). Among
the different caste groups, a significant positive correlation between the frequency of
vessel types and household population occurs among the Etello mala (r = 0.56)
households. The only negative correlation between household vessel types and
234
population occurs among the Guyla degala households, which is a perfect negative
correlation (r = -1.00). The correlation between vessel type and population among the
caste households indicates great variation. For instance, potters in Zuza have a strong
positive correlation, but the Guyla potters do not. In addition, the outcomes between
the two degala households from both Guyla and Etello have almost opposite
correlation results. Furthermore, the correlation between the mean frequency of vessel
types and household population indicate that there is a better relationship in villages
without potters (Etello) than villages that have potters (Zuza and Guyla).
degala Caste
Correlation Vessel Type/Population -
-1.00* 0.97*
Mean Number of Vessel Types -
8.7 3.7
Mean Household Population -
4.3 3.6
Vessel Volume
In Chapter 4, it was shown that in the majority of cases the mala have a higher
frequency of vessels (Figure 5-1), mean number of vessel types (Figure 5-2), and
235
percentage of vessels used for the processing of high cost foods (Figure 5-3), than the
mana or degala caste households. The mean vessel volume of the different caste
households for each village also coincides with the social hierarchy of Gamo society
(see Figure 7-1). The mala households in Zuza village have a mean of 15.2 liters,
compared to only 8.7 liters among the mana households. Among Etello village
households the mean number of liters is 11.5 in the mala caste households, compared
to 6.5 liters among the degala households. The Guyla mala households have a mean of
15.2 liters, whereas the mana and degala households have 12.4 and 8.9 liters,
respectively. The three villages and their mean household vessel volume strongly
Figure 7-1: Mean vessel volume, according to caste, for the villages of Zuza, Etello,
and Guyla (see Appendix A for summary statistics).
236
The relationship between household population and the size and frequency of
the ceramic assemblage is explored through the social status of the households in
Gamo society. The Gamo caste system influences almost every aspect of household
life including the population, economic, and material culture of the household.
Entire life-cycle
I would expect that the cooking and serving vessels would correlate with the
household population, especially among the lower caste households because they are
not expected to have excess cooking or serving vessels. Since food is eaten in
communal serving bowls, it is not surprising that a majority of caste groups have a
use ceramic vessels for serving. The frequency and size of storage vessels may be an
Mala household's vessel frequency and size are not expected to correlate with
household size because they may own more pots than a household actually needs. The
mala in Etello are expected to correlate because of their lack of village potters.
households in Etello (r = 0.68) have another significant correlation between the mean
volume of cooking vessels and household population and a strong correlation in the
sum volume of cooking pots. The number of pots that Etello’s mala households use
237
and their correlation with household population may be a due to no potters living in
the village and mala households only using the necessary number of pots that fulfill
their daily food processing. The frequency (r = 0.64) and sum volume (r = 0.59) of
serving vessels among Guyla’s mala are significant with household population. There
The number of artisan caste households for each village (i.e., mana and
degala) is only three and too small to conduct significance tests. The mana households
in Zuza and Guyla indicate the complexity of the social status and regional differences
when correlating household vessels with population. The Zuza mana have a strong
correlation in every category except for one (frequency of storage vessels), suggesting
that these three households use only what is necessarily required for all their
household needs. This contrasts with Guyla’s mana households, which have either a
weak to strong negative correlation between their use of vessels and population. This
clearly suggests that there are regional differences concerning how mana households
in Gamo use their household vessels. Guyla’s mana use considerably larger vessels
and more vessel types than the Zuza mana. Although Guyla’s mana households have
more people, the mean volume of their vessels is almost twice the mean volume that
the Zuza mana use (Figure 7.1). The Guyla mana needs more storage for agricultural
crops, because they own more farmland than the Zuza mana.
The degala households, in Etello and Guyla, also demonstrate the contrast that
occurs among the same caste households that live in different Gamo regions. Etello’s
degala households have a strong correlation between the frequency and sum volume
238
of the entire assemblage and cooking vessels with household population. As discussed
among the Zuza mana, Etello’s degala seem to use only the essential number and size
of cooking pots that is required for their household population. Etello’s degala, as
discussed in Chapter 5, use a majority of their pots only for cooking, and have fewer
numbers of pots than other caste households. The degala households in Etello have a
strong negative correlation between the number of storage and transporting pots and
their population because these types of pots are not common in their households. This
is not surprising because they use few pots for storage due to their lack of farmland. In
addition, two of three degala households use plastic containers to transport water.
Guyla’s degala households have a strong correlation between the frequency of the
=
0.86) pots with their population. They also have a strong correlation (r = 0.87)
between the sum volume of the entire assemblage and household population.
Primary-use
The relationship between vessel frequency and size should more closely
correlate with household population, since the primary-use vessels are purchased and
used to fulfill everyday food preparation. The different castes use of their vessels
during the primary-use stage and the relationship with household population is similar
to the results found in the entire life-cycle analysis. Etello’s mala households (r =
0.64) have a significant relationship between the frequency of primary vessels in the
entire assemblage and household size. The Guyla mala households have a significant
relationship between the frequency (r = 0.59) and sum volume (r = 0.67) of serving
vessels with their household size. Zuza’s mala do not demonstrate either a significant
239
or a strong relationship between vessel frequency and size with their household
population.
The mana households in both villages demonstrate the variation that can occur
cycle analysis, the Zuza mana strongly correlate with a majority of their functional
categories and household population (see Appendix D). The reverse occurs among
Guyla’s mana households where the majority of categories indicate a strong negative
Etello’s degala households are similar to the entire life-cycle analysis, with a
strong frequency of the entire assemblage and cooking vessels to household size.
Guyla’s degala indicate a strong frequency of primary vessels, with the only exception
being among the primary cooking vessels. In addition, among the Guyla degala every
category in the sum volume of primary-use vessels, except for transport vessels,
bowls than on ceramic vessels, except for the mana households. Therefore, it is
interesting that both caste households in Zuza have either a significant or a strong
correlation with household population and frequency of serving vessels. The mana
households all use serving vessels and eight of the 17 mala households use ceramic
serving vessels. These eight Zuza mala households have a significant correlation (r =
0.77) between the frequency of primary-use serving vessels and household size.
However, there is not a significant correlation between the mean or sum volume of
Reuse
between reused vessels and household size. The only significant correlation that
occurs is between the frequency (r = 0.61) and mean volume (r = 0.67) of Zuza mala
cooking vessels with household population. Guyla and Etello’s mala households fail
to have any significant or strong correlation with frequency of vessels and household
size. The only significant correlation between the sum volume and household
population occurs among the Etello’s mala reuse of storage (r = 0.51) and transporting
(r = 0.55) vessels.
concerning the relationship between the ceramic assemblage and household size. The
Zuza mana households continue to have strong relationships among its vessels and
household population frequency (r = 0.92) and mean (r = 0.98) and sum volume (r =
0.95) of all vessels and household population, as well as frequency (r = 0.88) and
mean (r = 0.99) and sum volume of cooking, storage and serving vessels (see
Appendix D). Guyla’s mana households (r = -0.75) have a strong negative correlation
between the frequency of cooking vessels and household population, but have a strong
positive correlation (r = 0.75) between the number of serving vessels and household
size. Guyla’s mana households have strong correlation between the mean (r
a = 0.95)
a strong negative correlation (r = -0.69) between the mean volume of serving vessels
and the mana population. In addition, Guyla’s mana households have a strong
241
negative correlation (r = -0.51) between the sum volume of cooking vessels and
household size.
The degala households in both Guyla and Etello indicate that reuse vessels do
not correlate well with household size. The majority of relationships indicate a weak
to somewhat strong negative correlation between the frequency and size of pots with
Discard
frequency and size of discarded pots with household size. Among the mala
households, only the Guyla mala have a significant correlation between the frequency
(r = 0.58) and sum volume (r = 0.65) of discarded cooking pots with household
population (Table 7-12). The only strong positive correlation that occurs among mana
households is Guyla’s mana frequency (r = 0.50) of discarded cooking pots and their
household size. All the other associations between discarded vessels and the mana
population are weak or strongly negative. Etello’s degala use of discarded vessels
indicates a
strong correlation between the entire assemblage and cooking vessels with
between discarded vessels that make up the entire assemblage and discarded cooking
pots. As discussed in the above village discard section, once pots reach the discard
stage their association with household population is dramatically different from the
entire life-cycle analysis.
242
The social status of a household and its use of ceramic vessels will have a
direct relationship to vessel use-life. The Gamo society with their strict social
Table 7-12: Summary of significant correlations (r) between village population and
the frequency and size of different functional vessels at the 0.05 confidence level.
(ZM
=
Zuza mala, Zm = Zuza mana, EM = Etello mala, ED = Etello
degala, GM = Guyla
mala, Gm = Guyla mana, GD = Guyla degala, F = Frequency, M = Mean Volume,
and S = Sum Volume).
Primary-Use EMF -
GMF, GMS -
-
Reuse -
ZMS -
EMM EMM
Discard -
GMF, GMS - -
-
We would expect that since lower caste households have fewer vessels than the
higher caste households, the lower caste households would have to use their vessels
with more
frequency causing them to have a shorter use-life. With Zuza as the only
exception, Etello and Guyla mana and degala caste households have vessels that have
a shorter use-life than the mala households (Table 7-13). The lower caste households
use smaller vessels, but vessel frequency and their repeated use seems to be more of a
Table 7-13: Vessel use-life and volume by functional type according to village caste.
2.57 2.57 -
pots. Therefore, lower caste pots have a shorter use-life than do higher caste
households (Table 7-14). In Guyla and Etello, the mala caste has more expensive pots
than the degala households (see Chapter 4). Mana households are not analyzed in
Zuza and Guyla, because the household’s
mana use pots that they have manufactured.
244
In addition, since Zuza has only mala and mana castes it is not possible to make a
comparison. In Guyla and Etello, the mala caste spend more on their pots (which have
Table 7-14: Cost and use-life of pots used by village caste. Correlations in bold are
significant at the 0.05 confidence level.
Social status and how it reflects through the household ceramic assemblage has
occupation span, and site function. The Gamo indicate that differences do occur
between caste households within one society regarding how household population
correlates to vessel use-life. Therefore, the social status cannot be explored by itself,
but must be placed in the proper context of where, who, and how pots are
Economic Ranks
relationship between vessel frequency and size with household population. In addition,
245
the analysis of vessel use-life and its relationship with household wealth furthers our
of society.
between vessel type frequency and population because they can only afford and
therefore use a limited number of types (Table 7-15). There is a significant correlation
among Etello’s second-ranked households, but Etello's third-ranked only has four
households making the sample size too small for a reliable significance test. Etello’s
first-ranked has a very weak correlation between household vessel type and
Table 7-15: Correlations between the frequency of vessel type and household
population and mean number of vessel types and household population according to
economic rank caste. (Bolded cells are significant at the 0.05 confidence
level).
0.68
Mean Number of Vessel Types 7.2 -
4.2
Mean Household Population 2.2 -
3.7
246
Vessel Volume
Previously in Chapter 5 it was shown that in the majority of cases the wealthier
households have a higher frequency of vessels (Figure 5-4), mean number of vessel
types (Figure 5-5), and percentage of vessels used for the processing of high cost
foods (Figure 5-6) than the poorer households. The mean vessel volume between the
ranked households in the three villages does correspond to their economic ranking.
Figure 7-2 indicates the average vessel volume according to economic rank. The
highest ranked households in Zuza have a vessel volume mean of 17.9 liters, whereas
the second-ranked mean is 13.9 liters and the lowest economic ranked households
have a vessel volume mean of 11.7 liters. The vessel volume mean for the highest
ranked households in Etello is 11.5 liters and the second-ranked households have a
mean of 11.8 liters and as expected the poorest Etello households have the lowest
mean of 6.6 liters. The vessel volume means do not dramatically differ among the
highest and second-ranked households in Guyla with means of 14.6 and 13.8 liters,
more people (Table 7-15), but also more economic wealth than poorer households.
The relationship between household population and the size and frequency of
Gamo society. The factors that determine the economic wealth of households may
influence the size and frequency of pots and how people use their household vessels.
247
20
18
16
14
12
□ Economic Rank #1
Mean Vessel
□ Economic Rank #2
Volume
■ Economic Rank #3
8
Figure 7-2: Mean vessel volume, according to economic rank, for the villages of Zuza,
Etello, and Guyla (see Appendix B for summary statistics).
Entire life-cycle
I would expect that the wealthiest households would not indicate a strong
relationship between the frequency and size of pots with household population
because these households may own more pots than the household size requires in the
processing of household foods. The wealthier households have more land to farm and
therefore need more vessels to store their surplus crops. In addition, several of these
households have been Halakas in the past and therefore purchased excess ceramic
vessels to process beer and food for the two Halaka feasts (see Feasting section
below). Therefore, it is not expected that the frequency and size of cooking, serving,
248
storage, and transporting vessels would correlate with household population among
the wealthiest households. However, it is expected that the poorer households would
have strong to significant correlations between the frequency and size of vessels to
household population because these households are expected to use only what the
household actually needs. There would not be any surplus vessels among the poorer
ranked households.
their household’s vessel frequency and size with household size. However, throughout
the three villages, the wealthiest households correlate more than the other households.
The wealthiest households have a strong correlation between the mean volume of the
households also indicate a strong relationship between the sum volume of serving
Etello indicate that cooking vessels correlate more than serving vessels to household
show a strong correlation between the frequency of the entire assemblage (r= 0.55)
and sum volume (r = 0.50) of cooking vessels with household size. The wealthiest
households in all three villages demonstrate that the expectation of a surplus ceramic
I would expect that as the wealth of the household decreases, the stronger the
However, Etello’s second-ranked households are the only group that have a significant
=
0.68), and the mean sum (r = 0.71) of cooking vessels with their household size.
(r = 0.53) and sum volume (r = 0.58) of the entire assemblage with household size.
This economic ranking in Zuza also has a strong correlation between the mean volume
of cooking pots (r = 0.55) with household size. Guy la’s second-ranked households do
not show either a strong positive or negative relationship between vessel frequency
and size with their household population. Etello demonstrates that a village without
potters may provide the strongest relationship between household vessels and
between household pots and size. The poorest households in Zuza indicate a strong
strong relationship between the frequency (r = 0.77) and sum volume (r = 0.68) of
cooking vessels with household size. The wealth criteria did not include a third
ranking for Guyla’s households. Thus, every economic ranking in Etello demonstrates
either a significant or strong relationship between vessel frequency and size and
250
household population indicating that the relationship between people and their pots is
Primary-use
The primary-use vessels among the different economic ranks should reveal
correlations between household size and vessel frequency and size. The primary-use
vessels represent the only stage that should directly relate to the actual subsistence
needs of a household. The only significant correlation that occurs among the
wealthiest households' primary-use vessels is the sum volume of serving vessels used
in Zuza and household size. Strong relationships occur between Zuza’s frequency and
mean volume of serving vessels and the frequency of storage vessels and household
between the frequency of transport vessels (r = -0.62) with household size. Etello’s
population and frequency of transport vessels occurs for two reasons. First, Etello does
not need to rely on a larger number of transport vessels because the Itsamighty River
is adjacent to many of the households. Secondly, these households rely more on plastic
water containers than they do on ceramic vessels to transport their water. Guyla’s
household size. This is the only significant or strong correlation among all second
0.52) and Etello's mean volume of all primary-use vessels (r = -0.65) and cooking
vessels (r = -0.72) with household size. The occurrence of strong negative correlations
in Zuza and Etello’s poorest households is a result of using large ottos (cooking,
storing, and transporting jars) and tsaros (cooking jars) for a majority of their
household needs. Therefore, the household population does not correlate with the large
Reuse
interesting development with a larger number of significant results than what was
found among the entire life-cycle and primary-use analyses. Thus, when households
are ranked according to wealth attributes, the reuse vessels seem to be a strong
indicator of household population. This reflects the poorer household’s need to reuse
more vessels because they can not afford new ones and wealthier households having
between household size and the frequency of reused cooking vessels (r = 0.85).
Significant relationships occur among Zuza's wealthiest households between the mean
252
volume of reused cooking pots (r = 0.94) and sum volume of reused cooking pots (r =
0.93). Zuza's wealthiest households also have a strong negative correlation between
the frequency of transport vessels (r = -0.86) and household size. Among Guyla and
between the sum volume of reused cooking vessels (r = -0.67) and population. A
strong correlation occurs among Etello’s second-ranked households between the mean
volume of reused cooking vessels (r = 0.59) and household size. Zuza’s second-ranked
frequency (r = 0.73) and sum volume (r = 0.74) of reused cooking pots and household
size. This group of households also indicate a significant negative correlation between
the frequency of reused storage vessels (r = -0.62) and the number of people. The only
correlation between the mean volume of vessels (r = -0.55) reused for all functions
Discard
The number of pots among the different functional categories that can be used
in the discard analysis drops considerably because of the low number of discarded pots
frequency (r = 0.90) and the sum volume (r = 0.63) of storage vessels (Table 7-16).
discarded pots of all functions (r = 0.54) with number of people. Zuza’s second-
vessels of all functions (r = 0.72) and cooking vessels (r = 0.70) with household size.
Table 7-16: Summary of significant correlations (r) between village population and
the frequency and size of different functional vessels at the 0.05 confidence level. (Z1
= Zuza Rank1, Z2 = Zuza Rank 2, Z3 = Zuza Rank 3, El = Etello Rank 1, E2 = Etello
Rank 2, E3 = Etello Rank 3, G1 = Guyla Rank 1, G2 = Guyla Rank 2, F = Frequency,
M = Mean Volume, and S = Sum Volume).
Primary-use -
E2F Z1S - -
Reuse -
Z1M.Z1S -
Z3F -
Z3F, Z3S
Discard - - -
E2F, E2S -
The economic wealth of a household can have a direct effect on vessel use-life.
Poorer households have a limited ceramic assemblage and therefore must use their
wealth of a household and the amount people spend for pots may have an effect on
vessel use-life.
254
frequency of use, affects the use-life of vessels. I expect that storage vessels have a
longer use-life in all of the economic ranks. This expectation tends to be true in all of
the economic ranks from the three villages, with the only exception among the
wealthiest households in Guyla where serving and transporting vessels have a longer
use-life than storage vessels (Table 7-17). Storage vessels also tend to be larger than
most of the other vessels, which supports the view that larger vessels are used with
Since the poorer households have fewer pots per household (see Chapter 5), I
expected that their frequency of use would be greater than in the richer households.
Thus, the vessel use-life in poorer households would be shorter than in the richer
households. The third economic rank or poorer households do have shorter use-life
than the richer households, with the only exception occurring among Zuza’s third-
household, which causes vessels to be repeatedly used more often, has a direct effect
The purchase price of pots may have an effect on the use-life of vessels. The
poorer households purchase cheaper pots than the wealthier households do, the only
exception occurring in Etello. The poorer households may be more careful with their
pots, since they can not afford to replace their pots. There are two contributing factors
255
Table 7-17: Vessel use-life and volume by functional type by economic rank.
1 1 -
Rank Storage - - - - - - -
Transporting - - - - - - -
as to why poor households have shorter vessel use-life. First, the poorer households use
their pots with more frequency because they have fewer pots to use (see Chapter 5);
and secondly, they purchase those of cheaper quality so their use-life is shortened. The
wealthier households in both Etello and Guyla enjoy longer vessel use-life than the
poorer households. However, in Zuza, the median use-life for all three economic ranks
is the same, but the mean use-life is greater among the wealthier households. In
addition, the correlation between the cost and use-life of pots is significant in the
majority of economic ranks, with Etello’s second and third and Guyla’s second
economic ranks (Table 7-18). Thus, the cost of pots in the context of a household’s
Table 7-18: Cost and use-life of pots used by village economic ranks. Correlations in
bold are significant at the 0.05 confidence level.
The wealth of a household and its corresponding use of vessels suggests that
household wealth influences the relationships between vessel frequency and size with
economic wealth of a household because this affects the frequency and type of use and
Wealthy members of the mala caste usually control feasting in Gamo society.
However, in certain parts of Gamo the mana and degala caste members have their
own Halakas and produce their own feast, but not on the grand scale as the mala
Halaka. The mana and degala usually request for food and other items needed to hold
Guyla degala and Guyla and Zuza mana also do not conduct Halaka ceremonies. The
mala Halaka produces two feasts, one at his household and the other in the dubusha
(see Chapter 2 for details). He must have enough food and beer for his dere and this
entails having enough ceramic containers to cook, serve, store for fermentation of
beer, and transport. The feast encompasses four days of providing wheat beer and
Gamo foods. Processing the beer requires large vessels for the fermentation. The feast
is required for the year that the man is a Halaka. Therefore, I expect the households
vessels than the non-Halaka households. One reason that mala caste households have
a large mean vessel volume is that some of these households are former Halaka
households.
258
I would expect that Halaka households would have a higher frequency of large
storage jars for the fermentation of wheat beer. Zuza Halaka households confirm the
which compares to only 1.5 batsas for the remaining 15 mala households. Etello
Halaka households have almost twice the number of batsas of other mala households,
with 1.5 batsas per Halaka household to only 0.8 batsa per mala household. Guyla
Halaka households have a mean of four batsas per household to 2.2 batsa per
gourds for drinking beer than do non-Halaka households. Again Zuza Halaka
households confirm the hypothesis with a mean of 20 gourds inventoried from the 2
households which compares to only 5.7 gourds for the remaining 15 Zuza mala
compared to a mean of 3.2 gourds for the other 15 mala households. However, in the
village of Guyla where gourds are not commonly used, the Halaka households have a
mean of 1.5 gourds per households compared to 1.7 gourds for the remaining 12 mala
households.
volume of 18.71 liters, which is 4.35 liters more than recorded in the other Zuza mala
vessel volume of 12.26 which is only 0.9 liters more than the other 15 mala
households. In addition, the Guyla Halaka households only have 0.14 mean liters
more than the mean vessel volume of the other mala households.
259
correlate with household population. However, this relationship between ceramics and
materials, vessel function, vessel size, frequency of use, household social status,
household economic wealth, and vessel cost. Feasting in Gamo society also influences
and use of ceramics, as well as the social and economic make-up of a household,
influences the household’s interaction with its ceramic assemblage and the longevity
of pots.
The number and volume of household ceramics have the potential to reveal a
non-pottery-producing villages. There have not been any previous studies examining
the relationship between the frequency of vessel types and population. The Gamo
analyses indicate that a significant correlation between the frequency of vessel types
significant and strong relationship among the mala and degala castes. In addition, the
between the frequency of vessel types and household size. Since Etello is a village
without potters, it provides for an interesting pattern for villages that rely on others to
produce pots. This suggests that the people of Etello use only the necessary vessel
260
types for food preparation according to their household size. The villages of Zuza and
Guyla have potters living in their village, with consumers purchasing the majority of
their household pots from their village potters (see Chapter 4). Further research in
household. Nelson (1991:171) and DeBoer and Lathrop (1979:124) found that the
stockpiling of pots by consumers is one reason why the frequency of pots does not
correlate with household size. Pottery-producing villages and villages that are allies
with a
pottery-producing village stockpile less than a village that does not have potters
nearby (Tani 1994:57). However, my Gamo data indicate that Etello, a village without
potters, has fewer pots than either Zuza or Guyla, which have potters living in their
villages. Stockpiling is not needed among the Etello consumers because they can
travel to the nearby weekly market to purchase their pots, but this makes it more
difficult to replace their broken pots than it does for consumers living in Zuza or
Guyla.
The classic study by Turner and Lofgren (1966) was the first to look at the
relationship between vessel size and household size in the American Southwest. Their
archaeological study compared the volumes of serving bowls, cooking jars, and ladles
The results from their 542 vessels indicated an increase in vessel volume from AD 500
261
to 1900, except for the period following the Great Drought. They believed that
cooking jars over 8 liters were used for large gatherings and co-occur with the
(1966) analysis by analyzing the vessel volume from 51 households in the village of
San Mateo Ixtatan in the Maya Highlands of Guatemala. Nelson’s (1981:126) analysis
indicated that there is a significant relationship between vessel size and household
population, but only when controlling for household status and wealth.
the Kalinga reinvigorates the original hypothesis set forth by Turner and Lofgren
regular-sized cooking vessels and household size. Tani contends that the reason
Nelson’s (1981) data did not correlate is due to the food processing techniques used by
the Maya. The Maya preprocess com by soaking and the volume of the cooking vessel
reflects only the amount of water and com, but not the amount of com consumed.
Furthermore, the Maya prepare meals made for the entire day, not individual meals
consumed at each meal. Therefore, the volume of the cooking vessel does not
correspond to the number of people eating from the pots (Tani 1994:55-56). Among
the Kalinga, food usually is prepared for every meal and they only use one pot for rice
cooking and another vessel for vegetable/meat cooking (Skibo 1992:67). However,
when correlating the number of pots with household size among the Kalinga, both
Longacre (1991) and Tani (1994) did not find a significant correlation.
262
The Gamo study of the vessel size and household population indicates a
contrast between the village of Etello, a village without potters, and the villages of
Zuza and Guyla where villages reside. Etello has a significant correlation between the
size of cooking vessels and household population. Zuza and Guyla have significant
correlations between the size of their serving vessels with household population in the
entire vessel and primary-use analyses. During the reuse stage, Etello has a significant
Furthermore, Zuza and Guyla’s size of reused cooking vessels and their association
number of significant relationships decreases and the relationships that do occur are
Tani (1994) also found a significant relationship between household size and
number of broken discarded pots of all types. However, in Gamo only when
controlling for social status and economic wealth was there a significant correlation
three villages. The mala households in Guyla have a significant correlation between
the frequency of discarded pots and household size. The second economic wealth
frequency of discarded pots and the frequency and sum volume of storage vessels.
vessel frequency and size and household population. Nelson’s (1981) analysis of the
Mayan village of San Mateo Ixtatan is the only study that has looked into social status
263
and economic wealth and how this affects the relationships between vessel size and
household population. The Gamo analysis concerning the social status of household
vessels and population indicate that regional differences occur among the same caste
group. The caste analysis demonstrates a reduction in the number of strong and
The problem in Gamo is that the number of artisan households in each village usually
is small. Therefore, future research will need to locate and focus on villages that have
a larger group of households that belong to the mana and degala castes.
The economic rank analysis indicates the potential for understanding how vessel
feature in this analysis is that during the reuse stage more significant correlations
occur than in the entire life-cycle and primary-use analyses. This suggests that poorer
households need to reuse more vessels to fulfill their household food preparation and
cannot afford new ones. Furthermore, the wealthier households are reusing their
vessels because they have more types to reuse and need the vessels for storing surplus
crops.
techniques and materials, frequency of use, vessel function and size, and replacement
costs (Bankes 1985; Birmingham 1975; David 1972; David and Hennig 1972; DeBoer
1974; Deal 1998; Foster 1960; Longacre 1985; Nelson 1991; Okpopo 1987; Pastron
1974; Rice 1987; Shott 1996; Stanilawski 1978; Tani 1994). The Gamo analysis
indicates that when vessel function is associated with vessel size, larger vessels used
for storage do have a longer use-life than other vessels. However, the vessel types do
not follow a predictable trend concerning vessel size and use-life because each village
and household use many of its vessel types for multiple functions, thereby confusing
the actual uses of each vessel by its household context, morphological, and use-
alteration attributes.
The Gamo use-life analysis also indicates that consumers are knowledgeable
about their societies' ceramic production methods. The Gamo consumer’s opinions
concerning which villages and/or regions manufacture the strongest vessels correlate
with the vessel use-life analysis. Therefore, the manufacturing and materials that
The social and economic analyses of Gamo vessel use-life suggests that due to
the lower status and poorer households having fewer pots they must use them with
more
frequency causing a reduced use-life than the higher status and wealthier
households. In addition, the cost of the vessel influences its use-life, with
higher caste
households and wealthier households purchasing more expensive vessels, which last
longer than those of lower caste households and poorer households. This may either be
265
due to lower caste and poorer households using their vessels more often and
purchasing cheaper vessels, which causes them to break faster than those households
vessel volume (i.e., both ceramic and metal containers) was the strongest predictor of
demonstrate that ceramic vessel volume does correlate with household social status
and economic wealth. The mean volume of Gamo vessels clearly indicates that higher
caste households and wealthier households have larger vessels than lower caste and
poorer households.
number of societies (Deal 1998; DeBoer and Lathrap 1979; Longacre 1985; Nelson
1981, 1991; Pastron 1974; Pauketat and Emerson 1991:923). Since the Halaka
households in Gamo conduct feasts for their dere, they have a higher frequency of
large storage vessels (batsas) and gourds for the preparation and drinking of beer.
However, only in Zuza did the Halaka households have a considerably larger mean
tempers to the eventual discard of the vessel, is determined partly by the village’s
social and economic standing in Gamo society. This analysis indicates that a holistic
approach is required when attempting to use household ceramics to explore the many
relationship between ceramics and how they reflect the regional, social, and economic
contexts in which they are made, used, and discarded. This study of the Gamo
provides valuable information from which archaeologists can gain better insights into
regional, social, and economic relationships in congruence with the environment, diet,
industrial wares, the ceramic life-cycle, ceramic spatial analysis, ceramic use-
alteration, ceramic volume and frequency, and vessel use-life reflect differences and
similarities between villages, castes groups, and economic wealth groups. It is these
contexts and issues that are brought together which form the basis from understanding
Industrial Wares
Although potters are a despised lower caste in Gamo society, they produce pots
that are used by all rural households of every socioeconomic level. One of the most
266
267
remarkable aspects of Gamo society is that industrial type vessels have not
dramatically replaced the ceramic assemblage. This is especially true in villages (e.g.,
Guyla) that are located farther away from large towns. However, even in the villages
of Zuza and Etello where industrial vessels are used, pottery vessels continue to be
purchased, used on a regular basis, and dominate the household assemblage. Although
in Gamo the higher caste and wealthiest households have more industrial and ceramic
containers than the low castes and poorer households, they still rely on ceramic
containers for the majority of their household needs. The Chinese porcelain cup has
replaced the traditional coffee cup in all Gamo households. In addition, plastic water
containers are found in many of the homes of Zuza and Etello. However, metal vessels
are rare in Gamo because they are still too expensive for the average rural household.
Industrial wares have not replaced pottery because pottery remains an inexpensive
technology and the patron-client system between potters and consumers is still a
Ceramic Life-Cycle
tempers (Arnold 1991:23; Aronson et al 1994:88; Davison and Hosford 1978; Haaland
1978:49; Handler 1963:315-316; Lauer 1974:143-144; Rye and Evans 1976:126; Van
268
de Velde and Van de Velde 1939:22). The low social and economic position of Gamo
influences where they obtain their clays and tempers. Gamo potters have to rely upon
farmers for access to clays and tempers, since many potters do not own farmland. For
archaeologists, the study of Gamo potters support previous research that clay and
temper sources usually are found within a 7-kilometer radius of the potter's village
(Arnold 1985:39-52).
Previous researchers reveal that the types of foods and the technology required
to process them significantly affects household vessel frequencies and types (D.
important evidence that contributes to why potters produce and consumers use
different proportions of vessel types. The types of vessels that Gamo potters produce
is partly a reflection of their ecological location and the types of crops people grow
ecology and pottery technology. The ecology and technology dramatically influences
the types of pots potters begin to produce in their husband's village. An example of the
importance of the ecology and technology is witnessed when a Zuza potter who
specialized in making baking plates moved to her husband's village of Guyla. In her
new village, she completely stopped producing baking plates because the Guyla
people do not use baking plates, nor are Guyla clays suitable for this vessel form.
1985:337; Miller 1985:74; Otto 1977, 1984; Smith 1987; Trostel 1994:223; Wilson
1994:55). My study found patterns relating to the household's social status and
economic wealth such as vessel quality, frequency, size, type, and function. Lower
artisan castes and economic ranks purchase and use less expensive pots than the higher
caste and economic ranked households. Lower castes and economic ranks have, on
average, fewer vessels, vessel types, and smaller pots and use these vessels less to
process high-cost foods than the higher caste and the wealthy households. Because
fewer pots are used in the lower socioeconomic households, their use of frequency
increases, which reduces the pot's use-life. These findings concerning the relation of
pottery and the socioeconomic context can make a significant contribution to how
archaeologists interpret the social status and economic wealth of past societies. Hence,
consumers are obtaining their vessels in order to reconstruct social relations in past
1981:171; Tani 1994:56). The Gamo represent an anomaly in the cross-cultural studies
pots per household than in the pottery-producing villages of Zuza and Guyla. The
270
household census among the three Gamo villages provided a framework for
villages, as it is apparent that differences occur between villages that are pottery
of potters influences how producers and consumers interact, which ultimately affects
each village's household assemblages. This is demonstrated by the two distinct types
of distributions, the patron-client and the market exchanges. Consumers prefer specific
4-11,4-12, and 4-13). For example, Guyla and Etello consumers prefer Birbir pots,
however, Guyla consumers are tied to purchasing their pots through the patron-client
system because of the presence of potters living within their village (Figure 4-3).
Since Etello, a non-pottery-producing village, buys all of their pots from weekly
markets, the origins of its village ceramic assemblages are extremely diverse. Zuza
consumers also are tied to the patron-client system because they live in a pottery-
producing village and region. The patron-client and market systems affect the types of
pots found within each village. There is not a strong connection between consumer
and potter in Etello, and hence living without potters purchase and
consumers use only
what is absolutely necessary to meet their household needs. The variability in the
clays, tempers, vessel morphology, and stylistic attributes within an archaeological site
Deal and Hagstrum 1995; Stanislawski 1969). However, archaeologists often neglect
to discuss mending and reuse in their analyses (although see Sheets 1992:45, 49-50).
My findings suggest that once vessels break, people either try to mend them using a
combination of materials, reuse the vessel for storage of crops, or for a lid, or they
discard the vessel. The reuse of vessels is an important component of the life-cycle as
almost one-third of the vessels inventoried were in their reuse stage. As expected, the
largest and most expensive vessels are mended because of their economic value. In
addition, Etello (a non-pottery producing village) mends more vessels than Zuza or
Guyla because it is more difficult in terms of time and energy for Etello consumers to
obtain a new vessel. However, Etello households reuse a lower percentage of their
assemblage than either Zuza or Guyla, which was not expected. Guyla reuses a higher
percentage of their broken vessels than Zuza, predominantly for the storage of surplus
grain. In addition, I expected that the lower caste and economically poorer households
would mend and reuse more of their vessels. Instead, the higher castes and wealthier
households mend and reuse a higher percentage of their vessels. The reason for this is
they need their reused pots to store their surplus grain. The only exception is between
Zuza's mala and mana caste households, as the mana households reuse more of their
vessels for pottery production. Lastly, the form and function of the vessel are
vessel has a small orifice (i.e.Jebana / coffeepot) or a cooking vessel has severe
Archaeologists have not adequately factored reuse into their use-life estimates,
272
One of the most important life-cycle stages is discard, as it is assumed that the
majority of discarded pots are left after abandonment of living areas. As reported in
Nelson 1991:171), Gamo households keep their broken and discarded pots in their
houses and kitchen, but also an increased number of these pots are stored within the
compound and adjacent to buildings. This "dead storage" indicates that vessels may
eventually be used for some function in the future, even though the owner considers
the vessels as providing no use (Nelson 1991:171). I expected that higher caste and
has been reported in the archaeological literature (Garrow 1987; Henry 1987; King
and Miller 1987:46-47; McBride and McBride 1987; Moran 1976; Otto 1977;
vessels for the storage of excess crops and foods. For archaeologists, interpreting
a
society's social and economic conditions.
Spatial Analysis
storage from disposal units, as well as the social, economic, and political relations of a
past society (Arnold 1991; Binford 1978; Deal 1998:86-89, 115-140; Hayden and
273
Cannon 1984; Kent 1999; Schiffer 1972; Sinopoli 1999). The spatial arrangement of
the Gamo village and household are directly associated with how the vessels are stored
as they move through each stage of their life-cycle. The most significant finding
between the different life-cycle stages and their storage patterns is the difference
between primary-use and reuse from the storage of discarded pots. Once pots reach the
discarded stage, the people in each of the three villages store these pots informally
throughout the household property. Another aspect of the spatial study reflects the
location of the village landscape, which affects the number and types of buildings
found in each household. Zuza, a hill-top village that has a limited amount of land to
build on, stores its vessels within specific localities. This is in contrast to the villages
of Etello and Guyla, which have access to large amounts of land. Lower social and
household properties, usually containing only one building. However, the higher social
their life-cycle they become more dispersed in the household landscape. For an
archaeologist, spatial analysis of sites and their associated material remains are an
integral component in the interpretation of site use. Thus, the spatial change from
Use-alteration
The use of a pottery vessel leaves markers on the ceramic wall that can inform
the archaeologist how the vessel functioned in the past. The most pronounced
274
contribution concerning the use-alteration analyses of Gamo pots is that 100 percent of
the vessels used for processing beer exhibited evidence of heavy pitting and/or erosion
on the interior of the vessel wall. This is important since it may lead to a better
recognition concerning the interpretation between low and high caste and economic
ranks, as lower caste and economic ranks rarely processed beer. Furthermore, the
vessels that function for single purposes such as the coffee pots (jebanas) and cooking
pots (distes) indicate distinct patterns related to the specific use. Even the multi¬
Finally, an important find is that use-alteration attributes continue to be seen even after
the vessel is broken and reused for a secondary function or is completely discarded.
to provide estimates of household population (Nelson 1981; Tani 1994; Turner and
Lofgren 1966). My analysis among the Gamo concerning vessel frequency and size
with household population found differences related to the life-cycle of pots among
village, caste, and economic wealth contexts. As pots move through the life-cycle, the
correlations become weaker between village and caste population and the size and
frequency of vessels. When considering all the ceramics in a household from all stages
in the life-cycle or just primary-use vessels there is a strong correlation between the
number of people and their pots. Contrasts occur between Etello and the pottery-
producing villages of Zuza and Guyla, with Etello having a higher number of
significant correlations than pottery-producing villages. This indicates that the non-
275
pottery producing villages only purchase and use pots that they actually need, whereas
pottery-producing village households have excess pots due to the strong patron-client
system. Remarkably, the economic wealth analysis has more significant correlations
during the reuse stage than during the entire life-cycle or primary-use analyses. This
suggests that reused pots are an important component in the processing of foods for
wealthy and poorer households. Communal eating among the Gamo demonstrated that
this type of serving has great potential in significantly correlating with household
recovered vessels are in discard context, then the Gamo show that interpreting
population from discarded vessels remains tenuous. The relationship among household
population with vessel frequency and size demonstrates the importance of deciphering
Use-life
Pottery use-life estimates for utilitarian vessels remain a central component for
determining past population estimates, occupation span, site function, social status,
and economic wealth (Foster 1960; Longacre 1985; Rice 1987:300; Shott 1996; Tani
1994). The median and mean use-life of Gamo vessels for the different functional
classes fall within the median and mean use-life ranges given by other researchers
working among a number of cultures throughout the world. The use-life of Gamo
vessels in the village, caste, and economic rank analyses is determined by the function,
size, frequency of use, production, and cost. Vessel size only influences use-life when
concerning which potters make the most durable pots. The vessel use-life influences
the cost of pots, except for the villages that are dependent upon weekly markets, which
vessel use-life specifically found that lower social status and economic wealth
households use fewer vessels, causing a higher rate of use and therefore a shorter use-
life than high caste and wealthier households. Furthermore, the correlation between
cost and socioeconomic levels is manifested in the use-life of vessels, since the
The purpose of conducting the use-life analyses among the Gamo was to
study indicates that procurement, production, distribution, and use all influence when
research needs to address how vessel reuse affects use-life estimates and its effect on
archaeological interpretations.
Future Research
longitudinal research such as William Longacre’s (Longacre 1974, 1981, 1985, 1991;
277
Longacre and Skibo 1994) Kalinga project in the Philippines and Dean Arnold's
(1971, 1987, 1989, 1999) work in Ticul, Yucatán, demonstrate the importance of
industrial containers have not replaced the production and use of pottery. However,
how long this continues remains uncertain. While in Ethiopia I witnessed large trucks
overloaded with plastic jerry cans indicating that the first vessel type to be impacted
will be the water transport and storage jars. Therefore, research needs to be conducted
to understand how pottery, without the large frequency of metal and plastic containers,
is produced, used, and discarded before household assemblages change into a mix of
pottery and industrial goods. However, the change from pottery to metals and plastics
will provide an interesting example of technological change over time (Sargent and
that use specific vessel types for processing specific foods, as this research and Skibo
(1992) and Kobayashi's (1994) research remain as the only use-alteration research
conducted within a living context. Conducting more comparative research will help
address questions of deciphering a wet mode from a dry mode of cooking. In addition,
their foods.
Another type of analysis that provides evidence of actual use of a vessel is the
study of organic residues, which are found on or within the pottery matrix. The
278
primary-use of certain classes of ceramic vessels is to process foods, and these foods
leave organic residues either on the surface or within the porous wall of the vessel.
Archaeologists can extract the organic residues from the vessel in the form of fatty
animal species: they survive normal cooking temperatures and can survive in
archaeological deposits, leaving specific signatures (Condamin et al. 1976; Hill and
Evans 1989; Patrick et al. 1985; Skibo 1992; Skibo and Deal 1995). Organic residue
research is beginning to make an impact on identifying the actual contents of what was
processed or stored within ancient ceramics (Badler et al. 1990; Condamin et al. 1976;
Evans and Needham 1987). Skibo and Deal (1995) discuss some of the problems of
analyzing organic residues that researchers presently must attempt to solve. The
animals. Ethnoarchaeologists need to look at how residues change during the life-
cycle of pots, the preservation and location of residues, the contamination of residues,
and build a comparative database of world crops. Both use-alteration and organic
residue analyses have the potential to address questions concerning the changes and
Unfortunately, the study of vessel reuse has been left out of previous research
concerning the use-life of vessels. Previous research on vessel use-life focused only on
the primary-use of vessels, thereby leaving out the reuse stage, which is an extremely
archaeological sites. Longacre's (1985, 1994) longitudinal study on vessel use-life has
households and villages to provide a more contextual history of Gamo society and the
Hopefully the Gamo case study has indicated the importance of finding pottery-
producing areas as this greatly affects the interpretation of how pots are distributed
and used throughout the landscape. The two types of patterns found within pottery-
southern Ethiopia. Therefore, before addressing other issues, archaeologist first must
research needs to focus on questions of how long specific ethnic groups have occupied
the region, as well as how and when they interacted with each other. In addition,
Southern Ethiopia has great potential concerning the origins and development of food
280
production, as it is considered one of the main centers of origin for cultivated plants
(Vavilov 1951; Sauer 1952:76-78). Caves, rock shelters, and open air sites need to be
located and tested to determine how food production developed and influenced
cultural development. Once sites have been located and tested, large scale excavations
The social and economic contextual patterns found in the ethnographic present
should help delineate how castes developed in southern Ethiopia. Spatial analysis of
households within the villages, as well as the location and types of material culture
artisan production sites and their spatial patterns within villages should help address
Closing Thought
controlling for the interaction among procurement, production, distribution, use, reuse,
and discard, archaeologists can examine material remains for a better understanding of
historic and prehistoric behavior in future archaeological endeavors. I believe that the
regional, caste, and wealth analysis in combination with a life-history approach of pots
removed some of the interpretive filters that archaeologists must grapple with, and
281
people and their pots. Thus, it is my optimistic belief that pottery can play a significant
Table Al: Summary statistics for the number of vessels concerning castes.
Table A2: Summary statistics for the number of vessel types concerning castes.
Table A3: Summary statistics for vessel volume (liters) concerning castes.
282
APPENDIX B
SUMMARY STATISTICS OF VESSELS USED BY GAMO ECONOMIC RANKS
Table Bl: Summary statistics for the number of vessels concerning economic ranks.
283
284
Table B2: Summary statistics for the number of vessel types concerning economic
ranks.
Table B3: Summary statistics for vessel volume (liters) concerning economic ranks.
Table Cl: Frequency and percentage of vessel types in the villages of Zuza, Etello,
and Guyla.
285
286
Table C2: Frequency and percentage of vessel types in the village of Zuza according
to caste.
Table C3: Frequency and percentage of vessel types in the village of Etello according
to caste.
Table C4: Frequency and percentage of vessel types in the village of Guyla according
to caste.
Vessel Guyla mala Percentage Guyla mana Percentage Guyla degala Percentage
Type (n=366) (n=71) (n=53)
n n n
Table C5: Frequency and percentage of vessel types in the village of Zuza according
to economic rank.
Table C6: Frequency and percentage of vessel types in the village of Etello according
to economic rank.
Table C7: Frequency and percentage of vessel types in the village of Guyla according
to economic rank.
289
290
Transporting - - -
Cooking -0.04 -
0.20
Serving - - -
Storage - - -
Transporting - - -
0.38
Serving - - -
Storage - - -
Transporting - - -
0.27
Serving - - -
Storage - - -
Transporting - - -
293
Table D7: Reuse of vessels by village caste: correlation’s between household vessel
frequency and volume and population (All bolded cells are significant at the 0.05
confidence level and all cells with an asterisk indicate a strong but not significant
result because of the small number of households. Correlates that fail to coincide to
the entire life-cycle caste analysis are underlined).
Reuse -
Frequency of Pots and Household Population
Village Zuza Zuza Guyla Guyla Guyla Etello Etello
Function Mala Mana Mala Mana Degala Mala Degala
Caste Caste Caste Caste Caste Caste Caste
All Functions 0.11 *0.92 0.26 0.14 *-0.50 -0.02 -0.27
Cooking 0.61 *0.88 -0.44 *-0.75 *-0.50 -0.02 -0.27
Serving -
Table D8: Discarded vessels by village caste: correlation’s between household vessel
frequency and volume and population (All bolded cells are significant at the 0.05
confidence level and all cells with an asterisk indicate a strong but not significant
result because of the small number of households. Correlates that fail to coincide to
the entire life-cycle caste analysis are underlined).
Discard -
Frequency of Pots and Household Population
Village Zuza Zuza Guyla Guyla Guyla Etello Etello
Function Mala Mana Mala Mana Degala Mala Degala
Caste Caste Caste Caste Caste Caste Caste
All Functions -0.02 -0.27 0.30 -0.45 *-0.50 0.31 *0.96
Cooking -0.06 -
-0.33 -0.18 -
-0.07 -
0.48 -
Transporting 0.09 -
0.23 -0.18 -
0.18 -
-0.40 -0.18 -
-0.06 -
0.10 -
Transporting 0.01 -
0.22 -0.18 -
0.18 -
-0.40 -0.18 -
-0.06 -
0.30 -
Transporting 0.08 -
0.23 -0.18 -
0.18 -
297
Reuse -
Frequency of Pots and Household Population
Village Zuza Zuza Zuza Guyla Guyla Etello Etello Etello
Function 1st 2nd 3rd 1st 2nd 1st 2nd 3rd
Rank Rank Rank Rank Rank Rank Rank Rank
All Functions 0.39 0.45 -0.17 0.16 0.38 -0.14 -0.02 -0.29
Cooking 0.85* 0.48 0.73 -
-0.24 -
-0.02 -0.25
Serving - - -
-0.44 -
0.59* -0.28
Serving - - -
-0.26 0.22 -0.46 - -
-0.67 -
0.28 -0.29
Serving - - -
Discard -
Frequency of Pots and Household Population
Village Zuza Zuza Zuza Guyla Guyla Etello Etello Etello
Function 1st 2nd 3rd 1st 2nd 1st 2nd 3rd
Rank Rank Rank Rank Rank Rank Rank Rank
All Functions -0.55* 0.72* -0.12 -
Serving - - - - - - - -
Storage - - - - - -
0.90 -
Transporting - - - - - - - -
Serving - - - - - - - -
Storage - - - - - -
0.30 -
Transporting - - - - - - - -
Serving - - - - - - - -
Storage - - - - - -
Q.63 -
Transporting - - - - - - - -
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anthropology. After four years working in cultural resource management in the American
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Science Foundation in May 1997 and completed his Ph.D. in anthropology at the
320
I
certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to
acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the
degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
I
certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to
acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the
degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Peter R. Schmidt
Associate Professor of Anthropology
I
certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to
acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and
as a dissertation for the
quality,
degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
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Curator in Archaeology
I
certify that I have read this study and thatifi my opinion it conforms to
acceptable standards of scholarly presentation andiis mlly adequate, in scope and
as a dissertation for the
quality,
degree of Doctor of Philos ophy.
Lynerte iroorr
Assistant Professor of
Anthropology
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to
acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in
scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the
degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Abraham Goldman
Associate Professor of
Geography
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to
acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the
degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Kenneth E. Sassaman
Assistant Professor of Anthropology
August 2000