ARAK - Activist Study

Activist Study
Araling Aktibista (ARAK)
Foreign Languages Press

Foreign Languages Press
Collection “Colorful Classics” #22 (English)
A collection directed by Christophe Kistler
Contact - redspark.contact@protonmail.com
Paris, 2020
ISBN: 978-2-491182-32-8
Printing:
• First printing : 200 copies
• Second printing: 500 copies
This translation of “Activist Study” is a revised ver-

sion of an online translation. FLP is publishing it
with corrections from Filipino comrades and with
official approval from the CPP Education Depart-
ment.
This book is under license Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International

(CC-BY-SA 4.0)
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/
Contents
Foreward 5
Lesson I - The Basic Revolutionary 8
Attitude and the Five Golden Rays
The Five Golden Rays 9
Serve the People 11
The Foolish Old Man Who Removed 15
the Mountains
In Memory of Comrade Norman 21
Bethune
Combat Liberalism 25
On Correcting Mistaken Ideas in the 31
Party
The Basic Revolutionary Attitude 53
Lesson II - Revolutionary Study and 80

Proper Analysis
What is Revolutionary Study? 83
How do we Analyze Things and Events? 95
Lesson III - The Mass Line 116
Lesson IV - Democratic Centralism and 128

the Committee System
Democratic Centralism 129

The Committee System 141
The Committee’s Method of Work 149
Foreword
Foreword
This is the second edition of Araling Aktibista
(ARAK) [Activist Study]. In this edition, we have
made adjustments to the previous framework of
the lessons and some additions to the previous
edition. The collection of lessons must be learned
in their order as an entire course. Nonetheless,
each lesson, if a review of the lesson is needed,
can stand on its own.
The new framework consists of the following:
Lesson I: The Basic Revolutionary Attitude
and the Five Golden Rays
Lesson II: Revolutionary Study and the Cor-
rect Method of Analysis
Lesson III: The Mass Line
Lesson IV: Democratic Centralism and the
Committee System
The main content, and priority, of Lesson I
is the Five Golden Rays since the classic articles
by Mao Zedong are the main pillar of our stud-
ies on the basics of revolutionary attitude. The
old Lesson I will remain as an aid and guide to
the study of the articles of the Five Golden Rays.
Amendments were also made to the old Lesson I
in applying to the study of the Five Golden Rays.
We have combined into one lesson the old
5
Activist Study–Araling Aktibista (ARAK)
Lesson II (Revolutionary Studies) and Lesson

III (Correct Method of Analysis and Thinking)
as they are closely linked to each other. We also
combined Lesson V (Democratic Centralism)
and Lesson VI (Committee System). Lesson IV
was added to the Method of Making a Commit-
tee.
We have retained the former Lesson IV (The
Mass Line) as a Lesson III course.
Araling Aktibista (ARAK) is for all organized
masses who have completed the study of the Gen-
eral Mass Course. However, it is mandatory, for
activists already on the level of KP (Organizing
Committee) and GP (Organizing Group) who
already have experience working in the Revolu-
tionary Movement, whether rural or urban. It is
important for building a strong backbone and
core leadership for the revolutionary associations
and mass organizations.
Other courses such as social investigation and
mass work and other courses in PADEPA curric-
ulum can be studied after the completion of this
course.
National Education Department
General Secretariat
January, 1999
6
Lesson I
The Basic Revolutionary Attitude
& the Five Golden Rays
Lesson I-Basic Revolutionary Attitude & Five Golden Rays
The Five Golden Rays

The Five Golden Rays is composed of five short
articles: Serve the People; In Memory of Comrade
Norman Bethune; The Foolish Old Man Who
Removed the Mountains; Combat Liberalism; On
Correcting Mistaken Ideas in the Party.
These articles were written by Comrade Mao
Zedong during the period when the Chinese peo-
ple were advancing their National Democratic
Revolution under the leadership of the Commu-
nist Party of China.
From these short articles, Comrade Mao
clearly elucidated on the world-view and meth-
ods of thinking and action for a revolutionary in
order for them to effectively execute their revo-
lutionary tasks. Alongside this, counterrevolu-
tionary habits and counterrevolutionary thinking
were also identified, as well as the methods of how
to combat and rectify them.
Although these articles were written at a differ-
ent time and different place, from 1929 to 1945,
and for Chinese revolutionaries waging their
National Democratic Revolution, the lessons that
we can derive from these articles are like gold that
will never fade and will never lose its essence over
the passage of time, wherever it is brought.
In the entire period of struggle of the exploited
masses against imperialism, feudalism and all
other reaction, the Five Golden Rays serves as a very
9
powerful tool for anyone who wants to remold,

to improve in executing tasks, to strengthen their
organization and to advance the revolution.
As Filipino revolutionaries we must study the
spirit and objectives of these articles. The Five
Golden Rays must be continually read and stud-
ied by individuals, and as a collective. In studying
these lessons we have to ensure that the lessons
are lively and are properly and strictly reflective of
our own experiences.
The old Lesson I was included at the end of the
Five Golden Rays. It is amended through addition
of explanation of certain questions and also added
were some questions to give more emphasis to
other points and matters relating to revolutionary
attitude. It can be used as a study guide in study-
ing Mao’s articles in the Five Golden Rays.
10
Serve the People

September 8, 1944
This speech was delivered by Comrade Mao Zedong
at a memorial meeting for Comrade Zhang Side,
held by departments directly under the Central
Committee of the Communist Party.
Our Communist Party and the Eighth Route
and New Fourth Armies led by our Party are
battalions of the revolution. These battalions of
ours are wholly dedicated to the liberation of the
people and work entirely in the people’s interests.
Comrade Zhang Side1 was in the ranks of these
battalions.
All people must die, but death can vary in
its significance. The ancient Chinese writer Sima
Qian said, “Though death befalls all people alike,
it may be weightier than Mount Tai or lighter
than a feather.”2 To die for the people is weight-
ier than Mount Tai, but to work for the fascists
and die for the exploiters and oppressors is lighter
1. Comrade Zhang Side was a soldier in the Guards Regi-
ment of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist
Party. A member of Communist Party who loyally served
the interests of the people, he joined the revolution in 1933,
took part in the Long March and was wounded in service.
On September 5, 1944, when making charcoal in the moun-
tains of Ansai County, northern Shannxi, he was killed by
the sudden collapse of a kiln.
2. Sima Qian, the famous Chinese historian of the 2nd cen-
tury B.C., was the author of the Historical Records. The quo-
tation comes from his “Reply to Ren Shaoqing’s Letter.”
11
than a feather. Comrade Zhang Side died for the

people, and his death is indeed weightier than
Mount Tai.
If we have shortcomings, we are not afraid to
have them pointed out and criticized, because we
serve the people. Anyone, no matter who, may
point out our shortcomings. If he or she is right,
we will correct them. If what he or she proposes
will benefit the people, we will act upon it. The
idea of “better troops and simpler administration”
was put forward by Mr. Li Dingming,3 who is not
a Communist. He made a good suggestion which
is of benefit to the people, and we have adopted
it. If, in the interests of the people, we persist in
doing what is right and correct what is wrong, our
ranks will surely thrive.
We hail from all corners of the country and
have joined together for a common revolution-
ary objective. And we need the vast majority of
the people with us on the road to this objective.
Today, we already lead base areas with a popula-
tion of 91 million,4 but this is not enough; to lib-
erate the whole nation more are needed. In times
of difficulty we must not lose sight of our achieve-
ments, must see the bright future and must pluck
3. Li Dingming, an enlightened landlord of northern
Shensi Province, was at one time elected Vice-Chairman of
the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region Government.
4. This was the total population of the Shaanxi-Gansu-
Ningxia Border Region and all other Liberated Areas in
northern, central and southern China.
12
up our courage.
The Chinese people are suffering; it is our duty
to save them and we must exert ourselves in strug-
gle. Wherever there is struggle there is sacrifice,
and death is a common occurrence. But we have
the interests of the people and the sufferings of
the great majority at heart, and when we die for
the people it is a worthy death. Nevertheless, we
should do our best to avoid unnecessary sacrifices.
Our cadres must show concern for every soldier,
and all people in the revolutionary ranks must
care for each other, must love and help each other.
From now on, when anyone in our ranks who
has done some useful work dies, be he soldier or
cook, we should have a funeral ceremony and
a memorial meeting in his honour. This should
become the rule. And it should be introduced
among the people as well. When someone dies in
a village, let a memorial meeting be held. In this
way we express our mourning for the dead and
unite all the people.
13
The Foolish Old Man Who Removed

the Mountains
June 11, 1945
This was Comrade Mao Zedong’s concluding speech
at the Seventh National Congress of the Communist
Party of China.
We have had a very successful congress. We
have done three things. First, we have decided on
the line of our Party, which is boldly to mobilize
the masses and expand the people’s forces so that,
under the leadership of our Party, they will defeat
the Japanese aggressors, liberate the whole people
and build a new-democratic China. Second, we
have adopted the new Party Constitution. Third,
we have elected the leading body of the Party—
the Central Committee. Henceforth our task is
to lead the whole membership in carrying out the
Party line. Ours has been a congress of victory, a
congress of unity. The delegates have made excel-
lent comments on the three reports. Many com-
rades have undertaken self-criticism; with unity
as the objective unity has been achieved through
self-criticism. This congress is a model of unity, of
self-criticism and of inner-Party democracy.
When the congress closes, many comrades
will be leaving for their posts and the various war
fronts. Comrades, wherever you go, you should
propagate the line of the congress and, through
15
the members of the Party, explain it to the broad

masses.
Our aim in propagating the line of the con-
gress is to build up the confidence of the whole
Party and the entire people in the certain tri-
umph of the revolution. We must first raise the
political consciousness of the vanguard so that,
resolute and unafraid of sacrifice, they will sur-
mount every difficulty to win victory. But this
is not enough; we must also arouse the political
consciousness of the entire people so that they
may willingly and gladly fight together with us
for victory. We should fire the whole people with
the conviction that China belongs not to the reac-
tionaries but to the Chinese people. There is an
ancient Chinese fable called “The Foolish Old
Man Who Removed the Mountains.” It tells of
an old man who lived in northern China long,
long ago and was known as the Foolish Old Man
of North Mountain. His house faced south and
beyond his doorway stood the two great peaks,
Taihang and Wangwu, obstructing the way. He
called his sons, and hoe in hand they began to
dig up these mountains with great determination.
Another greybeard, known as the Wise Old Man,
saw them and said derisively, “How silly of you to
do this! It is quite impossible for you few to dig
up these two huge mountains.” The Foolish Old
Man replied, “When I die, my sons will carry on;
16
when they die, there will be my grandsons, and

then their sons and grandsons, and so on to infin-
ity. High as they are, the mountains cannot grow
any higher and with every bit we dig, they will be
that much lower. Why can’t we clear them away?”
Having refuted the Wise Old Man’s wrong view,
he went on digging every day, unshaken in his
conviction. God was moved by this, and he sent
down two angels, who carried the mountains
away on their backs. Today, two big mountains lie
like a dead weight on the Chinese people. One is
imperialism, the other is feudalism. The Chinese
Communist Party has long made up its mind to
dig them up. We must persevere and work unceas-
ingly, and we, too, will touch God’s heart. Our
God is none other than the masses of the Chinese
people. If they stand up and dig together with us,
why can’t these two mountains be cleared away?
Yesterday, in a talk with two Americans who
were leaving for the United States, I said that
the US government was trying to undermine us
and this would not be permitted. We oppose the
US government’s policy of supporting Chiang
Kai-shek against the Communists. But we must
draw a distinction, firstly, between the people of
the United States and their government and, sec-
ondly, within the US government between the
policymakers and their subordinates. I said to
these two Americans, “Tell the policymakers in
17
your government that we forbid you Americans

to enter the Liberated Areas because your policy
is to support Chiang Kai-shek against the Com-
munists, and we have to be on our guard. You
can come to the Liberated Areas if your purpose
is to fight Japan, but there must first be an agree-
ment. We will not permit you to nose around
everywhere. Since Patrick J. Hurley5 has publicly
declared against co-operation with the Chinese
Communist Party, why do you still want to come
and prowl around in our Liberated Areas?”
The US government’s policy of supporting
Chiang Kai-shek against the Communists shows
the brazenness of the US reactionaries. But all the
scheming of the reactionaries, whether Chinese
or foreign, to prevent the Chinese people from
achieving victory is doomed to failure. The dem-
ocratic forces are the main current in the world
today, while reaction is only a countercurrent. The
reactionary countercurrent is trying to swamp
the main current of national independence and
people’s democracy, but it can never become the
5. Patrick J. Hurley, a reactionary Republican Party poli-

tician, was appointed US ambassador to China towards the
end of 1944. In November 1945 he was forced to resign
because his support for Chiang Kai-shek’s anti-Commu-
nist policy roused the firm opposition of the Chinese peo-
ple. Hurley’s open declaration against co-operation with the
Chinese Communist Party was made on April 2, 1945 at a
US State Department press conference in Washington. For
details, see “The Hurley Chiang Duet Is a Flop,” pp. 281-84
in Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Volume III.
18
main current. Today, there are still three major

contradictions in the old world, as Stalin pointed
out long ago: first, the contradiction between the
proletariat and the bourgeoisie in the imperialist
countries; second, the contradiction between the
various imperialist powers; and third, the contra-
diction between the colonial and semi-colonial
countries and the imperialist metropolitan coun-
tries.6 Not only do these three contradictions con-
tinue to exist but they are becoming more acute
and widespread. Because of their existence and
growth, the time will come when the reaction-
ary anti-Soviet, anti-Communist and anti-demo-
cratic counter-current still in existence today will
be swept away.
At this moment two congresses are being held
in China, the Sixth National Congress of the
Kuomintang and the Seventh National Congress
of the Communist Party. They have completely
different aims: the aim of one is to liquidate the
Communist Party and all the other democratic
forces in China and thus to plunge China into
darkness; the aim of the other is to overthrow
Japanese imperialism and its lackeys, the Chinese
feudal forces, and build a new-democratic China
and thus to lead China to light. These two lines
are in conflict with each other. We firmly believe
that, led by the Chinese Communist Party and
6. See J. V. Stalin, “The Foundations of Leninism,” Selected
Works, Volume VI.
19
guided by the line of its Seventh Congress, the

Chinese people will achieve complete victory,
while the Kuomintang’s counter-revolutionary
line will inevitably fail.
20
In Memory of Comrade Norman Bethune

December 21, 1939
Comrade Norman Bethune,7 a member of the
Communist Party of Canada, was around fifty
when he was sent by the Communist Parties of
Canada and the United States to China; he made
light of traveling thousands of miles to help us in
our War of Resistance Against Japan. He arrived
in Yanan in the spring of last year, went to work
in the Wutai Mountains, and to our great sorrow
died a martyr at his post. What kind of spirit is
this that makes a foreigner selflessly adopt the
cause of the Chinese people’s liberation as his
own? It is the spirit of internationalism, the spirit
of communism, from which every Chinese Com-
munist must learn. Leninism teaches that the
world revolution can only succeed if the proletar-
iat of the capitalist countries supports the struggle
for liberation of the colonial and semi-colonial
7. The distinguished surgeon Norman Bethune was a mem-

ber of the Canadian Communist Party. In 1936 when the
German and Italian fascist bandits invaded Spain, he went to
the front and worked for the anti-fascist Spanish people. In
order to help the Chinese people in their War of Resistance
Against Japan, he came to China at the head of a medical
team and arrived in Yanan in the spring of 1938. Soon after
he went to the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebeii border area. Imbued
with ardent internationalism and the great communist spirit,
he served the army and the people of the Liberated Areas for
nearly two years. He contracted blood poisoning while oper-
ating on wounded soldiers and died in Tangxian, Hebei, on
November 12, 1939.
21
peoples and if the proletariat of the colonies and

semi-colonies supports that of the proletariat of
the capitalist countries.8 Comrade Bethune put
this Leninist line into practice. We Chinese Com-
munists must also follow this line in our prac-
tice. We must unite with the proletariat of all the
capitalist countries, with the proletariat of Japan,
Britain, the United States, Germany, Italy and all
other capitalist countries, for this is the only way
to overthrow imperialism, to liberate our nation
and people and to liberate the other nations and
peoples of the world. This is our internationalism,
the internationalism with which we oppose both
narrow nationalism and narrow patriotism.
Comrade Bethune’s spirit, his utter devo-
tion to others without any thought of self, was
shown in his great sense of responsibility in his
work and his great warm-hardheartedness towards
all comrades and the people. Every Communist
must learn from him. There are not a few peo-
ple who are irresponsible in their work, preferring
the light and shirking the heavy, passing the bur-
densome tasks on to others and choosing the easy
ones for themselves. At every turn they think of
themselves before others. When they make some
small contribution, they swell with pride and
brag about it for fear that others will not know.
They feel no warmth towards comrades and the
8. See J. V. Stalin, “The Foundations of Leninism,” Problems
of Leninism.
22
people but are cold, indifferent and apathetic. In

truth such people are not Communists, or at least
cannot be counted as devoted Communists. No
one who returned from the front failed to express
admiration for Bethune whenever his name was
mentioned, and none remained unmoved by his
spirit. In the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei border area,
no soldier or civilian was unmoved who had
been treated by Dr. Bethune or had seen how he
worked. Every Communist must learn this true
communist spirit from Comrade Bethune.
Comrade Bethune was a doctor, the art of
healing was his profession and he was constantly
perfecting his skill, which stood very high in the
Eighth Route Army’s medical service. His exam-
ple is an excellent lesson for those people who
wish to change their work the moment they see
something different and for those who despise
technical work as of no consequence or as prom-
ising no future.
Comrade Bethune and I met only once. After-
wards he wrote me many letters. But I was busy,
and I wrote him only one letter and do not even
know if he ever received it. I am deeply grieved
over his death. Now we are all commemorat-
ing him, which shows how profoundly his spirit
inspires everyone. We must all learn the spirit of
absolute selflessness from him. With this spirit
everyone can be very useful to the people. A man’s
23
ability may be great or small, but if he has this

spirit, he is already noble-minded and pure, a man
of moral integrity and above vulgar interests, a
man who is of value to the people.
24
Combat Liberalism
September 7, 1937
We stand for active ideological struggle because
it is the weapon for ensuring unity within the
Party and the revolutionary organizations in the
interest of our fight. Every Communist and revo-
lutionary should take up this weapon.
But liberalism rejects ideological struggle and
stands for unprincipled peace, thus giving rise to
a decadent, philistine attitude and bringing about
political degeneration in certain units and indi-
viduals in the Party and the revolutionary orga-
nizations.
Liberalism manifests itself in various ways.
To let things slide for the sake of peace and
friendship when a person has clearly gone wrong,
and refrain from principled argument because
he is an old acquaintance, a fellow townsman, a
schoolmate, a close friend, a loved one, an old
colleague or old subordinate. Or to touch on the
matter lightly instead of going into it thoroughly,
so as to keep on good terms. The result is that both
the organization and the individual are harmed.
This is one type of liberalism.
To indulge in irresponsible criticism in private
instead of actively putting forward one’s sugges-
tions to the organization. To say nothing to peo-
ple to their faces but to gossip behind their backs,
or to say nothing at a meeting but to gossip after-
25
wards. To show no regard at all for the principles

of collective life but to follow one’s own inclina-
tion. This is a second type.
To let things drift if they do not affect one per-
sonally; to say as little as possible while knowing
perfectly well what is wrong, to be worldly wise
and play safe and seek only to avoid blame. This
is a third type.
Not to obey orders but to give pride of place
to one’s own opinions. To demand special con-
sideration from the organization but to reject its
discipline. This is a fourth type.
To indulge in personal attacks, pick quarrels,
vent personal spite or seek revenge instead of
entering into an argument and struggling against
incorrect views for the sake of unity or progress
or getting the work done properly. This is a fifth
type.
To hear incorrect views without rebutting them
and even to hear counter-revolutionary remarks
without reporting them, but instead to take them
calmly as if nothing had happened. This is a sixth
type.
To be among the masses and fail to conduct
propaganda and agitation or speak at meetings or
conduct investigations and inquiries among them,
and instead to be indifferent to them and show no
concern for their wellbeing, forgetting that one
is a Communist and behaving as if one were an
26
ordinary non-Communist. This is a seventh type.

To see someone harming the interests of the
masses and yet not feel indignant, or dissuade or
stop him or reason with him, but to allow him to
continue. This is an eighth type.
To work half-heartedly without a definite plan
or direction; to work perfunctorily and muddle
along—“So long as one remains a monk, one goes
on tolling the bell.” This is a ninth type.
To regard oneself as having rendered great ser-
vice to the revolution to pride oneself on being a
veteran, to disdain minor assignments while being
quite unequal to major tasks, to be slipshod in
work and slack in study. This is a tenth type.
To be aware of one’s own mistakes and yet
make no attempt to correct them, taking a liberal
attitude towards oneself. This is an eleventh type.
We could name more. But these eleven are the
principal types.
They are all manifestations of liberalism.
Liberalism is extremely harmful in a revolu-
tionary collective. It is a corrosive which eats away
unity, undermines cohesion, causes apathy and
creates dissension. It robs the revolutionary ranks
of compact organization and strict discipline,
prevents policies from being carried through and
alienates the Party organizations from the masses
which the Party leads. It is an extremely bad ten-
dency.
27
Liberalism stems from petit-bourgeois self-

ishness, it places personal interests first and the
interests of the revolution second, and this gives
rise to ideological, political and organizational lib-
eralism.
People who are liberals look upon the princi-
ples of Marxism as abstract dogma. They approve
of Marxism, but are not prepared to practice it
or to practice it in full; they are not prepared to
replace their liberalism by Marxism. These people
have their Marxism, but they have their liberalism
as well—they talk Marxism but practice liberal-
ism; they apply Marxism to others but liberalism
to themselves. They keep both kinds of goods
in stock and find a use for each. This is how the
minds of certain people work.
Liberalism is a manifestation of opportunism
and conflicts fundamentally with Marxism. It is
negative and objectively has the effect of helping
the enemy; that is why the enemy welcomes its
preservation in our midst. Such being its nature,
there should be no place for it in the ranks of the
revolution.
We must use Marxism, which is positive in
spirit, to overcome liberalism, which is negative.
A Communist should have largeness of mind
and he should be staunch and active, looking
upon the interests of the revolution as his very
life and subordinating his personal interests to
28
those of the revolution; always and everywhere

he should adhere to principle and wage a tireless
struggle against all incorrect ideas and actions, so
as to consolidate the collective life of the Party
and strengthen the ties between the Party and the
masses; he should be more concerned about the
Party and the masses than about any private per-
son, and more concerned about others than about
himself. Only thus can he be considered a Com-
munist.
All loyal, honest, active and upright Commu-
nists must unite to oppose the liberal tendencies
shown by certain people among us, and set them
on the right path. This is one of the tasks on our
ideological front.
29
On Correcting Mistaken Ideas in the

Party
December 1929
This article was a resolution drawn up by Comrade
Mao Zedong for the Ninth Party Congress of the
Fourth Army of the Red Army. The building of the
Chinese people’s armed forces was a difficult process.
The Chinese Red Army (which became the Eighth
Route and New Fourth Armies during the War of
Resistance Against Japan and is now the People’s Lib-
eration Army) was created on August 1, 1927, during
the Nanchang Uprising, and by December 1929
had been in existence for over two years. During this
period the Communist Party organization in the Red
Army learned a great deal and gained quite a rich
store of experience in the course of combating vari-
ous mistaken ideas. The resolution summed up this
experience. It enabled the Red Army to build itself
entirely on a Marxist-Leninist basis and to eliminate
all the influences of armies of the old type. It was car-
ried out not only in the Fourth Army but also in all
other units of the Red Army successively; in this way
the whole Chinese Red Army became a genuine army
of the people in every respect. In the last thirty years
or so the Chinese people’s armed forces have made
tremendous developments and innovations in their
Party activities and political work, which now pres-
ent a very different picture, but the basic line remains
the same as that laid down in this resolution.
31
There are various non-proletarian ideas in the
Communist Party organization in the Fourth
Red Army which greatly hinder the application
of the Party’s correct line. Unless these ideas are
thoroughly corrected, the Fourth Army cannot
possibly shoulder the tasks assigned to it in Chi-
na’s great revolutionary struggle. The source of
such incorrect ideas in this Party organization
lies, of course, in the fact that its basic units are
composed largely of peasants and other elements
of petit-bourgeois origin; yet the failure of the
Party’s leading bodies to wage a concerted and
determined struggle against these incorrect ideas
and to educate the members in the Party’s correct
line is also an important cause of their existence
and growth. In accordance with the spirit of the
September letter of the Central Committee, this
congress hereby points out the manifestations of
various non-proletarian ideas in the Party orga-
nization in the Fourth Army, their sources, and
the methods of correcting them, and calls upon all
comrades to eliminate them thoroughly.
On the Purely Military Viewpoint
The purely military viewpoint is very highly
developed among a number of comrades in the
Red Army. It manifests itself as follows:
1. These comrades regard military affairs and pol-
itics as opposed to each other and refuse to rec-
ognize that military affairs are only one means of

accomplishing political tasks. Some even say, “If
you are good militarily, naturally you are good
politically; if you are not good militarily, you can-
not be any good politically”—this is to go a step
further and give military affairs a leading position
over politics.
2. They think that the task of the Red Army, like
that of the White army, is merely to fight. They
do not understand that the Chinese Red Army
is an armed body for carrying out the political
tasks of the revolution. Especially at present, the
Red Army should certainly not confine itself to
fighting; besides fighting to destroy the enemy’s
military strength, it should shoulder such import-
ant tasks as doing propaganda among the masses,
organizing the masses, arming them, helping
them to establish revolutionary political power
and setting up Party organizations. The Red Army
fights not merely for the sake of fighting but in
order to conduct propaganda among the masses,
organize them, arm them, and help them to estab-
lish revolutionary political power. Without these
objectives, fighting loses its meaning and the Red
Army loses the reason for its existence.
3. Hence, organizationally, these comrades subor-
dinate the departments of the Red Army doing
political work to those doing military work, and
33
put forward the slogan, “Let Army Headquarters
handle outside matters.” If allowed to develop,
this idea would involve the danger of estrange-
ment from the masses, control of the government
by the army and departure from proletarian lead-
ership—it would be to take the path of warlord-
ism like the Kuomintang army.
4. At the same time, in propaganda work they
overlook the importance of propaganda teams.
On the question of mass organization, they
neglect the organizing of soldiers’ committees in
the army and the organizing of the local workers
and peasants. As a result, both propaganda and
organizational work are abandoned.
5. They become conceited when a battle is won
and dispirited when a battle is lost.
6. Selfish departmentalism—they think only of
the Fourth Army and do not realize that it is an
important task of the Red Army to arm the local
masses. This is cliquism in a magnified form.
7. Unable to see beyond their limited environ-
ment in the Fourth Army, a few comrades believe
that no other revolutionary forces exist. Hence
their extreme addiction to the idea of conserving
strength and avoiding action. This is a remnant of
opportunism.
8. Some comrades, disregarding the subjective

and objective conditions, suffer from the malady
of revolutionary impetuosity; they will not take
pains to do minute and detailed work among the
masses, but riddled with illusions, want only to do
big things. This is a remnant of putschism.9
The sources of the purely military viewpoint
are:
1. A low political level. From this flows the failure
to recognize the role of political leadership in the
army and to recognize that the Red Army and the
White army are fundamentally different.
2. The mentality of mercenaries. Many prisoners
captured in past battles have joined the Red Army,
and such elements bring with them a markedly
mercenary outlook, thereby providing a basis in
the lower ranks for the purely military viewpoint.
3. From the two preceding causes there arises a
9. For a brief period after the defeat of the revolution in
1927, a “Left” putschist tendency arose in the Communist
Party. Regarding the Chinese revolution as a “permanent rev-
olution” and the revolutionary situation in China as a “per-
manent upsurge,” the putschist comrades refused to organize
an orderly retreat and, adopting the methods of command-
ism and relying only on a small number of Party members
and a small section of the masses, erroneously attempted
to stage a series of local uprisings throughout the country,
which had no prospect of success. Such putschist activities
were widespread at the end of 1927 but gradually subsided in
the beginning of 1928, though sentiments in favor of putsch-
ism still survived among some comrades.
35
third, overconfidence in military strength and

absence of confidence in the strength of the masses
of the people.
4. The Party’s failure actively to attend to and dis-
cuss military work is also a reason for the emer-
gence of the purely military viewpoint among a
number of comrades.
The methods of correction are as follows:
1. Raise the political level in the Party by means
of education, destroy the theoretical roots of the
purely military viewpoint, and be clear on the
fundamental difference between the Red Army
and the White army. At the same time, eliminate
the remnants of opportunism and putschism and
break down the selfish departmentalism of the
Fourth Army.
2. Intensify the political training of officers and
men and especially the education of ex-prisoners.
At the same time, as far as possible let the local
governments select workers and peasants experi-
enced in struggle to join the Red Army, thus orga-
nizationally weakening or even eradicating the
purely military viewpoint.
3. Arouse the local Party organizations to criticize
the Party organizations in the Red Army and the
organs of mass political power to criticize the Red
36
Army itself, in order to influence the Party organi-

zations and the officers and men of the Red Army.
4. The Party must actively attend to and discuss
military work. All the work must be discussed and
decided upon by the Party before being carried
out by the rank and file.
5. Draw up Red Army rules and regulations which
dearly define its tasks, the relationship between its
military and its political apparatus, the relation-
ship between the Red Army and the masses of the
people, and the powers and functions of the sol-
diers’ committees and their relationship with the
military and political organizations.
On Ultra-Democracy
Since the Fourth Army of the Red Army
accepted the directives of the Central Committee,
there has been a great decrease in the manifesta-
tions of ultra-democracy. For example, Party deci-
sions are now carried out fairly well; and no longer
does anyone bring up such erroneous demands as
that the Red Army should apply “democratic cen-
tralism from the bottom to the top” or should “let
the lower levels discuss all problems first, and then
let the higher levels decide.” Actually, however,
this decrease is only temporary and superficial and
does not mean that ultra-democratic ideas have
already been eliminated. In other words, ultra-de-
37
mocracy is still deep-rooted in the minds of many

comrades. Witness the various expressions of
reluctance to carry out Party decisions.
1. In the sphere of theory, destroy the roots of
ultra-democracy. First, it should be pointed out
that the danger of ultra-democracy lies in the
fact that it damages or even completely wrecks
the Party organization and weakens or even com-
pletely undermines the Party’s fighting capac-
ity, rendering the Party incapable of fulfilling its
fighting tasks and thereby causing the defeat of
the revolution. Next, it should be pointed out
that the source of ultra-democracy consists in
the petit-bourgeoisie’s individualistic aversion to
discipline. When characteristic is brought into
the Party, it develops into ultra-democratic ideas
politically and organizationally. These ideas are
utterly incompatible with the fighting tasks of the
proletariat.
2. In the sphere of organization, ensure democracy
under centralized guidance. It should be done on
the following lines:
(a) The leading bodies of the Party must give
a correct line of guidance and find solutions
when problems arise, in order to establish
themselves as centers of leadership.
38
(b) The higher bodies must be familiar with

the life of the masses and with the situation
in the lower bodies so as to have an objective
basis for correct guidance.
(c) No Party organization at any level should
make casual decisions in solving problems.
Once a decision is reached, it must be firmly
carried out.
(d) All decisions of any importance made by
the Party’s higher bodies must be promptly
transmitted to the lower bodies and the Party
rank and file. The method is to call meetings
of activists or general membership meetings of
the Party branches or even of the columns10
(when circumstances permit) and to assign
people to make reports at such meetings.
On Disregard of Organizational Discipline
Disregard of organizational discipline in the
Party organization in the Fourth Army manifests
itself as follows:
A. Failure of the minority to submit to the major-
ity. For example, when a minority finds its motion
voted down, it does not sincerely carry out the
10. In the guerrilla system of organization a column cor-

responded to a division in the regular army, with a comple-
ment much more flexible and usually much smaller than that
of a regular division.
39
Party decisions.
1. At meetings, all participants should be
encouraged to voice their opinions as fully as
possible. The rights and wrongs in any con-
troversy should be clarified without compro-
mise or glossing over. In order to reach a clear-
cut conclusion, what cannot be settled at one
meeting should be discussed at another, pro-
vided there is no interference with the work.
2. One requirement of Party discipline is that
the minority should submit to the majority. If
the view of the minority has been rejected, it
must support the decision passed by the major-
ity. If necessary, it can bring up the matter for
reconsideration at the next meeting, but apart
from that it must not act against the decision
in any way.
B. Criticism made without regard to organiza-
tional discipline:
1. Inner-Party criticism is a weapon for
strengthening the Party organization and
increasing its fighting capacity. In the Party
organization of the Red Army, however, criti-
cism is not always of this character, and some-
times turns into personal attack. As a result, it
40
damages the Party organization as well as indi-

viduals. This is a manifestation of petit-bour-
geois individualism. The method of correction
is to help Party members understand that the
purpose of criticism is to increase the Party’s
fighting capacity in order to achieve victory
in the class struggle and that it should not be
used as a means of personal attack.
2. Many Party members make their criticisms
not inside, but outside, the Party. The reason
is that the general membership has not yet
grasped the importance of the Party organiza-
tion (its meetings and so forth), and sees no
difference between criticism inside and outside
the organization. The method of correction is
to educate Party members so that they under-
stand the importance of Party organization
and make their criticisms of Party committees
or comrades at Party meetings.
On Absolute Equalitarianism
Absolute equalitarianism became quite seri-
ous in the Red Army at one time. Here are
some examples. On the matter of allowances to
wounded soldiers, there were objections to differ-
entiating between light and serious cases, and the
demand was raised for equal allowances for all.
When officers rode on horseback, it was regarded
not as something necessary for performing their
41
duties but as a sign of inequality. Absolutely equal

distribution of supplies was demanded, and there
was objection to somewhat larger allotments in
special cases. In the hauling of rice, the demand
was made that all should carry the same load on
their backs, irrespective of age or physical condi-
tion. Equality was demanded in the allotment of
billets, and the Headquarters would be abused for
occupying larger rooms. Equality was demanded
in the assignment of fatigue duties, and there was
unwillingness to do a little more than the next
man. It even went so far that when there were
two wounded men but only one stretcher, nei-
ther could be carried away because each refused to
yield priority to the other. Absolute equalitarian-
ism, as shown in these examples, is still very seri-
ous among officers and soldiers of the Red Army.
Absolute equalitarianism, like ultra-democracy
in political matters, is the product of a handicraft
and small peasant economy—the only difference
being that the one manifests itself in material
affairs, while the other manifests itself in political
affairs.
The method of correction: We should point
out that, before the abolition of capitalism, abso-
lute equalitarianism is a mere illusion of peas-
ants and small proprietors, and that even under
socialism there can be no absolute equality, for
material things will then be distributed on the
42
principle of “from each according to his ability, to

each according to his work” as well as on that of
meeting the needs of the work. The distribution
of material things in the Red Army must be more
or less equal, as in the case of equal pay for officers
and men, because this is required by the present
circumstances of the struggle. But absolute equali-
tarianism beyond reason must be opposed because
it is not required by the struggle; on the contrary,
it hinders the struggle.
On Subjectivism
Subjectivism exists to a serious degree among
some Party members, causing great harm to the
analysis of the political situation and the guidance
of the work. The reason is that subjective analysis
of a political situation and subjective guidance of
work inevitably result either in opportunism or in
putschism. As for subjective criticism, loose and
groundless talk or suspiciousness, such practices
inside the Party often breed unprincipled disputes
and undermine the Party organization.
Another point that should be mentioned in
connection with inner Party criticism is that some
comrades ignore the major issues and confine
their attention to minor points when they make
their criticism. They do not understand that the
main task of criticism is to point out political and
organizational mistakes. As to personal shortcom-
43
ings; unless they are related to political and orga-

nizational mistakes, there is no need to be over-
critical and to embarrass the comrades concerned.
Moreover, once such criticism develops, there is
the great danger that the Party members will con-
centrate entirely on minor faults, and everyone
will become timid and overcautious and forget
the Party’s political tasks.
The main method of correction is to educate
Party members so that a political and scientific
spirit pervades their thinking and their Party life.
To this end we must:
1. Teach Party members to apply the Marx-
ist-Leninist method in analyzing a political sit-
uation and appraising the class forces, instead
of making a subjective analysis and appraisal;
2. Direct the attention of Party members to
social and economic investigation and study,
so as to determine the tactics of struggle and
methods of work, and help comrades to under-
stand that without investigation of actual con-
ditions they will fall into the pit of fantasy and
putschism; and
3. In inner-Party criticism, guard against sub-
jectivism, arbitrariness and the vulgarization of
criticism; statements should be based on facts
and criticism should center on politics.
44
On Individualism
The tendency towards individualism in the
Red Army Party organization manifests itself as
follows:
1. Retaliation. Some comrades, after being criti-
cized inside the Party by a soldier comrade, look
for opportunities to retaliate outside the Party,
and one way is to beat or abuse the comrade in
question. They also seek to retaliate within the
Party. “You have criticized me at this meeting, so
I’ll find some way to pay you back at the next.”
Such retaliation arises from purely personal con-
siderations, to the neglect of the interests of the
class and of the Party as a whole. Its target is not
the enemy class, but individuals in our own ranks.
It is a corrosive which weakens the organization
and its fighting capacity.
2. “Small group” mentality. Some comrades con-
sider only the interests of their own small group
and ignore the general interest. Although on the
surface this does not seem to be the pursuit of per-
sonal interests, in reality it exemplifies the narrow-
est individualism and has a strong corrosive and
centrifugal effect. “Small group” mentality used to
be rife in the Red Army, and although there has
been some improvement as a result of criticism,
there are still survivals and further effort is needed
to overcome it.
45
3. The “employee” mentality. Some comrades do

not understand that the Party and the Red Army,
of which they are members, are both instruments
for carrying out the tasks of the revolution. They
do not realize that they themselves are makers
of the revolution, but think that their responsi-
bility is merely to their individual superiors and
not to the revolution. This passive mentality of
an “employee” of the revolution is also a manifes-
tation of individualism. It explains why there are
not very many activists who work uncondition-
ally for the revolution. Unless it is eliminated, the
number of activists will not grow and the heavy
burden of the revolution will remain on the shoul-
ders of a small number of people, much to the
detriment of the struggle.
4. Pleasure-seeking. In the Red Army there are
also quite a few people whose individualism finds
expression in pleasure-seeking. They always hope
that their unit will march into big cities. They
want to go there not to work but to enjoy them-
selves. The last thing they want is to work in the
Red areas where life is hard.
5. Passivity. Some comrades become passive and
stop working whenever anything goes against
their wishes. This is mainly due to lack of educa-
tion, though sometimes it is also due to the lead-
ership’s improper conduct of affairs, assignment
46
of work or enforcement of discipline.

6. The desire to leave the army. The number of
people who ask for transfers from the Red Army
to local work is on the increase. The reason for
this does not lie entirely with the individuals but
also with: (1) the material hardships of life in the
Red Army, (2) exhaustion after long struggle, and
(3) the leadership’s improper conduct of affairs,
assignment of work or enforcement of discipline.
The method of correction is primarily to
strengthen education so as to rectify individual-
ism ideologically. Next, it is to conduct affairs,
make assignments and enforce discipline in a
proper way. In addition, ways must be found to
improve the material life of the Red Army, and
every available opportunity must be utilized for
rest and rehabilitation in order to improve mate-
rial conditions. In our educational work we must
explain that in its social origin individualism is a
reflection within the Party of petit-bourgeois and
bourgeois ideas.
On the Ideology of Roving Rebel Bands
The political ideology of roving rebel bands has
emerged in the Red Army because the proportion
of vagabond elements is large and because there
are great masses of vagabonds in China, especially
in the southern provinces. This ideology manifests
47
itself as follows: (1) Some people want to increase

our political influence only by means of roving
guerrilla actions, but are unwilling to increase it
by undertaking the arduous task of building up
base areas and establishing the people’s political
power. (2) In expanding the Red Army, some
people follow the line of “hiring men and buy-
ing horses” and “recruiting deserters and accept-
ing mutineers,”11 rather than the line of expand-
ing the local Red Guards and the local troops
and thus developing the main forces of the Red
Army. (3) Some people lack the patience to carry
on arduous struggles together with the masses and
only want to go to the big cities to eat and drink
to their hearts’ content. All these manifestations
of the ideology of roving rebels seriously hamper
the Red Army in performing its proper tasks; con-
sequently its eradication is an important objective
in the ideological struggle within the Red Army
Party organization. It must be understood that
the ways of roving rebels of the Huang Chao12 or
11. These two Chinese idioms refer to the methods which
some rebels in Chinese history adopted to expand their
forces. In the application of these methods, attention was
paid to numbers rather than to quality, and people of all sorts
were indiscriminately recruited to swell the ranks.
12. Huang Chao was the leader of the peasant revolts
towards the end of the Tang Dynasty. In A.D. 875, starting
from his home district Caozhou (now Heze County in Shan-
dong), Huang led armed peasants in victorious battles against
the imperial forces and styled himself the “Heaven-Storming
General.” In the course of a decade he swept over most of the
provinces in the Yellow, Yangtse, Huai and Pearl river valleys,
48
Li Zhuang13 type are not permissible under pres-

ent-day conditions.
1. Intensify education, criticize incorrect ideas,
and eradicate the ideology of roving rebel
bands.
2. Intensify education among the basic sections
of the Red Army and among recently recruited
captives to counter the vagabond outlook.
3. Draw active workers and peasants expe-
rienced in struggle into the ranks of the Red
reaching as far as Guangxi.

He finally broke through the Tongguan Pass, captured the
imperial capital of Changan (now Xian in Shanxi), and was
crowned Emperor of Chi. Internal dissensions and attacks
by the non-Han tribal allies of the Tang forces compelled
Huang to abandon Changan and retreat to his native dis-
trict where he committed suicide. The ten years’ war fought
by him is one of the most famous peasant wars in Chinese
history. Dynastic historians record that “all people suffering
from heavy taxes and levies rallied to him.” But as he merely
carried on roving warfare without ever establishing relatively
consolidated base areas, his forces were called “roving rebel
bands.”
13. Li Zhuang, short for Li Zicheng, native of Mizhi,
northern Shaanxi, was the leader of a peasant revolt which
led to the overthrow of the Ming Dynasty. The revolt first
started in northern Shaanxi in 1628. Li joined the forces led
by Gao Yingxiang, or King Zhuang (the Daring King), and
campaigned through Henan and Anhui and back to Shaanxi.
After Kao’s death in 1636, Li succeeded him, becoming
King Chuang, and campaigned in and out of the provinces
of Shaanxi, Sichuan, Henan and Hubei. Finally he captured
49
Army so as to change its composition.

4. Create new units of the Red Army from
among the masses of militant workers and
peasants.
On Remnants of Putschism
The Party organization in the Red Army has
already waged struggles against putschism, but
not yet to a sufficient extent. Therefore, remnants
of this ideology still exist in the Red Army. Their
manifestations are:
(1) blind action regardless of subjective and
objective conditions;
(2) inadequate and irresolute application of
the Party’s policies for the cities;
(3) slack military discipline, especially in
moments of defeat;
(4) acts of house-burning by some units; and
the imperial capital of Beijing in 1644, whereupon the
last Ming emperor committed suicide. The chief slogan he
spread among the masses was “Support King Chuang, and
pay no grain taxes.” Another slogan of his to enforce disci-
pline among his men ran: “Any murder means the killing
of my father, any rape means the violation of my mother.”
Thus he won the support of the masses and his movement
became the main current of the peasant revolts raging all
over the country. As he, too, roamed about without ever
establishing relatively consolidated base areas, he was even-
tually defeated by Wu Sangui, a Ming general, who col-
luded with the Ching troops in a joint attack on Li.
50
(5) the practices of shooting deserters and

of inflicting corporal punishment, both of
which smack of putschism. In its social origins
putschism is a combination of lumpen-prole-
tarian and petit-bourgeois ideology.
1. Eradicate putschism ideologically.
2. Correct putschist behavior through rules,
regulations and policies.
51
On Basic Revolutionary Attitude
1. Why is the question, “For whom?” the most

important and key issue every revolutionary
faces?
We come from the different corners of the city
and the countryside united for a single revolu-
tionary cause. But what is our cause? No other
cause but to liberate the people from imperialism,
feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism. Each of us
is aware of the concrete conditions of the Filipino
people. We have joined a revolutionary organi-
zation and are participating in the revolutionary
movement to contribute to the achievement of
the people’s struggle to attain national liberation
and democracy.
The question “For whom” is a matter of basic
revolutionary standpoint. Are we for the broad
masses, the more than seventy million Filipinos
who are exploited and oppressed? Or are we for the
few foreign imperialists, local comprador bour-
geois and the landlords who exploit and oppress?
If we clearly answer the question “For whom?” all
endeavors, thinking and work can focus for the
service of the people and to the overall effort to
weaken and destroy the enemy.
As revolutionaries, our thoughts, feelings
and actions are fully focused on achieving gen-
uine freedom of our nation and democracy
53
for the broad masses of Filipino people. In our

every moment, every action, the revolutionary’s
response to the question “For whom?” is only one:
for the oppressed and exploited masses. This is the
core of the revolutionary standpoint.
2. Why must one be always considerate about
the interests and welfare of the people and com-
mit wholehearted service to them?
We can wholeheartedly serve the people if we
always consider the welfare of the people ahead
of ourselves and the suffering of the overwhelm-
ing majority in our heart and by nurturing deep
contempt against the people’s enemies. We must
always strive to make sure that the basic stand-
point on basic issues and on actions is always for
advancing the interests of the people and in weak-
ening the enemy at all times. We must be diligent
in learning the problems and conditions of the
masses and firmly linking and uniting with them
in order to raise their consciousness and advance
the building of their power and organization, and
the victory of their struggles.
Wholehearted service to the people also means
eradicating individualism and eradicating nar-
row-mindedness and self-interest in favor of
the general interests or interests of the majority.
Whenever individualism prevails, a person always
prioritizes benefiting oneself or a small group and
54
will set aside or subordinate the interest of the

majority. Individualism not only serves one’s own
ego but also the interests of the reactionaries who
maintain and benefit from the exploitative and
oppressive system.
3. Why must every revolutionary cultivate the
attitude of ceaseless and all-out effort in push-
ing the correct line of the Peoples’ Democratic
Revolution?
The masses carry the massive burden of impe-
rialism, feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism. The
ruling class is doing everything they can to stay in
power in order to keep their status as exploiters
and oppressors of the people intact. Only through
revolution can the broad masses of the people free
themselves from the three basic problems.
History proves that the masses are the genuine
heroes. Revolution is no less than a hugely violent
and decisive action of the masses to overthrow the
rule of the exploitative and oppressive classes, in
order to establish the power of the people. No rev-
olution has ever occurred where the masses aren’t
the main motive forces in dismantling the ruling
class. The strength and wisdom of the masses are
the core foundation for building the new society.
They genuinely make history.
We must arouse the masses and raise their
political consciousness. We must explain to the
55
masses that the three basic problems are the real

root of their suffering and that their liberation can
only be achieved through united action. We must
patiently explain to them the line of the Peoples’
Democratic Revolution so that it continually gar-
ners increasing people’s support. Thus, it cannot
be easily crushed nor defeated by the reactionaries.
With the effort of propagating this line, and
in strengthening the confidence of the people in
its correctness we are certain of the victory of the
revolution. This is the way by which we awaken
and unite the masses to our side, for them to par-
ticipate in, and give all they can to the liberation
of the people from the three basic problems.
No matter how large and strong the enemy is
they will assuredly be overpowered by the unity of
the people. We must relentlessly unite and build
up the strength of the Peoples’ Democratic Revo-
lution until victory. This is the key message in the
article, “The Foolish Old Man Who Removed the
Mountains.”
4. Why do we need to conduct self-remolding
as revolutionaries?
As revolutionaries, we have a duty to focus our
minds, emotions and actions to the basic inter-
est of the Filipino people. But we all still possess
ideas, habits and practices widespread in the cur-
rent rotten society. We grew up in a society domi-
56
nated by oppressors and exploiters. Until now, we

are continually influenced by the rotten ideas of
the current society. Thus it is every revolutionary’s
duty to conduct self-remolding.
We change ourselves through active revolu-
tionary work and conscious struggle against our
wrong ideas, habits and behavior. By continuing
to do revolutionary tasks and always being cau-
tious of our own weaknesses and mistakes, we can
mold ourselves in the midst of the storm of strug-
gle against the enemies of the Filipino people. We
shall become stronger, overcome our weaknesses
and become more correct and more efficient in
advancing the revolution.
Self-remolding cannot be accomplished in just
a few hours or several days. This is a long and com-
plex struggle. A continuous struggle and rejection
of the remaining influences of the rotten system is
needed. Thus, we become more correct and effi-
cient in revolutionary work and we can steel our
determination to strive for the struggle to advance
the peoples’ democratic revolution until victory.
We conduct self-remolding so we can cultivate
the fundamental revolutionary attitude to further
effectively serve the masses and fruitfully contrib-
ute to the revolution. Every revolutionary should:
• Whole-heartedly serve the masses and always
strive to be close to the masses;
57
• Always be ready and have no fear for sacri-

fice and death;
• Be serious, rigorous and diligent in studying
and performance of duties;
• Always strive for unity and warmth with fel-
low revolutionaries;
• Be open to receiving criticisms and be ready
to rectify weaknesses and mistakes;
• Be internationalist.
5. How do revolutionaries value duties and
tasks for the revolution?
The revolutionaries value their tasks and duties
and the revolution to the fullest. They know that
revolutionary tasks and duties are part of the great
mission to liberate the people from the clutches
of exploitation and oppression. The revolution-
aries value their tasks and duties to the fullest by
upholding the revolutionary interest of the Fili-
pino people.
What are the signs that revolutionaries value
their tasks and duties to the fullest? They are seri-
ous and diligent in attending to their work. They
are always enthusiastic and eager to take action.
They are always ready to accept any task necessary
for the advancement of the revolution.
The revolutionaries are serious in their work.
58
For them, their main priority is always attending

to revolutionary activities and duties. They are
neat and orderly in their work, not prone to care-
less and reckless action. They study and look for
ways to solve problems and perform work in the
best way.
The revolutionaries are enthusiastic and ener-
getic in their actions. They are forward thinking;
every movement and every step forward is a con-
tribution to the bright future. They never feel
demoralized, depressed or lose confidence in the
midst of facing problems and difficulties in the
struggle. They always maintain a highly militant
fighting spirit, jump to take advantage of any
opportunity to advance the struggle. The revolu-
tionary has the mark of initiative. They are full
of initiative, not only in the performance of their
own tasks and duties but also in any other prob-
lem that they see and are capable of handling too.
The revolutionaries are always ready to ful-
fill their tasks and duties. They accept every task
directed to them without measuring the value and
or the difficulty and sacrifice necessary to fulfill
them. They do not pick and choose the work
because they do not seek fame or convenience for
themselves.
59
6. What is the correct view to hardship, sacri-

fice and death?
The revolutionary has recognition that hard-
ship, sacrifice and death are an inevitable part of
the liberation of the people. It is a natural part of
the violent struggle between the people and the
ruling classes. It is also a natural part of the revo-
lution to overthrow the dominance of US imperi-
alism, feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism. They
are not only natural, they are necessary in order
to fight for and protect the interests of the peo-
ple and the revolution. These are needed in order
to wipe out oppression and exploitation, and to
establish a genuine free democratic society.
The revolutionary is always ready to face hard-
ship, make sacrifices and even death for the sake
of struggle. The revolutionary’s sacrifice is signifi-
cant because it is for the success of the revolution.
They know that sooner or later the long-awaited
and long-hoped freedom shall be seen within the
horizon. In the midst of danger and crisis, the rev-
olutionary’s readiness to make sacrifice and face
death provides the strength and courage to protect
the interests of the people and the revolution.
In times of difficulties and crisis the revolution-
ary never forgets the bright future aimed for in the
struggle and for which hardships and sacrifices are
made. Any crisis and hardship must never ham-
per the perspective nor weaken the confidence
60
because they are steps towards genuine freedom

and democracy for the people.
Revolutionaries are courageous but they avoid
unnecessary sacrifice. They don’t just jump into
the face of danger for the simple reason that they
are ready and willing to die. They value and take
care of the safety and well-being of the masses,
fellow revolutionaries and of themselves.
7. Why is the death of someone serving the peo-
ple heavier than a mountain and the death of
those serving the enemy lighter than a feather?
The death of a revolutionary is a weighty death.
A revolutionary can die in several ways—in com-
bat, from a disease or sickness, accident or old age.
But it’s not the manner of death that is decisive in
the character of their death. More than anything,
the weight of his or her death is measured by his or
her whole-hearted dedication to the people, their
tireless efforts to serve the masses and advance the
revolution.
On the other hand, the death of someone
serving the enemy has no honor: it is lighter than
a feather. Because their life is dedicated to the
exploiters and the oppressors, they have killed
their humanity and thrown away their honor. For
the exploited and oppressed masses, any death in
the service of the enemy is looked down upon.
8. What is the correct attitude towards victo-
61
ries?
In the face of victories, it is important to
guard against pride and arrogance. Always remain
humble and never become intoxicated in victory.
Always keep in mind the long road ahead and
avoid complacency, rushing or leniency.
9. What is the correct view of the masses?
The masses are the foundation for achieving
any revolutionary goal. It is with their inherent
intelligence and strength that a society advances
and progresses. The masses are the well of unde-
featable power against any foe or force hindering
change. To achieve freedom, democracy and prog-
ress, it is a must to rely on and trust the masses.
The revolutionary acknowledges and carries
a great accountability and responsibility to the
masses. It is their duty to uphold the interest of
the masses, to foster firm unity with the masses
and to encourage them towards revolutionary
change.
The revolutionary upholds the national and
democratic aspirations of the masses through their
diligent and responsible integration amongst the
masses and their participation in their struggles.
They are patient in explaining and raising the con-
sciousness of the masses. They are tireless in help-
ing the masses to organize and take action to solve
their problems and to fight their enemies. The
62
revolutionary is well-known as a genuine servant

of and one with the masses. They pay attention
even to the small day-to-day needs and problems
of the masses.
In consistently upholding the national and
democratic interest of the masses, the revolu-
tionary builds the strong and unbreakable unity
between the revolutionaries who are serving and
the masses who are being served. The revolution-
ary values and gives utmost significance to this
unity. They always strive to unite with and be
close to the masses. They use all the opportunity
to be amongst the masses, to work and learn from
them. They strictly avoid anything that violates
the interest of the masses or any abuse of their
kindness because such hinders the unity between
the revolution and the masses.
10. How do revolutionaries treat fellow revolu-
tionaries?
A revolutionary is always seeking unity with
their fellow revolutionaries. They are loving and
thoughtful towards their comrades. Unity with
and thoughtful treatment of revolutionaries is
important in building and strengthening the
unity and strength of the revolutionary ranks.
Revolutionaries have outstanding practice
in uniting and teaching each other. A revolu-
tionary always unites with her or his comrades,
63
even if they don’t know each other very well, or

those whom they don’t share the same opinions,
or those who have made errors but are willing to
rectify. Insignificant misunderstandings can easily
be set aside or can be overcome because the revo-
lutionary always gives importance to unity. Their
understanding of the conditions of their com-
rades and their effort to work and become a better
revolutionary is always a priority.
A revolutionary is thoughtful and loving
towards their comrades. They always help every
comrades to fulfill their duties and tasks, and in
resolving their problems including personal ones.
They help and give support to their comrades to
forge themselves in the midst of the struggle. The
joys and struggles of their comrades are also the
joys and struggles of every revolutionary.
11. What is the correct view towards criticism
and self-criticism?
Weaknesses and shortcomings are a common
occurrence in the flow of a revolutionary. Often-
times they are results of lack of experience or are
products of wrong mindset and undesirable traits
still left within us. However, the revolutionary is
always ready to overcome them in order to further
firmly uphold the National Democratic interests
of the people.
The revolutionary is always ready to criticize
64
their own weaknesses and mistakes. They are open

to criticisms and whatever is correct and what is
good for the people is always placed above every-
thing else. They don’t refuse nor do they doubt
the need to rectify their weaknesses and mistakes.
They are always ready to remold themselves in
order to continue serving the people.
Criticism and self-criticism is an effective
process that is needed to correct the mistakes
and overcome weakness. It is needed to further
strengthen unity within the revolutionary ranks
and between revolutionaries and the masses.
Through criticism, weaknesses and mistakes can
be identified and rooted out. In that way, we learn
from our mistakes in order to avoid them in the
future.
Criticisms must always be comradely and in
accordance to the spirit of “cure the sickness to
save the patient.” Criticism should not be made
into an occasion for personal attacks or revenge.
Criticisms should be focused on the most import-
ant ideological, political and organizational mat-
ters only.
Criticism and self-criticism must be conducted
regularly. It ensures that our work is always ana-
lyzed, continues to improve our work, maintains
and further strengthens our unity, and we are
always united and close to the masses.
65
12. What is internationalism?

At the current stage of imperialism, the peo-
ple of various nations around the world are also
suffering from unabated oppression and exploita-
tion from the hands of the imperialists. It is very
important therefore, for the unity and coopera-
tion of the peoples of different countries to strug-
gle against imperialism and all reactions. This is
internationalism.
It is our task as Filipino revolutionaries to lib-
erate our country from US imperialism, feudalism
and bureaucrat capitalism. The advancement of
the Filipino revolution, especially its victory, helps
to weaken imperialism around the world; thus it
contributes to the advancement of the struggle of
the people in other countries. At the same time,
people of other countries who also struggle against
imperialism and other reaction also helps us.
Revolutionaries always think of fulfilling their
revolutionary work, not only for their own coun-
try but also for the billions of masses exploited
all over the world. Through this perspective,
patriotism and nationalism—love for one’s own
country—is correctly linked to internationalism.
It is different from narrow patriotism or narrow
nationalism, where they only give importance to
the interest of their own country and only sees
other countries and other people from the point
of view of self-benefit and advantage.
66
It is our internationalist duty to advance the

two-stage Philippine revolution. The destruction
of US imperialist power and local ruling classes in
the Philippines shall be our biggest contribution
to the dismantling of the reign of imperialism and
other oppressive and exploiting classes around the
world.
Our internationalist duty doesn’t end with the
victory of our democratic revolution. Upon the
seizure of political power, it is our international-
ist duty to consolidate it, the establishment of a
democratic people’s state and launching a socialist
revolution. We also need to strengthen the unity
with the people of other countries and continue to
cooperate with revolutionary and anti-imperialist
movements and organizations in other nations.
13. What are the wrong thinking and attitudes
that harm the interest of the revolution and the
masses? How can it be changed?
For this part read and discuss all the parts of the arti-
cle “Combat Liberalism” and “On Correcting Mis-
taken Ideas in the Party.”
a. What Is Liberalism and Why Should We Need
to Combat Against It?
Liberalism is the rejection or avoidance of active
ideological struggle. It rejects and avoids the clar-
ification of what are correct revolutionary ideas,
67
policies and actions, and which ones are incorrect

and non-revolutionary: rejection or avoidance to
uphold what is correct and repudiate the wrong.
We must combat liberalism because it is incorrect
and it destroys the principled unity of the revo-
lutionary ranks. Instead it upholds unprincipled
peace, the existence and propagation of incorrect
and non-revolutionary ideas, policies and actions.
Over all, the unity within the rank of the revo-
lutionaries is firm, particularly the basic principles
of the revolution. However at various instances,
especially if related to particular policies and day-
to-day activity, the wrong ideas and actions crops
up. It is only a reflection of the existence of strug-
gle in lines, of correct and incorrect, and having
limitations and weaknesses among the revolution-
ary ranks.
Every revolutionary must guard against such
weaknesses and errors. Every revolutionary has a
duty to always uphold and strive for what is cor-
rect, struggle against wrong ideas and criticize
to rectify the wrong actions. This is what we call
active “ideological struggle.” Only through this
manner that we can raise and strengthen the prin-
cipled unity within our rank.
b. What Are the Types of Liberalism?
Liberalism manifests through the following
thinking and habits:
68
i. Letting wrong things slide, refraining from

principled argument because the comrade is a
close friend, or to touch on the matter lightly
instead of going into it thoroughly, so as to
keep on good terms;
ii. Indulging in irresponsible criticism in pri-
vate instead of actively putting forward one’s
suggestions to the organization; saying noth-
ing to people’s faces but gossip behind their
backs, or to say nothing at a meeting but to
gossip afterwards; showing no regard at all for
the principles of collective life but following
one’s own inclination;
iii. Letting things drift if they do not affect
one personally; to say as little as possible while
knowing perfectly well what is wrong, to be
worldly wise and play safe and seek only to
avoid blame;
iv. Disobeying orders but to give pride of place
to one’s own opinions; demanding special con-
sideration from the organization but rejecting
its discipline;
v. Indulging in personal attacks, picking quar-
rels, venting personal spite or seeking revenge
instead of entering into an argument and
struggling against incorrect views for the sake
of unity or progress or getting the work done
69
properly;
vi. Hearing incorrect views without rebutting
them and even to hear counter-revolutionary
remarks without reporting them, but instead
to take them in calmly as if nothing had hap-
pened;
vii. Being among the masses and failing to
conduct propaganda and agitation or speak at
meetings or conduct investigations and inqui-
ries among them, and instead to be indiffer-
ent to them and show no concern for their
well-being, forgetting that one is a Commu-
nist and behaving as if one were an ordinary
non-Communist
viii. Seeing someone harming the interests of
the masses and yet not feel indignant, or dis-
suade or stop them or reason with them, but to
allow them to continue;
ix. Working half-heartedly without a definite
plan or direction; to work perfunctorily and
muddle along—“So long as one remains a
monk, one goes on tolling the bell.”
x. Regarding oneself as having rendered great
service to the revolution to pride oneself on
being a veteran, to disdain minor assignments
while being quite unequal to major tasks, to be
70
slipshod in work and slack in study.

xi. Being aware of one’s own mistakes and yet
make no attempt to correct them, taking a lib-
eral attitude towards oneself.
c. How Do You Combat Liberalism?
Like rust, liberalism must be scraped to the
core. Like a bad weed, it can only be combatted
by pulling it out by the roots.
Liberalism is rooted in selfishness, in placing
oneself above the welfare of the revolution and
interest of the majority. It is the root of rejecting
active ideological struggle. Like the examples of
liberalism, rejecting ideological struggle stems
from the desire to maintain peace even if it is
not principled. Usually this desire is not only to
avoid hurting others. Instead it is to avoid hurt-
ing self-interest: “I will not criticize you, so don’t
bother me.”
To thoroughly combat liberalism, selfishness
must be rejected and uphold the interest of the rev-
olution or the majority of exploited and oppressed
masses. We must stand for revolutionary princi-
ples and actively fight against all wrong ideas,
actions and tendencies. Every revolutionary must
cultivate and uphold the spirit of selflessness. The
mind must be broadened to see and embrace the
even broader interest of the people, and not only
self-interest. Thus there is no doubt nor second
71
thought in pursuing ideological struggle and the

strongest and most principled unity will be built.
d. What is the purely militarist viewpoint, where
is it coming from and how can it be corrected?
Purely militarist is the viewpoint of separation
and clashing of politics and military. It refuses to
subordinate the military work and other issues as
part of political work. It considers the view that
the people’s army is only a fighting force and
refuses to do other tasks such as propaganda, mass
work, production, etc. towards the revolution. It
fails to realize that the people’s army is the pri-
mary instrument in achieving the political goals
and objectives of the revolution.
Purely military viewpoint is born from lack of
understanding and appreciation of political lead-
ership over the people’s army. It is also from the
lack of understanding that in essence, the peo-
ple’s army is different from the reactionary army
primarily based on the politics that it serves and
upholds.
Therefore, purely militarist viewpoint can only
be corrected through the raising of ideological
and political awareness, conducting criticism and
self-criticism, and discussion of military issues
that show the correct relationship to politics.
e. What is ultra-democracy and violation of orga-
nizational discipline, and how can it be corrected?
72
Ultra-democracy is giving too much impor-

tance or insistence on democracy without the
guiding principles of the organization. It means
that there is no consideration, or there is hesita-
tion if not outright violation of the principles,
policies, rules or decisions of the organization.
Examples of ultra-democratic thinking include
“democratic centralism from the bottom to the
top” and “all matters must be discussed first from
the lower units before the higher units can make
a decision.”
Violation of organizational discipline can be
seen from the following:
i. The minority’s refusal to follow the major-
ity. Not following the majority can also be
seen through the lack of seriousness in imple-
menting the decisions if not outright refusal to
implement.
ii. Giving criticisms without giving consider-
ation to organizational discipline. It comes in
the form of personal or unprincipled criticisms
or attacks. Or that such criticisms or attacks
are made outside of meetings or outside of the
organization.
Ultra-democracy destroys unity and weakens
the organization. It is deeply rooted to petit-bour-
geois selfishness or individualism and rejection
of discipline. Other than this, if the leadership is
73
weak and organizational discipline is loose, it cre-

ates the condition for ultra-democracy and viola-
tion of discipline to exist.
To correct this, the petit-bourgeois selfish-
ness or individualism and rejection of organiza-
tional discipline must be uprooted. It can be done
through education and active ideological struggle.
The spirit of selflessness and subordinating self-in-
terest to the interest of the whole must be upheld.
The importance of the organization and the
discipline within must be clear to the member-
ship. It is also important to clarify how centralism
is guided by democracy within the organization
and how centralism is based on democracy.
In the organizational field, it is important to
make the leadership very efficient and strengthen
democratic centralism. The leadership must
always ensure that they have a strong relationship
to the lower units and the membership of the
organization, that their ideas are considered, and
that there is an effective flow of communication
between them. At any level, every decision should
be a result of thorough thinking and thorough
discussion.
f. What Is Individualism and How Can It Be Cor-
rected?
Individualism is completely taking care of one’s
own welfare while the welfare of the organization
74
and the revolution are either made subordinate

or set aside. Other than ultra-democracy and vio-
lation of organizational discipline, individualist
tendencies can also be exemplified through the
following forms:
i. Revenge
ii. Small group mentality
iii. Employee mentality
iv. Seeking pleasure
v. Passivity or lack of enthusiasm
vi. Desire to “take a break”
vii. Separate kingdoms
Because individualism mirrors the petit-bour-
geois and bourgeoisie thinking inside the revolu-
tionary movement, ideological education is the
primary measure for correctness. Every single
member must identify non-proletarian ideas and
habits in implementing revolutionary tasks as well
as for the interest of the broad masses and the peo-
ple. Alongside, it is also important to conduct dis-
cussion, tasking and the implementation of disci-
pline according to the correct procedure to ensure
the efficient response to the needs of the forces.
g. What is absolute egalitarianism/absolute equal-
75
ity and how can this be corrected?

The thinking in absolute egalitarianism is the
refusal to recognize that different individuals and
units inside the organization have different condi-
tions, capabilities and needs. It asserts the absolute
equality of everyone at all times—in setting tasks,
in the disposition of comrades, and in allocating
resources. It does not correspond to concrete con-
ditions, capabilities and needs, and prevents the
forging of unity and the advancement of the rev-
olution.
Although at first glance it appears that equality
is desired, the hidden motive of absolute egalitar-
ians is the selfish apprehension that they may be
short-changed by others. For as long as capitalism
is not vanquished and the bourgeoisie is not com-
pletely defeated, absolute egalitarianism remains
the illusion of peasants and small proprietors.
To correct this kind of thinking, it must be
clarified to the revolutionary ranks that the dis-
tribution of material needs and tasks are primarily
set by the concrete needs in the struggle. In the
ideological field, it is important to clarify that it is
impossible to have absolute equality. This is true
not only under the capitalist and semi-feudal sys-
tem but even under socialism.
h. What is subjectivism and how can it be cor-
rected?
76
Subjectivism is the outlook of looking at things

one-sidedly, not based on concrete reality but on
wrong supposition. Subjectivism is already form-
ing conclusions even with a lack of investigation.
Subjectivism is having a wrong analysis and hav-
ing wrongly formed conclusions. Subjectivism,
the lack of investigation and wrong analysis—all
result in wrong policies and decisions. An exam-
ple of this is the giving of importance or magnify-
ing certain personal weaknesses without properly
contextualizing it or connecting to political and
organizational work.
Subjectivism is rooted in non-scientific and
non-proletarian outlook and ways of thinking. It
harms the organization because it results in wrong
policies and decisions. It also results to unprinci-
pled struggle that weakens the organization.
To combat this, it is necessary to promote and
uphold the proletarian scientific outlook and
method and repudiate bourgeois and petit-bour-
geois outlook and ways of thinking. It is necessary
to study diligently, in conducting investigation
and analysis particularly social investigation and
class analysis.
i. What is remnants of putchism and the ideology
of roving revel bands and how can this be cor-
rected?
The remnants of putchism and ideology of rov-
77
ing rebel bands are both non-proletarian thinking

that enforces lack of discipline, laziness in political
and production work, and unruly actions in the
people’s army. Remnants of putchism in particu-
lar creates an adventurous and destructive actions
within the people’s army. They are both destruc-
tive in building unities within the people’s army
and between the people’s army and the masses.
Remnants of putchism can be seen through
disorganized actions, lack of discipline, burning
or looting properties, hurting the masses and
comrades and hurting the prisoners.
The ideology of roving rebel bands on the other
hand shows through loose discipline, avoiding
mass work, seeking pleasure and recreation. For
example, instead of conducting propaganda and
help out with the day-to-day needs of the masses,
they would rather go to wealthier or “fun-to-be
with” types of masses to have fun and enjoy their
company.
Remnants of putchism are rooted in lump-
en-proletarian and petit-bourgeois backgrounds.
Ideology of roving rebel band on the other hand
is rooted in the mindset of semi-proletarian and
roving lumpen-proletariats (vagabonds).
To correct these, it is important to reject their
class roots. It can be accomplished through edu-
cation and active ideological struggle, as well as
through joining or doing integration with the
78
people’s army.
j. What are the other incorrect thinking that can
be cited, according to our own experiences and
how do we combat them?
79
Lesson II
Revolutionary Study &
Proper Analysis
Lesson II-Revolutionary Study & Proper Analysis
Revolutionary study is an important and inte-

gral part of the revolution. Comrade Mao Zedong
said that “To behave like ‘a blindfolded man catch-
ing sparrows,’ or ‘a blind man groping for fish’, to
be crude and careless, to indulge in verbiage, to
rest content with a smattering of knowledge–such
is the extremely bad style of work that still exists
among many comrades in our Party.”
We need a surge in our revolutionary studies so
that we can change our revolutionary movement
for the better. Let us understand what is revolu-
tionary studies and the proper way to analyze.
81
A. What is Revolutionary Study?
1. Why Is It Important to Study?

Studying is an important function and it is
the responsibility of every revolutionary to con-
tinually raise their consciousness. It is very dan-
gerous for the masses and for the revolution to
leave everything to chance. Revolutionary strug-
gle is not an aimless struggle guided by emotions.
Every action depends on concrete study of situa-
tions and the needs of the revolution. If we study
situations thoroughly, we can correctly pinpoint
what we need to do, we can formulate plans and
determine correct methods of work in carrying
them out.
Studying gives us guidance in our struggle.
It doesn’t just teach or show the correct road in
revolutionary struggle. It also shows us the way
on how to live our everyday lives. Revolutionary
studies also make us sharp in guarding against the
ideas spread by the ruling class and other elements
bent on seizing the revolutionary movement and
leading it astray.
Revolutionary studies can be pursued by par-
ticipating in collective discussions, reading revo-
lutionary materials, ardent research, and analyz-
ing all angles while planning and working.
Revolutionary study is a process of knowing
and understanding things. It is not just the read-
83
ing of theories from reading materials—like the

courses and theoretical works of Marx, Lenin,
Mao and others. Proper analysis of present condi-
tions and experiences is a very important part of
revolutionary study.
Studying is a process of learning and under-
standing of how things work and evolve. It is not
just reading the revolutionary mass courses of
Marx, Lenin and Mao, etc. But it is an essential
part of studying to know the present conditions
of our society, assess its condition and sum up our
experiences.
The main frame of revolutionary studies is
society and revolution. It involves ideas and the-
ories that help clarify the condition of the classes
and class struggle.
The reason why we study is to gather the loose
ends of our struggle and change whatever it is
that needs to be changed. Since we are struggling
towards a free and democratic society, it is our
primary concern to give importance to society
and revolution. For example, we are studying the
theories of classes in society and class struggle
because the center, or focal point, of our struggle
is understanding on how to transform our soci-
ety. This is the guide of how we understand the
conditions of Philippine society as a whole and
the continuing line of our revolutionary struggle.
84
2. Why Is It Important to Study the People’s

Democratic Revolution?
We study the People’s Democratic Revolution
(PDR) because it shows the correct way to assess
the conditions of Philippine society, the roots of
the problems of the Filipino people and the way
to solve these national problems. Revolution
is a science. In our fight against the reactionary
enemy, we need to be sharp in studying the rules
of engagement of our revolution and how the
masses can fight the enemy. By studying the PDR,
we can keep the zeal of our struggle both bright
and fiery. We can also solidify our unity with the
oppressed masses.
The basic systemic classification of the PDR
can be obtained from our mass courses. Mass
courses clarify for us our need to struggle. Mean-
while, in the special courses we take, we study the
advancement of our mass movement—more spe-
cifically, the workers, farmers, women and youth,
as integral parts of the People’s Democratic Rev-
olution.
Revolutionaries must continuously study the
PDR. While our struggle continues to inten-
sify, our understanding of the PDR must also
get sharper. The mass courses also must serve as
a door to encourage us to read and study docu-
ments, journals and books to help keep our strug-
gle in our hearts.
85
The book Philippine Society and Revolution

(PSR), Struggle for National Democracy (SND)
and Philippine Crisis and Revolution, are the pri-
mary tools we use in studying PDR. It is where
we get awareness to our questions regarding the
PDR by keeping the principles of our struggle in
line. This is where we get guidance in our under-
standing and solving the problems of our political
struggle.
We read and learn Philippine history when we
read the PSR. By learning the Philippine history,
we also understand about the advancement of
Philippine society, the roots of national problems
and the revolutionary struggle for freedom and
democracy. We also need to study the history,
problems and present conditions of the people of
the territory in which we are currently situated.
It is very important to read Ang Bayan and
other revolutionary journals to keep us abreast of
the present economic and political situations and
conditions of our society, its role in the revolution
and to know the struggle in other sections and
territories.
3. What is Investigation?
Investigation is a tool to obtain proper and cor-
rect information in relation to conditions. There
is Social Investigation and investigation related to
work, plans and programs.
86
The national social investigation is the study

on classes in real life. This is a very important part
in advancing our political work. In investigating
the relationship of classes in the fields of econom-
ics, politics and culture in the lives of the people,
we will see a concrete picture of society, or a part
of society like the community. Social investiga-
tion is important to us because it clarifies the tar-
get, and ways and directions on how to arouse,
organize and mobilize the masses.
The investigation on how we conduct our
work, make plans and progress is realized by
gathering data related to how we advance our
work, for example, in the problems we face, the
way our comrades and mass members work, and
its results. Investigation is a very important part
of revolutionary studies. The correct and proper
information we obtain as a result of our proper
investigation is important and is needed as we can
formulate correct decisions, plans and programs.
Mao Zedong said, “No investigation, no right to
speak.” If we do not investigate, we cannot hold
correct and sufficient information. As a result,
whatever decision we make in taking chances will
just end up frustrated.
Investigation is never-ending work. We need
to make it a part of ourselves. We need to start our
studies by understanding we need to have correct
and enough information and data. As a result, our
87
knowledge will always spring forth and enrich our

understanding of objective conditions.
4. What Is Analysis and Why Does It Matter?
Analysis is an important and vital part of our
studies. By analyzing, we are able to determine
and hit the nature and character of the things and
events that we study. We are able to present its
roots and are therefore able to devise ways on how
to improve it.
We are able to answer the questions “Why?”
“How?” and “What are its characteristics and rela-
tionship?” By following proper analysis, we are
able to have a deeper understanding on facts and
experiences.
Analysis is very important in the revolution-
ary movement. The plans and progress of the
movement are based on our analysis of how to
make changes to pertinent conditions and how
to advance our cause. By proper analysis, we are
able to clarify how to properly and effectively face
and solve difficulties that arise. Through proper
analysis, we are able to determine how to work
more effectively and do our tasks towards victory.
We need to be observant. In whatever condi-
tions we face, we need to be able to answer the
question “What?” and most importantly “Why?”
and “How?” This will help us discover the roots of
the problems. We must not be subjective, imbal-
88
anced or one-sided. We must not be tricked by

book covers when we analyze. We will be placed
in an active position to be able to work effectively
and advance our tasks.
Analysis and investigation work continuously
and together. Even though they are separate activ-
ities, they are interlinked in one process. After
investigating, we analyze the gathered data. We
formulate conclusions and decisions that we put
in practice. We again investigate how to put these
into action, analyze things that we did. Based on
this, we are able to formulate another conclusion
and decision so we can advance even more our
revolutionary tasks.
5. What is Assessment?
Assessment is a kind of analysis. This is an inte-
gral part of revolutionary study. There are 2 types
of assessment that we do: Assessment of Work,
and Assessment of Conditions. Assessment of
Work is analyzing to measure where we stand or
what our achievements in our plans and programs
are. Assessment of Conditions meanwhile is ana-
lyzing the character of conditions and the level of
class struggle in society.
An example of assessment of work is the
monthly assessment that we do in preparation for
reports. We list things that we’ve done, and those
things that we still need to do, things accom-
89
plished and those we still have to, etc. We also

make assessment after every mass work. We point
out things that we’ve done from those that still
need to be done; what the things that we need
to complete are; the weaknesses that we need to
overcome and errors that we need to rectify; and
the work that we still have to do.
An example of assessment of conditions is
analyzing the balance of forces—the victories of
our revolutionary forces on the one hand and the
strength of the reactionary forces on the other
hand. We are able to clarify the victories of revo-
lutionary organizing and what else we need to do
to fortify and advance the revolutionary force to
fight in another time. We point out the strength,
disposition and movement of the enemy and
how can we weaken it. By doing this, we will be
able to measure our own strength in advancing
the struggle, and the strength of the enemy when
they fight back.
Another example is how do we conduct assess-
ment on economic conditions of farmers and
farm workers in situations like after the flood to
be able to make appropriate plans to help them in
their needs.
Assessment needs to be done in a timely man-
ner. It makes us open to conditions and needs of
the movement, so that we will be able to promptly
assign tasks. Assessment gives us the straight, con-
90
cise and specific tools for planning correctly and

carrying our tasks. If it shows from our constant
assessment that the conditions have changed, we
need to alter our plans of action according to the
changed concrete conditions.
On the other hand, assessment planning is
based on the level of work we reached. If this hap-
pens, we change the plan and action according
to the changes and progress that we pointed out
during the work assessment.
6. What Is Summing Up?
Summing up is analyzing both our positive
and negative experiences in order to draw lessons.
The conclusions we draw from our summings up
are lessons that can guide us in our movement
and struggle.
We learn from both positive and negative
experiences. We uphold the lessons from positive
experiences and consciously promote it. Mean-
while, we also learn from negative experiences but
we try not to repeat it again.
There are many types of summing up depend-
ing on our needs and according to the present
situation. We mainly sum-up the experiences we
learn from how we mobilize the masses, and how
we lead the organization. One example is how we
launch our mass campaigns. Here, we take lessons
on how to correctly prepare and do mass work
91
and conduct solid organizing in the barrios. After

gathering data and results of action done in that
particular period, we put into consideration:
a) The advance, slowing down or reversal of
the movement, then reassess the existing con-
ditions, and the lessons drawn from this.
b) The strengths, weaknesses and mistakes in
the movement, the conditions and outlook
that bring these into being, and the lessons
derived from it.
From this, we can learn the requirements for
the optimal performance of our tasks for success-
ful actions. The overall lesson derived from this
summing up will serve as a guide for a new level
of planning and action. It gives us renewed con-
fidence to do our work and advance our struggle.
Summing up is an important part of our study.
Through this, we can effectively learn from our
own experiences. We can actively use these expe-
riences, both positive and negative, to advance
our knowledge and understanding of our work
and responsibilities. Through summing up, we
can strengthen our understanding of our revolu-
tionary principles based on experience.
7. What is the complete process of analysis and
revolutionary study?
Let us learn the truth from our own experi-
92
ences. Mao said, “‘Experiences’ are all things that

objectively (concretely) happen: and ‘truth’ is
their internal cohesiveness, those laws that affect
them, and ‘research’ is the study part.”
Analyzing the condition and the struggle to
change it is a continuing process. For example,
we continuously research the conditions of one
particular barrio or village—arouse, organize and
mobilize the masses to solve their problems. In
every step and movement, we need to carefully
study the conditions and the problems.
While we are still starting to penetrate one par-
ticular village, we need to study and analyze the
history of the place, nature of the terrain, what
main root crop is the source of its livelihood,
what the problems of the peasants are, who the
local landlords and their enemy agents are, etc.
Based on initial survey and analysis, we can make
step-by-step plans on how to arouse, organize and
mobilize the masses. We are guided by the theo-
ries of the People’s Democratic Revolution, like
Class Analysis.
When we act on our plans, we continue to
investigate and analyze the conditions. More
information are added. We are able to confirm
the main conditions, while we separate these from
erroneous ones. We are able to analyze according
to practice, the results of our actions whether these
are right or wrong. We are continuously sharpen-
93
ing the whole condition so that we can determine

and act on its changes. Based on newer, richer
and more precise ideas and conclusions, we reas-
sess our plans and modify our actions to stream-
line the change we want according to the present
situation. We rectify our past errors, correct false
ideas and actions and criticize wrong actions. We
can also consolidate and strengthen what we con-
cluded to be true and correct ideas and actions.
If we are able to gather enough experience, we
can conclude our entire experience to be able to
gather deeper lessons. These lessons will serve as
guides in newer and higher stages of struggle.
An important part of this whole process is the
analysis of our own strength: analysis of the whole
unit in one’s own struggle and condition, and
the analysis of own struggle and each individu-
al’s work. This is where criticism and self-criticism
comes in.
94
B. How Do We Analyze Things and

Events?
It is through analysis that we are able to deeply
understand why things and events work. The con-
clusions that are formed by correct analysis guides
us in the most important step in our study—put-
ting it in practice. Let us therefore study how we
analyze things and events.
1. What is the basis of correct analysis?
The correct way to analyze is based on con-
crete, active, true or objective conditions and
events. It means that it is not based on fantasies,
dreams, rumors, superstitions and other possibili-
ties with no concrete basis. Concrete analysis out
of concrete conditions is the only valid method
to analysis.
Oftentimes it is difficult to make the right
conclusion. For example, it may be difficult to
determine the true nature or cause of a problem
because we are lacking concrete facts. For instance,
we may be possessing incorrect or subjective data.
In this instance, there is a need to extend and
deepen the investigation into the circumstances.
More often, it is hard to obtain correct con-
clusions even if there is enough or even more
than enough data collected. In relation to this, it
might also be due to the lack of applying princi-
ples learned in studies that we are not able to tie
95
up the loose data.

It can also happen that we will generate wrong
conclusions as a result of wrong analysis, even if
the data is enough. By this experience, it is com-
mon that erroneous analysis is a result of wrongly
processing the data.
We need to start with true, actual and concrete
data of events. Study the relationship of data,
events, etc. Which is more important? Which one
is not? Which one is true and which one is false?
What is the chain of events?
These are the basis of true analysis?
2. Why Do We Say That All Things Change?
All things change. There is no way that we can
say that one thing is made or complete and there-
fore, cannot be changed. If we look at our sur-
roundings, the environment and society, we can
see that things change, even the people. Every-
thing has a time to be born, live, and die. There
are changes that are slow and there are those that
are fast. Change happens as a whole, continual
process from its birth to its death.
Many people believe that a lot of things cannot
change or are impossible to be changed. One rea-
son is that all change is not easy to see; it takes a
long process to see the expected change. This idea
is usually spread by the ruling class. For example,
they say that it is impossible to change the con-
96
dition between the rich and the poor in society.

We know that this is not true and that this idea is
spread by the ruling and oppressive class so that
they can keep the masses from waging revolution.
Many also believe that if things change, it is
simply a transfer of position, an increase in num-
bers, or a repetition. For example, the only things
seen in the history or development of society are
the migration of people, population increase, the
change of a new generation, or the actions of
“great leaders.” Such a view denies the underlying
or revolutionary changes taking place in history,
such as changes in the economic, political and
cultural system of society.
A person’s knowledge is a byproduct of their
constant study of change and movement. A per-
son’s progress is their knowledge proportionate to
the progress in society. There is an advancement
in one’s knowledge in analysis, coexistent with
one’s understanding of the reason for change. It
is only through one’s progress in one’s knowledge
that one can actively and effectively do things to
advance one’s revolutionary work.
This also helps a person find a way out of dif-
ficult situations by having an iron will to press on
in the face of problems and difficult situations.
This teaches us that if we correctly assess our con-
ditions, we will be able to understand how we will
solve each problem and difficult situation that will
97
come our way.

3. What Are the Reasons Why Things Change?
Everything has two opposing forces that con-
tinue to fight. This is called contradiction. The
character of things is dictated by contradictions
and the progression and change in things are also
dictated by the constant struggle of power within
the given contradiction. Therefore, change in
things is internal and not external.
For example, why does Philippine society
advance and change? Is it fate that dictates it?
The climate of the land? Is it help from other ter-
ritories? No. Change in society is a result of its
internal contradictions: the struggle of its classes.
On one side is the ruling and oppressive class that
prevents the advancement of the country, and at
the other side is the oppressed class that demands
progress, freedom and democracy.
External conditions influence change. No
thing exists that is separate from its surroundings.
Its movement is relative to other things that exist
that can either hasten or slow its progress.
For example, our comrade’s progress is a result
of continuing internal struggle between correct
and wrong ideas. In the fight for the national
and democratic aspirations of the people versus
anything that wants to oppose it, it is up to each
comrade to press on with the revolutionary strug-
98
gle or just be passive and do nothing. However,

there are other important external influences
that may affect the given comrade: his collective,
family and loved ones, the masses he meets in his
area, etc.
In the first example, the progress of the Phil-
ippine society rests primarily on the struggle of
the people against US imperialism, feudalism and
bureaucrat capitalism that is sharply mirrored by
the revolution. The advance and victory of the
revolution can not be based on external forces like
victory of the struggle in other countries or the
help of other comrades. Though, the conducive
external conditions and the help of other com-
rades to the Philippine revolution are important
and can definitely help us attain our goals of rev-
olutionary victory.
This understanding teaches us to be wary or
not to be skin deep in our analysis. To be able to
understand one thing, we must be able to study
its internal character, and its relationship to other
things. We must be able to study the data we
collected and separate what is right from what
is wrong. We must be able to study the internal
contradictions and how they are influenced by
the external contradictions.
99
4. Why Do We Say “Divide One into Two” Is

the Correct Way to Analyze?
The correct method of analysis? “Dividing one

into two” simply means studying the contradic-
tions in things. This is going to the core of things,
to study its character and opposition between
aspects of contradictions. We study its movement
and progress, its forms and the ways by which
contradictions struggle, bits rise and fall, action
and counter-action, etc. This is the proper way to
study.
This reminds us not to be one-sided in our
analysis. Being one-sided means only looking at
one aspect of a thing or contradiction. This also
means favoring one aspect of the contradiction.
This may also mean laziness in studying the two
aspects of contradiction and how the two oppose
each other.
For example, when we criticize a comrade, we
look at her or his positive and negative character-
istics. In our investigation of one barrio, we study
the peasants and farm workers on the one hand
and the landlord in the other hand. In our anal-
ysis of society, we both look at the exploited and
oppressed classes and the exploiting and oppress-
ing classes.
To know the essence or nature of one thing, we
must know which among its two aspects act as its
100
principal. This is important because the principal

aspect is the one that dictates the nature of things.
Whatever we analyze, we must immediately
center on its very nature: studying the contra-
dictions, studying its opposing force and charac-
ter that dictates its movement, and determining
which aspect acts as the principal one. With our
comrades for example, we analyze the contradic-
tions of their way of thinking both positive and
negative, the revolutionary from non-revolution-
ary. We can therefore clearly define the principal
character—the positive, correct and revolution-
ary.
When we analyze our movement, we also ana-
lyze what we’ve so far accomplished, from things
we still have to do, and at what level have we met
our goal; our strengths and weaknesses, etc. We
also need to point out which one stands out.
In analyzing the contradictions, we use the
help of comparison and differentiating it from
other contradictions. The contradictions in one
barrio for example, can be compared and differ-
entiated with the contradictions of other barrios.
By comparing, we are able to analyze the com-
mon character that is present in the contradic-
tion we are studying and in those other contra-
dictions. This will help us to immediately focus
on analyzing the essence of things, which help us
understand further the similarities and differences
101
in contradictions and things.

In differentiating, we are able to study different
characteristics present in other contradictions. In
differentiating, we are able to form and beef up
our understanding of the things we analyze. This
is important to enable us to generate accurate and
appropriate solutions for how we should act.
For example, when we analyze an agricultural
community, we know that its contradictions are
the same as those of the rest of the agricultural
communities in the Philippines. That is why it is
very important to wage the agrarian revolution in
the barrio and studying the experience of other
places that we read in Ang Bayan can help us fulfill
that goal. On the other hand, there are different
forms and ways of land rent and usury, the power
of influence of the landlords, of the overseer. The
military force varies and the size and strength of
the mass movement in the barrio and the readi-
ness of the masses vary too. That is why it is not
good to copy all the steps employed by other ter-
ritories in lowering the land rent.
It is important to know our history. When we
investigate our comrade, we investigate their class
background, their family, how they got involved
and the history of their struggle. When we ana-
lyze Philippine society, it is very important to
know its history, to know the historical root of its
current condition, to enable us to understand its
102
basic character.
“Dividing one into two” is the proper way
to conduct an analysis. We first try to study and
learn the two aspects that form the contradiction,
and then we try to determine which one is the
dominant or principal one. We compare things
from one to the other to know the essence that is
common to both of them. We also need to study
how the contradictions thrive in them.
5. What is the main force that effects change on
an object?
The effect or process that we study is compli-
cated. It means that it has different contradic-
tions. We need to study its different contradic-
tions—the two aspects of contradictions, and
the relationship of these contradictions from
one another—to prevent us from becoming one-
sided.
Among its many contradictions, there is one
that is decisive to the object and process. The
contradiction is the common denominator that
strings, connects and affect the progress of other
contradictions.
It is therefore the key to understand the char-
acter of one particular complicated thing or pro-
cess and how it exists and flourishes.
We first need to study different contradic-
tions before we know the principal contradiction.
103
It is one-sided and subjective to study only one

contradiction even though this is the principal
or decisive contradiction. It is not clear if it can
indeed be the principal contradiction if we can-
not see how it is related to the other existing con-
tradictions.
For example, there will be many contradictions
when we investigate one particular barrio. There
will be the contradiction between rich peasants,
poor peasants and farm workers. There will be
the contradiction between the landlords and rich
peasants. There will be the contradiction between
the peasants and businessmen. There will be con-
tradictions between peasants themselves.
In this barrio, the principal contradiction is
between the landlord on the one hand, and the
tenants and farm workers on the other hand. This
is the main force that influences the other contra-
dictions in the barrio. It is also important to study
other contradictions to enable us to see the whole
picture, and how these contradictions relate to
one another.
In simple things and processes, the principal
or dominant aspect of a contradiction determines
the nature of a thing. In complex things or pro-
cesses, the principle aspect of the principle con-
tradiction is the main determining factor of the
nature of a thing, of its essence.
In the given example, the landlord has an
104
upper hand over the tenants and farm workers.

He can conduct usury and dictate the rent for the
land and the salary he wants to give to the tenants
and farm workers. This can influence the other
contradictions. This condition can be the basis for
the abuse and oppression between the business-
person or usurer and the poor farmers and farm
workers. The influence of the big landlord can
define the character and condition of the barrio
we are investigating.
By knowing the principal contradiction, we
clear the way for us to solve other lesser contra-
dictions. In the example mentioned, we face the
struggle between the rich peasants, on the one
hand, and the poor peasants and the farm work-
ers, on the other, in relation to the destruction of
the big landlord. Meaning, we are able to neutral-
ize them and not overly hurt their interest so that
they are not going to side with the landlord and
instead support the struggle of the poor farmers
and farm workers.
We learn from this that in complex things
and processes that have a lot of contradictions,
the principal contradiction is the decisive factor
in the way things work and the principal aspect
of the principal contradiction is the primary
factor in the nature of a thing. This teaches us
that in analysis, we study the contradictions that
comprise the object; analyze contradictions as
105
to which is the primary one and how it strongly

influences other contradictions and; study the
aspects and define which among the two aspects
is the principal. We also need to study secondary
contradictions and their aspects.
6. Why is it necessary to consider the relation-
ship of the whole and its parts”?
When we analyze something, we need to relate
it to the whole so that we won’t become one-sided
and be biased in the decisions that we draw. On
the other hand, we must be able to form and place
everything in a much deeper context if we are to
critically analyze its parts.
Everything that we analyze is part of a greater
whole. We need to relate the relationship of things
we study in its “wholeness.” We need to point out
how it influences the progress of the whole. By
doing this, we will be able to better understand
how things evolve.
For example, one barrio that we control is a
part of the municipality and province. If there is
province-wide increase in military presence, it is
also reflected or felt in the barrio that we control
in the presence of CAFGUs and an increase in
military operations.
Another example is the movement of our
group and the organizing committee in the bar-
rio. The plans that we make depend on the plans
106
of the section and district. In our assessment,

we take notice of the effect and influence of our
guides as we move along with other works in the
given municipality and section.
Our analysis must also give importance in the
study of its parts. We need to be more conclusive
and deep in our understanding and evade shallow
analysis.
When we analyze, it is not enough to say that
we are good in the overall movement of our work.
We need to deeply assess the flow of different
groups and the way we do our tasks in educating,
organizing and mobilizing the masses. By doing
this, our analysis will be clearer and more realistic
according to our plans and programs.
Another example is our way of assessing the
mass work of a particular organizing group in a
particular barrio.
This kind of analysis will give us a better pic-
ture of the whole by clearly understanding its
parts.
7. How do things change?
There is contradiction from the beginning to
the end of everything. It is important to study the
progress of contradictions in the whole process to
be able to understand and point to the character
of things and how it proceeds. Progress advances
quantitatively and qualitatively.
107
At first, one aspect of the contradiction weighs

more than the other corresponding aspect. This
dominant aspect is the one that gives charac-
ter to the thing. The Philippines for example is
semi-feudal and semi-colonial because it is being
governed by US imperialism, feudalism and
bureaucrat capitalism.
But this is not eternal. Contradictions exist.
Change and strength continue to exist and influ-
ence the two contradictory forces, can sometimes
be seen, and at times is hidden. This is quantita-
tive change. We seem not to see the change but
often only see simple changes in the form or the
outward conditions of things. There may also be
no change in the position.
For example, in the Philippines, the class strug-
gle can be seen in changes such as in the increase in
unemployment, the escalation in the number of
strikes and other forms of actions and an increase
in the strength of the people’s army and so on.
The people continue to fight the exploitation and
oppression that is being forced upon them by the
State. Meanwhile the ruling class continues to
intensify their exploitation and oppression and
its abuse and deception towards the marginalized
sector and the people. The intensity of the strug-
gle and the balance of forces continue to change,
but not the condition of society. No changes
occur in the basic relationship in the classes of
108
society. That’s one reason why Philippine society

will remain to be semi-feudal and semi-colonial.
There will be a qualitative change if there’s
change in position between two aspects. If the
secondary aspect continues to surge forward,
there will come a time that the primary aspect
will become weaker and will be overrun by the
secondary historically weak aspect. This change
can be sudden and drastic. This is called a degree
of qualitative change. The exchange of position of
dominance in the conflicting aspects will usher
in a leap that changes the nature of things. Now
there is a new dominant aspect in the nature of
things.
As a result of the change in the balance of
forces, qualitative change in the current Filipino
society will come after the victory of the nation-
al-democratic revolution. The classes that used to
rule, oppress and exploit will now be ruled, and
the classes that once were ruled, oppressed and
exploited will now rule. There will be a revolu-
tionary change in Philippine society, fundamental
changes in the politics, economy and culture of
the people.
We need to analyze what the quantitative
change serves. The quantitative change that
serves the principal aspect will not lead to quali-
tative change. At the same time, the quantitative
changes that serve the secondary aspect will lead
109
to qualitative changes.
Let us look at reforms, for example. Reform-
ism is different from revolutionary struggle.
Reforms only bring surface level changes and do
not contribute to bringing changes in the basic
structure of society. At times, it can even bring
delay. Meanwhile, the revolutionary struggle for
reforms while working for change makes the
revolution stronger and serves the revolutionary
change. The difference can even be seen in the
goals and means of bringing in the type of issues
and struggles. For example—an increase in the
price of farm products and the fight against the
increase in oil prices; reformism does not go to
the root of the problem of why this is happening
and the relationship of the State to these prob-
lems.
In addition, we are able to classify the quanti-
tative and qualitative changes to advance qualita-
tive changes in things and events.
For example, in organizing a union in a fac-
tory, we need to estimate if our organizing level
is enough or not so that we can decide if we can
openly fight and forward the struggle to project
our union. At the same time, we also need to esti-
mate if farmer groups have enough strength to
face oppressive companies to lessen rent to the
land. If the analysis is poorly done, we might get
into a struggle that we are not capable of winning,
110
or we will waver in our decision to enter a struggle

that is actually within our reach.
Another example. In the process of advanc-
ing the People’s Democratic Revolution, the
revolutionary forces should, step-by-step, gather
strength while we weaken the reactionary enemy
at the same time. It needs to attain the level of
political and military strength that the balance
will turn to the level where we are ready to grab
political power. To dream of premature military
victory without first readying the political matu-
rity will surely gives us failure.
Proper understanding teaches us how things
change, its progress towards quantitative and
qualitative changes, the proper analysis of the
form and strength of the opposing forces, the
intensity of contradiction, recognizing how quan-
titative lead to qualitative changes, and the under-
standing of how conditions can be used to attain
qualitative changes.
8. How do we solve contradictions?
The character of one thing changes as there’s a
qualitative change that occurs between the prin-
cipal and secondary aspects of the contradiction.
Conflicting conditions inside the contradictions
end. This gives way to new contradictions and
new things with new conditions. As new aspects
form out of the old ones, quality changes and
111
becomes something new.

For example, the semi-feudal and semi-colo-
nial character of Philippine society will change in
the victory of the People’s Democratic Revolution
and in the defeat of the armed power of US impe-
rialism, comprador bourgeoisie and big land-
lords. The aforementioned rotten and reaction
aspects previously dominant throughout Philip-
pine society will become secondary and the Fil-
ipino people and the revolutionary leadership of
the working class and its Party will be in control.
The result will be the dismantling of the semi-feu-
dal and semi-colonial state of the Philippines and
the ushering of a socialist society.
Another example: we promote the Agrarian
Revolution in solving the contradictions between
the rich landlord and the farm workers. If we are
able to maximize enforcing the agrarian reform
program, we are able to solve the contradictions,
dismantle the landlord form power and will be
able to erase feudalism. At the same time, new
problems will sprout up in relation to agricultural
cooperation and collectivization.
It is a vital part of our studies to understand
how to solve these contradictions. The contra-
dictions that differ in quality can be solved using
different qualitative ways. For example, the con-
tradictions between the rich landlord and farm
workers can only be solved by the agrarian revolt;
112
the contradiction between the imperialists and

landlords versus the toiling Filipino people can
only be solved by employing the People’s Demo-
cratic Revolution. The struggle between the farm-
ers and farm workers can be solved by increasing
the salary according to the level of struggle against
feudalism; and the contradiction between the
people can be solved by clarifying what is right
from what is wrong.
The things we assess are those that continue
to move, progress and change. Our understand-
ing of how things change is very important to be
able to make a proper analysis. Let us retrace a
little bit. All things change and the reason why it
changes is inside of it, in its contradictions and
the internal struggle of the opposing aspects that
exist throughout the process from its beginning to
its end. External forces can influence it and stand
in the way of change. The principal aspect of the
contradiction determines the nature of the thing.
A simple object can be complicated and can be
made up of different contradictions, and the prin-
cipal contradiction determines the primary char-
acter of the object. The contradiction never stops
and goes through a gradual period and qualita-
tive change. The secondary aspect gets stronger
and the primary aspect gets weaker overtime until
it reaches the point where there is a complete
change in position. This is the qualitative change,
113
the change in the nature of things. The old con-

tradiction gets solved. A new one emerges.
This teaches us the proper way to analyze—
going back to a concrete basis, “dividing one into
two parts”; classifying the internal and external
parts; the necessity of studying all contradictions
that compose one complicated matter; pointing
out the principal contradiction and its princi-
pal aspect to know the character of things; the
relationship between the primary and second-
ary contradictions; pointing at the principal and
secondary aspect of every contradiction and how
they struggle; how quantitative change occurs;
how the whole represents the parts; and how the
contradictions get solved, giving way to newer
contradictions. To this effect, we will be able to
understand not just the character and nature of
things, but also how can we change it. In short,
this teaches us the importance of concrete analysis
in concrete conditions.
114
Lesson III
The Mass Line
Lesson III-The Mass Line
1. Why is it that “the masses, and the masses

only, are the makers of history” is the guiding
principle of the mass line?
The principle “The masses, and the masses only,
are the makers of history” is a principle born out
of scientific means using deep analysis of human
history. Comrade Mao said, “The masses, and the
masses alone, are the motive force of world his-
tory.” Many centuries of human history time and
again have shown that it is the masses that cre-
ate change in society. It is through their work in
production that feeds society. It is through their
brains and brawn that brings progress to society in
general. It is through their collective strength that
prevents any force that wants to undermine the
progress of society. These problems in society can
be manifested in forms of economic crisis whose
brunt is mostly born by the toiling masses. If you
cannot move the masses, there will be no underly-
ing change in society. This is what is meant when
we say the masses are the real heroes.
The principle “the masses, and the masses only,
are the makers of history” is the basic principle of
mass line because it explains in a scientific manner
why we need to fully trust the masses and why we
have to arouse, organize and mobilize the masses
for revolutionary struggle and in advancing our
revolutionary tasks.
This is the strong and scientific basis in the
117
proper attitude of the masses, of a persistent and

resilient struggle of the masses and the Party’s
humble relationship with them. This is the strong
and scientific basis of how we can counter or
fight the wrong principles of trusting only a small
group of people, of being bossy, of bearing all the
work, etc.
2. What Does It Mean That We Need to Trust
and Rely on the Masses?
We must firmly grasp within ourselves that the
Revolution is one endeavor shared by the wide
mass of people. If the masses do not actively par-
ticipate, the victory of the revolution can never be
achieved. We need to trust the masses, especially
the farmers and workers to win the People’s Dem-
ocratic Revolution.
It is through the active participation and action
of the masses that we can achieve our revolution-
ary aims and solve the problems that will come
along the way. There is therefore a need to go to
the masses, unite with them and effectively lead
them. It is through persistent and continuous
arousing, organizing and mobilizing of the masses
that we can concretize to them the strength of our
revolutionary ideas that will become a powerful
material that will push the movement of society
for the better.
Comrade Mao said, we need “to be good at
118
translating the Party’s policy into action of the

masses, to be good at getting not only the leading
cadres but also the broad masses to understand
and master every movement and every struggle we
launch.”
3. What Does Close and Warm Relationships
with the Masses Mean?
The mass line means that we should maintain
a close relationship with the masses. First, we
need to integrate in our hearts the interest of the
masses. We need to make sure that all comrades
are tightly connected to the masses and place
their interest to the masses above all things. The
mass line teaches us that we must love the masses
at all times. We must always listen to them and
integrate with them instead of putting ourselves
above them.
In integrating with the masses, we are able to
arouse them and elevate their level of understand-
ing, help them learn how to organize themselves
and collate all essentials in their present condition
and struggle. We need to give notice to the inter-
est of the masses; their basic problems like land-
lessness, high rents, low wages, etc.—all these,
and even their particular problems like lack of
rice to eat, salt to give flavor to their food, etc. We
need to assess these problems and make proper
decisions related to these problems.
119
By doing this, we can show to the masses that

we embody their interest and our lives are con-
nected to theirs. It is through this understanding
that we can help them understand bigger tasks
related to the advancement of the revolutionary
struggle towards victory.
Nothing will happen to the struggles of one
leading group if it is not closely related and com-
bined in the action of the masses that can only
be realized through close relationship with them.
On the other hand, if only the masses move with-
out the strong leadership of the Party, they can-
not sustain that struggle nor steer it in the proper
direction or raise it to a higher level of revolution-
ary struggle.
4. What does “from the masses to the masses”
mean?
The proper way to lead the masses is “from
the masses, to the masses.” This means that we
need to collate the fragmented ideas and thoughts
of the masses and mold it properly. We need to
return and explain to the masses the formed idea
until they understand and accept it.
The mass line agrees with the “from the
masses, to the masses” leadership. We depend on
the intellect and knowledge of the masses to be
able to understand the masses’ conditions and
problems so that we can generate ideas on how
120
to solve them. Correct planning and decisions

can be made if it is part of the experience of the
masses. It is therefore our role to go to the masses
and immerse ourselves in their midst to be able to
gather the different lines of thinking of the masses
we want to serve. In analyzing and summing up
these ideas, we can concentrate it in one system-
atic whole that mirrors an objective condition
and intellect of the masses.
We need to rely on the capability and strength
of the masses if we want to help them solve their
basic problems. We trust that however big is the
problem is, we are sure that we can solve it as long
as the masses have unity and collective decisions. It
is then our responsibility to let the masses under-
stand that the ideas that are formed are the results
of their very own ideas, and they need to embrace
them as their own and realize them through col-
lective action.
5. What does it mean that we need to act and
move according to the interest and readiness of
the masses?
The mass line teaches us that we need to
struggle according to the objective interest of the
masses. This means that we need to move accord-
ing to their concrete conditions and needs and
not according to what we think. We will get sep-
arated from the masses even if our intentions are
121
good, if we deviate from the objective interests

of the masses. In general, the tasks and protocols
that we put up are correct if it is accorded to what
the masses want according to the present time
and space.
At first, the masses are not yet aware of their
objective needs and do not realize the need for
change or are not yet ready to make a step for
that change. If we do not present our ideas in a
timely manner, however correct they may be, we
will separate ourselves from them. We need to
be patient and persistent in the way we explain
things to the masses until the time that they are
ready to accept these ideas based on concrete con-
ditions and the masses themselves are ready to
work for the change that they want.
We need to be guarded against commandism—
this means over-estimating the actual political
awareness of the masses and violating the volun-
tary movement of the masses. Comrades will only
discover the level of preparedness of the masses
if they go to ranks of the masses and conduct an
investigation.
On the other hand, we also need to be wary
of tailism of the masses. This means slow progres-
sion of their level of political consciousness and
the backwardness of their level of struggle for rev-
olutionary change. Some comrades may be fol-
lowing some slow elements; it is wrong to think
122
that what their views are the views of the whole

broad masses.
To be able to destroy commandism and tail-
ism, we need to bring ourselves closer to the basic
masses and conduct proper investigation and
analysis. How do we do this?
We can divide masses into three parts: the
advanced, the middle, and the backward. The
advanced ranks of the masses have a clear under-
standing of their basic conditions and are ready
to struggle to change it. The backward part of
the masses meanwhile can be easily influenced by
backward ways of thinking and may be resistant
to struggle for change. The middle part mean-
while may understand the need for change but
are reluctant and hesitant to move for action.
We trust the advanced elements of the mass
movement. It is through them that we are able
to make the middle force move and can even
coax some of the backward forces. This way, we
are able to lead the masses according to their
objective interest depending on their readiness to
struggle for change.
If we do not depend on the readiness of the
masses, we might pass their basic political con-
sciousness and awareness. We might make them
move by ordering them around, and not by their
free will according to their understanding. At
the same time, if we tie ourselves to the greater
123
numbers but backward masses, we will be tailing

instead of leading them. It might happen that the
advanced and middle masses are ready and are
calling to struggle for change, and it ends up that
the Party is the one that needs convincing.
We need to be consistent in elevating the revo-
lutionary consciousness of the masses. This means
that we need to be at the forefront in giving rev-
olutionary education so that the masses will con-
tinue to elevate their level of readiness to struggle
and fight. In relation to this, we are also able to
strengthen, solidify and broaden the organized
strength of the masses so that there will be an ele-
vated level of their struggle towards victory.
6. Why is the propagation of the line of the
People’s Democratic Revolution the key in giv-
ing life to the mass line in the current period of
the Philippine revolution?
The line of the People’s Democratic Revolution
(PDR) was formed from studying the history and
conditions of Philippine society. This answers to
the interest of the nation for freedom and democ-
racy. The PDR springs from objective conditions
and needs of the masses and points towards the
path of revolutionary change. And because it fol-
lows the objective interest of the masses, the line
of the PDR is easily understood by the masses,
and is easily embraced as their own.
124
The line of the PDR is the key to effectively

arouse, organize and mobilize the millions of
exploited masses. In studying the particular con-
ditions, problems and outlooks of the masses in
the area of discipline, we need to guide it accord-
ing to the line of the PDR.
7. Why is democratic style of work important
in living the mass line?
Aside from the correct line of the PDR that
we employ in our everyday practice, the demo-
cratic style of work is important in living the mass
line. Experience clearly shows us that the correct
style of work strengthens our connection to the
masses, while the wrong style of work runs oppo-
site to the wishes and needs of the masses in an
established time, which may be a reason of our
detachment from the masses.
We need to make decisions after we do proper
investigation and consultation with other com-
rades and masses and after proper collective dis-
cussions. It is not enough that only the leadership
understands the decision that was made. We need
to convey it to the masses and make them under-
stand so that they can be an active participant in
following these decisions.
We need to effectively unite as one majority
with the comrades and the masses. We need to
listen to the masses and accept the correct obser-
125
vations and criticize what is erroneous. We need

to avoid working in small groups. We need to cul-
tivate the democratic style of work at all times.
8. Why does the mass line correspond to the
revolutionary class line?
Who composes the Filipino masses? Who are
the masses that need to be aroused, organized and
mobilized? These questions can be answered only
if we analyze the classes and understand the revo-
lutionary class line.
The revolutionary class line is the principle that
teaches us to know the dynamics and relationship
of classes in Philippine society. It teaches us who
are the friends from the enemies of the revolution
and who are the exploited and oppressed classes.
It also clarifies the correct class analysis of how
can we lead the masses: trusting the advanced
ranks of masses, encouraging the middle forces
and separating and fighting the enemies. We also
take advantage of the strife among the enemy so
that we can further weaken the ruling class and
strengthen our own revolutionary forces.
Overall, the revolutionary class line teaches us
to give importance to the strength of the working
class, the peasants and the semi-proletariat. In the
countryside, we give importance to the advanced
ranks of farm workers and the poor and low-
er-middle peasants. We also bring into the fold
126
the middle and upper-middle peasants and neu-

tralize the rich peasants. We also take advantage
of the strife occurring among the enlightened and
despotic landlords. Through this, we can effec-
tively separate and weaken the landlord class. It is
through the revolutionary class line that there can
be a scientific way of recognizing who composes
the masses in one particular place.
127
Lesson IV
Democratic Centralism & the
Committee System
Lesson IV-Democratic Centralism & the Committee System
A. Democratic Centralism
1. What Is an Organization and Why Is It

Important?
An organization is a system that groups
together of people to stand and act as one effec-
tive force. It binds members and parts to move as
one in advancing one unified goal. It is through
an organization and organized action that a unity
based in one spirit and zeal can have a concrete
form of expression.
As a system an organization has strong princi-
ples that guide its members on how to think and
act. It has its own set of rules and objectives that
is mirrored by its system of leadership with dif-
ferent levels of responsibility. These are necessary
elements that make it certain the organization
marches to one drumbeat and cadence in achiev-
ing its goal.
We can compare the organization to a broom
that gets its strength when we tie its fronds
together. If the fronds are separate, it is weak
and can easily be broken. But if tied together, it
becomes an effective tool to clean dirt.
2. What Is a Revolutionary Organization? Why
Is It Important?
An organization is classified as revolutionary
if it promotes the interest of the broad masses.
129
It is intent on struggling to free the people from

exploitation towards genuine change in society.
The history of Philippine society is full of expe-
riences of Filipinos forming different organiza-
tions to forward their revolutionary struggle. For
example, the Katipunan was formed in 1896 as an
armed force or army of the people in their fight
against Spanish colonial rule. At present, there is
the Communist Party of the Philippines, the New
People’s Army and various mass organizations in
different corners of the country that are struggling
to achieve national freedom and genuine democ-
racy.
In contrast, there are different organizations
built by the enemy. These reactionary organiza-
tions are bent to cuddle and cater to the interest of
the exploitative and oppressive classes. The enemy
wants to maintain the present status of society
where only a few get the benefits of the land.
Direct and indirect methods are used to deceive
and oppress the people. There are the AFP, the
Barrio Councils and bogus cooperatives.
Not only do these favor the enemy, but they
also make sure that the toiling masses are frag-
mented. The enemy utilizes the “divide and con-
quer” tactic to dismantle the formation of our
unity. This is the reason why the ruling class, who
are few in number, can control the majority of
the Filipino people. As long as we are fragmented,
130
we are not going to be effective in fighting the

exploitation, oppression and domination of the
ruling class. But if we are organized and have
strong unity, and like a broom, we can remove the
dirt and problems of our society. The strength of
our unity is the only force that the majority of the
oppressed Filipino people use in its fight against
the powerful enemy.
This is the reason why it is our responsibility to
form revolutionary organizations so that our unity
and struggle can continuously flow. We must
always make sure that we augment and strengthen
our roles and excel in binding and mobilizing our
forces. It is only through this that we can con-
cretize the majority of the strength and power of
the exploited and oppressed classes to overthrow
their class enemies and build a democratic and
free Philippines.
Being a member of a revolutionary mass orga-
nization is voluntary. Membership means being
determined and committed in the cause of the
organization and consciously embracing the prin-
ciples, policies and decisions of the organization.
3. What Is Democratic Centralism?
Democratic centralism is the principle that
guides us in forming and making our organiza-
tion work. This ensures that we are going to act as
one unified organization.
131
Democratic centralism means that the central-

ism is based on democracy and democracy guided
by centralized leadership.
Centralism that is based on democracy means
that all must give emphasis to the general inter-
est of the organization. An effective organization
draws its strength from the active participation
of all its members and parts. The decisions held
inside the organization are collectively discussed
based on the overall interest of the group.
Democracy that is guided by centralized leader-
ship means that the individual interest and action
is subordinate, and agrees to, the overall interests
and goals of the organization. The decision of the
organization is tightly followed and everybody is
free in working towards the interests and goals of
the organization.
The overall essence of centralism depends on
the strong commitment of each member to the
principles and objectives of the organization that
unify the whole membership. Involved discipline
of members stems from this. This is essential to the
success of the organization. On the other hand,
democracy means the involvement of members in
forming and upholding and working on the deci-
sions, and the conscious effort of each member in
pushing and working in their roles and rights as
members of such organization.
The principle of democratic centralism makes
132
it clear to us how we can have a vibrant and effi-

cient way to struggle. As a result, we are able to
make right decisions, plans and programs and
know how to make it work. Following democratic
centralism also assures us that our organization
will remain strong despite all the efforts of the
enemy to destroy it. Living and embodying the
principles of democratic centralism is important
to assure an organized way of carrying our revolu-
tion towards victory.
At its core democratic centralism is strictly
upholding the basic principles and implement-
ing the policies and decisions of the organization.
This is the primary way it that ensures the unity in
thought and action of all members.
4. What Are the Basic Conditions for Establish-
ing Democratic Centralism?
We need the following conditions in order to
give life to democratic centralism:
a) The leading units and groups in all levels of
organization are chosen democratically. They
are responsible to the group that chose them
for the positions.
b) After a free and through discussion, all deci-
sions of the group are enforced and expected
to be followed without hesitation according to
the four principles of discipline.
133
c) The leading unit or group must thoroughly

read reports and inputs of the group and
masses they lead. They must always study the
concrete experiences of the conditions and be
immediate in giving guidance to solving prob-
lems that may arise.
d) The lower units must give regular and special
reports about their work to the higher organs,
and they must proactively ask for instructions
on problems that may arise and require deci-
sions from the higher organs.
e) All units follow the principles of collective
leadership, and all important discussions are
collectively decided.
5. What Are the Four Principles of Discipline?
The four principles of discipline are important
to assure the unity of our organization. These are
based on the principle of democratic centralism.
These are:
First, the individual is subject to the organi-
zation. This means that every individual mem-
ber’s interest must be subordinate the interest of
the organization. She or he needs to follow the
Constitution of the organization and its decisions
without protest.
Second, the minority is subordinated to the
majority. This means that all organizational deci-
134
sions are based on the agreement made by the

majority. Even if there is a small group that poses
a different opinion after the organization already
handed down its decision, this minority must fol-
low and adhere to the collective decision.
Third, the lower level is subject to the higher
level. This means that lower unit or group must
follow the decisions and functions of the higher
organ which represents a wider field of the orga-
nization.
And finally, the entire membership is under the
highest level of leadership or congress. This means
that all decisions and policies formed by the top
leadership and the congress must be observed by
all members and parts of the organization.
6. What Are the Responsibilities of Leadership
at the Higher Levels of the Organization?
The revolutionary organization has a different
type of leadership compared to the bourgeoisie
or feudal type of organization in the current cor-
rupt society. They are not like kings that just order
around their territory. The leadership is composed
and moves according to the principles of demo-
cratic centralism. It moves according to the inter-
est of the whole organization and not just for the
interest of an individual or a smaller group or unit.
The leadership is democratically selected. It
may be done via a simple consensus of members
135
towards the elected leadership or if the organi-

zation is ready enough due to rich experience,
through an electoral process.
The leadership’s primary role is to lead the
organization. It watches the over-all function of
the whole organization to make sure that it is
working on advancing the goals of the organiza-
tion. It directly leads in working on important
tasks to make sure it advances the decisions, plans
and programs of action.
One important function of leadership is to
draft the plans and programs of action of the orga-
nization. The particular goals of one given period
of time and the list of tasks that are needed to be
done are normally written in the program. The
leadership must also establish rules and regula-
tions on how to successfully work on these plans.
It is through progress and plans of action that we
are able to systematize and unify the progress of
our organization. It is then necessary that our
progress and actions are related to the objective
interest of the masses. The plans and programs
that were drafted must be immediately presented
and explained to all members.
It is important that the leadership can control
the movement of the whole organization and even
its parts. The leadership receives reports from the
lower organs of the organization and they study
these reports. The leadership also goes directly to
136
the ranks of members and the masses and directly

gathers necessary information to know the con-
crete conditions. Through this, the leadership can
immediately act on any change in the conditions.
The organization is prompt in guiding, deciding
and solving any problem that will exist. As a result,
it can assure that the tasks can always advance.
The leadership calls and conducts the gen-
eral assembly of the organization. This is where
important points involving the vital interests
and actions of the organization are discussed and
decided. This is also where the leadership reports
to the assembly the conditions and order of action
of the whole organization so that proper decisions
can be made if necessary. It is the leadership’s
responsibility to ensure that unity is successfully
met inside these meetings.
7. What Are the Responsibilities of the Mem-
bers and the Lower Organs?
The membership of a revolutionary organiza-
tion is composed of active and responsible indi-
viduals who work to advance the goals of the
organization. This is different to the members of
any bourgeoisie or feudal organizations with loose
unity that only follow the dictates of its leaders or
who hope to use leverage in order to be offered
leadership roles. The members of the revolution-
ary organization do not work according to their
137
self interest or that of a small group, but for the

organization as a whole. Each individual member
works to solidify and form an organization that
will fight the ruling class.
Every individual member has the responsibility
to follow all decisions, uphold all tasks, plans and
advance to the best of their ability. They also need
to take care of the security of the group and move
according to the overall interest of the organiza-
tion. It is necessary and a must for all members
to study the decisions, plans and programs so that
they can fully understand them, and classify how
to act properly and direct ways on how to work.
The leadership must immediately address any
questions and problems as a result of the work.
All members and lower units of the organiza-
tion have the responsibility to regularly send their
reports together with their suggestions, observa-
tions and criticisms on different important issues
that affect the organization. It is the responsibil-
ity of every member to intently study the condi-
tion they are in and honestly send in the correct
information. This is important to be able to devise
proper plans and decision.
It is also the individual member’s responsibil-
ity to attend meetings. It is the member’s respon-
sibility to help ensure unity and help in making
decisions. Members share their experiences and
knowledge in meetings and active in voicing their
138
opinions, observations, suggestions and feedback.
139
B. The Committee System
1. What Is Collective Leadership?

Collective leadership means putting into prac-
tice the principles of democratic centralism in
leading a revolutionary organization. It teaches
how the leading committee can lead the collec-
tive. All important points are collectively decided
and implemented.
Through collective leadership, membership
can be democratically represented in the leader-
ship with broad based democratic participation of
the membership. The leadership can more effec-
tively point out the difficulties that the organiza-
tion faces. This can make the leadership commit-
tee strong and unified in leading the revolutionary
organization.
It is also through collective leadership that
other representatives and the excellent actions of
members can combine their responsibilities in
leading the organization. This strengthens the ini-
tiative of every member to participate in making
and enacting the decisions of the collective. This
can prevent the monopoly of one or more sections
in the general decision making and route of action
of the organization.
141
2. What Is the Committee System?

The committee system is a system or way of
collective action of the leading group or com-
mittee. We can see in the committee system the
sharing of work, the relationship between the sec-
retary and the members, how to conduct a meet-
ing, etc. It aims to strengthen the leadership of
the organization so that it can effectively act on its
leadership responsibilities.
The committee system is important and needs
to be studied and effectively put into practice.
This is a way to effectively put into action the
principles of collective leadership. Especially in
the growth and development of the tasks of the
leadership of the growing organization, you need
to take into consideration the organized and sys-
tematic way of how the entire organization works.
The committee system effectively combines
collective leadership and individual responsibility.
The effective action of every member in the com-
mittee in their particular duties helps strengthen
the collective leadership.
The committee system also helps prevent
problems that can slow or even stop the move-
ment of the whole committee. If there’s a system-
atized way in dividing tasks, we can prevent the
dumping of work onto the secretariat while the
rest of the membership does nothing. If there is
a systematic way to conduct a meeting, we can
142
prevent frequent and long, arduous meetings and

can even prepare for each and every meeting. We
can prevent neglecting other important tasks. We
can also effectively solve problems in timely man-
ner. The committee system is important so that
the committee can effectively face important tasks
and problems of leadership.
3. What Is the Responsibility of the Secretary?
The secretary heads the committee. In other
words, he or she is the leader of the committee’s
collective action.
The secretary is the main person who follows
the committee’s action. The secretary always
makes sure that the committee effectively works
on all its tasks. They make sure that the commit-
tee does not just monitor but elevates its collective
action to a higher level. They guide the work of
every member in putting into practice the collec-
tive decision. She or he immediately investigates
and consults with the members on any problem or
change in conditions that needs to be acted upon.
The secretary leads the committee in follow-
ing decisions and in solving problems that may
arise. They are therefore placed in a vital position
to center on and bind the collective action of the
committee. They continually unify the member-
ship. Through this, he or she can ensure the uni-
fied march of the members to effectively lead the
143
organization’s actions.
4. What is the proper relationship between the
secretary and the members of the committee?
Tight unity must exist between the secretary
and the members of the committee: the unity to
follow their leadership responsibilities given to
them by the organization. This unity is important
for effective leadership. An important element is
the trust between the members in order to main-
tain the unity of the whole committee.
As a leader of the committee, the secretary fol-
lows the action of the members in making sure
they efficiently put into practice the decisions of
the committee. She or he guides and helps each
one in their work. In leading by example, he or
she shows the proper way to work. But they are
not above or unique from the committee and its
members. The secretary’s voice and rights are the
same as the members. They do not have any spe-
cial privileges and it is her or his responsibility to
follow collective decisions.
It is the member’s task and responsibility to
support and help the secretary. This is done with
respect to the leadership of the secretary. This kind
of support and respect is one effective condition
in helping the secretary do their work, most espe-
cially if there are problems and changes in condi-
tions that need to be acted upon. Each member
144
contributes to monitoring any trends and actions

of the organization and the committee. They help
in preparing and announcing meetings. Inside the
meetings, members help in making sure they run
smoothly and help in solving misunderstandings
or disputes. They also take initiative in any work
and do not just wait for the secretary.
5. What are the responsibilities of the depu-
ty-secretary?
The position of the deputy-secretary is one
way of showing there is joint effort and sharing of
work inside the committee. It is one way to give
support to the secretary so that the latter can face
more important problems and responsibilities.
The deputy-secretary will do the work of the
secretary if the latter cannot do his work for what-
ever reason. This ensures that the committee will
not stagnate if the secretary cannot effectively
lead.
It is fine to have one deputy-secretary if the
organization is new or small. As the organization
grows, so does its committees and work. It is then
proper that we place deputy-secretaries in differ-
ent divisions of work. We can place deputy-secre-
taries to the organization, education, finance, etc.
depending on the needs of the organization.
The secretary and the deputy-secretary com-
pose the secretariat. The secretariat effectively
145
leads the everyday actions of the committees. The

secretariat does not differ from the leadership, nor
is it above a committee.
6. What needs to be considered to make sure
that meetings run smoothly?
Meetings are an important part of committee
action. This is where decisions are made on what
to do in advancing the goals of the organization.
In meetings, the committee collectively discuss
making decisions, plans and programs of action.
Meetings give life to the collective leadership and
the unity of the committee. It is the committee’s
task to set up and follow a system of meetings.
Meetings ought to be scheduled regularly by
the committee. Avoid conducting meetings that
happen too often. The higher organ tasks and the
committee can estimate how often the organiza-
tion will assess work, prepare reports, program
and plan and other things that need to be done.
We must also avoid long meetings. This can hap-
pen if our organization seldom meets; if meetings
are not adequately prepared and or/effectively led.
If needed, we can also conduct special meetings. It
is in these special meetings that we need to decide
on issues that spring up and need to be solved
immediately.
Make sure the members have extended notice
of the meeting. Make sure that the members
146
know what the meeting is about so that the they

can prepare things that are vital to the meetings
and can assure their attendance.
Ensure the preparation for the meeting. Make
an agenda or list of things to discuss and let the
members know what reports, investigations and
readings they need to do to prepare. Meetings can
start with initial discussions on what the meeting
is about. Preparing the place to meet, security,
food, etc. is also a vital part of the preparation.
In conducting meetings, we need to make sure
that we immediately center on the primary issue/
agenda. We need to avoid dwelling too much on
minor issues or matters that are not important.
In putting the spotlight on important discussions,
we can ensure that the meeting will finish on time
and we will have fruitful results. Make sure that
there is equal participation of the members and
avoid the monopoly of the few during discussion.
Always summarize the flow of discussion so that
everybody will know what level of the meeting has
been achieved.
7. How does the committee continually improve
its collective action?
To strengthen the committee’s collective
action, we need to cultivate and develop solidar-
ity, mutual understanding and sharing of work
among the members. This will develop trust with
147
each other, remove individualism and will help

the collective leadership in performing its tasks.
Developing a common language is also vital
among the members. We can form common
understanding in meetings through collective dis-
cussions and studies and the continuous exchange
of information. This will develop understanding
and unity among the members.
We also need to cultivate the openness of the
members between each other. Instead of hid-
ing things, we need to put to the forefront any
problems or difficulties that need to be discussed
among comrades. We don’t have to wait for meet-
ings to convey what we think or our problems or
positions on important matters. Silence inside the
meeting or in front of leadership will be counter-
productive. Talking or criticizing outside of meet-
ings will also sow intrigue and disunity.
We need to unite with our collective and learn
to behave even if we are not comfortable with
our comrades. Forming small groups, cliques or
a barkada system will also weaken and decay the
unity of the committee. We need to be helpful
towards our comrades. We need to guard our-
selves on anything that will destroy the unity of
the collective action of the committee.
148
C. The Committee’s Method of Work
1. What is importance of the committee’s cor-

rect method of work?
It is not enough that the committee will just
form decisions on how to do things. It needs to
do things the right way and manner to ensure
that these decisions will be followed and done
properly and accordingly. Problems can still occur
even if proper decisions were made if we do not
give importance on the correct manner on how to
engage in implementing these decisions.
There are already proven and established ways
of committee work so that we can effectively lead
the masses.
2. What does it mean that the secretary of
the committee needs to excel and work like a
“squad leader?”
We can compare the committee to a squad
of a people’s army, and the secretary to a “squad
leader.” To enable the secretary to effectively do
his or her work, the committee must trust the
“members of the squad” and give way to how they
work and meet their responsibilities.
To become an excellent “squad leader,” one
must be painstakingly diligent in their studies and
must be deep in investigation. They will find it
difficult to lead their squad if they do not perform
149
propaganda and organizing work to the “squad

members,” if not learning to advance their rela-
tionship with them, or if not studying how to
conduct the meeting appropriately.
It is extremely important to be understanding
and supportive of one another as well as maintain-
ing strict honesty amongst the secretary and the
members of the committee. This ensures a unity
in movement of the “squad” which is the basis of
an effective leadership towards the masses.
3. What does “lay all problems out on the
table” mean?
If any problem or difficulty arises, a meeting
needs to be called immediately to “lay all prob-
lems out on the table” to discuss and derive com-
petent decisions to solve the problem. If there is
an existing problem and it is not “laid out on the
table,” it can become a hindrance in facilitating
tasks and responsibilities. If there is an existing
problem and you fail to “lay it out on the table”
for a thorough discussion in search of a solution
this will hinder the execution of duties and tasks.
This is not just the “squad leader’s” work but
of all members of the committee. Talking behind
other people’s backs won’t help change the situa-
tion and can even add to the problem by causing
confusion and making it worse.
150
4. What does “exchange of information” mean?

“Exchange of information” means that the
committee members must give reports to each
other and exchange views on issues that catch
their attention. This is important to advance one
common language.
Committee members must have a basic
understanding of revolutionary theories and the
National Democratic Revolutionary line. This is
one sure way for easy understanding and making
a unified view on issues that may arise while per-
forming tasks.
5. Why is it important to be patient and to lis-
ten to the opinions and views of those at the
lower levels and of the masses?
Comrades need to have excellent listening
skills to the voices of those at the lower levels and
of the masses. The decisions we make need to mir-
ror these voices, which will ensure to us that we
will receive support from such decisions. In addi-
tion, they will feel that they are part of the deci-
sion-making process and we can show them how
real democracy works.
We should not be ashamed to ask the opin-
ion of those at the lower levels. We must not pre-
tend to know what we do not know. This does
not lessen our prestige but on the other hand,
increases it.
151
We also should not hastily agree or disagree on

things that are being told to us at the lower levels.
What they tell us will either be right or wrong
and we need to analyze it properly. In addition,
we need to be skillful in handling the clashing of
ideas and to be able to patiently clarify in order
that the correct thought will stand out. This way,
we can form stronger unity between the leaders
and members according to what is correct and
what can help advance the revolution.
6. What does “learn to play the piano mean?”
We use ten fingers to play the piano. To make
a good melody, these ten fingers don’t just hit the
keys but need to move with a clear pattern and
coordination. It is not going to work if you use
only some fingers while neglecting the others.
The committee does not face just one task,
but a myriad of tasks. But just like playing the
piano, the committee needs to have proper form
and coordination to face these various tasks in
order to effectively implement them. To do this,
the committee needs to handle its main function
at a given time. This is important, for the main
function is the one that directs proper direction
to smaller tasks. In addition, we need to clearly
determine priorities at any given time to work on
things that need to be done first.
Problems may arise while we are in the process
152
of doing these tasks. We cannot just ignore this.

We need to determine the primary problem at any
given time and try to solve it. Solving the primary
problem will give way to properly resolving other
smaller problems.
This way, we can do our tasks smoothly and we
can say we excel in “playing the piano.”
7. What does “hold tightly” to our primary
tasks mean?
To “hold tightly” to our primary tasks mean
that we need to give our total attention and work
to our primary tasks to ensure that we do it in
proper time. We will fail in our work if we do not
focus our attention on our primary tasks. Just like
anything that we put in an open palm, it will only
take a short time before it falls. We can also lose
possession of anything if we hold it loosely in our
hands.
No advancement will happen if we do not do
our tasks and if we do not “hold” our tasks, tightly.
8. What do we mean by “to excel in numbers?”
“Excelling in numbers” mean that we need to
give particular attention to the quantitative aspect
of things or problems and make basic quantitative
analysis. We can shape the quality of one’s quan-
tity, and there is no quality if there’s no quantity.
We deal with the quantitative aspect of things
153
in our daily tasks. If we do not “excel in numbers,”

we don’t give attention to the quantitative aspect
of these tasks like statistics, primary percentages,
quantitative deadlines that give it quality. This can
bring mistakes in our work.
For example, in our mass movement, we need
to make proper investigation and analysis of the
number of our active supporters, the neutral mid-
dle forces, and those who are our enemy. We must
not subjectively decide on the problem without
concrete basis. This way, we can easily see the
conditions of our tasks and make proper plans to
advance its course.
9. What is the meaning of “give announcement
to meetings?”
To “give announcement to meetings” means
that we need to give timely warning before we
hold meetings. We also need to let those who can
attend know what the meeting is about, what are
the things that we will be discussing.
We also need to do proper preparation in mak-
ing reports and drafting of resolutions and the
place of the meeting and all logistics that go with
it.
Meetings will not run smoothly and time will
be lost if we do not properly “give announcement
to the meeting.”
154
10. What does “fewer and better troops and

simpler administration” mean?
It means that our sentences, speeches, articles
and resolutions must be made short and direct to
the point. Meetings also need to be short and con-
cise.
The key to this is proper preparation for the
meeting so that we do not lose any valuable time
and that the meeting will be more fruitful.
11. Why should we unite and cooperate with
comrades who do not share our same ideas?
It is unavoidable that there will be differences
in opinion within our ranks on matters that arise.
This is because we came from different places and
we have different experiences. We must not only
excel in uniting with comrades who share our
opinion but also in uniting with those with who
have a variety of views.
This should also be our attitude to comrades
who make serious mistakes. We should not resent
them and separate them from ourselves; we must
prepare to unite with them in performing tasks.
Differences in opinion needs to be resolved by
conducting criticism and self-criticism. In resolv-
ing these differences, we need to always think of
the interest of the revolution and of the broad
masses, and not our self-interests. In conduct-
ing criticism and self-criticism, we need to start
155
with a yearning to unite and advance what is right

and elevate our unity to a higher level by sifting
through the various ideas and finding what is
accurate.
12. Why do we need to be guarded against
arrogance?
We need to be guarded against arrogance, espe-
cially the leadership, to be able to maintain our
principles, and the unity in our ranks. Those who
did not commit any mistakes and advance a lot
of victories must not “become vain.” It is import-
ant that we remain humble. We also need to be
guarded against “lifting our own chair,” and exces-
sive praise of one’s self in relation to the victories
achieved. We need to maintain the principle of
living simply and working hard.
Arrogance affects comrades who “become
vain.” Often, this comrade will have the tendency
to become complacent, clumsy with decisions,
and be quick in doing their task thinking they will
not make mistakes. In meetings, she or he may
think that they are always right and close their
mind to in listening and learning from others.
13. Why is it important to draw a line of differ-
ence on how we look at things?
This teaches us that we need to grasp the law
of contradiction and look at different things as a
156
whole, not just one one-sidedly. This is import-

ant so that we can deeply look and understand all
things that surround us.
First and foremost, we need to draw a line
between the revolution and the counter-revo-
lution: for example, the issue of dictatorship.
Whenever we mention the word “dictatorship”
during meetings, we immediately think of it as
bad. We only look at imperialism, big comprador
bourgeois and the landlord class as dictatorship,
with the role of continuing the exploitation and
oppression of the broad masses of society. On the
other hand, we say that we need to construct a
democratic people’s dictatorship—the dictator-
ship of the proletariat, when we win the People’s
Democratic Revolution. This kind of dictatorship
is different because it represents the interest of the
masses against the ruling, oppressing class.
Second, inside the revolutionary ranks, we
need to constantly differentiate right from wrong,
between gains and shortcomings, and clarify
which ones are primary and which are secondary.
For example, in assessing our actions, there will
be a time that when we point to mistakes, we just
center on them and fail to look at the bigger pic-
ture. On the other hand, if we only look at the
positive things, we become blind to our weak-
nesses.
We can creatively and effectively handle our
157
tasks if we look at their differences. To become

experts in differentiating, we need to be resilient
in our studies and be deep in our analysis. We
need to develop this kind of attitude.
158
Collection “Colorful Classics”
1 Marxism-Leninism-Maoism 12 Fedai Guerillas Speak on
Basic Course: Revised Edition Armed Struggle in Iran
Communist Party of India Dehghani, Ahmadzadeh,
(Maoist)
Habash, Pouyan, Ashraf
Also available in German,
Arabic, Italian 13 Revolutionary Works
2 Philosophical Trends in the Seamus Costello
Feminist Movement
Anuradha Ghandy 14 Urban Perspective
Communist Party of India
3 Minimanual of the Urban (Maoist)
Guerrilla
Carlos Marighella 15 Five Essays on Philosophy
4 The Communist Necessity Mao Zedong
J. Moufawad-Paul
16 Post-Modernism Today
5 Maoists in India: Writings Siraj
& Interviews
Azad 17 The National Question
Ibrahim Kaypakkaya
6 Five Golden Rays
Mao Zedong 18 Historic Eight Documents
7 Stand for Socialism Against Charu Mazumdar
Modern Revisionism
Armando Liwanag 19 A New Outlook on Health
Advocators
8 Strategy for the Liberation
of Palestine 20 Basic Principles of Marx-
PFLP ism-Leninism: A Primer
9 Against Avakianism Jose Maria Sison
Ajith
21 Towards a Scientific Analysis
10 Specific Characterics of our of the Gay Question
People’s War Los Angeles Research Group
Jose Maria Sison
22 Activist Study
11 Rethinking Socialism:
Araling Aktibista (ARAK)
What is Socialist Transition?
PADEPA
Deng-Yuan Hsu & Pao-yu
Ching
Collection “New Roads” Collection “Foundations”
1. From Victory to Defeat: China’s 1. The Foundations of Leninism

Socialist Road and Capitalist Joseph Stalin
Reversal 2. Wage Labour and Capital &
Pao-yu Ching Wages, Price and Profit
2. Silage Choppers and Snake Karl Marx
Spirits 3. Reform or Revolution?
Dao-yuan Chou Rosa Luxemburg
3. Which East is Red? 4. Socialism: Utopian and Sci-
Andrew Smith entific
4. Mao Zedong’s “On Contradic- Frederick Engels
tion” Study Companion 5. The State and Revolution
Redspark Collective V. I. Lenin
5. Critique of Maoist Reason 6. Labour in Irish History
J. Moufawad-Paul James Connolly
6. Like Ho Chi Minh! Like Che 7. Anarchism or Socialism? &
Guevara! Trotskyism or Leninism?
Ian Scott Horst Joseph Stalin
7. Critiquing Brahmanism
K. Murali (Ajith)
Collection “Works of Maoism”

1. Collected Works (1968-1987)
Communist Party of Peru
2. Selected Works, Volume VI
Mao Tse-tung
3. Selected Works, Volume VII
Mao Tse-tung
4. Selected Works, Volume VIII
Mao Tse-tung
https://foreignlanguages.press
https://redspark.nu

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Activist Study

Araling Aktibista (ARAK)

Foreign Languages Press

This translation of “Activist Study” is a revised ver-

This book is under license Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International

Lesson II - Revolutionary Study and 80

Lesson III - The Mass Line 116

Lesson IV - Democratic Centralism and 128

Democratic Centralism 129

Lesson II (Revolutionary Studies) and Lesson

The Five Golden Rays

powerful tool for anyone who wants to remold,

Serve the People

than a feather. Comrade Zhang Side died for the

The Foolish Old Man Who Removed

the members of the Party, explain it to the broad

when they die, there will be my grandsons, and

your government that we forbid you Americans

5. Patrick J. Hurley, a reactionary Republican Party poli-

main current. Today, there are still three major

guided by the line of its Seventh Congress, the

In Memory of Comrade Norman Bethune

7. The distinguished surgeon Norman Bethune was a mem-

peoples and if the proletariat of the colonies and

people but are cold, indifferent and apathetic. In

ability may be great or small, but if he has this

wards. To show no regard at all for the principles

ordinary non-Communist. This is a seventh type.

Liberalism stems from petit-bourgeois self-

those of the revolution; always and everywhere

On Correcting Mistaken Ideas in the

ognize that military affairs are only one means of

8. Some comrades, disregarding the subjective

third, overconfidence in military strength and

Army itself, in order to influence the Party organi-

mocracy is still deep-rooted in the minds of many

(b) The higher bodies must be familiar with

10. In the guerrilla system of organization a column cor-

damages the Party organization as well as indi-

duties but as a sign of inequality. Absolutely equal

principle of “from each according to his ability, to

ings; unless they are related to political and orga-

3. The “employee” mentality. Some comrades do

of work or enforcement of discipline.

itself as follows: (1) Some people want to increase

Li Zhuang13 type are not permissible under pres-

reaching as far as Guangxi.

Army so as to change its composition.

(5) the practices of shooting deserters and

On Basic Revolutionary Attitude

1. Why is the question, “For whom?” the most

for the broad masses of Filipino people. In our

will set aside or subordinate the interest of the

masses that the three basic problems are the real

nated by oppressors and exploiters. Until now, we

• Always be ready and have no fear for sacri-

For them, their main priority is always attending

6. What is the correct view to hardship, sacri-

because they are steps towards genuine freedom