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Milošević Lukić Serbian Education Bosnia

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doi: 10.19090/i.2020.31.

131-149
UDC: 271.222(497.11)-773-9(497.15)“18“

ISTRAŽIVANJA ORIGINAL SCIENTIFIC PAPER


JOURNAL OF HISTORICAL RESEARCHES Received: 24 May 2020
31 (2020) Accepted: 28 July 2020

BORIVOJE MILOŠEVIĆ
University of Banja Luka
Faculty of Philosophy, Department of History
borivoje.milosevic@ff.unibl.org

SANDRA LUKIĆ
University of Banja Luka
Faculty of Philosophy, Department of History
sandra.lukic@ff.unibl.org

THE SERBIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH


AND SERBIAN EDUCATION IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA
IN THE LAST CENTURY OF OTTOMAN RULE

Abstract: The origins of initial education of the Serbian people in Bosnia and Herzegovina are
found in the Serbian Orthodox churches and monasteries. Monks and priests, although having a
modest education, also worked as teachers besides their regular religious functions. The first students
were young men, who were trained in the profession of priests. They usually inherited this position
from their fathers. The initial courses were of a limited religious character and were not able to provide
a broader education to students. Literacy obtained within the sphere of the church could not respond
to the needs and spirit of the new age in the middle of the 19 th century. Therefore, it was prominent
and wealthy Serbian merchants that made a strong impact in establishing modern private schools.
Most Serbian schools were financially supported by Serbia and Russia during that century, up until
the Austro-Hungarian occupation. Serbian Orthodox church – school municipalities very often
addressed Belgrade for help for reconstruction or building schools and churches. The foundation of
Pelagic’s Seminary in Banja Luka in 1866 made a significant impact on the cultural progress of Serbs,
especially those living in the area of Bosanska Krajina.
Keywords: Serbian Orthodox Church, clergy, Serbian education, Bosnia and Herzegovina,
Ottoman Empire, Russia, Austro-Hungary, schoolbooks, monks, priests, teachers.

S
erbian education in Bosnia and Herzegovina was developing in very complex social
and political circumstances during the 19th century. As they were exposed to the
pressures of the everyday difficult life, such as financial misery and violence under
the Ottoman occupation, Serbian people did not for many years have any strong need to
obtain a book to read, since their living circumstances “did not allow them to think of

131
anything else but survival”.1 Monastery based schools represented the only type of
education that existed for a long time.2 The growth of Serbian schools in Bosnia and
Herzegovina was linked to larger gatherings of Serbian families in towns, practical needs
of everyday life and the financial capacity of Serbian Orthodox church – school
municipalities.3 Schools in towns provided constant education compared to those in
villages, which were quite often discontinuing their work. Some of them often closed
forever due to the absence of a teacher. However, the number of schools was small and
classes were not held regularly,4 as they had to struggle with inadequate space, modest
numbers of students, insufficiently educated teachers, lack of professional supervision,
shortage of school and alphabet books and other working equipment.5 The first books to be
used in primary schools were the prayer book and psalter. Considering that the first students
were preparing for the profession of a monk or priest, it is not surprising that those were the
very first schoolbooks to be used. Such books were rare and very expensive.6 Students were
not divided by grades and they were named by the books that they were studying from:
alphabet students, prayer students, psalter students etc. 7
As the school curriculum was expanding over time, education increasingly obtained
characteristics of secularity.8 Literacy and education that in those days were provided within
the sphere of the church ceased to be in accordance with the needs and spirit of the new
age.9 Taking part in the work of Serbian church municipalities, merchants made a strong

1
Pejanović 1960: 6.
2
Through its monasteries, the Church maintained relations with people, strengthened Christian doctrine,
cultivated and expanded literature and the tradition of Nemanjić’s state. The Serbian Orthodox Church would
have had a weaker spiritual and political influence over people up to the 19th century if there were no
monasteries and their intermediary role; Čubrilović 1960: 163−188.
3
In their request to Sultan Abudulmejid from the middle of the 19 th century, Christians of Bosnia and
Herzegovina were asking for the freedom to open schools, engage teachers from neighboring countries and
transfer students for education in other countries. They were also asking for freedom of religion and repair of
old and construction of new churches and monasteries. In their request there was also expressed need for
opening of one printing house, which would be paid by the stated and used by Christians. Bošnjak 1851:
157−158; Bogićević 1975: 217.
4
There was no indication of the beginning or ending of the academic year in the oldest schools. It would usually
begin “when the teacher arrived from somewhere” and it would end when teacher left. Over time, the
beginning of the academic year stabilized in September, while the end was usually in June. Papić 1987: 77.
5
“This school was overcrowded considering the number of its students. Lighting was not appropriate or
sufficient. Schoolbooks were the prayer book, psalter and alphabet book. Children had to learn them by heart
and this caused them difficulties. School desks were below any standard”. This was stated in the description
of the Serbian school in Bosanska Gradiška. Archive of Republic of Srpska, Banja Luka, Digitalized sources,
Annals of Serbian schools in Bosnia and Herzegovina 1850−1907, 31. December 1907.
6
Bogićević 1975: 226−227, 230; Bilinac 2017: 40−41.
7
Filipović 1966: 33; Janjić 2014: 101.
8
A letter from Sarajevo dated 1846 testifies about the new educational needs: “Trading relations in which we,
in Sarajevo, stand by Trieste and Vienna, convinced us about the necessity to learn Italian and German
language. In order to prevent struggling of our children as we do struggle now and to come as close as possible
to the educated world, and also to progress with rest of our brothers, this fall our Christian municipality –
Orthodox and Catholic together, decided to register one school in which, besides our native Serbian language
and other required sciences, Italian and German language will be lectured”. Ćurić 1954: 308.
9
Papić 1978: 10−11.

132
impact on the cultural progress of people and on the foundation of private schools.10 Their
fortune was not unobserved outside the borders of the Eyalet. 11 Modernization of Serbian
schools first began in bigger urban areas and then expanded to smaller towns. New modern
schoolbooks such as alphabet books, reading and history books began to be produced. They
were mostly provided from Belgrade up to the beginning of the Austro-Hungarian
occupation. We learn from the description of the Serbian school in Doboj, which was
founded at the end of Ottoman rule, that students were studying religious science, Serbian
language, Serbian history, geography, mathematics, German language, art and music. 12
Taking into consideration the proclamation of constitutional law in 1865, Topal Osman
Pasha warned of the urgent necessity to educate people to read and write and by that: “push
away the lack of knowledge that people are coping with”. 13 The foundation of the Vilayet
Printing House in Sarajevo in 1866 (so called Sopron’s Printing House)14 opened the door to
an extensive flourish in literature. 15 Several young authors, mostly teachers and priests,
emerged onto the cultural scene of Bosnia and Herzegovina and started collecting artifacts
and popular oral heritage, as well as historical research. The newspapers Bosna, Bosanski
vjesnik and Sarajevski cvjetnik began being printed in Sarajevo.16 The Vilayet Printing House
was printing the Alphabet Book for primary schools in Bosnia Vilayet (1867) and The First
Reader for primary schools in Bosnia Vilayet.17 Also the principles of the respected Vuk
Karadžić’s linguistic reform gradually attracted literature and education. In January 1869 the
newspaper Bosna published an article about Topal Osman Pasha and his support in the
development of education emphasizing, inter alia, that Vali accomplished a lot and therefore
“many children completed schools and they can even be taken for imperial services”. 18
Although Hatt-i-Humayun (1856) issued the proclamation on religious tolerance,
which resulted in a more favorable educational environment, the Ottoman authorities still

10
During the 19th century Serbian merchants became very important social class involved over time in all aspects
of public life. Majority of big foreign trade was in the hands of Serbian merchant families. Thanks to expanded
connections from Vienna, through Trieste, to Dubrovnik, many families acquired huge property and they were
directing part of it for the benefit of church and school. Berić 1995: 317−326; Маstilović 2007: 279−303;
Dutina, Mastilović 2012: 500−528.
11
“Here (Banja Luka; author’s comment), Serbs are mostly wealthy merchants; their houses are the most
beautiful houses. They build new ones - store houses in accordance with the European fashion and they also
furnish them on European way. Turkish houses are small barracks. Entire wealth was in Serbian hands”. Glas
naroda, No. 49, 8. XII 1874.
12
Archive of Republic of Srpska, Banja Luka, Digitalized sources, Annals of Serbian schools in Bosnia and
Herzegovina, Annals of the Serbian national elementary school in Doboj 1878−1907. (undated).
13
Вogićević 1975: 218.
14
Ignjat Sopron (1825−1894), journalist and pressman, born in Novi Sad.
15
Pejanović 1952: 11−16.
16
Zastava from Novi Sad assessed the foundation of Bosanski vjesnik as an attempt to kill Serbian nationality
and impose the term “Bosnian” people instead of Serbian people. Zastava, No. 24, 1. V 1866.
17
Newspaper Bosna from August 1867 stated: “Under the shadow of his majesty, the Emperor, several thousands
of alphabet books for primary school children were printed in the Vilayet Printing House in Sarajevo using
Serbian civil and church–school letters. In accordance with the will of his Excellency, honorable Vali of Vilayet
these alphabet books will be donated as gift to students in this Vilayet as proof of imperial mercy”. Bosna, No.
65, 26. VIII 1867; Ćurić 1956: 159.
18
Bosna, No. 135, 11. I 1869.

133
strongly opposed any national movement in Serbian schools and made obstacles over the
development of Serbian education in everyday life.19 The attempt to improve the position
of Christians by implementation of reforms created fear amongst conservative Muslims
about their current privileged social position. Some Muslims made fun of the Edict of
Gülhane naming it the “constitution of scamp” or “hatt-i sharif of troublemaker”.20 Vasilj
Popović stated that it was difficult to “change the entire spirit of oriental religious spite and
intolerance, feudal arrogance and class inequality that fulfilled the ruling, privileged Muslim
element”.21 The Novi Sad based Srbobran’s correspondent from Bosnia reported that
Muslims were fearful about the education of Christians. On the other hand, he added that
for Muslim Bosniaks and Herzegovinians “if a Bosniak or Herzegovinian goes to school,
he would change, he would learn and he would think about who he was, he would unite
with Serbia and maybe he would become an ‘infidel’ as he used to be”.22 Topal Osman Pasha
warned Banja Luka based Muslims not to permit Serbs to build schools in that town because
“when Vlachs (derogatory name for Serbs; author’s comment) become educated, they will
sit on your neck and it will end disastrously for you”. 23 The Croatian press wrote in 1849
about the attempt of Prijedor based Serbs to build a school, which saw local Muslims take
and destroy all of the accumulated construction material, justifying that with the allegation
that the intention of the Serbs was to build a church instead of school.24 One could also read
in the Croatian press in 1853 that Sarajevo and Bosnia in its entirety “rest in stupidity, partly
due to their badness and negligence, partly due to fear of Turks, we cannot progress in
anything but in trade, the rest is in old-fashioned manners in accordance with the Turkish
taste“.25 In April 1863 Muslims led by the religious fanatic Ali-efendija Fethagić destroyed
to the ground the newly built Serbian school in Trebinje.26 In August 1865 Narodne novine
published information from an article in the newspaper Vidovdan, that reported on the
meeting at Bosnian vizier, which discussed the issue of Serbian schools. On this occasion
one of the Muslim’s present said that: “These schools will totally destroy the Empire and
Turks; Serbian people should not be allowed a great education or great schools because this
could result in great danger for the Empire. When they see from their history books who

19
Although Sultan Selim III (1789−1807) was the first to try to implement certain reforms within the Empire,
the new age in the history of the Empire known as the Tanzimat started with the Edict of Gülhane (1839).
Мantran 2002: 555−630. Ortajli: 2004. Changes in the Empire were forced by complex internal circumstances
and also foreign state of affairs. Under the pressure of foreign powers, the Ottoman Empire pronounced in
1856 the firman of reforms - Hatt-i-Humayun, which was supposed, inter alia, to bring more freedom to
Christians with regard to their religious and property rights, personal freedom and participation in the work of
local authorities. Disputes between members of different religions were supposed to be resolved before the
integrated Muslim–Christian courts. However, Hatt-i-Humayun rejected aspirations of Slavs in European
Turkey to introduce Slav service in churches and their language instead of Greek in places where they made
up the majority. Zarković 2013: 139.
20
Popović: 1949, 41; Teinović: 2019, 481.
21
Popović: 1949, 35.
22
Author of the article stated that due to the identified reasons Serbs were banned from building schools or to
learn Serbian history or anything else, but only reading and writing. Srbobran, No. 65, 4. VIII 1865.
23
Vrbaske novine, No. 207, 15. IX 1933; Ibid. No. 127, 14. VI 1933.
24
Ćurić 1953: 496.
25
Ibid. 497.
26
Mijanović 2009: 243−245.

134
they were and who they are now, it is natural that they will have the wish and aspiration to
become again who they were, and they can only succeed in that if Turkey falls apart”.27
When Muslims from the Krajina region asked the Banja Luka based pasha to prevent the
building of the Serbian church in one village, the pasha ironically responded to them: “Let
the Serbian millet to build churches up to the sky. There is no danger of a church. Do not let
them build their schools, because they will breakdown Turkish power”. 28 One Franciscan,
Toma Kovačević assessed the general level of education in Bosnia and Herzegovina as being
very low: “Alcoran does not allow Muslim converts to get educated, while Christians do not
have resources for education”. According to his writing, Serbs did not have primary schools
except in bigger towns such as Sarajevo, Travnik, Prijedor and Tuzla. 29 Stojan Bijelić
observed the low level of literacy of Serbs from Krajina through the prism of old gravestones
from the 19th century, which often did not have a single letter written. 30
The Serbian Orthodox clergy lived through the most part of the 19 th century in deep
financial and spiritual misery, sharing life and destiny with their parish members. 31 The
clergy also had a low level of education. This was influenced by the Phanariot bishops, who
were separated from people by their spirit, mentality and language and who were
remembered as greedy and corrupted religious servants.32 One report from Bosanska
Krajina, dated 1874, stated that people were suffering more violence from Phanariotes than
Turks since “our bishops are killing our body and soul, they are permitting every crime for
money and they are forbidding education”.33 The lowest level of the clergy was “totally
ignorant”34 and Greek bishops were only interested in money during the process of
installation of clergy: “It was happening that some craftsman or merchant with a struggling
business collects all his money and for this money gets the position of priest and parish”. 35
Many bishops were selling the same parish several times.36 It was clear to the Russian
diplomat Alexander Hilferding37 that Greek bishops did not support their Slav herd’s

27
Ćurić 1953: 92.
28
Razvitak, No. 8−9, 20. VIII 1939, 259; Mikić 1995: 165−166.
29
Kovačević 1879: 23.
30
Vrbaske novine, No. 190, 26. VIII 1933.
31
Joanikije Pamučina, witness of the time was writing about living circumstances of the clergy in Herzegovina
in the middle of the 19th century: “Our clergy in Herzegovina are common, without any education; since they
did not have any schools under the Lord, no classes, no education, except in our Orthodox Christian
monasteries in Herzegovina, which are until today pillars, protectors and guardians of our pious Orthodox
Christianity during all persecutions, violence and unfortunate, sad times. Pamučina 2005: 223.
32
“If Serbs were appointed as bishops, they would bring us some light of education, but Greek, especially the
present Bishop Joseph, it is not only that he does not care about our education, but he rather tries to keep us in
such stupidity so he can flay, step and ride us as easily as it is possible”. Ćurić 1954: 310.
33
Zastava, No. 110, 18/30. IX 1874.
34
“Orthodox clergy was untaught and the majority of them were at the same level of education as ordinary
believers” was stated in one report from 1818, which added: “Huge distances between houses and also between
villages were making arrangements of religious ceremonies difficult. For this reason, religious ceremonies
were almost neglected and people were not educated about their religion and duties toward it, or raised in a
fear-inspiring way”. Šljivo 1986: 204.
35
Srbski dnevnik, No. 3, 11. I 1859.
36
Ibid. No. 93, 26. XI 1859.
37
Alexander Hilferding (Serbian: Aleksandar Giljferding)

135
attempts at enlightenment: “If some municipality intends to open a school in its area, the
bishop will somehow accept that. But, God forbid, to allow a school of higher education,
especially a seminary for the education of priests. Nothing can be worse than that”.38 Despite
the dominantly dark historiographical picture of Phanariotes, some of them did care about
the progress of the Serbian church and schools in Bosnia and Herzegovina.39 For example,
the Zvornik based metropolitans Dionysius I and Dionysius II invested a great amount of
effort to ensure the survival and progress of the school in Zenica. 40
One way of education was the so called self-education. Self-educated teachers were
kind of torchbearers for education in that period, when there were no schools in villages and
when there were few educated people. These were individuals of a wealthy life experience
and wider knowledge in comparison to other people in the environment where they lived. 41
This type of education was mentioned in 1685 by a Vatican missionary who wrote that
“there are more literate women and herdsmen in Bosnia than in the Zadar Diocese”.42 Self-
educated people became some kind of “traveling teachers” who stayed in certain places as
long as was necessary in order to make an agreed number of students literate. According to
one report in the press the priest Petar Đurić “did not attend any school and, as with all our
old priests, he sat under a beech and learned by himself a prayer book and psalter and that
way he became a priest”.43 Teachers usually worked only for food and clothes and only had
a little money, so they were called “orphans”.44 “Self-educated oasis” such as Janj and
Bosanski Petrovac were characteristic for Bosnia.45 Based upon data from a priest Milan
Rakita, self-educated people were present long in the past in Janj (place close to Jajce).
Simo Radovanac and Gavrilo Rakita were mentioned as two of the oldest self-educated
people. Gavrilo made his son Mihailo literate and he later made him a priest for 100 ducats,
while self-educated people in Janj were organizing adult literacy winter courses.46 The
knowledge gained was transferred through generations within a family. Future priests and
teachers often came from such families. Even in the distant past peasants respected literate
people. While they were herding cattle, they were often waiting for some well-intentioned
passer-by and were asking about reading or writing of some letters. 47
Ecclesiastical needs to rewrite prayers and prayer books influenced the development

38
Giljferding 1972: 367.
39
Jagodić 2018, 53−54.
40
In his letter from December 1859, the Metropolitan Dionysius explained vividly the significance of education
of youth: “Duty of every devoted Christian, a parent is to take care of the education of his children, to prepare
them for school to learn the holy scriptures and fear of God, because it is known that man without education
looks stupid”. Radosavljević 2007: 52, 96.
41
Self–educated teachers were using available books or the written alphabet that they produced. Their students
were writing on small tablets by engraving letters. After they learned a lesson they scraped away what they
had written. Writing instruments were made of parts of sharp stones or they were especially sharpened spikes.
Ademović 1981: 215−220.
42
Pravoslavlje, No. 957, 1. II 2007.
43
Bosansko-hercegovački istočnik, No. 12, decembar 1893, 566.
44
Pravoslavlje, No. 957, 1. II 2007.
45
Papić 1978: 48−50; Branković 2016: 81.
46
Šušljić 1941: 71−76.
47
Вogićević 1975: 231.

136
of literacy, which for a long time did not develop outside of churches and monasteries. 48 A
small number of students, mostly sons of priests who were supposed to take over the
position of priest from their fathers, were educated within monastery schools. However,
those schools could not provide classes continually since there were only a few fraternities,
monasteries were also often robbed and burned, while monks were exposed to violence from
the Ottoman authorities.49 Monasteries represented a kind of “storage” of people’s energy
while monkhood, due to their specific way of life, usually enjoyed more respect among
people than parish priests.50
Orthodox Christian priests can be often found among the founders and teachers in
the oldest Serbian schools in Bosnia and Herzegovina. It almost became a tradition that
some poorly educated priest would hire a teacher from a faraway place to educate his son.
He was usually joined by some other child from the village whose parents were covering
the expenses of such a traveling teacher, together with the priest. 51 The Russian consul
Hilferding realized that Orthodox Christian priests, although uneducated and poor had
recognized from an early time the significance of education and that they worked at building
schools.52 For example in 1539–1540 the Serbian primary school was functioning together
with the Serbian Orthodox Church in Sarajevo. In that school priests were “teaching
children the gospel”.53 In 1755, Sarajevo based merchants brought Vasilije Todorović, a
monk from Šišatovac, to take up the position as their priest and teacher. 54 In the middle of
the 19th century, prior to opening the Catholic school, Catholic children were already
attending the Serbian primary school in the city. 55 The female school of Staka Skenderova
also operated in Sarajevo most likely until 1858.56 This school was occasionally receiving
financial aid from Russia thanks to consul Hilferding.57
Hieromonk Serafim, a son of the Livno based priest Jovo Kojdić was the first teacher
in the Serbian school in Livno, which was one of the oldest schools in the provinces. Livno
represented an important merchant crossroad between Bosnia and Herzegovina and Dalmatia
and the Serbian merchants from the town had a strong impact on the work of that school.
Intensified demands from the merchants defined the teaching curriculum. It was for this
reason that students were not only learning reading and writing, but also calculus and foreign

48
Papić 1987: 64.
49
Razvitak, No. 8−9, 20. VIII 1939, 255.
50
Andrić 2011: 82
51
Marinković 1966: 119; Papić 1987: 64, 66.
52
“Many schools were built during the previous years in many Bosnian places and it was all done thanks to the
efforts of the parish clergy; many of them sacrificed very much for schools; many of them tried enthusiastically
to establish schools in places where there were no schools and to explain to peasants how important for their
children it is to learn the epistle and law of God. Many priests, even those uneducated, were deeply convinced
about the importance of their service and they were devoted to the needs of their flock; they were directing all
of its public works and they were establishing subordination toward faith and church”. Ćurić 1953: 506.
53
Nilević 1985: 117−118.
54
Papić 1978: 12.
55
Papić 1987: 68.
56
Ibid. 78.
57
Tepić 1988: 522−530.

137
languages since their knowledge was essential for successful business. 58 The primary school
in Livno had already begun to function in 1820 in the house of priest Serafim Kojdić. 59 In
the middle of the 19th century, prominent Serbian merchants from the family Kujundžić
brought a teacher Đorđe Margetić to Livno. He modernized the school and introduced many
new things as part of the teaching process. A school fund was established in 1853. 60
Priest Risto Savić was administering the Serbian school in Brodac, close to the
monastery Lomnica. Another school was in Hrgar, close to Bihać located in the house of a
prominent priest Vid Ivančević. Its first teacher was Adam Adžija, born in Lika. Many
young men, future priests and prominent national leaders graduated from this school. 61 It
only had three benches for the children. Adžija was writing alphabet books for them as there
were no schoolbooks at all.62 Obrad Petković, also from Lika who completed his schooling
in the monastery Krka (Dalmatia) succeeded Adžija in the position of teacher. After the
school in Hrgar was closed in 1850, Petković went on to serve as a teacher in Petrovac,
Prijedor, Varcar Vakuf and Travnik.63 The Serbian school in Petrovac was established
between 1835 and 1840 within the Orthodox Christian church. 64 The well known priest
Hadži Petko Jagodić was one of the most deserving people for establishing the Serbian
school in 1836 in the village Vranjak, close to Gradačac.65 The school in Brčko, which was
founded in about 1839, was administered for some time by monk Teodor Paunović 66 while
priest Todor Hadži Selaković worked, among others, in the school in Modriča (1841). The
school in Modriča was among the first to introduce the celebration of Saint Sava as a school
holiday.67 By the middle of the 19th century the priest Stevo Popović68 worked as a teacher
in the Serbian school in Zenica, while even earlier in the century there was a school open
and functioning in Tešanj. The prominent national leader Stevo Petranović worked as a
teacher in that school. It was Petranović who organized a theater show in Tešanj in 1864,
which is believed to be the oldest theatre show in the history of theater in Bosnia and
Herzegovina.69 In Semberija’s village of Dragaljevac, the Bijeljina based priest Dimitrije
Marković, opened a school in 1859. Some data indicates that it was even working in 1853.70
The school in Miloševac began in 1855 and priest Kosta Popović was responsible for
developing it.71 According to research by Milenko Filipović, the priest Serafijan Stakić

58
Školski vjesnik, No. 8−10, 1909, 507.
59
Papić 1978: 23.
60
Ibid. 24.
61
Razvitak, No. 8−9, 20. VIII 1939, 256; Školski vjesnik, No. 8−10, 1909, 515; Bosansko-hercegovački istočnik,
No. 3rd March 1895, 119.
62
Archive of Republic of Srpska, Banja Luka, Digitalized sources, Annals of Serbian schools in Bosnia and
Herzegovina, Annals of the Serbian orthodox elementary school in Bihać, November 21 1907.
63
Školski vjesnik, No. 8−10, 1909, 515.
64
Zeljković, Banjac 1929: 33.
65
Archive of Republic of Srpska, Banja Luka, Digitalized sources, Annals of Serbian schools in Bosnia and
Herzegovina, Annals of the Serbian Orthodox Church elementary school in Vranjak, November 24 1908.
66
In the middle of the 19th century it was mentioned that there was a female school in Brčko. Papić 1987: 71.
67
Papić 1978: 41.
68
Teinović 2018: 62−75.
69
Papić 1987: 70; Razvitak, No. 6, 1. VI 1938, 179−182.
70
Ćurić 1978: 201−202.
71
Ibid. 209.

138
opened the first school at his house in Vozuća in 1851. Also in the middle of the 19th century,
a Serbian school was working within the church Lomnica (which later became a monastery)
close to Šekovići. Its establishment is linked to the priest named Risto Savić. 72
The Serbian school in Mostar was already working at the end of the 18 th century with
the monk Makarije Zurovac as a teacher. 73 During his visit in 1857, Russian consul
Hilferding said that the Serbian primary school in Mostar was the best in Bosnia and
Herzegovina. He believed that the church – school municipality in Mostar could serve as an
example to many in the Ottoman Empire with regard to a willingness to improve education. 74
The school had four grades and students were studying reading, writing, arithmetic,
catechism, church singing, basics of grammar and Serbian history. The orthography of Vuk
Karadžić, was being used in the school as of 1868. 75 Besides a boy’s school, there was also
a girl’s primary school in Mostar since the 1860s. 76 It is certain that the school in Trebinje
was working in the middle of the 19 th century, as well as that this school was known to
occasionally address the Government in Belgrade for financial help and books. 77
The long-time teacher and priest Hadži Mile Popadić’s name was closely connected
to work at the Serbian school in Ključ, which was probably founded in 1857. 78 The school
in Gerzovo started working around 1860 when priest Špiro Bubnjević obtained a firman,
which approved the building of a church and school. 79 Based upon some sources, the Serbian
school in Glamoč began in 1866. The school opened in the house of Tomo Adžić and the
priest Jevto Gašić was mentioned as one of its first teachers. 80 The first teacher in the Serbian
school in Sanski Most, which was founded in 1872 or 1873, was the theologian Nikola
Ivaković. One classroom of that school was turned into an improvised place of worship. 81
The work of the Principality of Serbia on the liberation of enslaved compatriots from
the Ottoman Empire had a dual character, political and cultural. The education of Serbian
students, who were born in Turkey, was formulated in Načertanije and was integrated into
the Principality’s liberation plans. During the first rule of Prince Miloš Obrenović,
individuals from the Serbian areas under Ottoman rule were coming to Serbia for education.
When the Defenders of the Constitution took power, more intensified education of Serbian
children from Turkey was made possible.82 The objective of education for the provincial
masses, which began first in Old Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, was for their national
and political awakening. In this context, the provision of financial aid to churches,
monasteries and schools could be observed. In this way unification and integration of the

72
Ibid. 211.
73
Ćorović 1933: 60.
74
Ibid. 64.
75
Papić 1987: 28.
76
Papić 1978: 69.
77
Ibid. 73.
78
Zeljković, Banjac 1929: 35.
79
Papić 1987: 33.
80
Archive of Republic of Srpska, Banja Luka, Digitalized sources, Annals of Serbian schools in Bosnia and
Herzegovina, Annals of the Serbian orthodox elementary school in Glamok (undated).
81
Školski vjesnik, No. 8−10, 1909, 514.
82
Vojvodić 1989: 64−65.

139
Serbian cultural area, as a precondition of political and state unification, was achieved. 83
Serbia, which was liberated from Ottoman feudal pressure, gradually over time, became
attractive to the enslaved Christian masses in the Bosnia Eyalet, regardless of their
confessional differences.84 In the middle of the 19th century, the Principality of Serbia was
assigning certain amounts of money for the provision of books for schools and Orthodox
Christian churches in Bosnia and Herzegovina.85 According to Ilija Garašanin, Serbia had
to break “the Chinese wall” between Serbia and its compatriots in Bosnia and also to cherish
the cultural and political connections with the people of these provinces. Thus, a network
of secret political agents was established and through those agents an uprising of Slav
peoples in Turkey was planned. In 1869/1870, the Ottoman authorities attempted to prevent
these connections by arresting and expelling several national leaders from Bosnia and
Herzegovina to Asia Minor. These, at the same time were the most capable of Garašanin’s
and Ristić’s confidants: Vaso Pelagić, Serafim Perović, Leontije Radulović, Teofil
(Bogoljub) Petranović, Gavro Vučković and others.86 State aid for young men who were
attending schools in Serbia, especially the Seminary in Belgrade, was improved from the
middle of the 19th century. The number of young men from the Turkish areas, who attended
this school was small up to the middle of the century, but grew during the second reign of
Prince Mihailo Obrenović.87 Considering the fact that there were many students who wanted
to stay permanently in Serbia after their graduation, it was decided in 1868 that foreign
scholarship recipients could not be hired in the Principality and that they had to return to
their country of origin.88
In March 1868, Metropolitan Mihailo proposed the establishment of a special
theological institute for the education of students from the neighboring areas of the Ottoman
Empire. Five years later, he established The Second Department of the Belgrade Seminary
(the so called Seminary for foreigners) with Miloš Milojević appointed as its head. This
Second Department of the Belgrade Seminary was working up to the beginning of the
Serbian-Turkish war in 1876. Many students were assigned as volunteers to Milojević’s
battalion and to the “Voluntary corps of Ibar Army” under the command of Nićifor Dučić.89
According to Dučić’s opinion, the Belgrade Seminary “was providing a sufficient quantity
of science to students and it was making great teachers and priests of them who were obliged
to return immediately after their graduation to their homeland and teach people there”. The
amount of money provided for the living expenses of students, who were studying in Serbia
was increasing over time and in 1876 it was a little bit more than 103.000 groschen. 90
As a result of an understanding involving Prince Mihailo Obrenović, Ilija Garašanin

83
Jagodić 2018: 51.
84
Stojančević 2002: 86.
85
Majority of Serbian primary schools in Bosnia and Herzegovina were using schoolbooks from the Principality
of Serbia and “this represented an important assumption for the Serbian cultural and national integration”.
Јаgodić 2018, 71.
86
Vojvodić 1960: 25−32.
87
Vojvodić 1994: 125.
88
Ibid. 127.
89
Ibid. 117−228.
90
Nedeljković 2020: 156.

140
and Metropolitan Mihailo, the Serbian Government was sending regular financial aid to the
respected Pelagić’s Seminary in Banja Luka. This Seminary, founded in 1866, was an
important source of literacy and a place of cultural enlightenment for the Serbs from
Krajina. However, the foundation of the Seminary in Banja Luka did not happen by
accident. When Pelagić came to Bosanska Krajina to reach an agreement with the church
– school municipality in Banja Luka, he observed a very low cultural and educational level
among the Orthodox Christian clergy. He was concerned and sad due to the small number
of schools and poor educational environment in the Krajina, a border area of the Ottoman
Empire inhabited mostly by the ethnic Serbian population. This school had the task to
educate generations of new teachers and priests who would represent the embryo of Serbian
national intelligentsia in Bosnia and Herzegovina.91 The Seminary started working on
October 1st 1866 with only a few students enrolled. The next year in Belgrade, Pelagić was
printing A Manual for Serbian - Bosnian, Herzegovinian, Old Serbian and Macedonian
teachers, schools and municipalities. This effort was a result of Pelagić’s wish to improve
the pedagogical work in schools.92 The Rules (Statute) of the Seminary was adopted on
February 25th 1868. In the same year, the Serbian reading room was founded in Banja Luka,
which initially was only intended for Pelagić’s students.
At the beginning of March 1868, Serbian Metropolitan Mihailo proposed to the
Ministry of Education that a special committee be established with a task to support and
develop education among Serbs living in Old Serbia. “The Committee for schools and
teachers in the Old Serbia, Macedonia and Bosnia and Herzegovina” was established in
Belgrade in August 1868, with Nićifor Dučić appointed to the position of President of the
Committee93 and it functioned up to the outbreak of the Serbian-Turkish war in 1876. The
work of the Committee was mainly directed toward Old Serbia and Macedonia. According
to Dučić’s opinion, the Committee “developed very intensive activities in the field of
improvement of our oppressed nationality in Turkey by using insignificant resources and
with its support, we managed to achieve results that we can be satisfied with”.94
With time Metropolitan Mihailo developed very wide activities to support Serbs
living in Turkey. These included assistance for schools and churches, transfer of teachers,
acceptance of students to the Belgrade Seminary, providing care for refugees from the
Turkish areas and by intermediation in Russia its support for the needs of the Serbian church
and education. In these Serbian students, future priests and teachers, the Metropolitan saw
future spiritual and educational national leaders and a living link between enslaved Serbs
and the free Serbian Principality.95 The Metropolitan built firm connections with the
archimandrites Serafim Petrović, Joanikije Pamučina, Jovan Radulović and with the
founder of the Seminary in Banja Luka Vaso Pelagić.96

91
Pelagić’s negotiations with the Serbian Government regarding assistance for the Serbian schools in Bosnia
and Herzegovina took a long time. Pelagić was complaining that the Government in Belgrade “spends ten
times more on their spies than on the education of Serbs in Turkey”. Besarović 1950: 190.
92
Pelagić 1971: 9.
93
Nedeljković 2020: 151.
94
Ibid.
95
Stojančević 2008: 97, 102.
96
Vojvodić 1994: 231−254.

141
Besides religious courses, the Seminary in Banja Luka also focused its teaching on
Serbian history, geography, grammar, calculus and gymnastics.97 Two of the most difficult
problems that Pelagić was dealing with were the lack of qualified teachers and crucial
schoolbooks. This is the reason why he addressed the authorities in Belgrade and Matica
Srpska in Novi Sad for help regarding the provision of books. He pleaded with them to be
noble “for benefit of Serbhood and science” and to send useful books for the Seminary and
citizens of Banja Luka. The first books that arrived from Belgrade to Banja Luka had been
used in classes in the Belgrade Seminary.98 Through Metropolitan Mihailo, Pelagić also
asked Russia for financial assistance for the school. 99 The Seminary ceased its work in
1875.100 Many of Pelagić’s theologians were working as teachers in schools in Slavonia
founded by the English lady Adeline Pauline Irby for Serbian children, who became
refugees from Bosnia and Herzegovina during the Uprising of 1875–1878. Among these
theologians were Petar Mirković, Jovan Zečević, Stevan Prokopić, Vid and Kosta
Kovačević.101 Apart from Slavonia, such schools for refugee children were also founded in
the area of Knin and throughout Dalmatia.102
By opening consulates in Sarajevo (1856) and Mostar (1858) Russia created the
opportunity of being able to deeply intervene in the political and cultural processes in Bosnia
and Herzegovina. These Russian consuls began a wide range of activities in the area of
education, which were directed in several areas, such as assistance to Serbian churches and
monasteries, education of students in Russian schools and assistance to Serbian schools in
the provinces.103 The most active consul in this context was Alexander Hilferding whose
arrival in Bosnia and Herzegovina timely coincided with the plan of the Russian Government
to accept young men from the so called Balkans Turkey area for education in Russia.104 After
the end of the Crimea War in 1856, the Russian Emperor and Government defined the goals
related to education of young men from the South Slav countries in Russian schools. The
Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Alexander M. Gorchakov, proposed that only Orthodox
Christian should be enrolled with the aim to “rout unconditional devotion to our Orthodox
Christianity and firm rules of moral”. 105 Hilferding was of the opinion that students from
Bosnia and Herzegovina should be mostly sent to seminaries. The idea of the Russian
authorities was that these young men should return after graduation to their homeland and to
strengthen Russian influence through their educational work in their home areas. 106 However,
only nineteen people from Bosnia and Herzegovina were educated in the Russian schools in

97
According to Pelagić’s opinion, the teaching of Serbian history should provide “the most important, the most
sacred and the most salutary for every Serb”. Besarović 1950: 192.
98
Јаgodić 2018; 87−88.
99
Milošević i dr. 2018: 10−35; Milošević 2019: 55−82.
100
The Seminary in Banja Luka did not reopen after the Austro-Hungarian occupation. The Seminary that was
opened in Reljevo, close to Sarajevo, was under firm political control of the new authorities and it did not
have a national character such as the one in Banja Luka. Besarović 1950: 205.
101
Milošević 2011: 89−99.
102
Papić 1978: 74.
103
Tepić 1987: 366.
104
Tepić 1986: 248.
105
Tepić 1988: 512.
106
Tepić 1986: 257.

142
the period from 1857 to 1869. 107 Only some of these successful graduated in Russia, while
the majority left their education prior to completion. 108
Serafim Perović and Nićifor Dučić opened a spiritual school in Žitomislić in 1858,
which received an annual support from Russia in the amount of 300 rubles.109 The
Government of Prince Mihailo Obrenović also supported this school. Serafim Perović
initiated the opening of the Spiritual Orthodox Christian School in Mostar in 1866. That
school was very soon moved to the monastery Žitomislić, but ceased to function in 1872.110
Perović also established several funds to assist schools located in Mostar, Trebinje,
Nevesinje and Ljubuški.111 The report of the Russian consul in Sarajevo dated 1873, stated
that the Russian Government by that time had spent 20.000 rubles in its support for schools
in Bosnia and Herzegovina.112
After the Goražde printing house closed in the first half of the 16 th century, printed
books in Bosnia and Herzegovina became an imported item, and usually from the Habsburg
Monarchy and Russia.113 The Russian Government and Slavophil committees believed that
the distribution of Russian books among the Serbian population in Bosnia and Herzegovina
would strengthen their political influence on them. The Russian consulates in Sarajevo and
Mostar were important inter-mediators in the allocation of Russian books. The
Herzegovinian archimandrite Joanikije Pamučina was having close relations with the
Russian consuls and he was helping in the provision and distribution of Russian books. 114
Srbski dnevnik reported that one hundred Russian books, which arrived to Prijedor in 1860,
represented “a spiritual food” for people.115 Even after the opening of the printing house in
Sarajevo (1866) and despite control of the Ottoman authorities, Russian books were still
occasionally arriving in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Books that were sent from Serbia,
however, were periodically confiscated and burnt by the authorities under the excuse that
Serbian propaganda is being introduced in the Eyalet.116
Classes in Serbian schools had an important dimension in the preservation of the
Serbian identity, language, culture and tradition. For this reason, classes in the Serbian
language, history and religion, as well as the traditional Saint Sava celebration were of
special importance. Work by certain teachers exceeded their regular school functions and
some of them, such as the monk and teacher Bogoljub (Teofil) Petranović from Drniš, made
efforts to become ethnographers, collectors of national treasure or founders of reading

107
The 19 were: Dimitrije Bogičević, Nikola Spahić, Tano Batinić, Vasilije Pelagić, Petar Mitrović, Despot
Despotović, Petar Bacatić, Stefan Jovanović, Jovo Dreč, Jefto Oborina, Nikola Bilić, Jovan Pičeta, Stevo
Govedarica, Jovo Milinković, Dimitrije Dučić, Jovo Perović, Petar Srbić, Luka Ivanišević and Đorđe Babić.
Ibid. 251.
108
Tepić 1988: 541.
109
Ćorović 1933: 63.
110
Papić 1987: 95−99.
111
Ibid. 45.
112
Tepić 1988: 537.
113
Tepić 1981: 485.
114
Ibid. 488−489.
115
Srbski dnevnik, No. 65, 18. VIII 1860.
116
Zastavа, No. 21, 21. IV 1866; Ibid. No. 22, 24. IV 1866.

143
rooms.117 Many Serbian teachers, priests and merchants were subscribers to the prominent
Srpsko–dalmatinski magazin, especially those in Herzegovina because of its close location
and strong connections with Dalmatia. Joanikije Pamučina, Serafim Šolaja and Nićifor
Dučić were noticeable as they were occasionally publishing short supplements from history
and ethnography of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the pages of the Magazin.118
Saint Sava celebrations in schools represented an important factor in the process of
school development among Serbs and the preservation of national consciousness and
patriotism.119 They represented a strong expression of national originality and a solemn
ceremony of Serbhood and Orthodox Christianity.120 According to one newspaper source, a
Saint Sava celebration was held in Sarajevo even in 1851.121 Srbski dnevnik reported in 1857
that the celebration of Saint Sava was held in Sarajevo in the presence of many citizens and
persons from the Habsburg consulate.122 The first Sermon on Saint Sava in Banja Luka was
organized by Vasa Pelagić in 1867.123 The Serbian school in Travnik celebrated Saint Sava
in 1867 and after the celebration a semi–annual school exam took place.124 By the end of
the 19th century the celebration of Saint Sava had become widespread.125
Local church – school municipalities were appointing a special board with the task
to provide money and organize the Saint Sava celebration. It was the custom that the local
priest or teacher gave a welcoming speech at the beginning of the school celebration
explaining the significance of Saint Sava, as well as about school and education in general.
The crowning moment of each celebration was the Sermon on Saint Sava, which was

117
Petranović’s activities also included establishment of the Society for dissemination of the Serbian name in
Sarajevo in 1863. This Society had a goal to root out the derogatory name Vlach and to introduce the Serbian
name instead. Hadžijahić 1970: 57. A part of the modern Bosniak historiography believes that Serbian national
identity in Bosnia and Herzegovina was “imported” and was only formed in the second half of the 19 th century
thanks to political propaganda of the Principality of Serbia whose goal was to turn “Orthodox Bosnians” into
Serbs with the help of its agents in the field. Radušić 2010; Radušić 2008. The existence of the named Society
in Sarajevo whose work was described by Vladislav Skarić, although not certain whether this Society achieved
any success it was taken as a proof for such statements. Skarić 1985: 246−247. The existence of such a Society
does not mean that the Serbian national identity in the provinces had not been formed by that time.
Development of national consciousness is complex and long–lasting historic process, which is influenced by
religious, political, cultural and other factors and it cannot depend on the activities of just one society. Many
historical sources, testimonies and travel books prove that a long time before the establishment of the named
Society, the majority of the Serbian population already had a national identity clearly developed and defined.
Teinović 2019.
118
Kecmanović 1963: 65−90.
119
“Sermon on Saint Sava” became successor of gatherings and meetings and we should all embrace it and decide
to organize it in all areas where Serbs live. In such manner we will ensure that the Serbian spirit will not
disappear because there will be different educational speeches held evoking Serbian conciseness and
encouraging us not to fall but to bravely move forward in every noble, useful and challenging action. This way
in a few years Saint Sava will be celebrated in the entire Serbhood as a patron saint, not only for schools but
for the entire people”. Bosanska vila, No. 2, 1. I 1886, 27.
120
Sadžak 2010: 52.
121
Ćurić 1954: 311−312.
122
Srbski dnevnik, No. 8, 27. I 1857.
123
Pelagić 1867: 1−3.
124
Papić 1987: 43.
125
Bosanska vilа, No. 2, 30. I 1899, 32.

144
usually delegated to prominent individuals. A performance by gusle musicians dressed in
Serbian national costumes would follow, while an appropriate theater piece, mostly with
historic background, was often part of the celebration. The celebration of Saint Sava was
used as a good fundraising opportunity for equipment of the Serbian school or local
library.126 One part of such money would be assigned for support to poor students. 127 The
press emphasized the significance of the celebration and citizens were invited to take part
in its organization.128 Considering the fact that the traditional celebration of Saint Sava in
Serbian schools was established in the middle of the 19 th century, the Austro-Hungarian
authorities did not dare to terminate it, although they were implementing a strict censorship
of program of the Sermon on Saint Sava and other similar national ceremonies.
The Austro-Hungarian administration determined 56 Serbian schools with 75
teachers and 3.523 students in Bosnia and Herzegovina.129 It can be concluded that the
commencement of the Austro-Hungarian occupation brought fundamental changes in all
areas of life including education. A new school system was built in accordance with the
political needs of the occupier, while young Serbian intelligentsia from the end of the 19 th
century and beginning of the 20th century was trying to find new models of cultural
improvement for people, and the preservation of the Serbian national identity in Bosnia and
Herzegovina. The cultural and educational life of Serbs gradually received new forms of
public institutions and administrations, in which the church did not have a crucial influence
any longer.
.

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БОРИВОЈЕ МИЛОШЕВИЋ
Универзитет у Бањој Луци
Филозофски факултет, Студијски програм Историје

САНДРА ЛУКИЋ
Универзитет у Бањој Луци
Филозофски факултет, Студијски програм Историје

ПРАВОСЛАВНА ЦРКВА И СРПСКО ШКОЛСТВО У БОСНИ И


ХЕРЦЕГОВИНИ У ПОСЉЕДЊЕМ ВИЈЕКУ ОСМАНСКЕ УПРАВЕ

Резиме
Коријени најранијег образовања код Срба у Босни и Херцеговини налазe се уз
православне цркве и манастире, а монаси и свештеници, уз редовне послове, радили су и као
учитељи, иако и сами скромно образовани. Први ученици били су младићи који су се спремали
за свештенички позив и који су најчешће очеве наслијеђивали на позицијама парохијских
свештеника. Најранија настава имала је ограничени црквено-вјерски карактер и није могла
пружити ученицима солидније образовање. Писменост која се стицала унутар црквених
кругова, престала је половином XIX вијека одговарати потребама и духу новог времена, а
имућни српски трговци снажно су утицали на оснивање модернијих приватних школа. Већина
српских школа се током XIX вијека, до аустроугарске окупације, издржавала захваљујући
материјалној помоћи из Србије и Русије. Српске црквено-школске општине често су се
обраћале Београду тражећи помоћ за обнову или подизање српских школа и цркава. Оснивање
Пелагићеве Богословије у Бањој Луци 1866. године знатно је утицало на културни напредак
Срба, посебно на простору Босанске Крајине.
Кључне ријечи: Српска православна црква, свештенство, српско школство, Босна и
Херцеговина, Oсманско царство, Русија, уџбеници, учитељи.

© Faculty of Philosophy, Novi Sad, 2020


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