Readings in Philippine History

UNIT 4-B
SOCIAL, POLITICAL, ECONOMIC
and CULTURAL ISSUES
With Adaptations to the Disciplines of the Students

Figure 21. The Absence of regulatory measures on the consumption of tobacco

made the children addicted to it. (de Jesus, 1980).

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 Lesson 1 

BRIDGES IN THE 19TH CENTURY PHILIPPINES

THROUGH SELECTED PHOTOGRAPHS
(For Engineering and Architecture Majors)

Introduction

You might be curious of the kind of transportation system that our forebears in the Pre-
colonial Period had when there were no concrete bridges and roads that crossed rivers and
adjoined the various communities of the archipelago. It must have been an overwhelming
character of patience and perseverance exuded by our ancestors before they could reach
their destinations which could be trekked by a carriage in an hour or more at the height of the
Spanish regime or by a jeepney in about 20 minutes during the American Period. Certainly,
the Filipino of today cannot just do what the Filipinos of the colonial era could, especially that
there are now modern modes of transportation in our time.

When the Spaniards reached these islands in 1565, they observed the presence of
many rivers. On these rivers, especially in the deltas, the Pre-colonial Filipinos dwelt on
because of the benefits that these narrow bodies of water provided. First, the rivers provided
navigable channels of transportation and communication. Second, the rivers served as a
source of life due of the resources that it yielded them. Third, the rivers served as irrigation
systems to the agricultural fields in the low-lying areas. Fourth, the rivers were the Great Bath
of all the people within the community and they served as the places where everything could
be washed or cleaned. Certainly those who lived in the downstream became highly
dependent on the rivers.

Before the construction of bridges, canoes called bangkas were used in either bridging
one side of the river to the other; hence the forebears were able to perfect the use of rivers as
channels of transportation and communication. At the time of the Spaniards, places became
more accessible due to the construction of infrastructures which lessened the challenges that
travelers experienced.

In this lesson, certain photographs have not been included due to the limited number
of pages allowed for this module.

Learning Outcomes

At the end of the lesson, the students should be able to:

1. Understand the state of the Philippines in the Spanish Period by studying certain
infrastructures like bridges.
2. Examine the significance of the bridges in the Philippines and how these
infrastructures affected the lives and relationships of the Filipinos and the
Spaniards in the colonial era.

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The Introduction of Photography in the Philippines

In 1839, the daguerreotype camera was invented in Europe. Two years thereafter, it
was introduced to the Philippines by the traveler Sinebaldo de Mas who was considered as
spy of the King of Spain by many Spaniards living in the country. Since, many colonial officials
did not like either the Residencia or the Visita, the old Spanish institutions established in
Castile, many colonial officials avoided and turned a cold feeling towards him (Pascual, 2013).
The Residencia which was initially exercised in Spain was first resorted to the Indies (or the
Spanish territories in Meso and Latin America, including the Philippines and other adjacent
territories) in 1501 (Agoncillo, 1990). The idea that Sinebaldo de Mas was sent secretly by
the king of Spain in order to investigate on the affairs of the state caused fear among the
Spaniards in Manila (Pascual, 2013). One could not blame the Spanish officials because a
residenciado or the colonial official who was found guilty of public misconduct would suffer
heavy fines, sequestration of assets or imprisonment or a combination of the three penalties
(Zaide, 2010). It must be noted that there were avenues of corruption in Obras Publicas which
facilitated the construction of certain infrastructures in the country.

Unlike other Spaniards who just arrived from Spain and were helped by their
countrymen, Sinebaldo de Mas was not welcome in the circle of the residenciados in Manila
and elsewhere. Because of this, he experienced financial shortage. He used his camera to
earn a living among the members of the alta sociedad in the country (Pascual, 2013). Hence,
he became the first photographer seen and occasionally employed by the prominent families
of Manila. Whether Sinebaldo de Mas was feared because of his camera, which was thought
to be recording the condition of the Philippines at that time, a conclusion cannot be made
about it because his photos were never used as pieces of evidence in order to prove whether
the Philippines was going backward, indeed, and hence the corrupt could be persecuted.
Photos during his time in the country were merely used to portrait the images of the capricious
elite.

In the succeeding years, European photographers arrived in the country. Because of

this, some studios emerged. Although affluent families in Manila were the only ones who
could avail their services, their studios were able to record various activities and aspects of
life—city or pastoral—like experiences in disasters, ways of life, local industry and livelihood,
government offices and various sceneries of the country.

Because of photography, infrastructures in Manila and other parts of the country were
eventually documented: The construction of infrastructures, like the San Sebastian Church
which was identified as the First Steel Church in the East, became evident (Paterno, 2018;
“San Sebastian”, n.d.). Formerly, the appearance of bridges was sketched by artists like
the Puente Grande with wooden superstructure spanning the Rio de Pasig. The bridge was
sketched in 1794 by Fernando Brambila, a member of the Malaspina Expedition (U.S. Army
Corps of Engineer, 1915). The Puente Grande which was subsequently known as Puente de
Espaňa became a major thoroughfare for pedestrians and carriages from 1630 to 1914.

The Construction of Bridges in the Philippines

Sensing the difficulty of transportation due to the presence of many rivers in the
country, the Spaniards constructed bridges in the Philippines. The construction of the first
bridges could be attributed to the first colonial officials who attempted to put the distant areas
of the country under Spanish colonial rule as effectively possible and the religious

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missionaries who exerted great efforts in spreading Catholicism all throughout the archipelago
(Villalon, 2011). This motive was in accordance with the system of governance and the
planning of pueblos known as Leyes de las Indias (The Laws of the Indies) (del Castillo-
Noche, 2016). This law prescribed that the communities should be established permanently
and must be safe from being raided; that it must also be accessible by land or sea to other
pueblos. With the inherent desire for accessibility, there came a pressing need to establish
road networks and bridges whether the colonial officials were forced by the law or not. Thus,
the country’s first bridges like the Puente de Malagonlong in Tayabas, the Puente de Britanico
in Iloilo and the Puente de Isabel in Imus Cavite were constructed in order to connect local
roads, facilitate the missionary
works of the religious
congregations effectively and
better supervision of the
localities and smoother transfer
of goods (Matias, 2014).

Bridges like the Puente

de Capricho in Majayjay, Laguna
which was built in 1851 by a
Franciscan friar named Padre
Victoriano del Moral were made
to hasten the spread of
Christianity in the areas
characterized by rugged terrain
and the presence of rivers and
Figure 22. The Puente de Malagonlong in Tayabas, Quezon. streams. The Puente de
(Retrieved from https://www.flickr.com/photos/ Capricho in Majayjay, Laguna
11084033@N08/19849418408). which was constructed through
obras publicas was never
completed and used for carriages because the local polistas revolted out of the oppressive
supervison of the Franciscan friar. The stone bridge has been called by the locals as Tulay
de Pigi because the politas were whipped in their buttocks just to compel them to work.
Majayjay had a great significance to the Franciscan missionaries because it was at their
pathway from Bicol to Manila. In fact, it was their place of rest before they would continue
their journey to Manila (GMA 7 News and Public Affairs, 2013).

The building of bridges or puentes, including roads or caminos in the country was
initially made by the religious congregations assigned to a particular jurisdiction. These friars
were neither trained engineers nor builders; that was why there was uncertainty if his hand-
sketched design would be translated into a formidable structure. But because of practical skills
and knowledge learned in Europe and because of their basic understanding of Renaissance
building techniques, as well as a pattern book brought in from Mexico or Europe, the
construction of lasting bridges still commenced (del Castillo-Noche, 2016). The friars took the
risk of being the first engineers and architects because of the necessity of spreading
Catholicism through the construction of churches, roads and bridges.

Due to the increasing demands of political and economic activities as well in the
Philippines, specialized engineers from Spain were soon necessary. This led to the

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establishment of
Inspección General de
Obras Publicas (the
General Board of
Public Works) by a
Royal Decree in 1866
(del Castillo-Noche,
2016). The decree
allowed the more
scientific and effective
construction of
structures to last a
lifetime. Building these
structures however
required the Filipinos’
participation. They Figure 23. The Puente de España. (Gopal, 2013)
were conscripted by
their local officials—
either by their gobernadorcillos or cabezas de barangay or, in some instances, competent
principales. Working on these structures, bridges and roads especially, was very difficult. In
the case of bridges, the polistas had to employ the classical designs of Europe of which most
basic is the Roman arch, taught upon them by the friar-engineer-architects (Villalon, 2011).

Working conditions in the designated places were severe. The polistas had to quarry
huge stones and shape them into cubic forms. Since these stones were durable, they had a
high demand in the construction of buildings. These stones were quarried in mountains and
were brought to the work place with the use of local carts by numerous able-bodied men.
These stones would then be cut precisely into cubic shapes of different sizes in order to form
arches that would serve as the support system of the bridges’ surface. The Roman arch had
a better benefit, likewise, because it allowed the use of its spandrel by small canoes used by
the Filipinos in travelling elsewhere or in fishing along the river.

How the stones put together as if they were cemented in order to prevent the structure
from further collapse is puzzling. After cutting, the stones were put one after the other and
cemented together using argamasa (mortar), a mixture of powdered lime and water. Lime
was obtained from limestone quarries, coral reefs, and seashells (“The Spanish Colonial
Tradition from 1565 to 1898”, 2013). Depending upon what was available in the locality,
ingredients as plant sap, molasses, and even eggs (egg white) were used to make the mortar
more binding and durable.

Significance of Bridges

Since the designs of bridges were originally European and most of the materials used
in their construction were local, the type of construction employed was Arquitectura Mestiza
or mixed architecture, a term used by the Jesuit Ignacio Alcina as early as 1668, because it
is the espousal of Western and Philippine elements (Villalon, 2014; “The Spanish Colonial
Tradition from 1565 to 1898”, 2013). It can be observed that the areas where bridges were
usually constructed were the areas characterized by a rugged terrain and the presence of
rivers. With the desire to hasten missionary activities, bridges were constructed and,

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inevitably, the old bumpy roads were connected which facilitated better supervision by the
military and civil authorities.

Since the construction of bridges employed polistas from the pueblo itself or the
alcaldia where it was a part, the bridge was a melting pot of both local and Western. Not only
because of the designs and materials used but also the entirety of the bridge itself. While it is
true that it would bear the name of the builder through a marker placed elsewhere in it, it also
bore the identity of the unsung workers through the markings underneath the structure. The
markings indicate freemasonic symbols which meant that the Filipinos were the stone cutters
or carvers and the builder of the Philippines by means of working hard in the construction of
bridges that connected the pueblos and alcaldias (GMA 7 News and Public Affairs, 2013).

The linking of these local government units in the colonial era would eventually lead to
increased economic activities and, to a certain extent, progress in the localities. While it is
true that the bridges connected roads and towns and provinces, they also meant demarcation
lines. The bridges defined the boundaries of these local government units from one another.

Activity

Choose a particular infrastructure or establishment (e.g., a building, bridge, road,

etc.). Using primary and secondary sources, write a brief history of that
infrastructure or establishment.

❖

References

de Jesus. Ed C. (1980). The tobacco monopoly in the Philippines: Bureaucratic enterprise and
social change, 1766-1880). Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press.

del Castillo-Noche, Manuel Maximo Lopez. (2009). Philippine history of the bridges. Retrieved
from https://www.scribd.com/document/316619637/PH-History-of-Bridges

GMA 7 News and Public Affairs (Producer), & David, Kara (Host). (2013). Ang Lihim ng
lumang tulay [Video file]. Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=
8Q2WU_gvSaU&list=LLlDDbKS7jlWUijmNp2LJEkg&index=510.

Gopal, Lou. (2013). Jones bridge. In Manila nostalgia. Retrieved from http://www.
lougopal.com/manila/?p=472.

Matias, Jonathan R. (2014). Puentes de España: A tale of two bridges. Retrieved from
http://www.sulugarden.com/wp-content/Sulu_Blog_Puentes_de_Espa%C3%B1a-
A_tale_of_two_bridges.pdf

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Mundigo, A., & Crouch, D. (Trans.). (1973). The laws of the Indies. Ministerio de la
Vivienda, Madrid. Retrieved from http://codesproject.asu.edu/sites/default/files/
THE%20LAWS%20OF%20THE%20INDIEStranslated.pdf

Pascual, Mc Donald M. (2013). Ang paglaganap at gamit ng fotograpiya mula kolonyang

Kastila tungong okupasyong Amerikano. Unpublished research.

Paterno, Tina. (2018). The making of the all-steel gothic revival San Sebastian Basilica.
Retrieved from https://bluprint.onemega.com/making-san-sebastian-basilica/

San Sebastian basilica. (n.d. ) Retrieved from https://www.wmf.org/project/san-sebastian-

basilica

The Spanish colonial tradition from 1565 to 1898. (2013). Retrieved from https://studylib.
net.doc/8250485/the-spanish-colonial-tradition-from-1565-to-1898-the

U.S. Army Corps of Engineer. (1915). Professional memoirs (Vol. 7). Engineer School
Washington Barracks, D.C.

Villalon, Augusto. (2011). Spanish colonial bridges in the Philippines. Retrieved from
https://lifestyle.inquirer.net/28865/spanish-colonial-bridges-in-the-philippines/

Villalon, Augusto. (2014). Why wooden houses survived the earthquake. Retrieved from
https://lifestyle.inquirer.net/152381/why-wooden-houses-survived-the-earthquake/

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 Lesson 2 

THE “MORO” PROBLEM

(For Liberal Arts Majors)

Introduction

One of the misunderstood groups of people—if not the most misunderstood indeed—
in the country is the group of the Muslims. Before the coming of the Spaniards, they used to
be identified as the most dominant group in the country practicing a monotheistic belief. The
Spaniards found out that Muslims were not only dominant in Mindanao, in the areas of
Cotabato, Zamboanga and the Sulu Archipelago, but also in Southern Palawan, the Tagalog-
speaking provinces like Mindoro and Batangas, Manila and the Kapampangan areas in the
north. Being their traditional enemy during the crusades and way back in Spain when the
Muslims invaded the Iberian Peninsula, they called the Muslims in the Philippines as Moros.
The Muslim Filipinos then became their natural enemies in their 333-year occupation of the
country.

The Muslim Filipinos were described by the Spaniards as brute, arrogant, ungrateful
and deceitful. Seen as warlike without the rudiments of civilization, they were regarded as
marauders, plunderers and abductors. The military harassments made by the Spaniards
against them, especially during the Moro Wars, caused the Muslims to develop suspicion and
intrinsic hatred among the colonizers and the subjects of their dominions, who in one way or
another, were used in military expeditions against them. This suspicion and hatred became
persistent as the Muslims continued their acts of piracy, contending the Spanish fleet that was
sent to subdue them in 1848. The persistence of their ill-feeling transcended up to these days
as shown by the problems of separatism and violence in Mindanao.

Learning Outcomes

At the end of the lesson, the students should be able to:

1. Understand the origin of the problems between the Christian and Muslim
Filipinos that persisted until these days through the use of primary sources.
2. Propose recommendations or possible solutions that can mitigate present-day
problems based on their own understanding of the causes and their anticipation
of future scenarios.

The Origin of the Problem

Muslims in the Philippines were usually stigmatized in the writing of Philippine history.
Historical accounts branded them as backwards, lovers of violence, pirates, and antithetic to
Christianity. This problem is a product of colonial disorientation brought upon by the

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Spaniards when they conquered the Philippines, when they painted a negative image of the
Muslims to the minds of their newly-conquered subjects. This negative perspective can be
traced to the Conquista-Reconquista Period in Spain. That period was characterized by the
Muslims conquest of the Iberian Peninsula (Conquista) and the attempt of the Christian
Kingdoms of Spain to regain the territory occupied by the Muslims (Reconquista).

When the Spaniards started to subdue the various communities in the Philippines in
1565, they encountered various Muslim communities in Manila, Mindoro, Batangas,
Maguindanao, and Sulu. From then on, the Muslims were referred to as the Moros in Spanish
historical annals, although they did not have any relationship whatsoever with their invaders
from Northern Africa where the term Moor was derived. The vilification of the Moros in colonial
accounts was justified by the depredations and piratical incursions which they launched
against the Christianized colonial settlements most especially in the Visayas area. If for the
Spaniards, the Moros were sheer evil because of their attacks against the Christian
communities, for the Muslims, it was their way of preserving their ancient liberties which was
threatened by the Spanish presence in the area. Thus they were able to justify their attacks
as their way of defending themselves from Spanish subjugation.

The Persistence of the Problem

The problem, however, continued to escalate when the Spaniards left the Philippines
and the sovereignty was transferred to the Americans. Through the Bates Treaty (later
reduced to Bates Agreement), the Sultan of Sulu relinquished his sovereignty to the
Americans and reduced his power to ceremonial matters only. At first, although the Moros
were hesitant to accept American domination, they soon respected the new colonizers to the
extent of petitioning them to continue colonizing Muslim Mindanao should the Philippines be
granted with independence. They would rather remain as an American colony than to be
incorporated to the proposed Republic. The wish of the Muslims was not granted and they
were eventually incorporated to the newly-born Philippine Republic.

One of the challenges which befallen the Republic of the Philippines was the
integration of the cultural minorities to the national body-politic. As a solution, the House of
Representatives created a special committee in 1954 which would cater the demands and
desires of the cultural minorities. In its report, the committee recommended the establishment
of a commission which would tackle the problem of Muslim integration. Through Republic Act
1888, the Commission on National Integration was formed which aimed at advancing and
developing all of the cultural minorities besides the Muslims. The works of the Commission,
however, did not please all the Muslims. As a matter of fact, Congressman Ombra
Amilbangsa even criticized the bad practices and inefficient services of the Commission. By
the 1960s, the Moro Problem continued to thrive to the point that the Senate Committee on
National Minorities issued a report in 1963, highlighting the discontent in Mindanao. The
Committee traced the root causes of the discontent to (1) land problems, (2) disparity in
education, (3) lack of livelihood opportunities and (4) issues on health and transportation.

The Consequence

The issue on the Moro Problem shook the very foundation of Philippine society and
the dream of unifying all the Filipinos into a single body-politic became problematic. One of
the main reasons for this is the mutual distrust between the Muslims and the Christians. In a

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study made by the Filipinas Foundation in 1971, sixty-five percent of the Muslims in the
Philippines at the time when the study was conducted viewed their Muslim identity with higher
regards as compared to Filipino identity. To them, Filipino identity was based on Christian
identity or being a Bisaya which meant being a slave, an idea which was far from being
espoused to the ideals of Islam.

On the other hand, the related study conducted by Lacar and Hunt (1972) between
1970 and 1971 revealed that the negative perspective on the Muslims continued to thrive in
some universities in Manila, Dumaguete and Cotabato. They even remarked that based on
the answers given by their respondents in the University of the Philippines, the premier
academic institution in the country imbued with high regard to intellectualism, negative
perception still thrived. Distrust was also pointed out by Bulatao in his study in 1973 where
he claimed that Christians accused the Muslims on being unmindful in the development of the
country.

Activity

1. Interview all of the member of your household and ask the following questions:
a. What is your perception of the Muslims?
b. Is your perception the Muslims based on what you studied in school or based on
what was introduced to you by the media or other people?

2. Based on the interview your conducted, write a short narrative and state whether the
negative perception on the Muslims continue to thrive in your community.

❖

References

Filipinas Foundation, Inc. (1971). An anatomy of Philippine Muslim affairs: A study in depth
on Muslim affairs in the Philippines conducted under the auspices of Filipinas
Foundation Inc. Makati: Author.

Bulatao, Rodolfo. (1973) Ethnic attitudes in five Philippine Cities. Quezon City: UP Social
Research Laboratory.

Gowing, Peter. (1977) Of different minds: Muslims and Christian perceptions of the Mindanao
problem. In Philippine quarterly of culture and society (Issue. 5, pp. 243–252).
University of San Carlos Publications.

Hernandez, Jose Rhommel. (2010). Reduccion: Ang pag-uwi sa diskurso ng pananakop at

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pakikipagtunggali. Malay 23 (No. 1, pp. 67–80). De La Salle University Press.

Lacar, Luis and Chester Hunt. (1972). Attitudes of Filipino Christian college students toward
Filipino Muslims and their implications for national integration. In Solidarity (Issue 8,
No. 7, pp.: 3–9). Solidaridad Publishing House.

McAmis, Robert D. (1973). Muslim Filipinos in the 1970s. In Solidarity (Issue 8, No. 6, pp.
3–15). Solidaridad Publishing House.

Pidal, Ramon Menendez. (1950). The Spaniards in their history (W. Starkie, Trans.). New
York: W.W. Norton & Company, Inc.

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 Lesson 3 

IMPLEMENTING PUBLIC ORDER THROUGH THE CLAVERIA DECREE OF 1849

(For Computer Science, Accountancy and Business Administration Majors)

Introduction

Have you ever wondered why there are Filipinos known by the surnames Reyes, delos
Santos, Estrella, Mendoza and Salvatierra as there are Filipinos known by the surnames
Dimagiba, Polotan, Poqui, Poquita and Kahabagan? Does it mean that the Spanish sounding
surnames denote the presence of Spanish blood—or at least mestizo blood—on the part of
those who possess them? If one were to think of that predicament, only a fragment of the
confusion brought by the surnames would be threshed out. How about the initiation of public
order and the process through which this initiation was carried out in the country by merely
distributing surnames among the local inhabitants? That by merely prompting the Filipinos to
adopt surnames, Spain would leave not only a long-lasting legacy among the Filipinos until
the present time but also public order from which it benefited politically, economically and
culturally.

Learning Outcomes

At the end of the lesson, the students should be able to:

1. Explain the reasons why the Filipinos had to adopt surnames in the 19th century.
2. Evaluate the circumstances through which the decree was implemented among
the Filipinos.
3. Deconstruct the idea that the Filipinos bearing Spanish-sounding surnames have
Spanish descent.

The Claveria Decree of 1849

The 19th century can be considered as the golden age of Spanish colonial regime in
the country. This is because their attention was no longer limited to pacification or the
conquest of the far-flung areas of the archipelago; rather they gave attention to other matters
or issues that troubled the society. It was at this time that they gave attention to public health
and thus the introduction of measures and the building of hospitals in order to mitigate the
spread of contagious diseases like STDs, bubonic plague and cholera, among others. It was
at this point when reforms were introduced in the education sector and the building of more
schools such as the Escuela Normal de Maestros besides those that were established before.

The Claveria Decree of 1849 or the November 21, 1849 Decree was not different from
those that have already been mentioned as part of the reforms introduced by Spain in the
country. It was a superior decree issued by Governor-General Narciso Claveria in order that

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the native populace of the country would take possession of surnames from a catalogue called
Catalogo Alfabetico de Apellidos (Alphabetical List of Surnames) which was compiled by the
reverend father provincials of the various religious congregations in the country. The principal
purpose of the decree was to provide exact identity on every citizen as he observed the lack
of surnames that would distinguish individuals belonging to the same family (Cojuangco,
2006).

According to the observation of Claveria himself, many individuals arbitrarily adopted

the names of saints that it resulted into the existence of thousands of individuals possessing
the same surname and thus serious problems became evident.

Why the Decree was Implemented

In the localities, many problems were encountered by the Spanish authorities. Some
of them were insufficient collection of taxes, difficulty of enforcing laws and administering
justice, inadvertent incestuous affair between relatives and legitimacy of births and
inheritances. Governor Claveria (1849) was alarmed of the consequences that these
problems yielded, primarily “because family names are not transmitted from parents to their
children, so that it is sometimes impossible to prove the degrees of consanguinity for [the]
purpose of marriage, rendering useless the parochial books which in Catholic countries are
used for all kinds of transactions” (para. 1).

Insufficient collection of taxes in the pueblos was usually the result of (1) the
clandestine corrupt practices of some cabezas de barangay who were at the forefront of
collecting taxes among the people and (2) tax evasion by means of hiding into places due to
the exorbitant amount of tax being collected. To get out of this predicament and possibly of
incarceration, the gobernadorcillo had to sell his property in order to compensate the amount
of uncollected or unremitted taxes—all of which were expected from him. Thus, many
gobernadorcillos, in the Bicol Region for instance, became bankrupt due to that covert yet
usual practice.

When it comes to law enforcement, the authorities had the difficulty of distinguishing
and running after criminals and scoundrels due to the absence of exact identities—that is the
absence of surnames. It must be remembered that many Filipinos bore the same names
during that period. Conversely, how the Filipinos knew each other was surprising even if there
were, for instance, five or seven individuals who possessed the same name, say Juan or Jose,
and even those individuals did not have surnames to distinguish them from one another.
Interestingly each Filipino knew all of the residents in his barangay because he barely had the
opportunity of getting out of his immediate environment in order to go to the kabisera and
undergo checkup through the services of a medico titular.

Due to the absence of strict implementation on the use of surnames prior to 1849,
there were middle classes who resorted to changing their surnames. This tolerance did not
only create a problem on ascertaining inheritance and legitimacy but also created fear among
the church ministers. According to Governor Claveria himself, the church ministers were
alarmed of the presence of married couples who would be inadvertently discovered of being
cousins. Accordingly, after hearing the testimonies of the Most Reverend Bishops, the
Reverend Provincials of the religious congregations and the Honorable Assessor General of
the government, he ordered the strict observance of the provisions of his superior decree.

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The Compilation of Surnames

The surnames were compiled by the members of the religious congregations namely,
the Jesuits, Franciscans, Augustinians, Dominicans and Recollects. These religious
individuals listed Spanish surnames, as well as the various names of the Virgin and the saints.
Those who were assigned in the alcaldias had to send local appellations like Karunungan,
Karamihan, and Kahabagan, surnames that became prevalent in Laguna; Makapagal,
Gatpolintan, and Gatmaitan in the Kapampangan areas; and Dimayuga, Dimagiba, Dimatulac,
and Dimalanta in Batangas (Cojuangco, 2006).

Due to the apparent inadequacy of the surnames, the list had to comprise local terms
for geographic features, minerals and names of vegetables, animals, insects and fishes.
Conjuangco (2012) further explains that geographic features written in the Catalogo included
bukid (spelled as buquid), bundok (bondoc) and gubat while bulawan, ginto (guinto), pilak
(pilac; silver) and tumbaga (copper) were taken from the mineral kingdom. Names of
vegetables like kamote (camote), kalabasa (calabasa), balatong, hebechuelas, pichay and
malunggay were appropriated. Animals and insects, on the other hand, comprised pabo,
pato, pajaro and bukbok (bocboc; powder beetle) while fishes included bulik (bulic), lapu-lapu
and hito (para. 5).

Bodily descriptions and parts as balbon (hairy), balbas (beard), bayag (testicles), pantog
(bladder), puso (heart) and puki (poqui; vagina) were added. Funny or vulgar words like bangkay
(spelled as bangcay), tanga, gago, kupal (spelled as cupal; smegma), maitim (dark), malibog
(horny), ungas, tae, unggoy (onggoy) were likewise counted. There were even local words like
bagkat (bagcat; to lift), dakkel (dacquel; big), kupag (cupag; coconut pulp), salaknib (salacnib;
shield) taken from the Iloko language. Even languages such as Tagalog and Iloko (Yloco) and
names of provinces like Tarlac and Zambales were allocated. And yes, the term Pilipino was
also in it (Catalogo de Alfabetico, n.d.).

Though it was not fast enough, the compilation of surnames was easily facilitated
because the Church ministers were assigned to the different areas of the archipelago. The
Jesuits were in charge of Surigao, Zamboanga, Davao and Cotabato. The Franciscans were
in charge of Quezon, Aurora, Samar, Leyte and portions of Bulacan. The Agustinians took
charge of the provinces of Batangas, Pampanga, Iloilo, Cebu, Capiz, Antique, Aklan and the
Ilocos provinces. The Dominicans were assigned in Batanes, Cagayan, Pangasinan, Tarlac,
Bataan and Zambales, while the Recollects were delegated in Bohol, Cavite, Siquijor and
Dumaguete (Cojuangco, 2006). These ministers listed local words and terms which could be
sent to the colonial capital for inclusion in the Catalogo.

The Distribution of Surnames

Due to the absence of photocopying machines, the surnames had to be distributed by

clusters of pages from the Catalogo. This, in effect, made the surnames allocated to the
localities began with the same letter. For instance, Domingo Abella, former director of the
National Archives of the Philippines, once noted that surnames beginning with letter A were
distributed in the capital towns of Albay, Sorsogon and Catanduanes (para. 6).

In the province of Albay, surnames beginning with letters B and C were allocated to
the residents in the coastal towns facing the Pacific while surnames starting with letter M were

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issued in the Iraya Valley at Daraga. Surnames beginning with letter S were given to the
northern towns of Polangui and Libon while the letter R was provided in the town of Oas (para.
6). Well known public historian Ambeth Ocampo wrote that most of the surnames beginning
with the letter R were distributed to the residents in the town of Oas in Albay. Sometimes,
surnames began with the first letter of the names of the towns. For instance, the surnames
distributed in Tigabauan, Guimbal and Miag-ao in the province of Iloilo began with the letters
T, G and M respectively (2013). The explanation is simple: Governor Claverial instructed
his alcade mayores to allocate surnames starting with the same letter to each town (Claveria,
1849).

The printed Catalogue was given to the alcalde mayores of the provinces. In turn,
these heads of provinces assigned to each town under their jurisdiction a number of surnames
that corresponded to the number of families therein (provision 1). After apportioning a certain
number of surnames for each town, the alcade mayor had to send the surnames to the
parishes for eventual distribution to the barangays. The distribution in the barangays had to
be carried on with the help of the gobernadorcillo¸ another municipal official and two
trustworthy principales. During the distribution of surnames, the cabeza de barangay (literally,
head of the barangay) had to accompany his subjects. The head of the family was the only
member allowed to receive or choose a surname. In case that he had died before the
enactment of the decree, the oldest member was required to take his behalf. The surname
received or chosen would be adopted by the whole family, their close relatives and their future
descendants (provisions 2 and 10).

To ascertain consanguinity, the heads of families had to inform their children,

especially those who were living in other towns, of the adopted surnames. In case that the
head of the family had been dead, the children had to adopt the surname of their grandfather—
or in the case of his death—the brothers or relatives of their father. Those who were born
without fathers had to follow the surname of their mothers—or if also unknown—the surname
of the guardian, baptismal sponsor or that of the parish priest in case that the baptismal
sponsor would not allow it (provisions 5, 6 and 12). This was necessarily done in order to
ensure that all members of the same family bore the same surname.

Surnames that have been widely used by those who had adopted them like Dela Cruz,
Santos, Delos Santos and Delos Reyes were not included in the Catalogo anymore.
Surprisingly, Cruz and Reyes were still listed. This attempt was made in order to refrain from
having hundreds of individuals bearing the same surnames.

The Impact of the Claveria Decree

Indeed, the Claveria Decree was implemented all throughout the dominions of Spain
in the country. One striking effect was the instruction given among school teachers to “register
all the children attending school, with their names and surnames, and shall see to it that they
shall not address or know each other except by the surname listed in the register which should
be that of the parents. In case of lack of enthusiasm in compliance with this order, the
teachers shall be punished in proportion to the offense at the discretion of the head of the
province” (provision 11). Moreover, school teachers were used for registrations like what the
government is doing in times of census and election until an automated election process was
implemented recently.

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The adoption of surnames by the Filipinos created an identity. The imposition of

surnames had to compel them to another Hispanizing process as evidenced by the strict
implementation of the decree. Governor Claveria ordered, “Once the lists of the cabecerias
were finalized and approved by the reverend parish priest, a register for each of them was
prepared so that by assembling all of these, a general register for each town would be
provided, signed by the gobernadorcillo and approved by the parish priest, following the
customary practice for the annual inventories of the provinces; three copies thereof shall be
prepared, one to serve as a master copy in the parish, another to be conserved by the head
of the province in the archives, and the third to be sent to the Superior Government for
inclusion in the expediente (case file) of this decree and for other uses as needed” (provision
16). Thus, the colonial government came up with a nationwide registration of names from
which it could determine the population of the areas under its jurisdiction.

What became the impact of the Claveria decree? Eventually, the decree established
a registry en masse for the Filipinos. The surnames they adopted could not be changed with
malice any longer or the culprits had to suffer eight days in prison with a fianza worth three
pesos (provision 21). The registry, in turn, provided the colonial government with a list from
which tributes could be determined from the populace. Moreover, the decree allowed the
government to regulate the migration of people and the better enforcement of laws and justice.
On the part of the Church, the unexpected incestuous affairs between unknown relatives were
prevented. By and large, the decree became an effective regulatory mechanism on the part
of the colonial government to enforce obedience among the ruled while it attempted to give
them exact identities through the adoption of surnames.

Busting the Myths

The Claveria decree produced both understanding and confusion regarding the nature
of Filipino surnames. First, there are some Filipinos who entertain the idea that the non-
Spanish-sounding surnames were the surnames distributed to the lowly individuals during the
Spanish regime. Allegedly, these individuals had no choice but to adopt whatever surname
that was given to them by the Spaniards. On the contrary, the surnames compiled in the
Catalogo comprised of Spanish-sounding surnames, local appellations, names of vegetables,
animals, minerals and fishes, including geographic features and artistic performances.
Governor Clavera had no intention in mind other than addressing the problems experienced
by the government and the Church concerning the lack of exact identities that each individual
had in the 19th century. The distribution of the surnames had no prejudice on whoever would
adopt them as their family cognomina for posterity.

Another confusion that the story of surnames has brought upon many Filipinos is the
idea about the Spanish-sounding surnames as the result of the existence of Spanish ancestry.
To some people, it is thought as the product of intermarriage between a Spaniard and a
Filipino woman. It must be considered that in the alcadias where Spanish-sounding surnames
were also distributed, there were very few Spaniards living there: the alcalde mayor and his
wife, the cura parroco, the medico titular, a few more government officials and guardia civiles.
Paul Morrow (2010) relates the 2000 census of the Philippine government and the 2001 study
made by Stanford University on the supposed European genetic composition of the Filipinos.
The 2000 census determined that the Malay heritage of the Filipinos remained unmixed to a
high percentage of 95% while the 2001 study yielded a very minimal rate of 3.6% European
heredity. It must be borne in mind that the Filipinos who adopted surnames in 1849 had the
privilege to choose from the list allotted to them by the alcade mayor.

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On the issue of blood relationship, when two Filipinos bear the same surnames—
especially the Spanish-sounding surnames, it does not automatically mean that they are
relatives. This is because many Filipinos—the well-to-do in particular—had adopted the
names of saints and other popular cognomens like Cruz (Cross), de la Cruz (of the Cross),
de los Reyes (of the Kings) prior to the enactment of the decree. Some of these Filipinos, in
fact, used the surnames indiscriminately that they could change them at their desire. The
imposition of the decree by Governor Claveria, himself, made the surnames of every family
permanent.

Activity

Make an interview to your paternal or maternal grandfather. Ask him of what he

knows about the origin of your surname or middle name by allowing him to recall the
place of origin of his paternal grandfather. Write the gist of your interview in three
paragraphs of not more than five sentences each.

❖

References

Alas, Pepe. (2019). Today in Filipino history: Catalogo alfabetico de Apellido. Retrieved from
https://pepealas.wordpress.com/2019/11/21/today-in-filipino-history-catalogo-
alfabetico-de-apellidos/

Catalogo alfabetico de apellidos. (n.d.). Manila: National Archives of the Philippines.

Claveria, Narciso. (1849). Decree of Don Narciso Claveria, governor of the Philippines, 21
November 1849. Retrieved from http://www.zahlerweb.info/pm/claveria.htm.

Cojuangco, Margarita. (2006, May 7). What’s in a name? The Philippine Star, p. I1.

Morrow, Paul. (2010). Claveria’s decree. Retrieved from https://www.pilipino-express.com/

history-a-culture/in-other-words/895-claverias-catalogue.html

Ocampo, Ambeth. (2013). A sense of order. Retrieved from https://opinion.inquirer.net/

46885/a-sense-of-order.

Ocampo, Ambeth. (2020). How Filipinos got their surnames. https://opinion.inquirer.net

/127676/how-filipinos-got-their-surnames
 Lesson 4 

THE SCHOOL CURRICULUM IN THE PHILIPPINES:

ITS HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT

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(For Education Majors)

Introduction

It is imperative that future educators and teachers should not only be familiar with
classroom management and teaching but also the historical development of education system
in the Philippines, more particularly the curriculum.

The term curriculum refers to the set of disciplines or courses being taken or studied
by an individual or a group of individuals called learners at a given period in a given setting.

In the country, and even in other countries, curriculum is varied depending upon a
given time and setting. For instance, the curriculum during the Spanish period is very different
from that of the American period because it was tailored to direct students to three major
degrees only. Besides, the former was regarded as a part of an older epoch. Similarly,
curriculum is varied between levels, say between high school and college levels because the
latter prepares the students to their future careers.

Objectives

At the end of the lesson, the students should be able to:

1. Examine the development of the school curriculum in the Philippines.

2. Propose experience-based suggestions in improving the school curriculum in the
Philippines.

The Pre-Colonial Education

Prior to the eventual colonization of the Philippines by the Spaniards in 1565, the
Filipinos had already achieved and possessed high degree of cultural practices. Such culture
practices were evident in their beliefs, traditions, customs, mores, habits, languages and
folklores.

Compared to the Spanish Period, the education system was not as complicated as
during Pre-colonial era. Children learned the basic knowledge, patterns of behavior and skills
through unsystematic and un-deliberate. Knowledge and practices were acquired through
paying attention to examples, listening to pieces of advice and observation and imitation.
Education was identified as informal and conducted along with the day-to-day life.

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The early Filipinos had

already a system of writing known as
Baybayin. The scripts were carved in
bamboo, tree barks or stones. The
system of writing was used in making
correspondences with other
barangays or sometimes in keeping
records. They were strictly
compelled to obey the laws of the
barangay promulgated by the datu
and the council of the elders (in the
case of Luzon and the Visayas) or
the Sultan and the Ruma Bichara (in
the case of Sulu and Maguindanao).
Likewise, they identified themselves
as parts of the society–i.e., the
barangay–to which they lived.
Figure 24. The system of writing by the Pre-colonial Filipinos called
Baybayin. (Retrieved from https://narrastudio.com/
blogs/journal/baybayin-the-ancient-filipino-script-lives-on).
The Spanish-devised Curriculum

During Spanish regime, schools were established for the children of the Spaniards,
mestizos and the affluent Filipinos. The first colegio was established in 1589 and this was the
Colegio de San Ignacio that was later elevated into the rank of a university in 1621. This first
university established in the Philippines was directed by the Jesuit fathers. But when the
Jesuits were expelled in 1768, the Universidad de San Ignacio, along with Colegio de San
Ildefonso and Colegio de San Jose which were established in Cebu in 1595 and in Manila in
1601 respectively, closed.

The Dominican fathers, on the other hand, founded the Colegio de Santisimo Rosario
(now the University of Santo Tomas) in Manila in 1611 and the Colegio de San Juan de Letran
in 1630. The Santisimo Rosario was elevated into the rank of a university by Pope Innocent
X upon the request of King Phillip IV in 1645.

When the Jesuits were allowed to return to the archipelago, the Escuela Pia (Charity
School) was given to them to manage. They renamed the school Ateneo de Municipal and
improved its education standard. It must be noted that the Spanish-time colegios were only
equivalent to the present-time high schools. Thus, it was necessary for the students to finish
studies in colegios before taking up courses in universidades.

Remarkably, the Spanish authorities, by virtue of the Educational Decree of 1863, two
public elementary schools were established in each town—i.e., one for the boys and another
for the girls–to stress reading and writing in Spanish, arithmetic and catechism. Boys and girls
attended separate schools which meant that there was no co-educational system during that
period. At the higher level of education, boys from ‘de buena familia’ (the elite) took up
courses in universities.

The girls were also given rudiments of education. Two kinds of school were founded
for them, namely: the beaterio, a combined school and nunnery, and the colegio, a regular
school. The schools mainly taught the girls with home nursing, embroidery, Spanish language

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and literature and catechism. Some of the schools for girls founded during the Spanish era
were the Colegio de Sta. Isabel in 1632 and the Beaterio de la Compania de Jesus (now St.
Mary’s College of Quezon City) in 1694. In the later years, the Colegio de Sta, Isabel absorbed
the Colegio de Sta. Potenciana.

The education curriculum of colegios and universidades in the Philippines were in

accord to that of the school curriculum in Europe, although a wide discrepancy could be
determined when it comes to practice. At the Ateneo de Municipal, for instance, subject
offered ranged from the languages, the arts, social sciences to the pure and natural sciences.
Consider, for example, the subjects taken by Rizal from 1872 to 1887.

Figure 25. The transcript of records of Rizal at the Ateneo Municipal. (Bonoan, 1979).

Philippine universities offered only three degrees namely: medicine, law and theology.
At the University of Santo Tomas, the following subjects were taken by Rizal.

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Figure 26. The subjects taken Up by Rizal at UST. (Zaide, 1999).

The Filipinos during the Spanish period were Christianized and some of them received
formal education. A curriculum was introduced though it had little opportunities to offer.

Education during the American Period

When Treaty of Paris was signed signaling the formal take-over of the United States,
the Americans, among others, popularized education with the American soldiers acting as the
first teachers. Unlike in the Spanish period, education during the time of the Americans
became a matter of right among the populace. Many poor children took the opportunity,
realizing that it was what they waited for a long time. While a democratized system of
education was introduced though, it would also serve as a mechanism by the new colonizers
in order to effectively subdue the country.

With the establishment of the Philippine Assembly in 1907, the Filipinos tasted the
advantage to govern their country. The first bill that the assembly passed was the Gabaldon
Law which appropriated one million pesos for the establishment of barrio schools in the
provinces. Most of the barrio schools which were called as Gabaldon schools became central
elementary schools of provincial municipalities eventually.

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Because of the objective of replacing American teachers with Filipino ones, normal
schools were opened. The devised curriculum centered on the training of future elementary
teachers. In this level, the teachers were observed to be so strict to their students.

Many Filipinos were allowed by the colonial administration to go to the United States
and study governance, education, business, agriculture and science. These Filipinos were
called pensionados. This new group of intellectuals who constituted the Philippine
bureaucracy, government and education institutions introduced several reforms. The new
school administrators expanded the scope of the curriculum to meet the standards of their
American alma maters and the demands of the country at that time.

Education in the Japanese Occupation

The Second World War (1941-1945) aggravated the sufferings that had already
inflicted by the Americans. Just like the Americans and their predecessors, the Japanese-
sponsored education system only served as propaganda apparatus in order to gain the
sympathy of the Filipinos. By and large, it aimed at serving their interest of effectively putting
the Filipinos under the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. They introduced Niponggo
(also known as Nihongo) and Japanese history and culture in the new curriculum. Subjects
reflecting foreign culture and traditions other than theirs were abrogated in accordance with
the principle of Asia for the Asians.

The use of Niponggo was not confined, however, in schools alone, especially that most
of the schools were closed because of the peoples’ fear against the abuses committed by the
Japanese Army. Niponggo was also serialized over newspapers and radio programs. Since
there was a total proscription on American and British influences, the use of Tagalog in
correspondence and literature proliferated.

In the schools that opened, hiragana (the soft cursive styles of kana) and katakana
(the sharp cursive styles) were taught. Moreover, among the circulating newspapers were
published some Japanese words written in Roma-ji (the Romanized version). These changes
in the school curriculum did not facilitate the progress of education for the peoples’ benefit.
Instead, it only paved the way towards the conqueror’s vested interests.

Activity

1. Write a comparative matrix on education system of the Philippines during different

periods of the colonizers and identify their differences. You may identify two items
for each colonial period.

2. Write a reflection paper on Gabaldon Law.

❖

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References

Bonoan, Raul J. (1979). Rizal’s record at the Ateneo. In Philippine Studies (Vol. 27, No. 1,
pp.53-73). Ateneo de Manila University Press. Retrieved from
https://www.jstor.org/stable/42632455.

Estioko, L. SVD. (1994). History of education: A Filipino perspective. Manila: Logos

Publications, Inc.

Onofre Corpuz (1989). The roots of the Filipino nation (Vols. 1 & 2). Quezon City: Aklahi
Foundation.

Rizal, Jose. (1999). Memoirs of a student in Manila (Appendix B). In G.F. Zaide & S.M. Zaide
(Authors), Jose Rizal: Life, works and writings of a genius, writer, scientist and hero
(2nd Ed.). All Nations Publishing.

Sajid Musa and Rushnan Ziatnov. (2012). Features and historical aspect of the Philippine
educational system (Vol. 2, No. 2). European Journal of Contemporary Education.

Zaide, Gregorio F. and Sonia M. Zaide. (1999). Jose Rizal: Life, works and writings of a
genius, writer, scientist and hero (2nd Ed.). All Nations Publishing.

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