Witchcraft in The 20 AND 21 Centuries in Nigeria: An Analysis
Witchcraft in The 20 AND 21 Centuries in Nigeria: An Analysis
Witchcraft in The 20 AND 21 Centuries in Nigeria: An Analysis
European Scientific Journal October 2015 edition vol.11, No.28 ISSN: 1857 – 7881 (Print) e - ISSN 1857- 7431
Abstract
This article is aimed at discussing the incidence of witchcraft during
the colonial and post-colonial periods in Nigeria, and shows some basic
reasons why people were or are indulged in witchcraft. It also discusses the
significant impacts of witchcraft in the socio-cultural and technological
development of the Nigeria society Witchcraft became a crime as the various
communities advanced in technology because of exposure to western
education and industrialization. Some communities experienced an intense
period of witch-hunting while their neighbours were hardly aware of witch-
hunting. Many individuals freely admitted to being witches. Such individuals
were often non-conformists who felt constrained or alienated, by the plethora
of oaths, sanctions and taboos. A witch was believed to be an individual in
whom dwelt a distinctive wickedness which harmed people in mysterious
secret ways. They were regarded as antisocial and wicked. The witch myth
was and is still recognized and affirmed as opposition to moralities. The
witch, as an incarnate, always symbolized evil in contrast to the basic
goodness of the society. Penalties for witchcraft vary widely in different
parts of Africa. In Nigeria, nearly all witchcraft penalties were harsh and
rather arbitrary. Witches in pnre-colonial, Nigeria were rarely completely
rehabilitated and accepted back into the society. Research findings shows
that, things changed in the present day Nigeria where witches having
confessed or renounced openly, were ably accepted into their community and
freed to take part in community affair as normal persons.
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Introduction
Witchcraft is the supernatural interference in the natural community
lifestyle and behaviour. It is a universal phenomenon which has a strong root
in community beliefs. Before civilization and technology, almost all
community cultures permitted the use of supernatural means of assistance.
This assistance was in form of consultation with supernatural groups like the
witches, to enquire or atone any phenomenon that surpassed the
communities’ physical explanations. Such phenomena were generally on
economic, war, health and political issues. Witchcraft was globally very
common for the great majority of people who lived around during the 17th,
18th and 19th centuries in Europe, America and Africa, where supernatural
on interference was an ordinary part of their everyday life.
In the pre-colonial days, what is now known as Nigeria consisted of
several ethnic groups with different culture and customs. Nigerian
communities embraced witchcraft as a consultative medium of getting
explanations to incomprehensible phenomena within their areas. The peoples
were unaware of the causes of diseases and other natural phenomenon,
hence, they consulted with supernatural groups or societies like the witches
for explanations. Besides, some Nigerian communities especially the Yoruba
and Igbo speaking tribes and people in the Southwest and Southeast, were
known for the worship of Esu (the devilish supernatural). They believed that
witchcraft was created by God (the goodness supernatural) to maintain
balance in the world system. The coming of Christianity and the spread of
Islam in the modern time, seemed not to have any significant impacts in the
belief system of Nigerians in witchcraft. Therefore, this article aims to
compare issues surrounding the 20th and 21stcenturies witchcraft practices in
Nigeria and shows how the beliefs in the supernatural power of witchcraft as
part of our lives could be removed to enable Nigerians pay more attentions to
industrial and technological advancements and face the physical realities
associated with the modern time and development.
Witchcraft had long been central to British social anthropologists
working in Africa. The landmark study by Evans-Pritchard (1937) on
witchcraft in Africa gave insight into the sociology and cultural history
before and during colonization. Before the coming of the colonial masters,
witchcraft had been part of the culture and beliefs of the people. One of the
key conflicts degenerated into what was known as witch-hunting. Witch-
hunting was not only based on religious issues, but, economic and trade were
some of the underlying motives for witch-hunting.
Witchcraft became a discourse of power in the communities in which
it was present as both conceptualization and action. Sexual jealousy of a new
co-wife was often assumed to be inspiration for the use of witchcraft. The
way women’s use of witchcraft was perceived to express men’s fear of
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women’s active agency and resistance. There was also a typical association
of witchcraft with crime and violation of law.
Witches were associated according to Latour (1982 & 1984) to
people who did things that were not in society’s best interest. For instance, a
detailed account was given on the pre-colonial era of witchcraft in the
northern part of Nigeria. It was concluded from the study that Northern
Nigeria was booming economically, and wealth had a strong association with
witchcraft.
The spread of Islam however, slightly altered the peoples’ beliefs in
the culture. In this area of subsistence agriculture and barter exchange,
religious authority was in the hands of indigenous priest and elders while
political management was entrusted to the Sokoto Caliphate. When the
educated elite, in the north, intended on carving out a distinct identity, turned
to Islam, Islam became increasingly associated with arziki (wealth, good-
fortune and well-being), status and power – Nicolas (1975). In this region,
economic and trade were in the hands of Muslims, who largely succeeded in
silencing the practice of witchcraft for wealth and riches accumulation.
Administrative positions were also monopolized by Muslims whose
prosperity and modernity were proof that the social veneer provided by Islam
was an indispensable dimension of success when building a career in
commerce or politics. The prosperity of respected Alhaji (pilgrims) was a
powerful incentive to turn to prayers for those who associated a Muslim`s
identity with economic success outside the practice of witchcraft.
A similar occurrence took place in the Southern part of Nigeria
(Southwest, Southeast and South-south). The coming of Christianity to
Nigeria in the mid-20th century did not alter greatly the cultural and lifestyle
of the people. The first Christian mission was only established in 1842 in
Badagry town in Lagos state. Similar to Islam, Christianity also labelled
witchcraft as an antisocial. This led to many crusades on the eradication of
witchcraft in the society. A more detailed account on the activities of
Christian crusaders to eradicate witchcraft were reported by many scholars -
TerHaar (2007), Meyer ( 2004), Bastian ( 2001), Offiong( 1983) among
others.
Nowadays and, due to modernization and civilization more and more
people in Nigeria were opposed to the use of torture to obtain confessions,
not necessarily because it was cruel but because it was not a reliable way of
gaining information. Increasingly, people would not accept confessions
unless they were voluntary and not obtained by torture. People became
skeptical about the so-called spectral evidence. Some supposed victims of
witchcraft claimed they were being tormented by the 'specters' of the people
who bewitched them. Also, many argued that witches had no support from
the Holy books (both Quran and Bible). Many people still believed that
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witches existed but did not believe the more ludicrous stories about them.
Moreover, most people also became skeptical about cases where witches
were supposed to have used supernatural power to kill people.
From what have been written so far and the available literature on
witchcraft, it could be deduced that Nigerians actually believed in the
existence of witchcraft. People knew that witches were anti-social members
of their communities. According to Awolalu and Dopamu (1978), people
knew that witches were the implacable enemies of the society in which they
live. Witches were said to be very potent and were thought to be
responsible for all sorts of misfortunes, accidents, still-born children, sudden
deaths, poverty, bareness and a host of other human misfortunes and miseries
in both centuries under review.
It was the believe of Nigerians according to Bastian (2001) that
witches could not be fought openly unless after the witch had confessed of
possessing such powers that killed or maimed people that the community
could react to the person. Some people who claimed to be witches were
stoned or flogged to death by irate people in the community whose house
must have been touched
One thing that is clear in this research is that witches and witchcraft
had being with the different ethnic peoples of Nigeria in time immemorial.
The people lived in harmony with their law, culture, tradition and
community norms, until they decided to find unscientific solutions to the
various challenges confronting them. The following deductions had been
advanced for the paper:
• Witchcraft in both centuries appears to be a way of life. The various
communities used it to find solutions to their day-to-day life and activities;
• Every Nigerian believed in the existence of witches and witchcrafts in
their areas.
• The new religions, (Islam and Christianity), live side-by-side with the
traditional form of religion.
• People admitted that there was no remarkable and positive differences
between the 20th and 21st centuries witchcraft practices in Nigeria,
• Islam and Christianity never had any positive influence on witchcraft.
These religions promoted the existence of witchcraft as their leaders
created tensions and fears about it in the peoples` minds.
• Muslim and Christian religious leaders seemed to have the same
spiritual ideology on witchcraft - detection of witches, mounting crusades
against witches, performing miracles, invoking and rebuking the unseen
powers.
Witch-hunt became necessary to purge and purify the religious life of
the people from evil and wickedness
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body spiritually as they ate the heart or the liver of the victim, the victim
was considered dead .
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women and young girls in the Yoruba and Igbo speaking areas of Nigeria
and Africa as a whole - Douglas ( 2013), Mgbako (2011), Schnoebelen (
2009), Sanders (2003), Offiong (1983).
As the Yoruba and Igbo people in the Southwest and Southeast
Nigeria attributed witchcraft as a feminine representation, a divergent
concept was portrayed in the Northern Nigeria especially Bornu, Hausa,
Fulani and Nupe speaking peoples in the area. A witch in the northern
Nigeria is commonly called “Maya”. The word Maya could mean a soul-
eater man. It was their believe that Maya were men that practiced witchcraft
and thus, had the ability to possess other peoples` soul.
The reason why a man representation was attributed to witch in
Hausaland was because of the belief that many people became witches in
their quest for power, position and wealth Masquelier (2008). Thus, many
men in the northern Nigeria became witches or the power of witchcraft was
given to them in order to make them powerful, influential and wealthy in that
community. Some of the Maya even used their power to attack travelers and
strangers within the community to increase their wealth. The Maya engaged
in nefarious, extractive activities for the sole purpose of accumulating riches.
It was widely believed according to Geschiere (1997),that women`s
involvement in witchcraft was induced by either their fathers or husbands as
the case might be. Such Mayas were used as informants or servants to obey
their Mayas` masters only. However, this concept of male dominance of
witchcraft in the north, differed from the Eastern and Southern Nigeria –
Harnischfeger (2006), Smith (2001), Offiong (1983 and (1991).
Witchcraft identification
In Nigeria generally, a witch according to Offiong, (1991) was often
referred to the person that the community suspected of practicing witchcraft
or a person who had confessed to practicing the art, or a person who had
been identified by traditional doctors, spiritualists, or fellow witches to be a
witch. Once somebody confessed to being a witch or was identified as one,
people were usually not surprised since such person demonstrated many anti-
social or asocial characteristics. Since the characteristics believed to be
associated with witches were well understood, anybody who possessed them
was labelled as a witch. It is against this background that Offiong (1983),
thus stressed that long before a confession or accusation of being a witch
occurred, some people gossiped about the behaviour of the person. The
people talked about seeing the individual making surreptitious visits to
people who were known witches and the people believed the person chased,
flogged, or whipped them in their dreams. Thus the people concerned, and
in the opinion of Prince (1961), all these confirmed that the person was a
witch. What this suggested was that witchcraft according to Dorglas
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Those in the last order of the group were made up of members that
were conferred without their knowledge, and were not fully aware of the
activities of the group. They bewitched people and attended witch meetings,
but they were not aware of what they did. The issues surrounding the fourth
order in the witchcraft group remained debatable as Latour (1995)
emphasised that some believed that the people in that order must give their
consent to join the witch society. Others believed that no consent was
requested when there was an identified mark of the witch society on the
intending member. The mark of the group might not be on the victim
directly, but placed on the family, property, spouse or transmitted to the
victim
Conferment
The conferment of a witch took many forms. The most common form
in Nigeria in the period under reference, was by hereditary where ones`
parent transferred the art of witchcraft to both born and unborn children.
Offiong (1983) pointed out that the conferment of witches was more
common with female witches compared to their male witches. Female
witches always wanted their children to take their position within the witch-
society. Also, some people willingly joined the group in search of
supernatural powers of protection and wealth, as this was predominantly
common in Nigeria. Others were consciously or unconsciously conferred
into the witch society based on the recommendation by a senior member or
the group who needed the person to serve a purpose.
After the conferment, the group implanted a physical substance into
the body of the newly conferred member. The implanted substance was
perceived to be "round, hairy ball with teeth" passed on from parent to child,
with all the sons of a male witch and all the daughters of a female witch
being witches. The substance allowed the members to be activated into their
world and also permitted the soul to engage in errands during meetings or
group`s activities. The substance symbolized the source of power of a witch
and the group`s linkage to all her members. Witch group conferment in
Nigeria had a well-defined system and regulation which all members
followed strictly otherwise the consequence was punishment or death.
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Witchcraft confession
In recent years a number of people had confessed to witchcraft.
Vulnerable people confessed to serious crimes due to torture or fear. The
majority of the confessor identified, were usually female but a significant
minority were men. The consequences of witchcraft accusations as seen by
Mgbako (2011), violated a wide range of human rights. Attacks against the
accused violated fundamental rights including the right to life, liberty,
security, the right to hold property, and in some cases, the prohibition against
torture. In some industrialized countries, the violence against witchcraft as
noted by Mgbako reduced because many people feared they were punishing
and torturing victim of witchcraft inhumanly and, innocent people were
being killed. Witchcraft trials where recognized, became more rigorous and
higher standards of evidences were demanded.
In Europe, America and many industrialized world, the concept of
witchcraft, magic etc. had fizzled out in their territories as a result of
scientific break-through and industrialization. But before then, there were
always the use of torture to extract confessions provided what was taken to
be convincing evidence of guilt, and these confessions confirmed the
superstitious belief and ignorance of the people. However, Ogenbo (2006),
observed that witch-hunting became a mania and the climax came in
England, Scotland and America, in the 17th century where great numbers of
people in these areas were cruelly put to death by burning. But next century
witnessed the beginning of technology and industry which brought about a
more skeptical attitude towards witchcraft practices in those countries –
Washington (2006)
Recommendation
From the written piece, it is noted that the art of witchcraft was / is a
universal system, it is recommended that.
a. Nigerians should focus more attention on science, technology and
real physical objects rather than mysterious things.
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Conclusion
From the article, it has been shown that in many Nigerian societies,
people continued/continue to live in fear of witchcraft. This is seen to be as a
result of illiteracy and ignorance of modern technology. But, as people
advanced in modern western education, industrial and technological
activities, perhaps, involvement and belief in witchcraft would be drastically
reduced in Nigeria, as it is in the industrialised countries of the world. It is
the opinion of the authors that it is through science, technology and industry
rather than religion that the Nigerian societies would be relieved of
witchcraft fears and tensions.
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