Hyaline Membrane Disease (HMD) - An Historical and Oslerian Perspective
Hyaline Membrane Disease (HMD) - An Historical and Oslerian Perspective
Hyaline Membrane Disease (HMD) - An Historical and Oslerian Perspective
https://doi.org/10.1038/s41372-018-0237-1
PERSPECTIVE
Abstract
Hyaline membrane disease (HMD) offers an illustration of a disease discovered during the lifetime of William Osler and
effectively treated in the twentieth century—the perspective that suggests that there was a straightforward progressive
identification of the disease process, a discovery of the underlying biochemical agent responsible for the pathophysiology,
and the pharmacological refinement of that agent to be used to treat the disease is illusory. By reviewing the timeline from
the earliest pathological description of what was to be later termed HMD to the discovery of surfactant and its impact on
infant mortality, this narrative will demonstrate how various random historical events served to affect the progress of
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developing a treatment for HMD; how the marked reduction in deaths due to HMD may have set the stage for unrealistic
expectations; and how the humanities have warned us of the potential for excessive optimism in our understanding of nature.
Hyaline membrane disease (HMD): an First World War evolved and Osler lost his son, Revere to
historical and Oslerian perspective the war, Osler’s optimism for “man’s redemption of man”
darkened and he spoke of the “barbarism they had all
HMD, also referred to as respiratory distress syndrome succumbed to,” and that “it has yet to be determined
(RDS) and contemporarily often referred to as surfactant whether Science, as the embodiment of a mechanical force,
deficiency [1], provides an excellent paradigm to relate to can rule without invoking ruin.” [5]
the lifetime and hopes of William Osler [2]. Its pathology In reviewing the evolution of HMD, some perspective
was first described during Osler’s lifetime in 1903 [3]; it from the basic schools of thought on understanding disease
relates to Osler’s enthusiasm for the promise of science; from an historical perspective is necessary. First, the
it seemingly demonstrates the systematic progressive nature historical-conceptionalist approach takes concepts of dis-
of science; yet it may pose as a cautionary tale for the ease as objects of historical study and these concepts can
optimism that is often associated with overblown expecta- only be understood within the social and cultural context
tions for humanities’ ultimate control of nature. of a specific period [6]. Thus, for example, the death of
Osler, in his 1910 address to the students of the Uni- a prematurely born infant 200 years ago would only
versity of Edinburgh entitled 'Man’s Redemption of Man', be understood as an infant death, which would not have
synthesized the dream that science would be man’s greatest been an uncommon event in 1818. The death would
contribution to allow for “the final conquest of nature out of have simply been attributed to “natural causes.” In contrast,
which has come man’s redemption of man.” [4]. As the the naturalist-realist approach takes modern disease con-
cepts as the mirror of natural reality [6]. Thus, the realist
would take the discovery of a case diary or file from
200 years ago describing a prematurely born infant that
died at 24 h of age manifesting signs of difficulty breathing
This work was presented in part at the annual meeting of the American
Osler Society, Pittsburgh, PA, 16 May 2018. as a probable case of HMD.
For HMD this narrative takes a conceptionalist approach
* Michael H. Malloy aided by the observation that with the development of
mmalloy@utmb.edu
pathological medicine that originated in France [7] at the
1
Department of Pediatrics, The University of Texas Medical end of the eighteenth century, it became possible to require
Branch, , Galveston, Texas 77550, USA as “cause of death” a proximate pathological assignment for
M. H. Malloy, J. P. McGovern
all those cases formerly classified as “natural causes.” [8]. [15, 16]. This event may have provided the serendipitous
Thus, prior to the early part of the twentieth century HMD random occurrence that moved research into HMD/RDS
would contextually have been considered a “natural cause into high gear.
of death” among preterm infants. From the early twentieth What was the social and cultural impact of Patrick
century to the 1960s it would become a pathological diag- Kennedy’s death? President Kennedy and his immediate
nosis, i.e., the presence of hyaline membranes at autopsy, family were deeply affected. Even prior to Patrick’s death,
and from the end of the twentieth century to the present a the Kennedy family had been deeply interested in infant
disease appreciated as a developmental biochemical phe- developmental issues as a function of the presence of JFK’s
nomenon associated with a deficiency of surfactant. developmentally affected sister, Rose Marie, who probably
The historical narrative of the discovery and treatment of experienced an asphyxiating incident at birth and was later
HMD can be demonstrated figuratively (Fig. 1). The time- even more devastated by a prefrontal lobotomy [17]. With
line presented in this figure is not all inclusive, but a the encouragement of JFK’s sister, Eunice Shriver, JFK had
selection of those events that seemed most important. pushed for the development of The National Institute of
Looking at the timeline, the first pathological description of Child Health and Human Development (NICHD), which
hyaline membranes in the lung of a dead infant came from came into being in 1962 [18]. Within 2 months of Patrick’s
the German literature in a report by Hochheim in 1903 [3]. death JFK signed into law a grant authorizing $256 million
The first English report did not follow until 1923 by in research funding primarily directed toward combating
Johnson [9]. An attempt to conceptualize the cause of the mental retardation through provision of prenatal maternity
presence of hyaline membranes was not put forward until and infant care [19]. In addition, through NICHD
1932 when Farber and Wilson proposed that they (hyaline $1,283,000 was being funded for the study of preterm birth,
membranes) occurred as a function of inhaled amniotic of which $800,000 was to be devoted to focus on HMD in
fluid debris [10]. Not much further activity or progress in the preterm infant [20].
understanding HMD occurred until around 1950, when By 1968, there was good evidence that the funding had
Miller and Jennison described well the clinical presentation stimulated an abundance of research directed toward
of neonates dying of HMD [11]. In 1955 Pattel discovers understanding and developing a therapy for HMD/RDS.
surfactant [12]; in 1957 Clements further elucidates sur- According to a review by Scarpelli in 1968, there were 350
factant properties [13]; and in 1959 Avery and Mead references to surfactant in the literature, 250 that occurred
demonstrate surfactant deficiency in infants dying of HMD since Patrick Kennedy’s death in 1963 [21].
[14]. Then in the early 60s there begins a flurry of activity. Going back to the timeline, early attempts at prolonging
A great deal of this activity may be ascribed to the death life among preterm infants that were considered terminal
of Patrick Bouvier Kennedy, the son of the President, John were reported by Delivoria-Papadopoulis in Toronto using a
F. Kennedy (JFK), in August 1963. Patrick was born at very crude Bird Mark 8 ventilator in 1964 [22]. Further
34 weeks gestation, weighed 2098 g, and died at 39 h of life refinement of ventilators continued and the impact of
Hyaline membrane disease (HMD): an historical and Oslerian perspective
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