John Jenkins - Outdoor Recreation Management (Routledge Advances in Tourism, 5) (1999)

OUTDOOR RECREATION
MANAGEMENT
It is now widely recognized that recreation is as important as work. This book analyses
leisure and outdoor recreation in terms of both their management and their wider
importance to society.
Specifically, Outdoor Recreation Management:
• clarifies the links between leisure, recreation, tourism and resource management;
• reviews contemporary outdoor recreation management theories and concepts;
• critically examines approaches to outdoor recreation planning and management in
diverse recreational settings;
• considers the future of outdoor recreation and the potential influences of economic,
social, political and technological developments.
The wide-ranging analysis considers such issues as provision for people with special
needs, the impact of outdoor recreation on the environment and outdoor recreation in
both urban and rural contexts.
John J.Pigram is Director, Centre for Water Policy Research, University of New
England, Australia.
John M.Jenkins is Senior Lecturer, Department of Leisure and Tourism Studies,
University of Newcastle, Australia.
ROUTLEDGE ADVANCES IN TOURISM
Series Editors: Brian Goodall and Gregory Ashworth
1 THE SOCIOLOGY OF TOURISM

Theoretical and Empirical Investigations
Edited by Yiorgos Apostolopoulos, Stella Leivadi and Andrew Yiannakis
2 CREATING ISLAND RESORTS

Brian King
3 DESTINATIONS
Cultural Landscapes of Tourism
Greg Ringer
4 MEDITERRANEAN TOURISM
Facets of Socioeconomic Development and Cultural Change
Edited by Yiorgos Apostolopoulos, Lila Leontidou and Philippos Loukissas
5 OUTDOOR RECREATION MANAGEMENT

John J.Pigram and John M.Jenkins
6 CONTEMPORARY ISSUES IN TOURISM DEVELOPMENT

Edited by Douglas G.Pearce and Richard W.Butler
OUTDOOR RECREATION
MANAGEMENT
John J.Pigram and John M.Jenkins
London and New York

First published 1999 by Routledge 11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE
Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 29 West 35th Street, New York,
NY 10001
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group

This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2005.
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© 1999 John J.Pigram and John M.Jenkins
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or
by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including
photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission
in writing from the publishers.
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available
from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Pigram, John J. Outdoor recreation
management/John J.Pigram, John M.Jenkins, p. cm. Includes bibliographical references. 1.
Outdoor recreation—Management. 2. Outdoor recreation—Social aspects. 3. Leisure—Social
aspects. I.Jenkins, John M., 1961– II. Title. GV191.66.P5 1999 98–48278 790′. 06′9–dc21 CIP
ISBN 0-203-98358-0 Master e-book ISBN
ISBN 0-415-15999-7 (hbk)

ISBN 0-415-16000-6 (pbk)
CONTENTS
List of tables vi
List of figures viii
Preface xi
1 Leisure and recreation in a busy world 1

2 Outdoor recreation: motivation and choice 18
3 Outdoor recreation: special groups and special needs 39
4 Outdoor recreation resources 56
5 Outdoor recreation and the environment 82
6 Recreation resource management 108
7 Outdoor recreation in urban areas 126
8 Outdoor recreation in rural areas 154
9 Protected areas and outdoor recreation 171
10 National parks management 193
11 Outdoor recreation and tourism 217
12 Tourism and the environment 240
13 Planning for outdoor recreation in a changing world 260
Bibliography 280
Index 304
TABLES
1.1 Demand projections 1993–2001 12
3.1 World Leisure and Recreation Association: Charter for Leisure 43
4.1 Examples of water-dependent and water-related 60

recreationactivities
4.2 A taxonomy of leisure facilities 65
4.3 Canada Land Inventory highlights: 1988 67
4.4 CLI recreational capability classes 1–3: inventoried shoreline 68

within 121 km of the centre of selected metropolitan area
4.5 Outdoor recreation capability classes 70
4.6 Factors affecting suitability for overnight bushwalking 78
5.1 Selected environmental impacts and potential indicators 87
5.2 Criteria for selecting environmental indicators 99
5.3 Nymboida River—water quality objectives and management 101

options
5.4 Acceptable levels of disturbance for defined criteria within 102

selected management classes of a river setting
5.5 Wallis Island Crown Reserve: environmental conditions for 105

management classes—standards for each environment indicator
6.1 Steps in the visitor impact management framework 120

7.1 Marrickville municipality birthplaces 132
7.2 Lenox-Camden playground, Boston 143
7.3 Major causes of non-use in neighbourhood parks 142
7.4 Identifying and solving underuse 145
7.5 Planners’ checklist for assessing plans of proposed subdivision 148

reserves
8.1 Landholders’ comments 166
9.1 Military use of national parks 180
10.1 Fire origin and progress—New South Wales 196
10.2 Potential environmental effects of tourism in protected areas: 201

the types of negative visitor impacts that must be controlled
10.3 Environmental impacts identified in Australian national parks 202
10.4 Classification of visitor management strategies 205
10.5 Strategies and actions for reducing impact on campsites 209
10.6 Proposed protected area management guidelines 212
11.1 Responsibility for tourism development under the tourism 237

opportunity spectrum
13.1 Strategic analysis 270
13.2 The purposes of evaluating a public recreation program 272
13.3 Strategies for Germany’s Baltic coast (Rügen) 274

FIGURES
1.1 The diffusion of leisure time 5
2.1 Recreation demand and participation 20
2.2 The decision process in outdoor recreation 22
2.3 Projected aged dependency ratios in OECD countries 24
2.4 Management factors defining recreation opportunity settings 35
3.1 Crawford and Godbey’s three types of leisure constraints 41
3.2 People with disabilities, Australia, 1993 47
4.1 Overlay of agriculture and waterfowl capability maps 69
4.2 An assessment of the recreation resources of Lanarkshire 74
5.1 The intensity of recreational use in Snowdonia National Park 86
5.2 The effect of crowding on recreational satisfaction 92
5.3 Model of acceptable ecological change in wildlands 95
5.4 Features of Wallis Island 103
5.5 Management class allocation—Wallis Island 104
6.1 The recreation management process 109
6.2 Visitor Impact Management framework 119
6.3 The Visitor Activity Management Process (VAMP)—a generic 122

representation of VAMP
7.1 Australia: regions and population in 1992 127

7.2 A model of non-participation in leisure services 144
7.3 Area standards for park planning in Canberra, Australia 147
7.4 (a) Functional hierarchy of recreation space and recreation 152

opportunity spectrum
7.4 (b) Recreation activities and opportunity setting 152
8.1 Factors influencing availability of private land for recreation 159
9.1 National parks of Ireland 182
9.2 National parks in New Zealand 187
9.3 Wilderness management zoning 191
10.1 The boundaries of Yellowstone National Park 194
10.2 Planning outcomes of the draft nature tourism and recreation 200
strategy
10.3 Key regional destinations: key nature tourism destinations in 201

regional NSW to be promoted nationally and internationally
10.4 Strategies for national park management 207
10.5 A question of interpretation? 208
11.1 A basic whole tourism system 226
11.2 A systematic model for interdisciplinary tourism studies 227
11.3 The cycle of tourist resort development 230
11.4 Schematic model of an English seaside resort 231
11.5 The Gold Coast tourist complex, east coast of Australia 233
11.6 Hypothetical model of resort life cycle 235
12.1 Tourism and environmental quality 245
13.1 The strategic management process 268

PREFACE
Recreation is as important as work; perhaps more important for some. This book is the
culmination of our lengthy interest in leisure and outdoor recreation, and their importance
to society. While we have taken particular care to put forward a balanced treatment of
outdoor recreation management concepts, issues and applications, there are several
important considerations for the reader. First, the publication of leisure, recreation and
tourism materials has increased markedly over the last two decades. In reviewing much
of that literature, we were pragmatic: earlier works were included where they retained
relevance, and extensive references to recent publications are provided. Second, the
contents and arguments presented are clearly influenced by our geographical
backgrounds and a commitment to integrating outdoor recreation management and
resource conservation. Third, we are both particularly fascinated by the extent and nature
of accessibility and conflict in outdoor recreation, and by the diversity of potential and
actual management responses. Moreover, we are not convinced that societies have moved
to a leisured existence, and nor are we easily swayed by economic arguments for
privatisation of outdoor recreation resources. Nonetheless, we do see greater
opportunities for public-private partnerships and local entrepreneurship. Unfortunately,
however, many such opportunities have been thwarted by over-conservative planning
ideologies and approaches; by inter-agency rivalry and dated organisational cultures; and
by political squabbles.
Industrialised societies have entered an era dominated by policy and planning
ideologies, which support the value of market forces in determining resource allocation
and distribution. This is having a significant impact on outdoor recreation supply and
management. Simultaneously, the non-voluntary acquisition of greater amounts of leisure
time is a major social problem requiring government intervention. Unemployment,
redundancy and early retirement mean an increasing proportion of the population has
long periods of unobligated time. Coping without work and with an unstructured
existence is a difficult process. Recreation can fill the void, if the conditioning, which
makes employment so critical, can be overcome. In short, people from all walks of life
should have access to rewarding recreational opportunities.
A number of people helped in the preparation of this book. Much appreciated
assistance was given by Julie Hodges, Jan Hayden, Megan Wheeler, Micaela Saint,
Michele Coleman, Shelagh Lummis, Kerry Beaumont and Linda Zakman. Rudi Boskovic
did most of the cartography. We also would like to thank Casey Mein and Routledge for
their patience and support.
1
LEISURE AND RECREATION IN A BUSY
WORLD
Outdoor recreation issues may be relatively neglected in
our national political discourse, but they are not trivial and
never will be on our shrunken planet.
(Carroll 1990:xvii)
This book presents a comprehensive, non-specialised introduction to outdoor recreation

management, as an area both of academic study and of real-world significance. Its
underlying principle is the potential of recreation to contribute to pleasurable, satisfying
use of leisure. Outdoor recreation is recognised as an important form of resource use, and
much attention is given to how resources can be managed to provide a quality
environment for sustained and satisfying recreational use.
Our decision to focus on outdoor recreation management, and to do so in an
international context, was influenced by the wide-ranging and often fragmented research
in the field, the restricted geographical focus of many texts, and the need to provide an
overview of past and present understandings of outdoor recreation research and activity
spanning mainly the developed world. Consequently, this book:
• clarifies the links between leisure, recreation, tourism and resource management;
• reviews contemporary outdoor recreation and resource management concepts and
issues;
• critically examines approaches to outdoor recreation planning and management in
diverse recreational settings; and
• considers the future of outdoor recreation and the potential influences of economic,
social, political and technological developments.
Leisure, recreation and tourism are widely recognised as important elements in people’s
lives, and are receiving increasing academic attention and respectability (e.g. Mercer
1980a; Chubb and Chubb 1981; Patmore 1983; Van Lier and Taylor 1993; Lynch and
Veal 1996). They are vital social issues (e.g. see Owen 1984) and rewarding forms of
human experience, constituting ‘a major aspect of economic development and
government responsibility’ (Kraus 1984:3). Outdoor recreation brings joy and pleasure to
many people, with the provision of appropriate recreational opportunities ‘critical to the
satisfaction of an individual’s need for cognitive and aesthetic stimulation, one of six
needs identified by Maslow (1954) as basic to human well-being’ (Faulkner 1978, in
Walmsley and Jenkins 1994:89). Put simply, ‘in the framework of our civilisation,
tourism and recreation have moved from the relatively unimportant margins to a very
salient position’ (Mieczkowski 1990:347).
Outdoor recreation management 2
This chapter places outdoor recreation in its broader societal context. It defines
relevant terms, clarifies related concepts, and discusses the significance of leisure and
outdoor recreation in industrialised nations. Approaches to the study of outdoor
recreation and the focus of the present book are outlined.
Key definitions and concepts: leisure, recreation and tourism
Leisure means different things to different people, and thus there are many definitions or
conceptualisations of leisure (e.g. see Pieper 1952; DeGrazia 1962; Parker 1971; Kaplan
1975; Godbey and Parker 1976; Patmore 1983; Lynch and Veal 1996). However, three
main aspects are commonly noted. First, leisure equates with the enjoyment and
satisfaction derived from free-time activities. Second, leisure represents a spiritual
condition or state of mind, with the emphasis on self-expression and subjectively
perceived freedom (Neulinger 1982). Third, leisure, in one or more of the above contexts,
may be associated with activity.
Aristotle viewed leisure as the state of being free from the necessity to labour.
Freedom is generally considered the key element of leisure. Thus, many definitions link
the notion of leisure with free time—periods which are relatively free of economic, social
or physical constraints. In these terms, leisure is a residual component—discretionary
time over and beyond that needed for existence (Clawson and Knetsch 1966). There are
several problems with this point of view in that it assumes the dominance of a work
rather than leisure ethic, and it fails to give due recognition to the difficulty in
distinguishing obligated time from free time. In particular:
• leisure can be experienced within the context of primary role obligations—leisure and
work can become indistinguishable. Professional athletes, writers or, more generally,
people who derive relaxation and revitalisation from their work, blur the divisions
between work and leisure. Perhaps some professional athletes do not consider the
financial or other tangible rewards from their pursuits as payment for work, but rather
as rewards for being skilled and highly competitive at their chosen recreational
activity;
• the pursuit of leisure can be influenced significantly by personal associations, values
and choices. The leisure of parents or guardians may be constrained or eroded if they
feel obliged to commit time to the amusement of their dependants; this ‘obligated’
time, however, may be one of their few means of escape from the work place. If the
differentiating factors, then, are freedom of choice and freedom from necessity to
fulfil occupational and family duties and expectations or other obligations (Farina
1980), then the leisure-work dichotomy is tenuous; work can acquire some
characteristics of leisure (Jamrozik 1986), and much leisure may take a form which is
not the preferred choice of an individual;
• this point of view fails to recognise that leisure is a fundamental and essential
component of people’s lives—leisure time is needed for psychological and physical
well-being, perhaps as much as work. One of the primary needs of people is leisure
that affords psychological strength and refreshment (Perez de Cuellar 1987).
Leisure and recreation in a busy world 3
The concept of leisure clearly implies more than the antithesis of the necessity to labour
or work. Lack of employment does not necessarily equate with leisure. Unemployed
people do not always make a conscious choice between work and non-work/leisure. For
them, an abundance of time free from work is often dictated by their ability to secure
employment. Frustration and anti-social behaviour can occur because of the difficulty of
occupying time out of work with meaningful, fulfilling or ‘re-creative’ activities.
Enforced ‘idleness’ or ‘free time’, as a result of unemployment, underemployment,
disability, redundancy or early retirement, is a fact of life in many countries; so much so
that the work ethic, which has typified Protestant society for generations, may no longer
be relevant to many people. However, imposing a leisure ethic in its place can only be
appropriate if this new-found leisure is free of guilt, discomfort and anxiety about
survival (Bannon 1976). Such an outcome seems unlikely, and is certainly not a
prominent aim in the public policies and programmes of modern industrialised societies.
The industrial system has long held out one rather striking promise to its
participants. That is, the eventual opportunity for a great deal more
leisure… The notion of a new era of greatly expanded leisure is, in fact, a
conventional conversation piece. Nor will it serve much longer to convey
an impression of social vision. The tendency of the industrial system is
not in this direction… To argue for less work and more leisure, as a
natural goal of industrial man, is to misread the character of the industrial
system. There is no intrinsic reason why work must be more unpleasant
than non-work… To urge more leisure is a feckless exercise so long as the
industrial system has the capacity to persuade people that goods are more
important. Men will value leisure over work only as they find the uses of
leisure more interesting or rewarding than those of work, or as they win
emancipation from the management of their wants, or both. Leisure is not
wanted per se but only as these prerequisites are provided.
(Galbraith 1972:357–9)
Leisure might take place in time free from work, but it is becoming increasingly
commodified. Leisure requires that people have money to purchase ‘time’, recreational
access and supporting resources. As Kando (1975:15) remarked:
the coming of automation, cybernation and affluence would logically

seem to produce the leisure society. However, this does not occur because
of two developments. First, the society’s value system is such that the new
status hierarchy places an increasing premium on work; second, the
society’s economic structure—corporate capitalism—demands costly
mass consumption and spectacular mass recreation rather than freedom in
leisure.
The view that modern technology will create widespread leisure is easily challenged. If
anything, modern technology has led to technocratic consumption and much regimented
and institutionalised recreation, and costly mass spectacles (Kando 1975:16) (e.g. the
internationalisation of sporting culture such as the American Football ‘Superbowl’, the
America’s Cup, the Commonwealth and Olympic Games, Formula 1 Grand Prix, and the
Rugby Union and Soccer World Cups via the media and the marketing of associated
clothing and equipment). We have entered a broad phase of big-business ‘spectatorism’,
often at home, ‘oriented towards high profile sporting events, live theatre extravaganzas,
concerts, festivals or the like’ (Mercer 1994a:20). In this context, recreation serves two
functions. To paraphrase Kando (1975:15), from the standpoint of the individual, it
restores a person’s energy to work. From society’s standpoint, it fulfils a major functional
prerequisite, namely that of sustaining the economic system. A similar viewpoint was
expressed by Braverman (1975:278–9):
the atrophy of community and the sharp division from the natural
environment leaves a void when it comes to the ‘free’ hours…the filling
of the time away from the job also becomes dependent on the market,
which develops to an enormous degree those passive amusements,
entertainments, and spectacles that suit the restricted circumstances of the
city and are offered as substitutes for life itself. Since they become the
means of filling all the hours of ‘free’ time, they flow profusely from
corporate institutions which have transformed every means of
entertainment and ‘sport’ into a production process for the enlargement of
capital. By their very profusion, they cannot help but tend to a standard of
mediocrity and vulgarity which debases popular taste, a result which is
further guaranteed by the fact that the mass market has a powerful lowest-
common-denominator effect because of the search for maximum profit.
So enterprising is capital that even where the effort is made by one or
another section of the population to find a way to nature, sport, or art
through personal activity and amateur or ‘underground’ innovation, these
activities are rapidly incorporated into the market so far as is possible.
At the individual level, perceptions of leisure depend very much on a person’s subjective,
individual and social/political circumstances, and on their view of the world (e.g. see
Parker 1983). The sharp distinction implied between discretionary time and time needed
for existence is blurred, as leisure is seen to overlap with other uses of time (see Figure
1.1). Despite these qualifications, it is probably true to say that for most people, leisure
remains closely associated with uncommitted time. For the purpose of this book:
Leisure consists of relatively self-determined activity-experience that falls

into one’s economically free time roles, that is seen as leisure by
participants, that is psychologically pleasant in anticipation and
recollection, that potentially covers the whole range of commitment and
intensity, that contains characteristic norms and constraints, and that
provides opportunities for recreation, personal growth and service to
others.
(Kaplan 1975:26)
Confusion also arises over the indiscriminate use of the terms ‘leisure’ and ‘recreation’,
which are closely related and often used interchangeably. The simplest distinction
identifies leisure with time and recreation with activity. Recreation is activity voluntarily
undertaken, primarily for pleasure and satisfaction, during leisure time, but it ‘can also be
seen as a social institution, socially organised for social purposes’ (Cushman and Laidler
1990:2). Whereas it is possible to conceive
Figure 1.1 The diffusion of leisure

time
Source: Department of Environment, Housing and
Community Development (1977:1)
some jobs as having a recreative element, the definition normally requires that no
obligation, compulsion or economic incentive be attached to the activity. Recreation,
therefore, contrasts with work, the mechanics of life and other activities to which people
are normally highly committed. Certain activities are often thought of as inherently
recreational. However, in a similar way to leisure, the distinguishing characteristic is not
the activity or experience itself, but the attitude with which it is undertaken. To many
professional golfers, for instance, perhaps golf is, or becomes, merely an occupation
(though it could also be recreation); for the weekend golfer, presumably golf is looked
upon as recreation and sport, even though at times it can involve much physical effort and
frustration.
The concept of recreation, like that of leisure, is personal and subjective. Thus, value
judgements as to the worth or ‘moral soundness’ of a particular activity often are
inappropriate (Godbey 1981). Generally, recreation implies revitalisation of the
individual, although purists would argue that recreation is, or should be, the culmination
of recreational activity—‘the activity is the medium: it is not the message’ (Gray and
Pellegrino 1973:6). If this argument were to be accepted, recreation could only be defined
in terms of end-results, and potentially recreative activities which, for whatever reason,
fail to ‘revitalise’ the participant, would be excluded. Rather than attempt to split ends
from means, it would seem more useful to identify leisure as a process and recreation as a
response. As Owen (1984:157) puts it: ‘Leisure has now come to be viewed as a process
(Kaplan 1975) and recreation as an experience (Driver and Tocher 1974), which is goal
oriented’, with participation expected to yield satisfactions (London et al. 1977), and
therefore physical and emotional rewards (also see Shivers 1967).
In the specific case of outdoor recreation that element of reward may be

stronger since participation will usually require the physical removal of
the participant from the home or the workplace in order to engage in the
activity in question. There is thus an additional cost in effort, time and/or
money which must be part of the decision to participate.
(Williams 1995:6)
The term ‘outdoor recreation’ is more familiar in certain cultural contexts than others, but
we do not agree with Mercer’s (1994a:4) view that, ‘insisting on the distinction between
“indoor” and “outdoor” recreation is as futile as emphasising the contrast between
“urban” and “rural” leisure provision’. Regardless of indoor recreation developments,
adaptations of such activities as cricket, soccer, tennis, athletics and rock-climbing, or of
whether facilities have adjustable roofs, outdoor recreation is just what the category
‘outdoor recreation’ portrays—recreation that occurs outdoors in urban and rural
environments. In this context, then, outdoor recreation raises significant resource
management issues which indoor recreation activities do not.
Finally, discussion of tourism in the context of leisure and outdoor recreation is
sensible. Tourism is one of the world’s largest and fastest growing industries. Much
tourism is recreational, in that a good proportion of tourist activity takes place during
leisure time, often outdoors, for the purpose of personal pleasure and satisfaction.
Outdoor recreation overlaps with tourism in the distinctive characteristics and behaviour
associated with each; tourism and outdoor recreation activity involve both travel and
interaction with other people, and with the environment, in its widest meaning (see
Chapters 5, 11 and 12). Some observers assign an emphasis on economic aspects and
profit-making to tourism, while linking outdoor recreation primarily with noncommercial
objectives (e.g. Gunn 1979). Unfortunately, others make a fundamental distinction
between tourism and recreational travel (Britton 1979; Boniface and Cooper 1987).
However, these distinctions create and foster an artificial gulf between tourism and
outdoor recreation in applied and theoretical terms, leading to unnecessary obstacles to,
among other things, understanding people’s recreational motivations, choices, behaviour
and experiences. In this book, tourism is considered within an essentially recreational
framework, and ‘may be thought of as the relationships and phenomena arising out of the
journeys and temporary stays of people travelling primarily for leisure or recreational
purposes’ (Pearce 1987:1).
Tourism also receives special consideration in this book (see Chapters 11 and 12).
Attractions, facilities and services, developed for tourists in industrialised societies, are
often utilised by local residents, and therefore will, in almost any case, impact upon local
resident perceptions of, and attitudes to, a range of recreational facilities and services and,
indeed, tourist activities. A more detailed discussion of tourism-related issues is provided
in Chapters 11 and 12.
The significance of leisure and outdoor recreation
Three great waves have broken across the face of Britain

since 1800. First, the sudden growth of dark industrial
towns. Second, the thrusting movement along far flung
railways. Third, the sprawl of car-based suburbs. Now we
see, under the guise of a modest word, the surge of a fourth
wave which could be more powerful than all the others.
The modest word is leisure.
(Dower 1965)
Leisure
Leisure was once the privilege of the élite. Recently, it has been argued that leisure has
become largely the prerogative of the masses. People’s historical preoccupation with
work as a means of livelihood appears to have been tempered by priorities geared, in part,
towards the acquisition of more leisure. Developed countries are faced with the problems
of adjusting to, and providing for, a society orientated perhaps as much towards leisure
and recreation as it is towards work.
The dimensions of the leisure problem were discussed by Dower (1965), who
described the leisure phenomenon as a ‘fourth wave’, comparable with the advent of
industrialisation, the railway age, and urban sprawl.
The leisure phenomenon can be measured not only in terms of time

availability but also in terms of activities engaged in, that is, how people
spend their leisure time. It can also be measured in terms of consumer
expenditure, that is, the extent to which people spend their money on
leisure goods and services. The trends are unmistakable. Growth in
participation in virtually all leisure activities since the Second World War
has been dramatic…leisure has become a highly significant element of
people’s lives and of the economies of advanced industrial nations.
(Veal 1987:2–3)
The growth of leisure, however, does not only bring benefits to individuals and society.
The disadvantages of a leisured existence were foreseen (perhaps somewhat cynically) by
George Bernard Shaw, who is reputed to have described a perpetual holiday as ‘a good
working definition of hell’ (Gray and Pelegrino 1973:3). This might well be applicable to
unemployed people and retirees, to those living in remote rural areas, or to homeless
people in inner city areas. Shaw’s assertion reflects the apparent psychological inability
of people to cope with the monotony and burden of a non-structured existence. Many
people attempt to occupy time, which might have been utilised for leisure, with additional
employment. This situation gives some substance to the notion that, for whatever reason,
a life of leisure may not be the course of gratification it should be, or is not as accessible
as many anticipated.
Work satisfaction does fulfil many human needs. However, for the majority, a
reduction in work commitments must seem a highly desirable goal. At the same time, it is
being realised that the fundamental consideration is not the overall amount of increased
leisure gained, so much as the spatial and sectoral distributions of disposable time. Of
practical importance in determining the recreational response, is whether this time is
concentrated or dispersed. In Australia, for example, progressive reductions in
contractual working hours have been introduced by way of a nineteen-day month, a nine-
day fortnight or flexible work arrangements, in part, to improve recreational
opportunities. Although the compression of leisure into standard packages probably suits
the convenience of both employers and employees, concentrated periods of use place
great pressures on the recreation environment, and, in particular, fragile areas (e.g. alpine
and coastal areas). Therefore, it would seem desirable, in the interests of recreation
resource management, to devise a system of more flexible work patterns incorporating
extended, but staggered blocks of disposable time; a desirable goal to be sure, but
complicated by social patterns and processes (religious beliefs; designated public
holidays often incorporating long weekends; Christmas and New Year festivities; Easter;
school vacations).
Despite growth in participation in outdoor recreation activities, there remain
inequities. Many writers have noted that, notwithstanding individual differences, the
extent and nature of leisure and recreational activities people engage in are related to their
position in the socio-economic stratification of society and to the class structure
(Jamrozik 1986:189).
In Britain and in most West European countries, leisure participation

generally, and sports participation particularly, is dominated by men,
young people, white people, car owners and those in white-collar
occupations. The participation rates of women, older people, ethnic
minorities, and those in blue-collar occupations are generally lower.
(Glyptis 1993:6)
Jamrozik (1986:204) made similar, though more general comments:
The ‘promise’ of increased prosperity, and a life of leisure through

technological innovation has not, so far, eventuated as expected. Material
prosperity has become a reality but it is not shared, either within countries
or across countries. On the contrary, inequalities in income and wealth are
increasing and now extend to access to employment and consequently to
consumption, including leisure consumption.
Not all sections of society in the developed or less developed worlds enjoy adequate
access to leisure. A broad group on whom increased leisure appears to have had
considerably less impact is the female component of the population. Women experience
unequal access to, and participation in, leisure as an inevitable consequence of, among
other things, ‘sexist’ policies in society.
The problem appears to relate, at least in part, to an unequal incidence of leisure time.
While the recent picture is somewhat mixed, it has been a widely held view that men
have more leisure time than women, especially women in the workforce (Cushman et al.
1996a). The burdens of domestic and child-care responsibilities fall inequitably on
women, who make up an increasing percentage of the workforce in Western countries.
These factors, together with economic and cultural constraints, might explain why
women tend to be more active in home-based recreation activities than men. Even
weekends ‘become more a matter of overtime work for married women and more a
matter of recreation for men’ (Rapoport and Rapoport 1975:13). Furthermore, men are
more active in sports, while women tend to be more active in arts and cultural activities
(Cushman et al. 1996a).
For the workforce in general, the same technological progress and social advances,
which have permitted reductions in working hours, have imposed pressures on the way
leisure is used, and on the extent and nature of recreational participation. LaPage (1970)
suggested that non-work discretionary time, ostensibly available for recreation, is
constantly eroded by the time necessarily spent in commuting to work and in travel to
and from sites for social purposes. More than 30 years ago, Wilensky (1961:136)
deplored the fact that leisure was spent ‘… commuting and waiting—hanging on the
phone, standing in line, cruising for parking space’; very little has changed. Urban sprawl
and the concentration of much work in central business districts have, despite innovations
and extensive public and private sector investment in transport technologies, resulted in
lengthier commuting times for many workers in the western industrialised world. The
development of communication technologies, such as the internet and the mobile phone,
means it is more difficult for people to remove themselves from the work place, which
for many was once confined to an office and to particular hours. The picture has been
further complicated by the effect of evolving social mores and changing lifestyles in
urban and rural areas. Couples, where both partners are working, for instance, require
more ancillary time in the home for necessary chores and maintenance, so that hours set
free from work are taken up with domestic tasks.
Moreover, in a materialistic and sophisticated society, leisure without affluence often
seems of little relevance. Preoccupation with material possessions can divert values away
from the acceptance and simple enjoyment of leisure; thus the benefits of improved
working conditions are often translated into money terms. Economic circumstances or
personal inclination force a trade-off between more free time and increased disposable
income, and can lead to the filling up of leisure hours with overtime or a second, or even
third, job. This, in turn, curtails the opportunity for recreative use of leisure.
One of the paradoxes of leisure is that while time and money are
complementary in the production of leisure activities, they are competitive
in terms of the resources available to the individual. Some leisure time
and some money to buy leisure goods and services are both needed before
most leisure activities can be pursued.
(Martin and Mason 1976:62)
Bearing in mind the continuing emphasis on material possessions in modern

industrialised nations, there is little reason to expect a reversal of this trend towards
acquisition of leisure durables at the expense of leisure time. However, the pursuit of
affluence is self-limiting to the extent that, ultimately, time is needed to make use of the
possessions acquired, and that, beyond a certain level, marginal tax rates usually ensure
that additional income becomes an ‘inferior good’ compared with disposable time.
Sociocultural factors, too, can have a bearing on the appreciation of leisure and its use
for recreation. Contrasting attitudes and value systems mean that some individuals and
societies continue to equate leisure with frivolity and wasted time. For others, a
hedonistic orientation, which clearly ranks free time more highly than work, appears to
welcome the emergence of a leisured society without any sense of guilt. Pearson (1977)
relates this tendency to institutional arrangements biased towards greater amounts of
disposable time, and to an environment with significant leisure potential. Certainly, the
efforts of labour unions, and enlightened social reforms and legislators have contributed
to a greater leisured existence for a wider cross-section of the population. Yet, even in
Australia, there is evidence of the persistence of a puritan work ethic, especially on the
part of those new settlers from a different cultural background, who have migrated to that
country since World War II.
Such anti-leisure sentiment, displayed by apparently compulsive workers, is, of
course, not restricted to Australia. Indeed, it could arise in any situation as a function of
deficiencies in the leisure environment, rather than from a conviction of the necessity and
desirability of work. These same deficiencies can inhibit recreative use of leisure time.
Individuals slumped in front of the television set may be there, in part, because of their
socioeconomic circumstances and inclination, and/or because of their lack of a more
constructive outlet for leisure. The physical and mental demands of work in an automated
society emphasise the importance of, and need for, challenging and satisfying leisure
pursuits. In addition, the existence and apparent acceptance of a persistent core of
permanently unemployed, for whom the provision of satisfying recreational outlets is an
urgent task, must be acknowledged. Yet, the leisure environment very often cannot
provide the opportunities needed for more positive use of disposable time, whether
voluntarily acquired or enforced. Identification and remedy of such deficiencies are
necessary for a fuller realisation of what leisure has to offer people and society generally.
The arrival of television coincided with a change to greater in-home leisure generally.
Television is only one of several leisure goods that made the home a centre of leisure
activities in the second half of the twentieth century. Hi-fi equipment and recorded music,
videos, computers and computer games, the internet and other factors, singularly or in
combination, have provided a variety of new products and activities in the home;
products and activities which are being produced and distributed on a worldwide scale
(Cushman et al. 1996a). Simultaneously, housing conditions (e.g. household design and
technologies—insulation; air conditioning) have improved considerably so that there has
been less incentive to get away from the house for entertainment and enjoyment.
Although the home has become much more important in leisure, other developments
in technology (e.g. air transport; snow mobiles and off-road vehicles; trail bikes; walking
boots) have either widened the scope of outdoor recreation activities or at least made it
easier, more comfortable and speedier for people to venture further afield than ever
before in the search for leisure experiences. There have also been important changes in
the structure of national and regional economies. The leisure and tourism sectors have
increased in significance as areas of personal expenditure and employment, and as
aspects of public policy (e.g. see Carroll 1990; Henry 1993; Veal 1994). Clearly, the
position of leisure in society is cemented in social, psychological, political and economic
factors.
Outdoor recreation
The importance of outdoor recreation has been highlighted by Devlin (1992:5, in Mercer
1994a:4), who argues:
People’s recreational use of leisure time will almost inevitably at some

stage include outdoor recreation. This is currently true for 90 per cent of
those who live in Western countries, and, for many of these participants, it
is a form, this form of recreation, which represents a very important part
of their lives.
The ‘leisure explosion’ in the developed world has been paralleled by a striking upsurge
in all levels of recreation activity. Institutional, technological and socioeconomic factors
have been influential in this upsurge.
Much leisure activity, as noted above, is of course home-centred, perhaps also home-
technology-centred (e.g. television, computers, videos), a feature which is being
reinforced and cultivated by capitalist society. Nevertheless, participation in outdoor
recreation in Australia, Canada, New Zealand, the United Kingdom (UK), the United
States (US) and other industrialised nations has grown rapidly since World War II, and
particularly since the 1960s, while participation in organised sports has seen some
dramatic changes (see Cushman et al. 1996b).
Despite its unquestionable scale and significance in social and economic terms, sport
remains a minority participatory activity—many more people actually watch sport than
participate in it. The leisure activities with mass appeal are still those that are more
informal, social and passive. Surveys for the Countryside Commission (1991 in Glyptis
1993) show that in 1990, 76 per cent of the population had visited the English
countryside for purposes of recreation, generating over 1,600 million trips and 12,400
million pounds of expenditure. Countryside visiting attracts not only a large number of
people, but also a high frequency of participation. In 1990, as much as 19 per cent of the
UK population had visited the countryside within the past week, and nearly half had done
so within the past month. At the other extreme, 2 per cent had never been to the
countryside (Glyptis 1993:5–6).
According to Veal (1994:158–9), there will be increasing demands placed on the
Australian outdoors (see Table 1.1). In examining demographic changes and their
relationship to outdoor recreation participation, Veal argued that ‘the facilities and
activities which are more closely associated with older age groups (nature
watching/sketching, walking for pleasure, golf and visiting national or state parks) show a
higher than average growth rate’. As he pointed out, though, ‘the projections do not take
account of changes in incomes, occupation, education, mobility, tastes or the many other
factors which could affect demand’. Moreover, ‘In the early 1960s expenditure on
recreation and entertainment accounted for around 2.5 per cent of total private consumer
spending. This has subsequently doubled to 5 per cent’ (Mercer 1994a:2).
Common trends in modern Western societies can be noted. Land and water-based or
related activities that have witnessed growth, include:
• golf;
• bicycle riding;
• walking/day hiking and backpacking;
• photography;
• nature study;
• horse back riding;
• orienteering, mountaineering, rock climbing and caving;
• off-road (four wheel) driving;
• rafting, wind surfing, water skiing, tubing and jet skiing;
• snow skiing/snow boarding, and cross-country skiing.
Table 1.1 Demand projections 1993–2001
1993 2001 Change %
estimate projection Change
ACTIVITIES
A. Picnic/barbecues 1,885,477 2,108,786 223,309 11.8
B. Drive for pleasure 2,607,860 2,928,039 320,179 12.3
C. visit parks 1,418,591 1,590,336 171,746 12.1
D. Nature watch/draw 365,804 423,193 57,389 15.7
E. Walk for pleasure 3,672,938 4,159,726 486,788 13.3
F. Bushwalking/hiking 313,396 345,890 32,494 10.4
G. Fishing 464,799 513,159 48,361 10.4
H. Golf 568,541 648,145 79,604 14.0
I. Horse-riding 83,097 85,316 2,219 2.7
J. Shooting/hunting 42,740 45,956 3,216 7.5
K. Surfing/lifesaving 351,952 388,025 36,073 10.2
L. Swim/dive/water polo 2,138,946 2,348,234 209,288 9.8
M. Non-power water sport 182,152 193,647 11,495 6.3
N. Powered water sport 120,784 128,986 8,202 6.8
Total Activities 14,217,078 15,907,440 1,690,362 11.9
FACILITIES
O. National/state parks 849,111 958,969 109,858 12.9
P. Park/playground 1,852,163 2,058,075 205,913 11.1
Q. Walking Trail 750,416 833,380 82,964 11.1

R. Beach 2,489,961 2,747,657 257,696 10.3
S. River/lake 872,230 974,559 102,329 11.7
T. Camping ground 263,048 278,640 15,593 5.9
Total Facilities 7,076,927 7,851,279 774,352 10.9
Source: Veal (1994:157)
A number of interrelated events and social and political developments, arising from
global, regional and local forces, have led to growth and increased diversity in outdoor
recreation participation and tourist travel, and to the establishment of public and private
(including voluntary) recreation organisations and programmes. The extent and nature of
recreational participation and personal travel have been affected by many factors,
including:
• population growth (including immigration in many countries/regions);
• changes in population characteristics—longer life spans and ageing populations;
• shorter working weeks. The regular working week has been reduced from an estimated
seventy-hour, six-day week in the mid-nineteenth century, to around forty hours or
less, spread over as little as four days, although overtime and second-jobs are
common, and more households are dual-income;
• increased affluence and higher disposable incomes (although arguably becoming more
concentrated in some countries), affected to some extent by growth in the number and
proportion of dual-income households in several countries;
• increased holiday entitlements. The right to generous periods of paid annual leave has
been established, with the addition, at least in countries such as Australia, of an
additional holiday pay loading to enable workers to take better advantage of their
vacations. Not only have work periods been reduced, but various peripheral activities
such as travel time and lunch breaks may be incorporated into the paid working day,
so that non-obligated time is increased;
• increased mobility (by way of the development and wider use of private motor vehicles,
and the greater availability, speed and comfort of other forms of transportation,
particularly long haul);
• urbanisation and suburbanisation;
• the influence of commercial interests (public relations and marketing) and technological
developments in recreational equipment and infrastructure;
• the promotion of high-risk recreational activities;
• greater educational attainment;
• increasing attention to health and fitness programmes;
• growth in environmental and cultural awareness and interests;
• the age of retirement has receded to the point where 60 is the accepted norm and even
earlier retirement is commonplace;
• a growing focus on human services and increased recognition of the needs of special
groups and new roles for girls and women; and
• tourism development (Kraus 1984; Murdock, et al. 1991; Parker and Paddick 1990;
Lynch and Veal 1996; Cushman et al. 1996b).
Participation in recreation activity is influenced by, among other things, socioeconomic
factors (see Chapter 3). Income and education, which are often reflected in occupation
and correlate highly with car ownership, probably have the greatest impact on recreation.
‘Men of substantial mental accomplishment have not usually lacked interesting ways of
employing their time apart from toil. And it seems likely that they will be somewhat less
susceptible to the management of demand’ (Galbraith 1972:359).
Demographic variables such as age, sex, family structure, immigration and
concomitant cultural assimilation and diversity, are also important in explaining
recreation patterns. Participation in recreational pursuits tends to decline progressively
with age, although television watching, golf and bowls have higher participation rates
among the older age groups than the young (see Cushman et al. 1996a). In short, the
types of leisure pursuits and recreational activities undertaken, change throughout a
person’s life cycle (see Chapter 2). An important demographic aspect is the general
ageing of Western societies, so that provision must be made for a less active, but growing
segment of the population, with considerable leisure time.
Institutional, technological and socioeconomic forces operating at local to global
levels, in combination and separately, have clearly influenced recreation patterns in the
developed world. Growth in outdoor recreation and tourism, and the resulting escalating
pressures on resources have necessitated both closer examination of planning and
management of the recreational and tourist resource bases of countries and regions, and
innovations in policy and planning approaches. Furthermore, recreation and tourism are
becoming increasingly important elements in the relationship between the economic,
environmental and social dimensions of countries, regions, cities and towns (e.g. see
Mercer 1970; Cloke and Park 1985).
Nevertheless, much outdoor recreation research is generally disjointed (e.g.
longitudinal studies are lacking), and is relatively scant in such countries as Australia and
New Zealand, as compared to North America and the UK. Indeed, we know very little
about the spatial and sectoral allocation and distribution of the benefits and costs of
outdoor recreation. ‘Research reported by Hendry (1993) in New Zealand and Hamilton-
Smith (1990) in Australia, suggests that the most frequent users of local government
recreation services also tend to be the most well-off in the community. Access and use by
low income groups, ethnic minorities, Aborigines, the aged, persons with disabilities and
women are more restricted’ (McIntyre 1993:33). For many in these categories, lack of
status, money, mobility, ability and agility, access or awareness, can all inhibit the
purposeful use of leisure and, therefore, knowledge of, access to, and participation in
recreational activities. In short, the use of leisure, and the nature and extent of
participation in outdoor recreational activities, vary spatially and temporally, and
fluctuate, sometimes unpredictably, with changes in taste and fashion, and with other
developments on the local, regional, national and global scenes. Clearly, an
understanding of outdoor recreation patterns and processes requires an appreciation of
such factors as:
• people’s motivations, choices, participation and recreational satisfaction; and
• planning and policy-making.
In most circumstances, it might be assumed that the availability of more hours free from
work would be regarded as a significant social advance. Yet, for large sections of society
the acquisition of greater amounts of time for leisure, and therefore for recreation, is
problematic, and is consequently emerging as a major social problem.
Leisure and recreational opportunity first became recognised as a cause for concern
during the Great Depression of the 1930s. The concern continues, but has expanded.
Conferences on the subjects of leisure and recreation have proliferated around the world.
These gatherings have been organised and sponsored by a diverse set of organisations,
ranging from academic bodies to professional administrators and marketing groups. Such
meetings and conferences (e.g. world and national leisure and recreation congresses) are
now commonplace, while associations facilitating research activity and dissemination
(e.g. the World Leisure Research Association—WLRA; the Australian and New Zealand
Association for Leisure Studies—ANZALS) have been established. Journals devoted to
leisure, recreation and tourism issues have increased in number. Disciplines such as
geography and sociology frequently include conference themes relating to leisure,
recreation and/ or tourism. Courses in leisure, recreation and, in particular, tourism are
widespread and expanding into the Asia-Pacific area and other regions. This book is, in
part, an outcome of the need to synthesise an ever-increasing flow of ideas, approaches,
conceptual insights and applied research concerning outdoor recreation management.
Approach and structure of the present book
For resource managers, in particular, the focus of interest on outdoor recreation is largely
on active, informal types of recreation (i.e. those activities engaged in beyond the
confines of a building, sporting arena or home). This is not meant to denigrate the use of
free time for individual indoor pursuits such as reading and hobbies, or for formal,
structured and institutionalised activities such as organised sports. It simply recognises
that the really important resource issues arise with the allocation and use of extensive
areas of land and water for outdoor recreation. This is where space consumption and
spatial competition and conflict are most likely to occur; ‘it is in this context that spatial
organisation and spatial concerns become paramount’ (Patmore 1983:225). By
considering outdoor recreation as a process in spatial organisation and interaction, the
resource manager can focus on those aspects with spatial implications (e.g. imbalance or
discordance between population-related demand and environmentally-related supply of
recreation opportunities and facilities) (Wolfe 1964; Toyne 1974). Obviously, too, this is
where the opportunities and the need for recreation resource management are greatest.
Outdoor recreation can be studied in many ways. It can encompass different
disciplinary frameworks (e.g. economics, sociology, political economy, geography and
law), and thus can incorporate a combination of theoretical and applied research
approaches. This book does not claim to present any ‘ideal’ approach, but it does seek to
fill a gap by bringing together many disparate and complementary ideas and studies
concerning outdoor recreation.
Outdoor recreation is not the prerogative of all, as we may have been led to believe.
People’s accessibility to outdoor recreation opportunities is constrained by barriers linked
with age, gender, class, income, race, a lack of facilities and opportunities (see Chapter
3), and inappropriate policy-making, planning and management. Outdoor recreation puts
pressure on the physical environment, is an increasingly significant factor in the
economic concerns of households, communities and regions, and is receiving higher
priority in political arenas. Outdoor recreation presents great challenges to planners. In
some respects, those challenges represent wicked tasks; tasks which have no definitive
right or wrong answer, so that any planning, management or political response is open to
challenge from various (sometimes unexpected) interests.
Several books and other sources of information on outdoor recreation and related
resource/environmental management issues have been produced. Some of these are now
somewhat dated in terms of their concepts, theories and case studies, and therefore in
terms of their applied usefulness, while others have stood the test of time. These
contributions are complemented by a growing number of leisure, recreation and tourism
journals (e.g. Annals of Tourism Research, Annals of Leisure Research, Australian
Journal of Leisure Management, Journal of Leisure Research, Journal of Park and
Recreation Administration, Journal of Tourism Studies, Journal of Travel Research,
Leisure Sciences, Parks and Recreation, and Recreation Research Review), conference
and workshop proceedings, and the publications of such innovative government agencies
as the USDA Forest Service.
This book has a wide catchment area, so to speak, and the authors were selective in
their chapter foci and sources. Material for the book is drawn mainly from North
America, Australia, Britain, Europe and Southeast Asia. Review questions and guides to
further reading are included at the end of each chapter so that readers can explore issues
in greater depth than discussed in the text. An extensive reference list is provided.
Guide to further reading

• Definitions of leisure, recreation and tourism; the relationships between leisure and
work, and between leisure, recreation and tourism: Kaplan (1975); Patmore (1983);
Murphy (1985); Fedler (1987); Mieckzowski (1990); Leiper (1995); Lynch and Veal
(1996); Butler, et al. (1998).
• Leisure and recreation participation trends and issues: Jackson and Burton (1989);
Murdock et al. (1991); Veal (1994); Cushman et al. (1996b). Students should consult
the statistics compiled by national, state/provincial, regional or local governments, and
other agencies.
Review questions
1 Compile, and then compare and contrast, a number of definitions of leisure,

recreation and tourism. Can you identify (1) major flaws in such definitions, and (2)
important temporal shifts in such definitions?
2 Discuss the significance of leisure and outdoor recreation in modern society.

3 To what extent should the study of outdoor recreation be viewed as not having
defined disciplinary boundaries?
4 Why is it important to examine outdoor recreation in the context of resource

management?
2
OUTDOOR RECREATION:
MOTIVATION AND CHOICE
As with other aspects of human decision-making, explanation of leisure behaviour is

complex. The unfettered personal connotations of leisure and the discretionary nature of
recreation were noted in the opening chapter. An underlying dimension common to both
leisure and recreation is discretion—freedom to choose and the exercise of choice. This
discretionary element helps explain why observers find difficulty in explaining why
people choose particular leisure settings and activities, and in accounting for recreation
choice behaviour. It might be argued that the choice process is no more complex than that
involved in, say, the selection of a new residence. After all, choice is subject to a range of
influences and is not a completely random process. Nor is it unique to any individual.
However, the unbounded nature of leisure and the subjective, even capricious
characteristics of recreation decisions, make generalisation and prediction more
challenging.
Motivation
Why do people choose to use their free time for recreation?
What motivates sky-divers or abseilers to take part in high-risk recreational activities?
Why do some city office workers devote much of their lunch breaks to intense
physical pursuits?
How is it that certain individuals find great satisfaction in the isolation of wilderness
recreation, while for others, leisure behaviour is associated with a stimulating social
environment and the isolation of wilderness is abhorred?
The process by which a person is moved to engage in particular forms of behaviour has
been the subject of speculation and research over a long period. Understanding leisure
behaviour is no less complex. According to Iso-Ahola (1980), human actions are
motivated by subjective, defined goals and rewards which can be either extrinsic or
intrinsic. When an activity is engaged in to obtain a reward, it is said to be extrinsically
motivated. When an activity is engaged in for its own sake, rather than as a means to an
end, it is said to be intrinsically rewarding. Although the distinction is blurred and open
to subjectivity, Iso-Ahola believes that leisure behaviour is chiefly motivated by intrinsic
factors related to self-expression, competence and satisfaction, which, in turn, implies
freedom of choice.
Recreation choice, however, should not be seen as unrestricted. Whereas individual
motivations instil a propensity towards certain recreation activities, actual participation
Outdoor recreation: Motivation and choice 19
largely reflects the selection of the best alternative or compromise under the
circumstances. Choice is bounded by any number of constraints, including physical
capability, affordability, awareness, time restrictions and family obligations. The
existence and intensity of these constraints vary among individuals and across
socioeconomic, demographic and other groups.
A further source of complexity in the explanation of leisure behaviour arises from
confusion over the nature of recreation demand and its relationship with recreation
participation. In particular, there is an apparent inability to distinguish between the
concept of demand in the broad, generic sense and its use to refer to existing levels of
recreation activity. The latter, as indicated by numbers of participants or tourist visitation
rates, is not a true measure of demand because it relates to observed or actual
participation and behaviour, which is only a component of overall aggregate demand.
Recreation demand
The term ‘recreation demand’ is generally equated with an individual’s preferences or

desires, whether or not the individual has the economic and other resources necessary for
their satisfaction (Driver and Brown 1978). Recreation demand, so defined, is at the
preference-aspiration-desire level, before it is expressed in overt, observable behaviour or
participation. In this sense, it is a propensity concept, reflecting potential or behavioural
tendencies, and is detached from subsequent recreation activity. As one authority put it:
‘Recreation demand is a conditional statement of the participation that would
result…under a specific set of conditions and assumptions about an individual…and the
availability of recreation resources…’ (US Bureau of Outdoor Recreation 1975:10–22).
This broad notion of demand is supply-independent. It assumes no constraints on
recreation opportunities or access to them. In these terms, recreation demand depends
only on the specific characteristics of the population (e.g. age, income, family structure,
occupation and psychological parameters), and not on the relative location of user groups,
or the quality and capacity of facilities, or the ease of access.
However, actual consumption or participation in recreation activities is very much a
function of the supply of those opportunities. Observed levels of leisure behaviour may
conceal frustrated demand, which can only be satisfied by the creation of new recreation
opportunities or by increasing the capacity of existing facilities (e.g. by management
strategies encompassing land or water acquisition, hardening the landscape, and
interpretation). If opportunities are less than ideal, people will actually participate less in
recreation than their theoretical level of demand would indicate.
In the real world, recreation demand rarely equals participation. The difference
between aggregate demand and actual participation (or ‘expressed’, ‘effective’,
‘observed’, ‘revealed’ demand) is referred to as latent demand or latent participation—
the unsatisfied component of demand that would be converted to participation if
conditions of supply of recreation opportunities were brought to ideal levels (Figure 2.1).
The confusion between recreation demand and participation, and the implications of
such misinterpretation, have been noted by a number of authors (e.g. Knetsch 1972;
1974; Elson 1978; Lipscombe 1986). It is not enough simply to look at what people do
and interpret this as reflecting what they want to do; it also reflects what they are able to
do. Participation data are important, but they must be interpreted in terms of both supply
and demand variables. Knetsch (1972) points out, for example, that if the participation
rate in swimming in a given area is found to be very large, relative to that in some other
area, it may be almost entirely due to greater availability of swimming opportunities.
Adoption of attendance figures as a measure of demand confuses manifest behaviour with
recreation propensities and preferences.
Nor is the problem merely one of semantics; the planning implications are clear for
adjusting the supply of recreation opportunities and estimating the probable effect of
alternative policies and programmes. It is important for planners to have answers to
questions concerning for whom, how much, what type and where, in regard to the
introduction of new recreation facilities. Equating demand with
Figure 2.1 Recreation demand and

participation
Source: Adapted from Kates, Peat, Marwick and Co.
(1970:1.1)
existing consumption or participation rates, can lead to the assumption that people will
want only increasing quantities of what they now have, thereby ‘… perpetuating the kind
of facilities already existing in the areas already best served and further impoverishing
already disadvantaged groups’ (Knetsch 1974:20).
Another problem in relying upon past (observed) participation to guide future
decisions is that observed activity patterns reveal little regarding satisfaction or the
quality of the recreation experience. As Stankey (1977:156) pointed out:
…when opportunities are available, particularly at little or no cost, they

will be used. But use should not lead us to automatically assume people
are satisfied with existing opportunities or that alternative opportunities

might not have been even more sought after.
A deeper understanding of the true nature of recreation demand would throw light on the
reasons for non-participation or under-participation in specific areas and activities, and
reduce mis-allocation of resources (e.g. see Vining and Fishwick 1991). It should ensure
also that any induced demand as a result of additional recreation investment is directed
towards remedying these deficiencies. The supply of appropriate opportunities can
release latent participation and translate it into effective demand, and can also be used to
manipulate and redirect demand from one area or activity to another. Mercer (1980a)
gives several examples of induced, substitute or diverted demand as the result of creating
new resources and of improvements in access and technology. It should be noted, of
course, that heightened levels of participation can just as readily be achieved by
improvements in awareness, and by education, training and similar triggers (see below).
Awareness of the factors generating recreation demand and the relationships between
its various components are important in recreation planning and resource management.
That said, it is obvious that most attention in the social sciences has been devoted to
recreation behaviour per se (i.e. to actual participation or effective demand). It is in the
spatial and temporal expression of demand and the use made of specific sites and
facilities where many resource problems exist. Whereas these patterns of use are derived
in part from underlying preferences, they reflect also the availability, quality and
effective location of recreation opportunities. Explanation of revealed recreation
behaviour, therefore, must be sought in terms of the interaction between recreationists
and the resource base, and in terms of the processes by which outdoor recreation sites are
chosen. With respect to the latter,
It is gradually becoming clear that human decision making cannot be

understood by simply studying final decisions. The perceptual, emotional
and cognitive processes which ultimately lead to the choice of a decision
alternative must also be studied if we want to gain an adequate
understanding of human decision making.
(Svenson 1979, in Vining and Fishwick 1991:114)
Recreation participation
A simplified representation of the factors which influence the decision to participate in

recreation is set out in Figure 2.2. Once again, a broad distinction can be made between
the potential demand or propensity for recreation and the supply of opportunities to
realise these preferences or desires. The variables can be grouped into the demographic,
socioeconomic and situational characteristics which generate a propensity to recreate, and
those external factors which facilitate or constrain the decision and the choice of activity
and site.
Demographic characteristics
The size, distribution and structure of the population are of crucial significance in
explaining recreation patterns. Age, sex, marital status and family composition or
diversity, have all been recognised as affecting recreation preference.
At the aggregate level, important demographic considerations are the overall size,
structure and distribution of the population. Although population growth rates in Western
countries remain low, significant shifts of population are taking place internally. One of
the most widely publicised of these has been the migration from the Frost Belt to the Sun
Belt States of North America. Whereas part of the attraction of the Sun Belt can be found
in the outdoor recreation opportunities available, rapid, unplanned growth in these areas
threatens the very qualities newcomers seek.
At the disaggregated, individual or family level, a good deal has been written on the
effects of age and the progression of life from one phase to another through
Figure 2.2 The decision process in

outdoor recreation
Source: Pigram (1983)
what is known as the life-cycle. It has been suggested that although sharp lines of
division cannot be drawn, certain preoccupations and interests predominate at specific
stages in the life-cycle. With regard to recreation, not only are preferences influenced by
age, but also by an individual’s physical, mental and social ability to participate.
It is clear that the recreational importance of each phase is closely related to the family
framework and to other ‘life event’ phases in an individual’s ‘life career’ (Mercer 1981a).
Apart from the family setting, these include the broader cultural background, government
policies and the mass media. Mercer emphasises that the average life span subsumes and
obscures major traumas such as illness, divorce, bankruptcy and the so-called ‘mid-life
crisis’. Moreover, during any life episode, recreation opportunities may be constrained by
relative poverty, immobility and lack of time.
The implications of the family life-cycle approach are that recreation requirements can
be expected to vary from individual to individual and between different people at
different stages of the cycle, with important consequences for the planning and
management of recreation space and resources. What is perhaps more important for
current policy considerations, is that significant demographic changes are taking place
within the family life-cycle, and that these, in turn, will generate altered priorities in
recreation policy, planning and development.
In several countries of the Western world, the most dramatic demographic changes are
shifts in age structure, stemming from the post-war ‘baby boom’ and the subsequent
‘baby bust’. As these ripples move into maturity and beyond, their influence is reflected
in recreation patterns so that resource managers need to be alert if a rapid and appropriate
response is to be made. The changing status (some would say ‘demise’) of the family in
modern society is another factor affecting individual and community participation in
recreation. The prevalence of working couples and the freeing of women from many pre-
existing constraints are gradually blurring sex-related differences in recreation
participation. Childless couples, unmarried couples living together and greater numbers
of elderly people living alone or in public and private community housing, all contribute
to the growing complexity of ‘family’ life to which recreation planning must adapt.
Projected aged dependency ratios in OECD countries (see Figure 2.3) demonstrate the
ageing profile of populations in Western industrialised countries. Proportionally, a
smaller and smaller workforce is going to be required to support a growing aged
dependent component of the population. This ageing profile also underlines the need for
greater provision of suitable recreation opportunities for older, active people. In
Australia, for example, those aged 65 years and over are expected to make up over 20 per
cent of the population by 2025, compared with approximately 12 per cent at present
(Borowski 1990).
The emergence of a significant elderly and retired component in the population, for
whom greater longevity, improved health care and better financial provision generate a
new set of leisure opportunities and requirements, takes on greater significance because
of the high concentrations of older people in particular areas.
Figure 2.3 Projected aged dependency

ratios in OECD countries
Source: Adapted from World Population Prospects, United
Nations; National Australia Bank, in Freeman (1992:10)
Mercer (1980b) identified several localities in Australia, in particular the Gold Coast of
southern Queensland, as geriatric colonies, with above average numbers of retired people.
However, retirement migration in Australia is perhaps not yet as pronounced in its
regional effects as on the South Coast of England, popularly known as ‘Costa Geriatrica’,
nor as in Florida, where the aged make up a significant percentage of the population. As
Mercer (1980b) pointed out, such ageing of the population can occur very rapidly, and
when accompanied by the departure of youth in search of employment or excitement, can
give rise to a succession of strains and imbalances in the community.
Socioeconomic characteristics
Among the factors which influence the desires or inclinations of individuals for
recreation, are social relationships and social structure, education, occupation and
income. Recreation is a form of social interaction, and the way in which a society is
organised affects recreation behaviour. For instance, interaction within and between
families, peer groups and ethnic communities helps mould many facets of human
behaviour, including goals and motivations for use of leisure.
Levels of education, too, whether considered in formal, structured terms or as
incidental improvements in awareness and knowledge, must have a pronounced influence
on actual recreation behaviour (also see Chapter 3). Indeed, the emphasis on advertising
and marketing in the leisure industries reflects this relationship, while the efforts made by
commercial enterprises to convince patrons of the quality of their attractions are
themselves a form of education, and are also a facet of mass consumption and recreation.
However, Mercer (1977) questions whether this correlation is causal when it comes to
determining underlying propensities for recreation. The fact that the more highly
educated person is likely to be more recreationally active may only reflect further
correlation with a higher status occupation and reinforce income and class differences. As
with so many of the factors impinging upon recreation demand, there is a degree of
overlap, both with other influential factors and with the process of expression of demand
through participation. Education contributes to knowledge, awareness and the
development of attitudes and values, which, in turn, may generate aspirations and desires
for recreation. At the same time, the acquisition of recreational skills through education
can enhance opportunities for participation and for gaining satisfaction from recreation.
A similar problem occurs with income and occupation, each already highly correlated
with the other. Undoubtedly, the amount of discretionary income available to an
individual or family is a major factor affecting recreation participation, but does it help
structure underlying recreation preferences? Do well-to-do people really prefer active
outdoor recreation activities, or do their wealth and associated possessions merely open
doors that are closed to the less affluent? Again, the former sharp distinction in attitudes
to work and leisure between high and lower status occupations is becoming blurred. No
longer can it be said with certainty that upper-class occupational groups show a
preference for a more serious range of leisure pursuits, or view with disdain the thought
of more mundane forms of recreation. Increased concern for conservation and
environmental issues, especially among the ‘baby boom’ generation, has contributed to
increased participation by a broad cross-section of the population in outdoor recreation,
nature-based activities and use of national parks (Lacey 1996).
Situational characteristics
The third group of factors which impinge upon recreational choice is linked to some of
those previously discussed and shows similar ambivalence. Under the category of
situational or environmental factors could be placed:
• Residence—which incorporates such aspects as location, type, lot size and existence of
a garden or pool, and which, to some extent, is a function of income and occupation.
At a larger scale, the place of residence can influence recreation patterns. Obvious
examples are coastal locations, winter sports areas, and large urban centres.
• Time—which also frequently reflects occupation, although this is changing with
innovations in working conditions and the high incidence of unemployment. It is not
merely the amount of time which is important, but its incidence in terms of usable
‘blocks’ at convenient periods (e.g. weekends). In general, self-employed persons
have greater control over their time budgets and are, or should be, in a position to
allocate more time to leisure. This, in turn, has the potential to widen the dimensions
of recreation participation.
• Mobility—which, for most people, freely translates to car ownership or access to a
motor vehicle. If a vehicle is not available, a person’s recreation action space is
obviously limited in terms of choice of site, journey, timing and duration of trip.
Presumably, also, possession of a car generates a desire, or at least permits a
propensity, for forms of recreation which otherwise could not be considered.
External factors
As noted above, some of the variables which are considered important in determining an
underlying proclivity for recreation, can also be influential in the actual decision to
participate. Several of the socioeconomic and situational factors, for example, appear to
operate at various stages of the decision-making process. Furthermore, the role of
resource-related characteristics is indicated in Figure 2.2. These characteristics have
direct relevance to choice of recreation site, activities and travel, and are concerned with
the opportunity to recreate (i.e. to activate latent participation).
Recreational opportunity depends upon the inter-related features of availability and
accessibility of recreation resources or sites. The nature of recreation resources and their
availability in functional terms, depends upon such things as quality, degree of
development, carrying capacity, ownership, distribution and access. These, in turn, reflect
economic, behavioural and political factors, which help shape public and private decision
making for recreation provision.
Accessibility to recreation opportunities is a key influence on participation, and its
several facets are examined in ensuing chapters. Its importance as the final deciding
factor in determining the ‘what’ and ‘where’ of recreation participation is stressed by
Chubb and Chubb (1981:153): ‘If all other external and personal factors favour people
taking part in an activity but problems with access to the necessary recreation resources
make participation impossible, the favourable external and personal factors are of no
consequence.’ Accessibility also helps explain the contribution of the travel phases to the
overall recreation experience.
Recreation travel behaviour
Almost by definition, outdoor recreation implies that space, distance, and therefore time,
separate recreationists from the sites and activities to which they wish to relate. A process
in spatial interaction is stimulated as efforts are made to reduce spatial imbalance in
recreational opportunities. The ease or difficulty of movement and communications are
basic to the explanation of spatial interaction. Mobility and information diffusion thus
become key elements in the spatial relationship between recreationists at the origin (i.e.
place of residence) and the destination (i.e. the recreation site).
The friction of distance is important in all forms of recreation travel. For most
movements, a distance-decay effect can be recognised, so that the strength of interaction
declines as distance increases. Put simply, this means that recreation sites at a greater
distance, or for which the journey is perceived as involving more time, effort or cost, are
typically patronised less (a distance-decay effect). However, the effect of the friction of
distance varies spatially, and with modes of movement and types of recreation activity. It
can also change dramatically over time and space, with innovations in communication
and transportation, and with advertising and promotion.
For some forms of recreation travel, the distance-decay effect may be heightened,
manifesting itself in inertia or the reluctance to move at all. Alternatively, the reaction to
distance may be in marginal terms. In most cases, the effect of distance will be negative,
in that, beyond some point, further travel becomes less desirable; each kilometre offers
more resistance or impedance than the last. Conversely, the effect may be positive, where
the friction of distance is reversed; for some people and some occasions (e.g. ocean
cruises), travel becomes so stimulating as an integral part of the recreation experience,
that the further the distance, the greater the desire to prolong it.
The effect of travel and its key role in the satisfaction gained from the total recreation
experience are important influences on recreation behaviour. The ‘journey to play’ can
make or break the outing, and it is often the individual’s perception of what is involved in
the travel phases which is the crucial factor in the decision to participate or stay at home.
Recreation travel, in common with all aspects of recreation, is discretionary in nature
in that it lacks the orderliness and monotony of, for instance, the journey to work. Yet,
certain regularities can be discerned in recreation movement patterns in response to time-
distance, connection, and network bias.
Time-distance bias, where the intensity of movement is an inverse function of travel
time and distance, reveals itself in the distance-decay effect referred to earlier. Distance is
constrained (or ‘biased’) by the time available and the type of recreation envisaged.
Distance is also the basis for determining the extent of urban recreation hinterlands. In
terms of travel distance, it is possible to conceptualise recreation traffic movements by a
series of concentric rings progressively distant from the city to distinguish between day-
trips, weekend trips and vacations. There is clearly scope for overlap between zones and
such an arrangement may represent an oversimplification in an era of more sophisticated
and efficient transportation systems.
Connectivity, and conversely barriers to movement, is another important aspect of
transferability affecting the means or ease of spatial interaction. The presence or absence
of interaction and the intensity of recreation travel are related to the existence and
capacity of connecting channels of traffic flow. Recreational trip-making will respond
positively or negatively to alterations in connectivity between origin and destination. An
additional traffic facility such as a motor bypass, bridge or tunnel, can transform
locational relationships by providing new or improved connections between places.
Removal of linkages (e.g. destruction of a bridge) or impairment of capacity will lead to
drastic alteration in patterns of recreation movement, and the resulting redistribution of
traffic pressure can generate severe adjustments in dependent services and enterprises.
Any number of examples exist where new communities and recreation facilities have
sprung up and established sites have gone into decline because of alterations to pre-
existing routes and modes of movement. Closure of railway lines, relocation of river
crossings, construction of highway-motorway bypasses, even the conversion of streets to
one-way traffic, can all have dramatic effects on recreation travel behaviour.
Finally, part of the explanation for regularities in recreation movements can be found
in the characteristics of existing communication networks. Recreational travel is more
likely where networks relate to shared information channels, a common transport system
or the same sociocultural, national, political or even religious grouping. The huge volume
of tourist flows based on group tours is but one example of the influence of network bias
in promoting recreation travel on a large scale. The network effect, too, can be
heightened by constraints on expanding links within or between systems, such as occur
with national boundaries or language barriers.
Despite the regularities noted above, the essentially discretionary nature of recreation
movements and the element of unpredictability put some difficulties in the way of
developing an efficient and economic system of management for the special
characteristics of recreation travel. Particular problems are the incidence of peaking,
variability in participation and the heavy reliance placed on the motor vehicle. Patterns of
recreation movement display daily, periodic and seasonal peaks and troughs, associated
with time of day, weekends, vacations and suitable weather, especially in the summer
season in coastal locations, and in winter in alpine areas. Some of these peaks are
cyclical, and to that extent predictable. However, the problem remains of providing a
transport sy stem which can cope with short periods of saturation set against longer
periods of under-utilisation.
The situation is worsened by the pervasive reliance on the automobile as the primary
means of recreation travel. The motor vehicle ranks with television as the most powerful
influence, positively and negatively, on recreation participation. The reasons are not hard
to find. Use of the car allows for the unstructured nature of recreation (and other) trips,
and provides for flexibility in timing and duration of the outing, and choice of route and
destination. The car is readily available and is a good means of access to most sites,
without the necessity for change of travel mode. It combines the function of moving
people, food and equipment with shelter, privacy, a degree of comfort, and a relatively
inexpensive means of transport.
The expectation of car ownership and its dominant role in outdoor recreation affect
more than travel behaviour. The motor car is a fundamental influence on recreation
landscapes and on the type and location of recreation facilities. As is noted in Chapter 11,
the car has significantly affected the morphology and function of tourist areas, and has
given rise to a completely new series of leisure activities and support industries.
In considering this close attachment of the recreationist and the motor vehicle, it
would be wrong to assume that car ownership or access is universal. There will always be
a social need to provide for the non-motorist in the community, if recreation opportunities
for the less mobile are not to be severely restricted.
Given that recreational trip-making is largely unstructured and discretionary in nature,
it is noteworthy that efforts have been made to isolate common variables influencing
decision-making, and to use these to explain and predict recreation behaviour and
associated patterns of movement.
Studies of trip generation are numerous, using models incorporating a variety of
predictive variables to attempt to answer questions concerning: why particular forms of
outdoor recreation are selected by different individuals and groups; why certain sites are
patronised and others neglected; the expected frequency and duration of recreational
trips; and the degree of substitutability between recreation activities and recreation sites.
One of the most popular and frequently applied techniques is some version of the
gravity model, which has been used with success in forecasting visitor flows to recreation
sites. Essentially, gravity models are based on the premiss that some specific and
measurable relationship exists between the number of visitors arriving at a given
destination from specific origins or markets and a series of independent variables, in
particular, population and travel distance.
If these variables can be quantified with reasonable accuracy, predictions can be made
as to the likely attendance at selected recreation sites from designated points or areas of
origin (e.g. visitation rates to parks from surrounding regions, counties, towns or cities).
If the actual, measured levels of attendance match the expected, then the model can be
used to predict visits to proposed new parks, to indicate the need for greater efforts in
publicity and advertising, or to assess the impact of improved accessibility on the
propensity to travel.
The technique can also be applied to delineate the range or impact zone from which a
site could be expected to attract visitors. In theory, if this zone was merely a function of
the friction of distance, it would consist of a series of concentric zones surrounding the
site, with numbers of visitors progressively declining outwards from the centre. However,
distortion of the size and shape of the area is to be expected because of the kind of factors
noted above. Variations in demographic characteristics, in conditions of accessibility and
in the orientation and impact of promotional advertising within the hinterland, as well as
competition from peripheral attractions, all help to explain why actual patterns of
patronage depart from the theoretical.
Models of outdoor recreation participation can be developed at various levels of
sophistication and application (i.e. local to national levels), but all must involve
compromise and rest on certain assumptions, because of the complex nature of recreation
behaviour. Caution is necessary, then, in the use of models and in the application of the
results. In such an unstructured field of choice-making as recreation, where decisions are
often more intuitive than rational, and more impulsive than considered, norms are not
appropriate.
A further cause for concern in modelling recreation behaviour is the assumption that
relationships between the several sets of variables remain constant. Yet, lifestyles and
social mores change progressively, as do economic and technological circumstances, so
that prediction is very difficult and value-laden (e.g. see Lee-Gosselin and Pas 1997). The
dynamic nature of many inputs into recreation decision-making can be a source of
miscalculation in planning. New trends and fashions, changing values, charismatic
leaders and different policies by governments or other institutions, can all act as ‘triggers’
to release latent participation and bring effective demand more into line with overall
demand.
Finally, the underlying element of choice in recreation means that individual
participants or particular recreation pursuits should not be studied in isolation. Rather, the
entire spectrum of leisure activities must be examined as a series of substitutes and
complements that are capable of providing a variety of satisfactions, and that act as
potential trade-offs for one another (Phillips 1977).
Substitutability and interchangeability are responses to the relationships between the
experiences and satisfactions sought in outdoor recreation, and the geographic, social,
psychological, economic or physiological barriers which prevent those expectations and
satisfactions from being fully realised. The effect of these barriers is to stimulate
replication of satisfactions by resort to some other activity. In short, the concept of
substitutability implies that recreation preferences and propensities are much more elastic
and open to manipulation than is generally accepted, making the recreation choice
process that much more complex.
Recreation choice behaviour
Predictions regarding recreation behaviour would have greater validity if more was
known about attitudes, motivations and perceptions affecting recreation decision-making.
This would help explain: (1) why certain activities and sites are favoured; (2) why some
recreation businesses are failures, while others provide satisfaction and even draw excess
patronage; and (3) how and why alternative recreation opportunities are ranked.
The recreation choice process is influenced by people’s perceptions of what
recreational opportunities are available. In every decision-making situation, individuals
evaluate selected environmental attributes against some predetermined set of criteria in
order to arrive at an overall utility or preference structure (see Aitken 1991). A
predisposition or propensity (i.e. demand) for recreation is translated into actual
participation through a choice mechanism, heavily dependent upon perception of the
recreation opportunity and experience on offer. Perceptions are personal mental
constructs, which are a function of the perceiver’s past experiences, present values,
motivations and needs.
Perception operates over several dimensions and various scales in recreation decision-
making, and initial mental constructs may be confirmed or revised as a result of further
spatial search and learning. Information levels, as well as the ability to use that
information (which may be governed by such factors as personality characteristics and
aversion to risk), also help structure evaluative beliefs and mental images concerning the
nature and quality of anticipated recreation experiences.
Information sources, and the credibility of the information itself, are key issues in the
choice of leisure settings. The validity of some spatial choice models has been questioned
because of the assumption of perfect information and the assumed ability of consumers to
evaluate completely all alternatives (Roehl 1987). In reality, individuals typically
consider only a subset of available alternatives. For example, in any choice situation, an
individual’s decision will be influenced by his/her awareness set. Larger natural settings
(e.g. national parks close to urban populations), with distinctive characteristics, are more
likely to be known and considered by potential participants. In an urban context, Roehl
demonstrates that smaller neighbourhood parks, with fewer facilities, and designed to
serve lower-order needs rather than community- or higher-order needs, are less likely to
be in a consumer’s awareness set.
Desbarats (1983) notes how the supposedly objective spatial structure of opportunities
is narrowed into an ‘effective choice set’ comprising those (recreation) opportunities that
are known to the individual and actively considered. Effective choice sets may represent
only a small fraction of objective choice sets, because of the direct and indirect effects of
constraints on behaviour stemming from the sociophysical environment. In particular,
contraction of the initial choice set may occur because of lack of information about
existing options. ‘The better the information, the greater the congruence between
effective and objective choice sets’ (Desbarats 1983:351). Both the quality and timing of
information are important factors in recreation decision-making. Inadequate information
and misinformation act as constraints in the process of discriminating between
alternatives (Krumpe 1988). The implications for management and policy are obvious
and are discussed further below.
Information also helps structure images of the environment to which recreationists
respond. However, the cognitive processes involved in image formation are complex
(Beaulieu and Schreyer 1985). The (objective) information flowing from an environment
is filtered through the perceiver’s set of preferences and values, and cultural
interpretations of place meaning. The process is complicated by the personal nature of
reactions to external stimuli and by the multifaceted characteristics of the environments
being experienced.
Dissection is risky. In nature-oriented environments, in particular, it is difficult to
reach consensus on what components—landform, water, vegetation, etc.—contribute
most to the appeal of the landscape. In any case, these attributes must be mentally fused
to complete the totality of the image, so that the whole is greater than the sum of the
parts. ‘A landscape is more than the enumeration of the things in the scene. A landscape
also entails an organisation of these components. Both the contents and the organisational
patterns play an important role in people’s preferences for natural settings’ (Kaplan and
Kaplan 1989:10).
Natural environments as recreation settings
The Kaplans applied this reasoning to what they see as human preference for natural
environments. They believe that it is not only the dominance of nature in the scene which
is appealing, but that it is also the spatial configuration of landscape elements which is
important to people’s reactions. Certain natural settings are favoured because of their
openness, their very lack of structure and precise definition, their transparency, and the
perceived opportunities to enter and move around. Wild environments, impenetrable
forests and even built environments, on the other hand, may evoke less positive
responses, along with feelings of insecurity.
Research by Driver et al. (1987) further attests to the importance of the natural setting
in achieving the desired outcomes from leisure pursuits. In a wide-ranging study of
wilderness users in Colorado, the most important ‘experience preference domains’ were
linked to enjoyment of nature. Clearly, the natural environment plays a fundamental part
in attaining the outcomes and satisfactions sought from participation in certain forms of
recreation.
Given the widespread appeal which nature apparently holds for people, its importance
in the experience of leisure should come as no surprise. Many of the benefits associated
with natural settings are, or should be, fundamental to the realisation of leisure. The
opportunity for self-expression and subjective freedom of choice, accepted by many
observers as characteristic of leisure, appears to be sought more often in natural, than in
created human-dominant landscapes. The intrinsic values derived from experiencing
leisure are perceived as being more in keeping with the natural scene and with a
minimum of social manipulation. In terms of ‘effective functioning’ (Kaplan and Kaplan
1989), the natural environment would seem to offer greater scope for personal
satisfaction, through integration of mind and body in the leisure activity itself.
Undoubtedly, perceived environmental attributes are a powerful influence on

recreation behaviour. This is borne out by Schreyer et al. (1985), who suggest that the
most useful representation of the environment for the explanation of behavioural choice
is at the macroscopic or holistic level, rather than at the attribute level. According to
Schreyer et al. (1985:16), ‘People do not search for specific elements of the environment
as much as they search for settings which will allow them to behave in the ways they
desire…which will allow for the attainment of the desired cognitive state’. They go on to
stress the importance of the social milieu and the social definition of the physical
environment to the totality of the setting in which recreation takes place.
By definition, outdoor recreation is resource-related, and increasing attention is being
given to the setting in which action takes place, as a prime force in the satisfaction gained
from the ensuing recreation experience. The assumption that recreation experiences are
closely related to recreation settings is central to the concept of the recreation opportunity
spectrum.
Recreation opportunity spectrum
In many ways, the recreation opportunity spectrum (ROS) is an application of behaviour

setting analysis from environmental psychology (Barker 1968; Ittelson et al. 1976; Levy
1977). This approach suggests that all human behaviour should be interpreted with
reference to the environment or behaviour setting in which it occurs. It is further
suggested that, given knowledge of the behaviour setting for a specific recreation
experience, such as a park visit, it should be possible to identify the human values and
expectations associated with that experience. Examination of the human and non-human
features of the behaviour setting should then indicate those contributing to or detracting
from satisfaction.
As with all human behaviour, response to external stimuli is not always simple or
direct. Environmental psychologists see people not as passive products of their
environment, but as goal-directed individuals acting upon that environment and being
influenced by it (Ittelson et al. 1976). All leisure environments affect recreation
behaviour in some way; it is the dynamic interaction between the environment and users
which is crucial to the outcome.
Within this conceptual approach, a recreation opportunity allows the individual to
participate in a preferred activity, in a preferred setting to realise a desired experience
(Driver and Brown 1978). The focus is on the setting in which recreation occurs. The
ROS describes the range of recreational experiences which could be demanded by a
potential user clientele if a full array of recreation opportunity settings was available
through time. Clark and Stankey (1979:1) define a recreation opportunity setting as:
…the combination of physical, biological, social and managerial

conditions that give value to a place (for recreation purposes). Thus, a
recreation opportunity setting includes those qualities provided by nature
(vegetation, landscape, topography, scenery), qualities associated with
recreational use (levels and types of use) and conditions provided by
management (roads, developments, regulations). By combining variations
of these qualities and conditions, management can provide a variety of

opportunities for recreationists.
The basic premiss underlying the concept of the ROS is that a range of such settings is
required to provide for the many tastes and preferences that motivate people to participate
in outdoor recreation. Quality recreation experiences can be best assured by providing a
diverse set of recreation opportunities. Failure to provide diversity and flexibility ignores
considerations of equity and social welfare, and invites charges of discrimination and
elitism (Clark and Stankey 1979). A sufficiently broad ROS should be capable of
handling disturbances in the recreation system. These might stem from such factors as
social change (e.g. in demographic characteristics) or technological innovations (e.g. all-
terrain recreation vehicles) (Stankey 1982).
The ROS offers a framework within which to examine the effect of manipulating
environmental and situational attributes or factors to produce different recreation
opportunity settings. Clark and Stankey (1979) suggest that the most important of these
‘opportunity factors’ are:
• access;
• non-recreational resource uses;
• on-site management;
• social interaction;
• acceptability of visitor impacts; and
• acceptable regimentation.
Some of these factors are discussed in greater detail in later chapters. In particular, it
should be noted that the weight or importance given to each will vary with individual site
and management circumstances.
The range of conditions to which an opportunity factor can be subjected, and the way
each can be managed to achieve desired objectives are shown in Figure 2.4. By
packaging a recreation opportunity setting in some combination of the six factors
described, a variety of recreation opportunities or options can be generated, and the ROS
materially enlarged. In their scenario, the authors present only four generic opportunity
types, arrayed along a ‘modern to primitive opportunity continuum’. However, within
each, there is scope for many complex combinations, thus providing even more diversity.
The ROS also allows an examination of opportunity settings with respect to the
capability of potential users to avail themselves of the opportunities presented. Limited
resources and, perhaps, lack of awareness or imagination mean that, generally speaking,
the established recreation system caters for the majority, on the premiss, apparently, that
everyone is young, healthy, ambulant, educated, equal and possesses the means to
participate. The reality, of course, is very different. Reference is made in Chapter 3 to
constraints on recreation because of age, lack of income and other factors. Racial and
ethnic origins can be a disadvantage, particularly in inner cities and suburbs, where these
minorities are often concentrated. Likewise, the spectrum of recreation opportunities for
people who are disabled is likely to require special attention if real choice is to be
offered.
Despite its inherent appeal as a means of facilitating choice in outdoor recreation,
specific applications of the ROS approach have attracted some criticism. For some
managers of recreation sites, the concept has been treated as a ‘blueprint’, from which
little deviation was possible or desirable. In other situations, there has been a reluctance
to amend the range of opportunity settings from that initially created, so as to allow some
flexibility, in keeping with the dynamic aspects of the recreation environment and the
preferences of users. Indeed, there appears to be relatively little consultation with
potential visitors to identify preferred recreation settings. The approach is predominantly
‘top-down’, reflecting what management feels will be satisfying for visitors, and
conducive to managerial convenience. The emphasis, too, has been on manipulation of
the biophysical elements of recreation settings, whereas opportunities for social
interaction are at least equally important influences on satisfaction and quality recreation
experiences (Heywood 1989). Some of these shortcomings are brought out in examples
of the application of the recreation opportunity spectrum concept in management
situations presented in Chapter 6.
Incompatibility and conflict in outdoor recreation
Further complexity is added to the recreation choice process, when the issue of
incompatibility is considered. Most often, this is seen as a problem between outdoor
recreation and other forms of resource use. However, conflicts can arise just as readily
between groups of recreationists, even when engaged in the same leisure pursuits.
The question of compatibility revolves around the degree to which two or more
activities can co-exist in the use of a given recreational resource. Goodall and Whittow
(1975) point out that the problem is linked with the resource requirements for particular
recreational pursuits. Only where recreational activities have similar requirements is there
a possibility of shared use of a site, or alternatively, of conflict. Noisy activities, such as
those involving off-road recreation vehicles or power boats, conflict with fishing, bird-
watching, use of wilderness and other activities requiring peaceful countryside locations.
Nor is conflict necessarily confined in space or time; site disturbance can have a lasting
effect and can spill over to adjacent areas. Goodall and Whittow stress that the incidence
of incompatibility is, in part, a function of the activity, the manner in which it is practised
and the characteristics of the site or the resource involved. Trails, rivers and other
constricted linear resources are particularly sensitive to use incompatibility. On the other
hand, timbered land may increase compatibility by reducing visual intrusion and noise
penetration.
Figure 2.4 Management factors

defining recreation opportunity
settings
Source: Adapted from Clark and Stankey (1979:15)
Conflict and compatibility involve a good deal more than simple one-to-one
comparisons of selected recreational activities. According to Lindsay (1980), the conflict
problem may be summarised as one of recreationists competing for the same physical,
social and psychological space during the same time period. Thus, confrontation over use
of recreation space should not be interpreted solely as interactivity conflict. The

complexities of human behaviour are such that conflict situations can develop between
different types of recreationists engaged in the same activity.
Jacob and Schreyer (1980) believe that the key to conflict resolution lies in identifying
the ‘conflict potential’ of recreation resource clientele, rather than in labelling certain
activities as conflict-prone. It is not merely a question of skiers not getting along with
snow-mobiles, or of ‘motor versus muscle’. In this context, four causal factors are
identified as conducive to conflict in outdoor recreation:
• Activity Style—Various personal meanings are assigned to an activity. For some,
participation may be intense; the activity becomes the focus of life interest, with
acquisition of status and achievement of a high quality recreation experience
prominent goals of participants. As a participant becomes more specialised or
‘involved’, the potential for conflict increases with others not so committed or expert
(McIntyre 1990).
• Resource Specificity—Some individuals attribute special values and importance to
certain physical resources, and develop possessive, protective attitudes to favoured
recreation sites—a common trait of skilled fishermen and hunters. Tension can
develop with lower status ‘intruders’, who do not share this appreciation and
interpretation of site values, and who disrupt the exclusive, intimate relationship built
up with a place. Once again, conflict has little to do with activities themselves, but can
occur between divergent classes of resource users.
• Mode of Experience—The manner in which individuals approach a recreation
experience can provide the ingredients for conflict. Jacob and Schreyer (1980)
distinguish between ‘focused’ and ‘unfocused’ modes of experience. The latter is
concerned with overall spatial relationships and environmental generalities, rather than
specific entities within that environment. Thus, the ‘focused’ wilderness user, intent
upon achieving an intimate relationship with specific aspects of the natural
environment, has little in common with the ‘unfocused’, for whom merely being in the
countryside is sufficient. The greater the gap between recreationists along this
continuum, the greater the potential for conflict.
• Tolerance for Lifestyle Diversity—The suggestion is, that individuals deliberately
choose recreation settings and associations which reflect their societal outlook and
behaviour, and are unwilling to share resources with other lifestyle groups categorised
as deviant, or merely different. Value-laden inferences are made about people
indulging in alternative forms of recreation, stereotyped as ‘less worthwhile’. Thus,
the trail-bike, the power boat and the snow-mobile are seen as symbolic of a society
that arrogantly exploits and consumes resources. Ethnic, racial and social class
distinctions can also be the basis for lifestyle-based conflicts. Such people are often
labelled ‘out-of-hand’ as ‘inferior’, so that even when pursuing the same activity and
following the same rules, conflict still ensues, especially as the number and variety of
people desiring access to recreation resources increase.
Jacob and Schreyer suggest that the degree to which these four factors are present, singly
or in combination, represents the extent to which the potential for conflict exists.
Conditions for conflict may just as readily occur in the mind and be part of the mental
state and attitude of the participant, as in the nature of the recreational activities. The
authors conclude with a warning for management:
Unfortunately, the tendency to define conflict as confrontations between

activities has left the sources of recreation conflicts unrecognised. In
failing to recognise the basic causes of conflict, inappropriate resolution
techniques and management strategies are likely to be adopted.
(Jacob and Schreyer 1980:378)
Summary
Many factors affect recreational motivation and choice, with much debate continuing
about the forces affecting recreation decision-making at the individual, group and societal
levels. This chapter explored the nature of recreation demand and participation, and the
range of influences on recreation choice behaviour. The importance of accessibility and
the travel phases in the overall recreation experience was stressed, and an overview
presented of the recreation decision process. Reference was made to the factors affecting
participation in recreation, in particular, the role of perception of recreation opportunity.
The types of decision choices which confront individuals and groups, and how these
affect people individually and collectively, are related to the concept of the recreation
opportunity spectrum. Further complexity is added to the recreation choice process with
consideration of compatibility and conflict between recreation activities and
recreationists.
This review of the relationship between people and the leisure environment reveals
some of the dynamics and complexities of the choice process in recreation behaviour. As
stated at the outset, it is the unbounded, subjective nature of leisure and its expression in
recreation activity which make explanation and prediction difficult. By definition,
recreation is discretionary and any suggestion of obligation or compulsion must
compromise the experience. Moreover, participants in recreation, as distinct from other
forms of human behaviour, can exercise more control over decisions regarding what,
where, and with whom, ‘…in the design of their desired products and thus the
experiences they derive from participation’ (Williams 1995:32).
Finally, it is the interaction of such environmentally-related supply factors with
demographic, socioeconomic and situational variables, or population-related demand
factors, which generates opportunities to participate in recreation. However, recreation
decisions depend not on actual objective opportunities, but on individual perceptions of
those opportunities. These, in turn, depend greatly on formal and informal social and
information networks, and on the personal characteristics and motivations of potential
recreationists.

• Recreation and travel motivation, choice and behaviour: Mayo and Jervis (1981);
Pearce (1982); Ibrahim (1991); Bammel and Bammel (1992); Garling and Golledge
(1993); Ross (1994); Stopher and Lee-Gosselin (1997).
• Tourist satisfaction: Ryan (1995).
Review questions
1 Discuss the dimensions of recreation demand.
2 Critically review discussions of the relationship between recreation demand and

recreation supply.
3 Present an overview of the factors affecting recreational motivation and choice.

Generally speaking, is it enough to derive explanations of recreation motivation and
behaviour from only one factor (univariate analysis), or should we consider the
relationships between many factors (multivariate analysis)? Explain your answer with
reference to appropriate studies.
4 What are the main demographic changes taking place within your country and local
region? Identify recent recreation policy and planning responses to such changes at the
national and/or regional level.
5 Identify a local recreation site where conflict between recreationists has arisen. Why
does/did that conflict exist? Has the conflict been resolved? Why/why not?
3
OUTDOOR RECREATION:
SPECIAL GROUPS AND SPECIAL NEEDS
Recreation need is characteristic of all human beings, but as Veal (1994:189–90) so

cogently stated:
Every individual is unique and so could be said to have unique leisure

requirements. In family settings and some organisational settings this
uniqueness can be catered for, but human beings are social animals with
interests, demands and needs in common… Classifying people into
groups and considering their common characteristics and needs is not
therefore to deny their individuality; in fact, it has been the failure of
providers to consider the common needs of some groups which has, in the
past, denied members of such groups their individuality. As a result of
campaigns, regulations, research and the spread of ideas such as ‘market
segmentation’ and ‘niche marketing’, some of these problems are now
beginning to be overcome.
There are some for whom participation in, and the resultant satisfaction derived from,
recreation requires that special services, programmes and/or facilities be provided to
ameliorate or remove leisure constraints. These people are commonly regarded as having
special needs.
Research on recreation non-participation and constraints to leisure is growing. Such
research makes theoretical contributions to our understanding of leisure choice and
behaviour, and makes practical contributions by providing information which will
generate or affect service delivery by way of policy-making, planning, programming and
marketing (Jackson 1990).
From this perspective, this chapter outlines the concepts of leisure constraints and
recreation need, and considers factors which may act as barriers to recreational
participation and satisfaction. It discusses possible approaches to the assessment of
constraints and needs as a basis for future planning and programme development. As
society becomes more complex and dynamic, as ‘social services’ of the state are
privatised (moved to the private sector), and as much recreational need and tourist travel
becomes more discerning, sophisticated and expensive, it becomes increasingly difficult
for individuals, acting alone, to satisfy their recreational needs.
Leisure constraints, recreation need and human rights
‘A constraint to leisure is defined as anything that inhibits people’s ability to participate

in leisure activities, to spend more time doing so, to take advantage of leisure services, or
to achieve a desired level of satisfaction’ (Jackson 1988, in Jackson and Henderson
1995:32; also see Henderson et al. 1989:17). The constraints associated with leisure and
recreation participation have been studied by several authors in general terms, and in
specific terms with reference to special groups, including people with disabilities, youth
and adolescents, the elderly, and women with physical disabilities. In the main, two types
of constraints have been identified—intervening constraints (those that come between a
preference and participation and which thereby limit participation) and antecedent
constraints (those that influence a person’s decision and subsequently inhibit
preferences).
Research on constraints to leisure behaviour and recreation participation is growing
conceptually, theoretically and in practical application. Work on leisure constraints and
barriers has a relatively lengthy history, with the Outdoor Recreation Resources Review
Commission (ORRRC) studies in the 1960s (e.g. Ferris 1962; Mueller, Gurin and Wood
1962) receiving considerable prominence. Since the early 1980s, however, constraints
research has proliferated, with perhaps the most notable early models put forward by
Crawford and Godbey (1987). Their formulation of leisure constraints focused on
intrapersonal, interpersonal and structural constraints (see Figure 3.1). In 1991, Crawford,
Jackson and Godbey revisited that formulation. In its place, they proposed a hierarchical
process model, in which the three types of constraints above (intrapersonal, interpersonal,
structural) were integrated. They derived three propositions from that model:
• leisure participation is heavily dependent on a process of negotiating through an
alignment of multiple factors, arranged sequentially;
• the sequential ordering of constraints represents a hierarchy of importance;
• social class may have a more powerful influence on leisure participation and
nonparticipation than is currently accepted (i.e. the experience of constraints is related
to a hierarchy of social privilege).
Crawford et al. believe that this more recent model may help to clarify some paradoxical
findings that were not fully explained previously. In particular, they noted the more
frequent reporting of structural constraints among people of higher socioeconomic status.
They go on to point out, however, that this hypothesis is largely speculative, and that
research should proceed in three main directions.
First, there is a need for intrapersonal and interpersonal-level data, with investigations
encompassing the entire array of constraints—intrapersonal, interpersonal, and
structural—simultaneously. This would permit testing of propositions that people
negotiate through sequential levels of constraints, and that these levels represent a
hierarchy of importance.
Second, the issue of social stratification needs to be examined from a dynamic
perspective, particularly given the widespread and increasing disparity between
Outdoor recreation: special groups and special needs 41
Figure 3.1 Crawford and Godbey’s

three types of leisure constraints
Source: Crawford et al. (1991)
the affluent and the poor. Longitudinal studies would reveal associated changes in
recreation patterns and processes.
Third, we should move beyond examining constraints which result in non-
participation, to investigate constraints which affect levels of participation. Clearly, then:
Although for practical reasons it is often useful to conduct research at a

high level of detail on separate parts of a system (in this case the system
of leisure behaviour), there is a need to integrate leisure constraints
research within the mainstream of leisure studies. Leisure researchers
cannot afford to investigate the phenomena in which they are interested in
isolation from other factors that influence leisure choices.
(Crawford et al. 1991:318)
Jackson, Crawford and Godbey (1993) went even further and suggested that leisure
constraints negotiation (i.e. how a person decides to experience an activity despite the
constraints encountered) is the key to understanding constraints. Whatever the case,
constraints to leisure (whether they lead to nonparticipation or to less than optimal
participation from the participant’s perspective) stem from many factors, including
biological, psychological, sociological, political and economic sources. For people to find
leisure experiences or to establish desired levels of participation, planning and
management to ameliorate or remove constraints are required. On the time dimension,
free time has come to mean little if ‘free time’ is simply regarded as time not spent at
work, or meeting other basic necessities (also see Chapter 1). Such is perhaps the case for
the unemployed, the retired, those in public or private institutions (e.g. hospitals or
prisons), or in circumstances where free time is a burden. Leisure activities for these
people are not always, perhaps rarely, freely chosen or necessarily enjoyable, and may
even involve physical and/or psychological stress. Under these circumstances, individuals
may require additional services or information, for instance, by way of education in
developing leisure decision-making and participation skills, as well as in identifying
opportunities to seek satisfying leisure experiences.
The concern for special needs groups arises from increased societal awareness of and
concern for, a more egalitarian society, based on human rights, social equality and
accessibility to resources. Put simply:
…every person has the innate right to pursue his dreams and must be
given the opportunity to fulfil his needs (within societal approval) as he
has the capacity to achieve without artificial hindrance or restriction. The
only limitations upon individual achievement should be biological
potential and social acceptability.
Shivers (1967:131)
With respect to recreation, concerns for egalitarian recreational opportunity were given
international prominence when the World Leisure and Recreation Association
promulgated the Charter of Leisure (revised in 1981), which contains seven articles (see
Table 3.1). These articles present an overriding ideal of equality of recreational access,
extolling the virtues of leisure, and exhorting governments to make provision for leisure
as a social service. Unfortunately, however, they do not declare access to leisure facilities
and services as a human right (Veal 1994:9), and this problem is manifested in recent
planning and policy. For instance, in the United Kingdom, until 1995, when the
Government’s Disability Discrimination Bill was introduced in July that year and
eventually became the 1995 Disabled Rights Act, there was no legal framework to protect
people with disabilities from discrimination in seeking access to museums and country
heritage sites. It was not until 1990 in the United States, that an American Disabilities Act
was introduced, requiring all government, commercial and public premises to be readily
accessible.
Humans are not created equally, nor do they share equality in life. Moreover, people,
and public and private institutions have created (deliberately or otherwise) or contrived,
artificial restrictions which may prevent individuals or groups participating in
recreational activities which would otherwise be socially acceptable. Such restrictions are
based on age, gender, race and ethnicity, religion, socioeconomic status, political
affiliation, employment and location (e.g. remoteness).
Table 3.1 World Leisure and Recreation

Association: Charter for Leisure
Article 1
Leisure is a basic human right. This implies the obligation of governments to recognise and protect
this right and of citizens to respect the right of fellow citizens to leisure. This means that no one
shall be deprived of this right for reasons of colour, creed, sex, religion, race, handicap or economic
condition.
Article 2
Recreation is a social service of similar importance as Health and Education. Therefore,
opportunities must be provided on a universal basis, reasonable access ensured, and appropriate
variety and quality maintained.
Article 3
Ultimately, the individual person is his/her own best leisure and recreation resource; the primary
role of governments, private agencies and groups are of a supporting nature, consisting of the
provision of services where needed, with prime emphasis at the local level.
Article 4
Leisure and recreation opportunities should stress self-fulfilment, the development of interpersonal
relationships, the fostering of family and social integration, international understanding and
cooperation, and the strengthening of cultural identities. Special emphasis must be placed on
maintaining the quality of the environment and on the influence of energy demands on future
recreation resources.
Article 5
The development of recreation leaders, animators and/or counsellors must be undertaken wherever
possible. The main tasks of these must include assisting people in discovering and developing their
talents and helping them acquire desired personal skills for the purpose of broadening the range of
recreation opportunities.
Article 6
The wide variety of leisure and recreation phenomena, including personal and collective
experiences, must be subjected to systematic research and scholarly inquiry, with the results being
disseminated as widely as possible to enhance the individual’s knowledge of him/herself, to
provide a stronger rationale for policy decisions, and to provide a more effective basis for program
development and operation. All citizens must have access to all forms of information relative to the
various aspects of leisure and recreation.
Article 7
Educational institutions at all levels must place special emphasis on the teaching of the importance
of leisure and recreation, on helping students discover their leisure and recreation potential and on
ways to integrate leisure and recreation into their lifestyles. These institutions should furthermore
provide appropriate opportunities from which recreation leaders and educators can be developed.
Source: WRLA, in Veal (1994:18)
In other words, it is society’s definitions, perceptions and attitudes to such factors, and
their relationship to recreational need which serve as one basis for inequality.
Recreation need is a multi-dimensional concept (Bradshaw 1972), and there exists a
plurality of needs in any community (Hamilton-Smith 1975). Such needs are dynamic,
individually and collectively. Taylor (1959:107) outlined four uses of the term need:
• to indicate something needed to satisfy a rule or law;
• to indicate means to an end (either specified or implied);
• to describe motivations, conscious or unconscious, in the sense of wants, drives, desires,
etc.;
• to make recommendations or normative evaluations. These are sometimes difficult to
distinguish from the above three uses which are intended as purely descriptive
statements.
There are several frameworks for assessing recreation needs. Mercer (1975) presented a
typology of need comprising four categories based on Bradshaw’s (1972) work:
• felt need: those needs which individuals have and which they want satisfied;
• expressed need: those needs which are expressed by people;
• comparative need: those needs identified on the basis of comparison of individuals or
groups;
• normative need: those needs involving external assessments by experts, who identify a
gap between what actually exists and what is desirable.
Each of the above dimensions lends itself to different methods of assessment (e.g. see
Hamilton-Smith 1975), although Mercer (1975) views normative needs assessments with
some suspicion. He argues that the ‘experts’ who make them are largely considered a
‘small élite group in our society—the well-educated, well-to-do planners, politicians,
engineers and academics’. This leads us to a critical point in identifying and assessing
recreational need. The identification and assessment of recreation needs are value-laden
activities, open to personal interpretation and subjective judgement, while any single
measure of need will be inadequate, and a combination of approaches is needed. Values
lie at the core of leisure and recreation public policy. As Simmons et al. (1974:457)
noted, ‘it is value choice, implicit and explicit, which orders the priorities of government
and determines the commitment of resources within the public jurisdiction’. These issues
go to the heart of the structural constraints and problems identified by Crawford et al.
(1991), and discussed earlier in this chapter.
As noted above, research concerning the recreational needs of special groups is
expanding, in terms of both the types of groups studied and the depth of knowledge with
respect to different groups (including variations within groups). Moreover, the normative
aspects of recreational need, namely leisure and recreation policy-making and decision-
making processes, which were largely ignored in the 1970s (e.g. see Mercer 1975), began
to receive greater attention in the 1980s (e.g. see Henry 1993 and Veal 1994, for a
detailed discussion), and deservedly so. Prescriptive-rationalist approaches to public
policy, for instance, would see the decisions of government as being part of an inherently
rational policy-making process, in which goals, values and objectives can be identified
and ranked, after the collection and systematic evaluation of the necessary data (Wilson
1941). However, this approach fails to recognise the inherently political nature of public
policy, and the influences of values, power, institutional arrangements (including interest
groups), and other factors (e.g. lack of monitoring and evaluation of policies and
programmes) on the policy process. There are winners and losers with respect to any
leisure and recreation policies and programmes. We need to know a lot more about who
benefits and who loses out in terms of outdoor recreation.
People cannot always participate in the recreational activities of their choice. The
satisfaction of recreational need requires individuals and groups to successfully overcome
‘intervening variables’ such as age, income and health status. The differential impacts of
barriers to participation mean that some individuals and groups have more difficult
barriers to overcome than other groups in society. For those individuals and groups
unable to overcome the impediments associated with intervening variables, a case of
special need may be identified. As a result, resources will need to be allocated to services,
programmes and facilities, over and above those usually required. In this respect,
governments necessarily play a crucial role. Recreation represents people’s expression of
the need to do things other than work, even though much recreation is institutionalised.
That we are able to identify many people with special needs suggests that the institutional
arrangements for recreational satisfaction are inadequate. The satisfaction of special
groups’ recreational needs thus requires institutional action. If this view is not accepted,
then we run the risk of further disadvantaging these people.
The question of one’s state of mind raises questions, too, about whether activities
which may be seen by some as recreational, may be perceived very differently by special
needs groups, who must be assisted to seek alternative opportunities during their leisure
time. It is often the way in which a particular activity is perceived by an individual that
will determine whether it is recreational or not (see Chapter 1).
Recreational choice and participation are affected by demographic, socioeconomic and
situational characteristics, external factors, and perceptions of recreational opportunity
(see also Chapter 2). The availability of recreation resources in functional terms depends
upon such things as quality, degree of development, environmental and social capacity,
ownership, distribution and access. These, in turn, reflect economic, behavioural and
political factors, which help shape public and private decision-making about recreation
provision.
The special needs of some individuals and groups should be given due recognition in
the context of the more usual recreation provisions of the community. In the past two
decades, attention has been increasingly drawn to the problems facing various groups and
individuals who might have special needs. We now turn our attention to some such
special groups.
People with disabilities
Increasing public attention is being drawn to the problems facing people with disabilities
or handicaps. Recent developments in legislation, policies and programmes in such areas
as health, education, employment, facility design, and leisure and recreation, are evidence
of changing attitudes and perceptions in society. The United Nations Year of the Disabled
in 1981 was an important precursor to this situation, raising global awareness of people
with disabilities.
A person with a handicap has been defined as one ‘whose physical, mental and/or
social well-being is temporarily or permanently impaired…’ (Calder 1974:7.3). It is
perhaps proper to distinguish between functional disability as a result of primary
impairment, and handicap which is determined by individual and societal reaction to
limitations on social roles and relationships. Disability is a defined impairment, which
becomes a handicap only when the disability prohibits activity in the pursuit of specific
goals (see Dibb 1980).
In 1988, it was revealed that approximately 6.2 million adults (14 per cent of the
population) in the United Kingdom had some kind of physical, sensory or intellectual
disability. More recent estimates show that: nearly 1 million people are blind or partially
sighted; 7.5 million are hearing impaired (of whom 2 million use a hearing aid and
55,000 use British Sign Language); 35 per cent of visually impaired people are also
hearing impaired, while 14 per cent are mobility impaired (Blockley 1996). The last two
statistics highlight a ‘stigma on stigma’ phenomenon (discussed below), which
demonstrates (1) the diversity within singularly defined groups, and (2) the need for
multivariate analysis in examining recreational access, motivations, choices and
experiences.
The Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) (1993) provides an indication of the
number of people with disabilities, as well as the nature of such disabilities, by way of a
Survey of Disability and Carers. For the purposes of this survey, people were identified
as having a disability if they possessed one or more specified limitations, restrictions or
impairments, which had lasted, or were likely to last, for six months or more. A disability
was defined as any restriction or lack of ability (resulting from impairment) to perform an
activity in the manner, or within the range, considered normal for a human being
(Australian Bureau of Statistics 1993:6, in Lynch and Veal 1996). Disabilities
encompassed such things as arthritis, ear disorders, mental disorders, respiratory,
circulatory and nervous system diseases, disorders of the eye, head injuries, strokes, brain
damage and other diseases.
The above survey distinguished between disability and handicap. The latter results
from a disability linked to certain tasks associated with daily living, in relation to such
activities as self-care, mobility, verbal communication, schooling or employment. These
definitions of disability and handicap were based on the International Classification of
Impairments, Disabilities and Handicaps, published by the World Health Organisation
(WHO) (1980).
It has been estimated that in Australia in 1993, there were approximately 3 million
persons (18 per cent of the total population) with a disability (Australian Bureau of
Statistics 1993:7, in Veal 1994), 250,000 of whom were classified as having some form
of handicap. Handicaps were further identified as ranging from mild to profound, the
latter necessitating help to perform one or more designated tasks. The prevalence of
various disabilities, based on estimates of the ABS, are shown in Figure 3.2.
Figure 3.2 People with disabilities,

Australia, 1993
Source: ABS 1993, Graph 2:7, in Lynch and Veal
(1996:324)
The therapeutic value of leisure for people with disabilities

Leisure has therapeutic value and provides a means of integrating people with a disability
into the wider community (e.g. see Shivers 1967; Patterson and Pegg 1995). Therapeutic
recreation encompasses ‘A process which utilises recreation services for the purposive
intervention in some physical, emotional and/or social behaviour to bring about a desired
change in that behaviour, and to promote the growth and development of the individual’
(Gunn and Peterson 1978:11). It promotes independent leisure for special groups through
remedial, educational and recreational experiences that use various activity and
facilitation techniques (Veal 1994). Nevertheless, integration is a complex concept and
practice, which has been undertaken, in some instances, in haste, and in a piecemeal
fashion with inadequate resources (see Patterson and Pegg 1995).
Recreational opportunity for people with disabilities

Developing a spectrum of recreational opportunities for people with disabilities should
encompass three main principles: (1) strong leadership, which can overcome the stress
and rigours of programme formulation, implementation, monitoring and evaluation; (2)
appropriate assessment of the needs and skills of participants who are disabled (i.e. their
physical, emotive, cognitive and social requirements); and (3) the means of integrating
recreation programmes into the wider community.
Chubb and Chubb (1981) present a useful summary of the effects of disabilities on
participation in recreation. The conditions and characteristics listed, range from left-
handedness, allergies and aberrations of body size, through impaired manual dexterity
and mental retardation, to physical disabilities, including sensory impairment. In the area
of outdoor recreation, much emphasis has been given to this last category, especially to
those affected by constraints on mobility and access, and by impaired sight and hearing.
Recreation assumes great importance in the lives of such people, who often have a
greater proportion of leisure time than most others. Yet, opportunities to participate,
restricted in the first place by disability, are often worsened by building and design
standards, and by regulations and requirements.
The dimensions of the recreation opportunity spectrum for people with handicaps are
limited by ‘environmental barriers’, which are taken to include architectural barriers,
transportation problems and societal attitudes (Calder 1974). Recreation participation and
spectator opportunities for people who are handicapped are seriously impaired by barriers
of one kind or another, built into the design and construction of public and private
buildings, national parks and playgrounds, and other recreation sites and facilities. Steps,
gravel, escalators and narrow entrances, all effectively deny or restrict access for many
classes of people with handicaps. Transportation, likewise, is often inaccessible to people
with handicaps, because of unsuitable design, inadequate services or lack of appropriate
facilities, especially space.
Technical approaches are only part of the solution. Attitudinal barriers within the
community also have a marked influence on the ease with which people who are disabled
can participate in recreational activity. Many individuals with disabilities are developing
mature leisure attitudes and skills, and are no longer personally handicapped by their
disabilities; they have developed adaptive skills that allow them to enjoy meaningful
leisure experiences. Possibly the greatest handicaps they confront are the social barriers
that prevent them from enjoying leisure and recreation activities. Such barriers include
inaccessible facilities and services, the absence or lack of specialised policies, plans and
programmes, and the attitudes of some sectors of the community, who discriminate
against people who are handicapped as a minority group, and who, because of
misinformation and misconceptions, stereotype people who are disabled as being
incapable, unproductive and in need of protection. The attitude of people who are
disabled also has a bearing on their ability to make good use of opportunities. Problems
of adaptation, education and retraining, especially where the onset of a person’s handicap
or disability is sudden (e.g. car accident or stroke), can reinforce the already difficult
circumstances which tend to exclude these people from the normal leisure experiences
enjoyed by the wider community.
Women
There is considerable debate and a growing field of research on gender and leisure (e.g.
see Henderson 1994a; 1994b), and on the differences in leisure participation and
constraints between men and women (e.g. see Harrington et al. 1992; Hender-son 1991;
Searle and Jackson 1985; Shaw et al. 1991; Jackson and Henderson 1995). More
specifically, research has documented the similarities and differences in the leisure
patterns and processes concerning men and women in the US (e.g. Blood and Wolfe
1960; Komarovsky 1967; Schneider and Smith 1973; Stafford 1980; Shaw 1985, 1992;
Firestone and Shelton 1994; Hutchison 1994). In particular, the growing participation of
women who voice their concerns, has added insight and significant depth to such
research, which, in conjunction with feminist thinking, has developed foci concerning
men/women comparisons and the barriers or constraints to women participating in
recreational activities.
Women experience unequal access to and participation in leisure, as an inevitable
consequence of societal attitudes, perceptions and public policies. Women’s leisure is
constrained by many factors, including:
• time limitations;
• lack of financial resources (e.g. a socioeconomic system that fails to reward women’s
labour equitably);
• increased participation in the workforce of industrialised countries by women,
exacerbating the inroads into their discretionary time from domestic commitments and
reaching the point where there may be little time left for personal pursuits;
• hegemonic constructions of heterosexual femininity—predominant inlfuences depicting
women’s heterosexual attractiveness as important;
• traditional family and societal arrangements that give men authority over women;
• a judicial system that trivialises male sexual violence against women;
• structural barriers and lack of broad acceptance of female participation in traditionally
male activities (e.g see Henderson 1994b).
Women face considerable time and family constraints, and their discretionary time may
be severely limited. They may, then, redefine leisure to signify a time when they can
combine a leisure activity such as walking in the park or watching TV, with a family or
domestic responsibility such as child-care or housework. These patterns are familiar in
working-class contexts, where women’s access to baby-sitters and household time-saving
appliances is more limited, and in social-cultural milieus, where traditional views of a
gendered division of labour and a ‘woman’s place’ prevail.
Elderly
In several countries of the Western world, some of the most dramatic demographic
changes affecting leisure and recreation demand, supply, and planning and programming,
have been shifts in age structure. There is an increasingly significant proportion of elderly
and retired people in the population, for whom greater longevity, improved health care
and better financial provisions generate demands for new leisure opportunities and
requirements. The ageing of populations of industrialised societies has caused
government and non-government organisations to ensure that physical planning and
service delivery of community recreation resources address the needs of the aged.
Participation in outdoor recreation specifically, and recreation generally, often enhances
the well-being, quality of life and physical and psychological health of the elderly, and
can lead to reductions in social isolation and medical/drug dependence.
The extent and nature of participation in leisure and recreation change with a person’s
age (e.g. Singleton 1985; Hayslip and Panek 1989; Kelly 1990; MacPherson 1991).
Generally speaking, participation in leisure activities declines with age, although there
are variations according to one’s ‘income level, personality, interest, health condition,
ability level, transportation, education level and a number of social characteristics’
(Hayslip and Panek 1989:425).
Much research has focused on the relationship between the leisure/recreation
behaviour of the elderly and physical or psychological well-being (Iso-Ahola 1988;
Coleman and Iso-Ahola 1993; Smale and Dupuis 1993), satisfaction (Kelly, Steinkamp
and Kelly 1987; Losier, Bourque and Vallerand 1993; Delin and Patrickson 1994),
constraints (Mannell and Zuzanek 1991), recognition and self-esteem (Tinsley, et al.
1987), increased coping skills (Coleman 1993), self-rated health (Delin and Patrickson
1994), and life satisfaction (Hayslip and Panek 1989; Kelly 1990; Hersch 1991;
MacPherson 1991). The latter studies show that life satisfaction for older people who are
not engaged in paid employment is very closely related to meaningful leisure and
recreation participation.
Most forms of leisure, and indeed recreational participation, involve social interaction,
which plays an important role in psychological well-being (Smale and Dupuis 1993), and
offers many other benefits (see above). Interestingly, research has shown that older single
adults, aged over 70, participate to a greater extent in organised social activities than do
those who are of similar age and married (e.g. see Thompson 1992). More recent research
in Australia indicated that:
Overall, there appears to be considerable dependence upon relatives and

friends as a source of social activities for those aged 60 and over. In
addition, there is a trend among those who are single, and who may not
have a range of family ties, to be reliant on a wider circle of social
contacts.
This is more pronounced for women. Of some question is the social
support and network role of the organised groups in facilitating leisure of
this age group. Only a small number of respondents (less than 3 per cent)
indicated that they relied on organised groups for their participation in
recreational activities.
(Simmons and Dempsey 1996:41)
Leisure behaviour and recreation participation vary between the elderly and the rest of
the population. Specific constraints such as lack of transport, poor health, insecurity
(even fear), inhibit participation in community activities, so that home-based activities
present a safer, more familiar and comfortable environment. ‘The elderly as a category
are becoming younger, fitter and more affluent’ (Veal 1994:193), but disability is an
important constraint for 45 per cent of the population aged 60–65, increasing by age to 83
per cent of those aged over 85.
Retirement, too, is becoming more common among women. Researchers, planners and
policy-makers should be directing attention to gender differences in retirement and
retirement recreational activities (Mobily and Bedford 1993), because ‘it is abundantly
clear that elderly women and men participate in different free-time activities’ (e.g.
Mobily et al. 1986).
Retirement impacts on a person’s morale, and meaningful use of time in a person’s
later life becomes a significant adaptive task (Havighurst 1961:310). Indeed:
Staying alive requires effort on the part of the older individual to move
beyond mere existence and in so doing he or she must be able to
demonstrate a willingness to embrace risk, challenge and adventure. An
important dimension of adventure is curiosity—the urge to know self as
well as the mysteries of life that encompass our physical and social
worlds, Samuel Johnson the author of the first dictionary is thought to
have argued that curiosity is one of the most permanent and certain
characteristics of a vigorous intellect. Youth do not have sole ownership
on risk, curiosity, challenge and adventure. If they do, then it is because
older people have relinquished these essential ingredients of a vital
existence.
(Seedsman 1995:33)
So, there are marked variations among the elderly in terms of leisure and recreation.
Despite these variations, useful generalisations have been made about the leisure needs of
older people. These include the need to:
• render some social useful service;
• be considered a part of the community;
• occupy increased leisure time in satisfying ways;
• enjoy ‘normal’ companionships;
• be recognised as an individual;
• have regular opportunities for self-expression;
• attain a sense of achievement in leisure and other activities;
• access health protection and care;
• obtain suitable mental stimulation;
• acquire suitable living arrangements and family relationships; and
• achieve spiritual satisfaction (Hersch 1991).
Clearly, leisure is a realm of human activity for people of all ages. And perhaps ‘the most
important condition for good adjustment to the role transitions related to aging is the
maintenance of meaningful activity’ (Hayslip and Panek 1989; Parker 1979, in
Williamson 1995:63).
Youth
Leisure is a significant component (40–50 per cent) of the life of adolescents (Caldwell et
al. 1992), and the central role of leisure activities is well-documented (see McMeeking
and Purkayastha 1995:360). According to Willits and Willits (1986:190), leisure and
recreational activities are ‘not only ends, providing immediate gratification and
enjoyment’. Rather, they are ‘part of the learning process whereby the individual seeks to
establish his/her personal identity…practices social and cooperative skills, achieves
specific intellectual or physical attainments, and explores a variety of peer, family, and
community roles’.
Leisure can provide an avenue for the expression and development of identity,
autonomy, intimacy and personal growth. Leisure provides the opportunity for young
people to hone or test skills and physical endurance, compete against others or better their
own standards, and to broaden their general life experience (Iso-Ahola 1980). ‘It is in this
life phase that much searching is done as young people attempt to recast the identities
which have been moulded for them by their parents, caregivers and other significant
people and institutions in their lives’ (Lynch and Veal 1996:332). Participation or
involvement in leisure activities in a person’s adolescent years, in part, shapes the
behaviour and attitudes that lead to more permanent patterns in later adolescence and
later life (e.g. see Hultsman and Kaufman 1990), even to the extent that about 50 per cent
of adults’ ten most important recreation activities were begun in childhood (Kelly 1974).
Of course, some young people may choose not to participate in recreation activities.
Nonetheless, access to, and participation in, leisure-based activities are influenced by
many factors. Access to outdoor recreation activities varies among young people because:
• in urban areas, for instance, there is generally better access to art and cultural activities,
sporting events, music (including discos and live bands) and eating venues (see
Gordon and Caltabiano 1996:37) than in rural (especially remote) areas;
• family, significant other adults and peers affect leisure choices and behaviour (e.g. see
Snyder and Spreitzner 1973; Iso-Ahola 1980; Caldwell et al. 1992). For instance,
parents are the major providers of advice and guidance during adolescence, to the
extent that parental influence is important in early adolescents’ decisions not to join an
activity (Hultsman 1992; also see Youniss 1980). Parents may even be seen as a
‘salient barrier to leisure’ (Gordon and Caltabiano 1996:37);
• access to public and private transport affects mobility in time and space (Hultsman
1993);
• lack of, or decline in, the number of volunteer leaders, has led to the collapse of some
youth groups, yet such ‘significant adults’ strongly influence the recreational activities
of adolescents (see Stephens 1983);
• employment, among other things, provides money and social contact, and a feeling of
worth.
Constraints on leisure may lead to leisure boredom and, subsequently, deviant
involvement (namely drug use and delinquency) (Iso-Ahola and Crowley 1991), and
smoking and consumption of alcohol (Orcutt 1984). ‘Because motivation is needed for
active leisure participation, drug use might affect an adolescent’s choices, when it comes
to what kind of leisure activities he or she likes to do’ (Gordon and Caltabiano 1996:37).
Frequent and/or prolonged drag use could cause physical debilitation, alienation from
peers and family, or alter awareness and expectations of life events.
Unemployed youth is a problem which has manifested itself in many industrialised
nations. Unemployment may be regarded as a manifestation of enforced free time, with
leisure regarded as free time. The free time associated with unemployment is not the
equivalent of leisure time. ‘Unemployment imposes a number of burdens on individuals
and people close to them, however, it also frees up large amounts of time which would
otherwise be spent in the workplace or earning an income’ (Lynch and Veal 1996:340).
Unemployed people spend less time on outdoor activities and a great deal more time
on home-based activity. If activities are expensive, they are largely curtailed. Activities
may also be curtailed because of the social stigma of being unemployed, while
diminished income appears to be an important factor in reduced participation in out-of-
home entertainment, and in membership in clubs and associations (see Lobo 1995).
Furthermore, ‘Research on special schemes of public provision showed low participation
levels. It is likely that the generally disappointing results of the schemes were due to the
consequences of unemployment, namely, psychological, social and financial deprivation’
(Lobo 1995:26).
For McMeeking and Purkayastha (1995), an important consideration, and an issue
warranting further research, is the extent to which leisure pursuits for adolescents are
mediated by their experience of place. If we extend the accessibility of leisure and
recreation opportunities to a person’s opportunities to travel, then experiences of place
may well be wider for those of higher socioeconomic status (individually, or through
their family’s wealth), those who are better educated, and those with greater social
networks and access to marketing/travel information. As recent research has shown, ‘the
more leisure opportunities available to individuals, the more they want to participate’
(Gordon and Caltabiano 1996:41).
Stigma upon stigma
Just as the context of, and constraints to, leisure seem to differ somewhat between males
and females, between people of different ages, and between people of different
socioeconomic status, so differences occur within such groupings. Put simply, any
understanding or explanation of leisure constraints must incorporate many diverse
variables. What of single fathers? What of the growing number of men, who, either
through economic circumstances or choice, decide to assume the role of primary care-
giver to children, while the female partner, in a heterosexual relationship, pursues an
income and career in the paid workforce? What of men who are labelled househusbands,
and who soon find themselves occupying a status which has been the traditional preserve
of women? How do these men manage to negotiate the values and practices of
conventional masculinity (e.g. see Morrison 1994; Lynch and Veal 1996)? What of
women with disabilities, where recent research (Henderson et al. 1993; 1995) indicates
there is a magnification of leisure constraints for such women? Another study (Davidson
1996) demonstrated that women with young children do not have uniform holiday
experiences or perceptions of those experiences.
Different characteristics may result in different leisure experiences among men and
women: race, socioeconomic status, marital status, sexual orientation and physical ability
(Henderson et al. 1995). The issue of sexual orientation also raises an important issue.
While gay and lesbian studies appear to have gained increasing research legitimacy in
some countries such as Australia and New Zealand, little attention has been afforded (1)
the place of leisure in the lives of gay men and lesbians, or (2) the meanings attached to
leisure by these groups (Markwell 1996:42). According to Woodward (1993, in Markwell
1996:43), ‘sexual behaviour in general, and sexual pleasure in particular, has received
insufficient attention in the leisure studies literature’.
Clearly, the opportunities for investigations concerning special needs groups are
enormous. Specific data on manifestations of disability, gender, race and age (among
other dimensions of special needs) are growing, but will never provide answers to all our
questions in dynamic, modern, industrialised societies.
There is a clear need for continued questioning of the values that underpin recreational
services and facilities, and, no doubt, recreation providers will perceive, and rightly so,
many interests in any planning and development processes. If recreation is a fundamental
human right, educators, planners and policy-makers must continue to probe the depths of
accessibility in all its dimensions, and promote an egalitarian recreation ethic which fully
accepts the recreational needs of people whatever their age, race, sex or sexual
preference. However, this will only be possible if there is sufficient depth of
understanding of constraints to leisure, accessibility to leisure opportunities, and the
resources which the public sector and communities (e.g. associations and volunteers) are
willing to provide.
Summary
The discussion of the recreation needs and opportunities of special groups, illustrates the
broad potential for application of the recreation opportunity spectrum concept as a
technique in recreation resource planning and management. However, it needs to be
noted that interaction of people with resources is two-way. Understanding recreation
behaviour and participation patterns, certainly calls for changes in personal and
institutional dispositions involving attitudes and values, if we are to witness a more
qualitative dimension to the human condition, and to the leisure part of human existence.

• For broad overviews and/or conceptual frameworks concerning constraints to leisure,
see: Wade (1985); Crawford and Godbey (1987); Jackson, (1988; 1990; 1991; 1994);
Jackson and Burton (1989); Crawford, Jackson and Godbey (1991); Jackson,
Crawford and Godbey (1993); Veal (1994); Lynch and Veal (1996).
• For an excellent overview concerning Women, Gender, and Leisure, see Journal of
Leisure Research, (1994, vol. 26, no. 1).
• The following suggestions for further reading serve to provide information on a wide
range of conceptual and applied issues with respect to groups with special needs. The
quite specific nature of many constraints- and special needs-related research means
that the title of each work (see Bibliography) is often quite specific about the special
group under investigation.
Lopata (1972); Rapoport and Rapoport (1975); Deem (1982); Hendry (1983);
Roberts (1983); Poole (1986); Ferrario (1988); Iso-Ahola and Weissinger (1990);
Stokowski (1990); Atkinson (1991); Driver, Brown and Peterson (1991);
Lockwood and Lockwood (1993); Sullivan (1993); Spinew, Tucker and Arnold
(1996); Heit and Malpass (undated).
Review questions
1 Distinguish between the concepts of ‘disability’ and ‘handicap’.

2 What is meaningful leisure? Does the concept of meaningful leisure take on different
meanings for different groups, or is it a generic concept dictated by an individual’s
circumstances?
3 Apart from the special groups discussed in detail in this chapter, what other special
groups can you identify? What makes those groups ‘special’? What outdoor recreation
planning and policy questions and issues do those groups raise?
4 Identify any policies which have been designed for a special group in your local
area. Critically examine the extent to which the impacts and outcomes of those policies
have met the needs of their intended audience.
4
OUTDOOR RECREATION RESOURCES
In a perfect world, demand for outdoor recreation activities would be matched by an

ample supply of attractive and accessible recreation resources. Barriers to participation
would be absent or negotiable, satisfactions sought would be realised, and quality
recreation experiences would be the norm. A broad spectrum of recreation opportunities
would be presented to potential participants, so that selection of desired opportunity
settings was readily achievable, and real choice in the recreation experience was assured.
In reality, interaction between demand and supply factors is qualified by spatial,
social/institutional/political, psychological, economic and personal impediments. These
impediments prevent or inhibit satisfaction, and detract from the quality of the recreation
experience. Thus, the supply of recreation resources in quantity and quality, and in space
and time, is a fundamental element in creating and structuring fulfilling recreation
opportunities. However, understanding of the factors which impinge on the adequacy of
supply of recreation resources, calls, first, for consideration of some basic concepts
underlying resource phenomena.
Resources—a functional concept
For many people, the concept of resources is commonly taken to refer only to tangible
objects in nature which are of economic use (e.g. material substances, including mineral
deposits, waterbodies, forests and agricultural soils). An alternative view is to see
resources not so much as material substances, but as functions which such substances are
capable of performing. In this sense, resource functions are created by human society
through selection and manipulation of certain attributes of the environment. The physical
existence of coal, iron ore or fertile soils does not constitute a resource; such elements
become resources as a result of society’s subjective evaluation of their potential to satisfy
human wants relative to human capabilities.
This functional approach to resource phenomena was set out formally many years ago
by Zimmerman (1951) and restated by O’Riordan (1971:4), who defined a resource as:
An attribute of the environment appraised by man to be of value over time

within constraints imposed by his social, political, economic and
institutional framework.
In these terms, resource materials of themselves are inert, passive and permissive, rather
than mandatory, prescriptive and deterministic. Creative use of resource potential
requires the existence of a cultural and socioeconomic frame of reference, in which
Outdoor recreation resources 57
elements of the environment acquire a function as a means of production, or for the

attainment of certain socially valued goals.
The existence of a body of water does not necessarily represent a resource in
functionally useful terms. Indeed, in some circumstances water might be regarded as a
hazard, and even dysfunctional to the utilisation of other more vital resource materials.
Any number of attributes or constraints (e.g. size, depth, quality or accessibility) may
inhibit the resource functions which water is capable of fulfilling. Creative use of
resource potential requires that certain prerequisite conditions be met, among them:
• recognition of functional possibilities of resources;
• the will to exploit them; and
• technological know-how to put them to use.
The global environment offers many examples of materials with functional promise, but
which must await the appropriate circumstances before being harnessed for human use.
Consideration of resource phenomena in functional terms, also helps explain their
changing roles and fluctuating values over time and space. To a marked degree, resource
functions of environmental attributes are dynamic, reacting to changes in economic,
social, political and technological conditions. Presently valued resources can lose their
function as circumstances alter, and previously neglected resource potential may be put to
use to meet new and complex demands. The salt resources of biblical times, and charcoal
in the era of the industrial revolution, are just two substances which have only limited
functional resource value in today’s world. Exploitation of Australia’s extensive deposits
of uranium is subject to the political whim of successive governments and pressure from
the ‘green’ lobby, so that just three mines are operating from a great number of potential
resource deposits.
These dynamic characteristics of resource phenomena can be readily demonstrated by
further reference to water resources, and to the range of functions identified with
particular streams or waterbodies through time. For example, a river, perhaps initially
valued merely as a convenient water supply, may subsequently acquire a function as a
means of transport, a source of power or even as a waste disposal site. The emerging
roles seen for water in outdoor recreation, and as a focus of environmental interest, are
further evidence of the way in which changing perceptions of the resource are reflected in
pressures to adjust its function.
Equally fascinating is the existence in space of contemporaneous, though contrasting,
interpretations placed on an essentially homogeneous resource base. Again, water
resources are a good illustration. The same physical attributes of a river valley, for
example, can take on different dimensions in the minds of inhabitants aware and capable
enough, and prepared to take advantage of, the opportunities offered. Different groups of
people, occupying that same environment, may have literally different resources. For
some, the valley and its waters represent, perhaps, a tranquil setting in which to carry on
traditional farming pursuits; for irrigators and other primary producers (e.g. cotton
farmers), the river is seen as providing the means of introducing intensive agriculture.
Others may value the waterbody for active or passive recreation pursuits. Contrasting
perceptions of what are taken to be appropriate resource functions help explain conflicts
which arise over allocation and use. This theme will recur frequently in the issues
considered in later chapters that deal with recreation resource use.
Recreation resources
As with the examples noted above, identification and valuation of elements of the
environment as recreation resources will depend upon a number of factors (e.g.
economics, social attitudes and perceptions, political perspectives and technology).
Problems can arise in the identification process because, given the appropriate
circumstances, most environments are, in some sense, recreational. Thus, resources for
outdoor recreation can embrace a wide spectrum of areas and settings, ranging over:
• space itself (airspace, as well as subterranean and submarine space);
• topographical features, including tracts of land, waterbodies, vegetation and distinctive
ecological, cultural or historical sites;
• the often neglected climatic characteristics of an area.
Hart (1966) used the term ‘recreation resource base’ to describe the total natural values of
countryside or a particular landscape. He included in his definition such attractions as the
view of a quiet agricultural scene, along with more tangible phenomena such as sites for
picnicking, camping and boating. Recreation resources, then, embrace areas of land,
bodies of water, forests, wetlands and other features of the natural or built environment in
use for recreation. Current use identifies actual recreation resources, while the probability
of use indicates potential recreation resources, rather than the characteristics of an area or
site.
The process of creation, use and depletion of resources for outdoor recreation differs
little from that in other areas of human activity, such as agriculture, forestry or mining.
As Clawson and Knetsch (1966) put it:
There is nothing in the physical landscape or features of any particular

piece of land or body of water that makes it a recreation resource; it is the
combination of the natural qualities and the ability and desire of man to
use them that makes a resource out of what might otherwise be a more or
less meaningless combination of rocks, soil and trees.
(Clawson and Knetsch 1966:7)
Recreation resources include natural attributes of the environment, as well as facilities

and attractions such as sporting complexes and theme parks. This continuum is implicit in
Kreutzwiser’s (1989:22) definition of a recreation resource ‘…as an element of the
natural or man-modified environment which provides an opportunity to satisfy
recreational wants’. As with resources in general, the supply of recreation resources
depends, initially, on human recognition or perception of the environment as capable of
satisfying those wants. However, society must also wish to use the environment for that
purpose and have the ability, appropriate technology, organisation and administrative
arrangements, to create an attractive, accessible and functional environmental setting for
recreation.
Again, in common with the functional approach, recreation resources are not static or
constant, but take on a dynamic character varying in time and space. Resources can
become redundant. Changing economic, social and technological conditions can reveal
new recreation potential in previously neglected areas. Natural resources are cultural
appraisals, and what is recognised as a recreation resource by one group of people at one
period of time may be of no conceivable use or value to them or others in different
circumstances.
The renowned surfing beaches of the Australian coastline, for instance, have really
only achieved prominence for outdoor recreation in the past half century, with the
relaxation of attitudes to public bathing. To the Aboriginal inhabitants of the continent,
they were an important source of food, whereas the early European colonists found the
surf a formidable hazard in coping with the isolation of coastal settlements. Moreover,
the gleaming sand itself, which to most Australians is an integral and attractive
component of the recreation resource base, represents a very different kind of resource
function for the rutile miner or the building contractor. ‘The coast is not one resource, but
many’ (Patmore 1983:209).
Contrasting perceptions of environment help explain conflicts concerning recreation
resource utilisation. Forest and wild land recreation, for example, is largely a product of
the conservation movement of the twentieth century, and claims on countryside and water
resources can conflict with more traditional uses of rural land (see Chapter 8). Further
attention will also be given, in later chapters, to the potential for conflict resulting from
differing perceptions of the resource functions of water resources and the coastal zone. In
the same way, scenic roads, walking tracks and trails of various kinds represent important
resources for popular forms of outdoor recreation, but not all of these uses sit
comfortably or compatibly with other demands made on such linear resources or adjacent
areas. Even the extensive network of public footpaths, so much in demand by ramblers or
hikers through the English countryside, can bring recreational users into conflict with
neighbouring landholders.
It is important to recall from Chapter 2 that conflict in outdoor recreation need be
neither resource-based nor activity-based. Conflict can just as readily arise from the
attitudes and mindsets of recreationists, as from competing claims on a common resource
base, or incompatible recreation activities. At the same time, many forms of outdoor
recreation do not require exclusive use of land or water, but lend themselves to multiple
use, in harmony with other resource functions.
Outdoor recreation and multiple use of resources
Outdoor recreation often imposes relatively non-aggressive and benign claims on the
resource base, so that it is possible to envisage and actually plan for situations of multiple
use. Forest lands and waterbodies are the most common examples of outdoor recreation
existing as a compatible partner with the primary role for the resource. However, given
the right circumstances, recreation activities can also coexist with agriculture and grazing
land (Swinnerton 1982). Although more common with publicly owned resources,
opportunities for multiple use can also be found in areas in private ownership.
From a social perspective, multiple use makes a lot of sense, especially where
resources for outdoor recreation are limited, or where prevailing conditions limit their
recreation resource potential. In economic terms, multiple use is justified if the combined
benefits arising therefrom are greater than those from a single use, and are sufficient to
cover any additional costs. This is generally accepted, in the sphere of forest
management, to include outdoor recreation. In the US, for example, the Multiple Use
Sustained Yield Act of Congress, provides for recreation as one of the main objectives of
national forests. In Australia, managers of public forest lands have been slower to
endorse recreation use alongside timber production. It is only in recent years that outright
opposition to outdoor recreation in state forests has changed to guarded tolerance, and,
now, to commitment to recreational use of forests and specific inclusion of recreation
opportunities in management plans.
With water resources, the situation can be more complex. There are many different
ways in which streams and waterbodies can function to satisfy recreation wants, and there
are different forms (sometimes overlapping) of ownership and management of water
resources. Expanding resource potential through multiple use is a challenge, given the
diverse interests and requirements of recreational fishing, swimming, boating and passive
shore-based recreation (see Table 4.1). Management approaches, based on multiple use of
water resources, are explored further in later sections, along with the issue of operation of
water storages to provide for outdoor recreation opportunities.
Recreation resources in the built environment
Up to this point, the emphasis has been on examining recreation resources as attributes of
the natural environment, many of which are publicly owned and managed. However, a
significant part of the recreation resource base comprises
Table 4.1 Examples of water-dependent and water-
related recreation activities
Water-dependent activities
Aesthetic appreciation of water Powerboat racing
Beachcombing Rafting
Canoeing Sailing
Crew racing Shell collecting
Driftwood gathering Shellfish gathering
Fishing Small boat cruising
Houseboating Snorkel or scuba diving
Ice fishing Surfing
Ice hockey Swimming
Ice skating Voyages in cruise ships
Wading Model boat sailing
Waterfowl hunting Playing in water
Waterskiing
Activities that are frequently water-related

Beach games Pleasure driving
Birdwatching Relaxing
Camping Rock or fossil collecting
Hiking Seasonal homes
Nature study Sightseeing
Painting and sketching Snowmobiling
Photography Sunbathing
Picnicking Walking
Source: Chubb and Chubb (1981:314)
components of the built environment, which provide for incidental and perhaps
opportunistic forms of outdoor recreation. Some of these come under what Ibrahim and
Cordes (1993) call ‘private recreation resources’, which include private residences,
second homes, clubs and organisations of various kinds, shopping centres, and industrial
sites. In addition, plazas, malls, school grounds and parking lots, can all offer recreational
opportunities in urban settings.
To these should be added purpose-built facilities and attractions which play an
important role as recreation resources. Whereas a good proportion of these (e.g. urban
parks, sporting facilities and community recreation centres) is the responsibility of
government at various levels, many are commercial operations offering diverse
attractions and services such as food-and-drink outlets, sports venues, accommodation
and theme parks. As pressure on ‘natural’ recreation resources grows, these created or
‘artificial’ additions to the resource base will help take the pressure off the natural
environment. The success of theme parks, for example, supports the notion that
substitution of the distinctive (physical) attributes of a recreation setting might be
possible without impairing satisfaction, so long as functional similarity is maintained
(Peterson et al. 1985). Given that the desired attributes of nature can be identified and
replicated, or simulated in a less pristine setting, pressure on authentic, nature-oriented
environments may be relieved. Moreover, less demanding types of recreation might well
make do with more tenuous links with nature. A bush barbecue, for example, does not
necessarily have to be sited in a national park.
Ditwiler (1979) takes the consideration of substitutability further by questioning
whether particular resources or environments are necessarily a prerequisite for the leisure
experience desired. He argues that the experiences people seek from a natural setting, for
example, could well be obtained from an artificial environment designed to include those
characteristics of the natural environment required for the purpose. If Ditwiler is correct,
and many supposed wilderness recreationists are more interested in diversion, excitement
or challenge than in nature per se, it should be possible to substitute the utility inherent in
specifically nature-oriented settings by creating artificial environments. Examples of such
substitutions are already numerous, for example, in simulated settings such as Disney’s
Epcot Center, Florida. Despite scepticism and, perhaps, resistance from ‘purists’, there
could be a useful role for technological ingenuity in helping to alleviate pressure on the
natural resource base.
Space, location and accessibility
Identification, assessment, allocation and use of elements of the natural environment as

recreation resources will depend upon a number of factors—technological,
socioeconomic, political and perceptual. Physical characteristics are, of course,
fundamental; water must exist for water-related tourism, However, such variables as
space, location and accessibility have a direct bearing on functional effectiveness.
Whereas some of these aspects may be offset or foreseen in the creation of ‘artificial’
inputs to the recreation resource base, they remain important in the ongoing function of
all recreation resources to provide satisfying quality recreation experiences.
Outdoor recreation necessarily has its focus in space-consuming activities. Certainly,
it is in the spatial distribution and frequent locational imbalance of leisure opportunities
where much of the resource manager’s interest and emphasis are focused. Space, then, is
a critical resource for outdoor recreation, and certain kinds of activities require space with
specific attributes, dimensions and qualities (Chapter 6).
As recreationists increase in number and mobility, there is greater pressure on
recreational activity space, on service-space for ancillary facilities, and on access-space
(e.g. parking areas, routeways). These latter considerations can have a marked bearing on
the effectiveness of recreation resource space. Pressure on capacity, too, may stimulate
multiple use of space, over time, for varied activities, day and evening, week and
weekend and year-round rather than seasonal.
Conditions of location and access are basic to the definition of certain types of
recreation space. Indeed these aspects were a major part of the rationale supporting the
early classification of recreation areas as user-orientated or resource-based (Clawson and
Knetsch 1966). For some outdobr recreation areas, isolation, to various degrees, is vital to
maintain the individual experience sought. In this respect, an inherent characteristic of
resource-based recreation areas is their locational immobility; they are site-specific to a
particular environmental setting. Wilderness areas, for example, are largely delineated by
their remoteness and difficulty of access, so that their primitive natural qualities will not
be impaired by over-use.
On the other hand, valuation of the spatial element for user-orientated recreation
resources depends very much on the location relative to population concentrations. In
heavily populated areas, an adequate supply of readily available recreation space is
especially valuable. Yet, urban centres often have to ‘make do’ with fragmented pockets
of relict land and water, otherwise useless for the purpose of economic return. In many
cases, these are legacies from past sub-divisions, where the statutory proportion of an
estate set aside for open space has been selected on the basis of its inherent poor quality,
either locationally or for residential purposes. The result is recreational space which is not
appropriately sited for present needs, nor flexible or adaptable enough in quality to cater
for the changing character of dynamic urban populations.
Awareness of deficiencies in current allocations of land for outdoor recreation has
beneficial connotations in terms of planning for the more effective selection and location
of new recreation areas in both intra- and extra-urban environments. Some constructive
efforts in this regard have been made towards the provision of an improved environment
for human recreation needs in new towns in Australia, Britain and the US. In such
decentralised communities, the emphasis is on coordinated planning for the new city,
together with its surrounding region. The maintenance of environmental values as a basis
for recreational amenity, and provision of a wide range of accessible sites and settings,
are seen as essential strategies.
At a finer scale, the relative disposition of spatial components into access and space
and viewable space, may contribute to a fuller realisation of the recreation experience.
The complementary nature of these fundamental spatial elements can be illustrated with
reference to Banff, Alberta, Canada. The mountains and lakes (viewable space) in this
vicinity rate low as occupiable space, but greatly enhance the appeal of the valley
landscape, within which the resort and its access routeways are situated.
A similar distinction is made by Gunn (1988) in his study of the planning of tourist
regions. Gunn suggests that a tripartite approach should be adopted in the design of
tourist attractions. Stress is placed on the spatial relationship between the prime element,
or central attracting force (e.g. a waterfall) and its essential setting, or what Gunn calls
the inviolate belt. The function of this setting, or entering space, is to condition the
visitor’s anticipation in an appropriate fashion, so as to enhance the subsequent recreation
experience. The third conceptual element is the zone of closure, or outer area of
influence, containing service centres, circulation corridors and transport linkages. This
functional component completes the tripartite concept and contributes to the wholeness of
an attraction.
The example of Canada’s Niagara Falls illustrates the importance of a complementary
environmental setting in adding to, or detracting from, a prime tourist attraction. Niagara
Falls is categorised as one of the ‘wonders of the world’, with the immediate vicinity
being enhanced by an attractive reserve. However, only the most insensitive visitor could
remain indifferent to the garish vulgarity of the outer approach to the Falls, marked as it
is by inappropriate and poorly designed services and facilities. It is almost as if human
beings had set out to mask the natural splendour of this magnificent feature with a veneer
comprising the worst aspects of landscape design and commercial display.
A comprehensive approach to the planning and design of recreation space, therefore,
should give attention to the regional background, the approach and means of access, and
the immediate setting, all of which complement, or detract from, the satisfaction visitors
and users derive.
Resource-based recreation areas are, by definition, located at the site of the prime
element or attraction. Yet, even here, scope exists for manipulating the attributes of
resource elements to enhance or inhibit their recreational function. In so doing, the
‘location’ of recreation resources and hence recreation opportunities is essentially being
arranged to meet management objectives. A forest or a waterbody, for example, may
have several areas with recreational potential. However, it is the selective provision of
access and facilities that will determine the location of those sites to function as
recreation resources. In the same way, and on a larger scale, an agency may attempt to
correct imbalances in the location and spatial distribution of visitors to national parks by
strategically allocating ancillary facilities to selected sites (see Chapter 10).
Accessibility is a fundamental concomitant of locational aspects of recreation

environments and of the functional concept of recreation resources. The presence or
absence of roads, trails, parking space, boat ramps, airports or helicopter pads, can all
impinge on the functional effectiveness of the recreation resource base. However, it is
difficult to generalise when conditions of access for special groups, such as children, the
elderly and people with disabilities, are considered. Moreover, it is not so much a
question of physical access as of legal, institutional, and perhaps socioeconomic
constraints on movement into and through recreation space. Such situations raise
complex questions regarding public rights and access to common property resources;
some of these are examined in Chapter 8.
The question of what constitutes a recreation resource and what factors add to, or
detract from, the quality of the leisure environment can best be answered by a systematic
assessment of resource potential. The task begins with identification and classification of
elements of the recreation resource base.
Classification of recreation resources
An important initial stage in the resource creation process is an inventory and assessment
of the quantity and quality of resource materials; those presently valued as resources, and
those which may function as recreation resources in different socioeconomic and
technological circumstances. Such stocktaking is necessary before the significance of
stocks can be evaluated.
However, inventories themselves are of doubtful value; what is required is more than a
simple listing of resource materials. The resource elements must be described and
classified according to some recognised and agreed system in order to determine
categories of resource deficiency and surplus as an input to recreation planning.
Classification of recreation resources can be approached from several angles. One of
the earliest systems was devised by Clawson et al. (1960), who distinguished between
recreation areas and opportunity on the basis of location and other characteristics, such as
size, major use and degree of artificial development. Under this system, recreation areas
were arranged on a continuum of recreational opportunities from user-orientated through
intermediate to resource-based.
The Clawson system of classification has been widely applied, although the
terminology can be confusing. All recreation areas must be user-orientated to some extent
if they are to satisfy the functional concept of resources. Exclusion from the resource-
based category of urban and near-urban recreation sites reflects a narrow interpretation of
the term ‘resources’. Obviously, there is scope for considerable overlap, and city
parklands can be just as much ‘resource-based’ as remote wilderness. Moreover, large
national parks, such as those which ring the city of Sydney, Australia (see Chapter 9), and
which are close enough for casual day visits, actually qualify as user-orientated recreation
areas. Obviously, too, there can be interchangeability over time, as resource-based areas,
for example, come within the recreation opportunity spectrum of an increasingly mobile
and affluent user population.
Various adaptations of the Clawson system of classification of recreation resources
have been devised, using combinations of location, physical attributes, facilities, and type
of recreational experience and use. An example presented in Table 4.2 encompasses both
resource-based and built recreation facilities. Chubb and Chubb (1981) distinguish
between the following classes of recreation resources:
• Undeveloped Recreation Resources, including land, water, vegetation and fauna;
• Private Recreation Resources, taking in ‘personal resources’ such as residences and
second homes, private organisation resources (e.g. clubs), resources of quasi-public
organisations (e.g. conservation groups), and farm and industrial resources;
• Commercial Private Recreation Resources, including shopping facilities, food-and-
drink outlets and sports facilities, amusement parks, museums and gardens, tours,
stadiums, camps, and resorts of various types;
• Publicly Owned Recreation Resources, covering local and regional parklands and sports
facilities, state and national parks and forests, trails, tourist facilities and institutions;
• Cultural Resources in the public and private sector, including libraries and facilities for
the Arts;
Table 4.2 A taxonomy of leisure facilities
Facilities not Resource- Built facilities Built facilities Built
existing primarily based adapted for leisure designed for facilities
for leisure facilities passive leisure designed for
adapted for active leisure
leisure
Agricultural land Woodland Historic houses Museums Marinas
parks
Commercial Urban/rural Ancient monuments Galleries Leisure/sports
woodland parks centres
Watercourses Golf courses Redundant churches Libraries Dance halls
Water masses Beaches Warehouses/industrial Arts/community Squash/tennis
buildings centres centres
Private dwellings Cruising Cinemas Gymnasia
waterways
Workplaces Public Restaurants Swimming
footpaths pools
Streets Canal Hotels Holiday camps
towpaths
Moorland/mountains Watercourses Shopping malls Snooker halls
Reservoirs Water masses Sports stadia
Zoos Playgrounds
Theme parks All weather
sports pitches
Open air Sports
museums clubhouses
Holiday camps Theme parks

Shopping
malls
Source: Adapted from Ravenscroft (1992)
• Professional Resources, which can be divided into two broad areas: administration (the
organisation of recreation systems, policy making and provision of financial support)
and management (research and planning, design, construction and maintenance,
resource protection and programming).
Clearly, such a listing of recreation ‘resources’ is all-embracing, consisting of a broader
recognition of resource phenomena than those typically associated with outdoor
recreation. Whereas all of the ‘resources’ included in the classification can undoubtedly
function to satisfy recreation demands, the intention, here, is to focus on those elements
of the natural and built environment (whether in the public or private sector), which are in
use, or which have potential for use as outdoor recreation settings.
At a finer scale, classification systems have been developed for specific categories of
recreation. Gold (1980) classified recreation space on the basis of location, function,
capacity and service area, ranging from ‘home-oriented space’, through ‘neighbourhood’
and ‘community space’ to ‘regional space’. Such classifications have much in common
with Mitchell’s (1969) hierarchy of urban recreation units, and have merit in exposing
and correcting deficiencies in providing urban recreation opportunities.
Recreation resource capability and suitability
Increasingly, static classifications, specific to a particular time period, are being replaced
by resource capability assessments of the potential of an area for a specified use. The
assessment may be for one purpose or a combination of purposes. Perhaps the most
ambitious and exhaustive scheme for classification of recreation potential has been
carried out in Canada as part of the Canada Land Inventory (CLI), a comprehensive
project to assess land capability for five major purposes—agriculture, forestry, ungulates,
waterfowl and recreation. The inventory has been applied to settled parts of rural Canada
(urbanised areas are excluded), and is designed for computerised data storage and
retrieval as a basis for resource and land-use planning at local, provincial and national
levels.
In marking the first 25 years of the Canada Land Inventory in 1988, Environment
Canada highlighted the various features of this unique planning tool (see Table 4.3).
Despite its long life, the Canada Land Inventory continues to be relevant to a variety
of land use and resource management problems across the country. Key questions in
regard to outdoor recreation are: how much good quality land is available for this
purpose? where is that land located in relation to potential users? The example ‘New
Parks with Water Access?’ demonstrates how CLI information can assist in the planning
of new recreation opportunities.
Again, the Canada Land Inventory can help planners choose among options where
potential conflict exists. Targeting of areas of conflict can be indicated by a simple
comparison, using overlays of single sector maps of the same areas. These
Table 4.3 Canada Land Inventory highlights: 1988
• One of the largest land inventories ever undertaken in the world, the CLI covers about 260
million ha of southern Canada for five resource sectors.
• Prime agricultural lands in British Columbia comprise only 5% of the Province’s total area, and
are under continuing pressure from competing uses. In the 1970s, the CLI was instrumental in
helping this province and others move quickly to designate agricultural lands for protection.
• Acid rain is a critical threat to Canada’s environment. Analysis using the CLI has demonstrated
that more than 70% of Eastern Canada’s prime resource lands receive acid rain in levels
threatening sustainable productivity.
• Waterfowl are an important economic, recreational and ecological resource. In support of the
North American Waterfowl Management Plan, the CLI has helped screen out areas where habitat
maintenance might conflict with agricultural production.
• The CLI led to the development of the Canada Geographic Information System, a first-of-its-
kind technical accomplishment in handling resource information.
• Not simply a valuable planning tool of the past, the CLI, established 25 years ago, can make a
vital contribution to efforts to understand and resolve urgent environmental problems.
Source: Environment Canada (1988:1)
Example: New Parks With Water Access?

Suppose that park planners wanted to determine the potential for establishing, within
an hour-and-a-half drive of our major cities, more parkland on the shorelines of lakes,
rivers and oceans. While the eventual decisions will be based on such factors as land
ownership, price, accessibility and current uses, the first step, obviously, is to find out
‘how much’ there is and ‘where it is’.
The CLI outdoor recreation inventory provides exactly this information. Table 4.4
summarises data on capability Classes 1–3 inventoried shoreline within a 121 km (75
mile) radius of selected cities. CLI maps will show the location of these sites, as well.
The figures indicate that the potential for new shoreline parks varies greatly from city to
city. Sudbury and Ottawa top the lists, while Regina and Calgary have limited potential.
The CLI has not identified the precise location of new park sites. But it has enabled
planners to focus their search very quickly, allowing them to target detailed planning on
the most promising shoreline sites.
Source: Environment Canada (1978)
techniques were the forerunner of the much more complex computer analyses in use
today. The example ‘Ducks and Wheat?’ highlights sites of potential conflict between
competing resource functions for the same area of land either as prime agricultural land
or a prime habitat for waterfowl and the basis of extensive and valuable recreation
activity.
In this way, the CLI system permits inter- and intra-sectoral comparisons to delineate
suitable locations for recreational development, and to define priority areas between
competing uses, as well as opportunities for compatible multiple resource use. However,
the methodology does have some deficiencies. Although the classification is designed to
accommodate a wide range of (then) popular outdoor recreation activities, inevitably it
excludes certain pursuits (e.g. hang gliding), which have emerged since, as a result of
technological advances and increasing levels of specialisation in recreation activities. Nor
does the scheme have much to say about the quality of a recreation experience.
Recreation resource capability is equated with the quantity (or level of use), which does
not always coincide with satisfaction.
In Australia, classification schemes focusing on outdoor recreation capability have
been applied to Crown (public) lands. The classification can apply to a range of land
categories, from ‘remote natural’ to ‘urban’, reflecting the area’s physical, social and
management characteristics relative to its capability to provide opportunities for land-
based or water-based recreation activities (Table 4.5).
Resource capability is a measure of the feasibility of allowing a range of specified
resource uses on an area of land, reflecting both the likely productivity and resilience of
the site. Whereas resource capability is based on mainly natural physical attributes,
resource suitability is a socioeconomic and political evaluation of the acceptability or
desirability of a particular resource use.
In terms of the suitability of a resource for recreation use, relevant issues include
community demands and expectations, government policy, and conflicting needs of
different user groups. The concept of resource suitability has four basic components:
Table 4.4: CLI recreational capability classes 1–3:
inventoried shoreline within 121 km of the centre of
selected metropolitan areas
Metropolitan Area Class 1 (km) Class 2 (km) Class 3 (km) Total (km)
Halifax − 29 433 462
Montreal 12 253 1,785 2,050
Ottawa 80 471 3,076 3,627
Sudbury 24 221 4,181 4,426
Regina 5 19 285 309
Calgary 4 59 132 195
Vancouver 69 456 1,588 2,083
Example: Ducks and Wheat?

Suppose wildlife managers want to protect prime waterfowl habitat in a particular
rural municipality. They know that such habitat is frequently located throughout good
farmland. Their goal is to locate those prime waterfowl areas that do not conflict with
agricultural production.
As a first step, they obtain the CLI agricultural capability and waterfowl capability
maps covering their rural municipality. Then they identify all the Classes 1–3 agricultural
land and all the Classes 1–3 waterfowl area. The comparison identifies the general
location and extent of areas where there are overlaps, and areas where there are no
conflicts with agriculture. This latter group will be candidates for protection (Figure 4.1).
Figure 4.1 Overlay of agriculture and waterfowl

capability maps
Table 4.5 Outdoor recreation capability classes

Classification activities Physical setting
Remote Land based Size 1000 ha. or more (may be smaller if
Natural Viewing scenery contiguous with natural areas; namely
Bushwalking and hiking National Parks and State Forests etc).
Camping
Nature study, interpretive Access Area at least 1km from all roads and tracks,
services which are usually open to motorised use.
Abseiling and mountain
climbing
Water based Man-made Essentially an unmodified natural
Canoeing—rowing Modification environment which may contain a limited
Swimming number of tracks. Buildings are very rare
Fishing and isolated.
Surfing (body)
Natural Land based Size No set criteria (generally over 20 ha) but
Viewing scenery may be isolated pockets in urban settings.
Picknicking Coast lands variable but contiguous with
Bushwalking, hiking, natural lands.
horseriding
Camping Access Area normally within 1km from primitive
Nature study, interpretive roads and tracks, which are usually open to
services motorised use.
Off-road vehicles
Fossicking
Water based Man-made A natural area with subtle-to-dominant
Canoeing—rowing Modification modification. Serviced with primitive to
Sailing sealed roads. Buildings are rare and
Swimming generally isolated.
Diving
Fishing
Surfing (all)
Rural Land based Size No set criteria (generally over 5 ha) Coast
Viewing scenery, arts land variable but contiguous with rural
and crafts lands.
Individual and team
sports Access Area serviced by a formed road.
Picknicking
Walking, bicycling,
horseriding
Sightseeing drives
Club and kiosk services Man-made A culturally modified environment
Showgrounds and Modification reflecting past or current practices in
cemeteries agriculture, clear fell forestry, extractive
Motorised transport industries, utility corridors etc. Area is
(automobiles, 4-wheel serviced by formed roads to highways.
drives, motorcycles) Buildings are common and may range from
Camping and caravans; scattered to small clusters, e.g. power lines,

cabins towers, resorts, marinas, pit heads and farm
Racing; games and buildings.
playgrounds; fossicking
Water based
Canoeing—rowing;
sailing; power boating;
water skiing; fishing;
diving; swimming;
surfing (all); marinas;
water sport.
Urban Land based Size No set criteria (generally ¼–20 ha) Coast
Viewing scenery, arts land variable but contiguous with urban
and crafts, bands lands.
Individual and team
sports; picknicking Access Area normally accessed by foot, bicycle or,
Walking, bicycling and if necessary, vehicle.
horseriding
Sightseeing drives; club
and kiosk service
Motorised transport
(automobiles, 4-wheel
drives,
trains, buses, Man-made A structure dominated environment serviced
motorcycles) Camping Modification with sealed roads to highways. Natural or
and caravans; games and ‘natural appearing’ elements may be present
playgrounds but buildings and building complexes are
Water based dominant, namely resorts, towns, industrial
Canoeing—rowing; sites, residential areas.
sailing; power boating;
water-skiing; fishing;
diving; swimming;
surfing (all) Wharfs,
jetties; marinas; water
sports
Source: New South Wales Department of Lands (1986:36)
• Economic Efficiency—the allocation of resources to the use which yields the greatest
financial return (e.g. if assessment shows that a parcel of land possesses a high
capability for cultivation, preference should be given to cultivation, not an alternative
use such as grazing);
•Social Equity—ensuring the equitable distribution of social benefits and social costs by
adopting a particular form of land use. For example, one issue at the centre of past
rainforest logging disputes in New South Wales, Australia, was the conflict between
the tangible timber production and job security associated with the logging industry,
and the more intangible loss to the National Estate of the rainforest resource itself;
•Community Acceptability—including such aspects as:
– changing social attitudes (e.g. concerning environmentally incompatible land uses
and external effects, such as adverse noise and visual impacts)
– regional and community needs for land resources;
– public participation and political influence;
• Administrative Practicability—the adequacy of existing infrastructure and services (e.g.
accessibility to roads, education facilities, community services, power supply and
sewerage) and the economic efficiency of providing services to undeveloped sites
(New South Wales Department of Lands 1986:50–1).
Recognition and classification of resource phenomena for outdoor recreation use call,
first, for identification of the capability of the resource base to provide for a range of
recreation experiences. However, this is only an indication of what recreation activities
the area may support. From these possibilities, it is essential that the most desirable
option/s or preferred resource uses be selected. Resource suitability takes account of
physical capability, but focuses on choosing the recreational use which best satisfies
community demand and government priorities.
Evaluation of recreation environments
Measurement of the capability and suitability of the resource base to support various
forms of outdoor recreation is a more difficult undertaking than if the task is confined to
classification or assessment for a single purpose. Yet, an area seldom provides for only
one kind of recreation, and it is more realistic to consider several activities, with due
regard for the complex relationships between outdoor recreation and other resource uses.
The complexity of the task is typified by an early investigation undertaken in central
Scotland to identify and evaluate recreation environments at a regional scale, on the basis
of functional connections between different recreational activities, resources and users
(Duffield and Owen 1970; Coppock, Duffield and Sewell 1974).
The approach adopted was to make four separate, independent assessments of the
components of resource capability for outdoor recreation, and then to combine these into
one single assessment. The components used were: suitability for land-
Figure 4.2 An assessment of the

recreation resources of Lanarkshire
Source: Duffield and Owen (1970: Appendix 1)
based recreation; suitability for water-based recreation; scenic quality; ecological

significance. The basic spatial unit was a 2 kilometre (approx. 1.25 miles) square grid
overlay, covering the study area. Data on the four components were obtained from
existing maps, aerial photographs and other published sources, and each grid square was
evaluated separately for each category. The combined grid scores were then graded into
six classes and mapped to indicate composite recreation environments (Figure 4.2).
Experimental techniques, such as used in the Scotland example, can always be subject
to scrutiny, and adaptations to suit specific areas under study are advisable. The authors
conceded that the assessment might be altered if other features and forms of outdoor
recreation which attract visitors to the Lanarkshire region had been considered. The
somewhat arbitrary choice of the four components, and the decision to give them equal
weight, can also be challenged. Moreover, negative factors such as lack of access or the
attitudes of management authorities, need to be examined at a subsequent stage of
resource assessment and development.
Implicit in the discussion of recreation resource classification and evaluation has been
the existence and even acceptance of, a strong element of subjectivity in the assessment
process. One of the most difficult areas to contend with from the point of view of
subjectivity is that of landscape evaluation.
Landscape as a recreational resource
Until relatively recently, landscape has been largely ignored as part of the recreation
environment. However, growing concern for environmental quality has led to recognition
of the scenic quality of landscape as a major recreational resource in its own right, rather
than merely as the visual backdrop for other recreation pursuits. This, in turn, generated
interest in systematic attempts to evaluate scenic beauty, and to examine the features of
landscapes which contribute to their attractiveness and to their resource value in outdoor
recreation (Robinson et al. 1976).
That said, difficulties remain with assessment procedures because of the intangible
and multi-faceted nature of landscape, which does not permit precise measurement. The
resource function can take on several dimensions, depending upon which senses are
being satisfied and the characteristics of the population involved. These difficulties are
compounded by the assessment of recreational values. Whereas most landscapes
probably have some recreation potential, this fact is not easy to establish with any
agreement, because of the personal nature of recreation and the subjective manner in
which it is experienced. Generalisation and interpersonal comparisons are of doubtful
validity, and the multiple characteristics of landscape make dissection and evaluation a
risky undertaking.
Despite the essentially subjective nature of the variables involved, efforts are being
made towards identification and measurement of scenic landscape values in response to
competing resource users. In the ensuing discussion it is useful to distinguish between
landscape character and landscape quality.
Analysis of landscape character is essentially descriptive and concerned with the
attributes or components of landscape which constitute it as a visual entity-landform,
water, vegetation, buildings and the like.
In contrast to landscape character, landscape quality is essentially a comparative,
evaluative concept, subsequent to determination of landscape characteristics. Assessment
of landscape quality is a three-phase process (Unwin 1975):
• Landscape Description—relatively objective inventory of landscape elements or
characteristics (above), and classification of landscape types, without any scoring,
ranking, or reference to quality;
• Landscape Preference—establishment of visual preference ratings or indices for
landscape characteristics or types, based on personal value judgements or the opinions
of panels of experts or representative populations;
• Landscape Evaluation—assessment of the quality of the particular landscapes under

study in terms of the values or preferences expressed.
A variety of methods and procedures has been suggested to manipulate and rank
landscape attributes in order to establish visual preferences. Criticism has been directed at
particular approaches which claim to present an objective measurement of landscape
quality. Such refinement is impossible with such an inherently subjective process, no
matter what sophisticated analytical methods are used. Landscape evaluation can never
be divorced entirely from subjective interpretations, and the best that can be achieved is
some appropriate balance between operational utility and scientific elegance.
Apart from problems of subjectivity and the appropriate mix of landscape attributes,
assessment procedures are unable to cope, as yet, with the internal visible arrangement
and spatial composition of landscape (as opposed to its resource content). With all the
difficulties and reservations regarding methodology, why bother evaluating landscape?
The answer can be found in the four broad objectives designated for landscape
management by Penning-Rowsell (1975):
• Landscape preservation—identification of areas of landscape worthy of preservation
and deserving of priority for conservation;
• Landscape protection—as a basis for development control decisions, to guide the
direction of development, monitor environmental impact and provide for planned
landscape change;
• Recreation policy—aimed at enjoyment of the landscape and realisation of its long-term
potential for appropriate forms of outdoor recreation;
• Landscape improvement—identification of visual features which detract from landscape
quality, so that such ‘eyesores’ can be removed or modified.
To these, could be added the requirement to satisfy a growing body of environmental law
in many countries. In the US, for example, all government agencies must ensure that
‘environmental amenities’ are given appropriate consideration in planning decisions. In
Australia, too, there is a growing commitment to landscape conservation, in both the
natural and built environment. Over the years, several urban renewal projects have been
delayed or abandoned because of ‘green bans’ imposed by trade unions, or as a result of
the actions of conservationists anxious to preserve parts of the national heritage and
landscape. More generally, though, environmental planning legislation in the States and
Territories contains guidelines concerning environmental impact assessment and public
participation in urban and rural development. However, environmental legislation can be
thwarted by governments and developers. ‘Secret dealings between State government
officials and private developers have always been a feature of coastal resort development
and land speculation in Australia, though there have been marked variations between the
different States at different times in terms of the extent of the practice’ (Mercer
1995:173). In brief, development fast-tracking, statutory amendments, special deals and
political favours are not uncommon in Australian tourism and related recreational
development.
The national government in New Zealand is a key resource manager through the
Department of Conservation, while the operational role of local authorities has been
redefined through the introduction of the 1991 Resource Management Act (RMA). This
Act represents an important attempt at regulating for sustainable development, which
encompassed a redefinition of the structure and roles of local government. The RMA
replaced many pieces of legislation with a more comprehensive framework for the
allocation and management of resources (NZTB 1994, in Kearsley 1997). It outlines the
responsibilities of central and local government, and is implemented by way of a
hierarchy of policies and plans. However, perhaps the most significant change in
planning methods, is in the explicit departure from prescriptive criteria for resource
allocation (or ‘zoning’ approach), to a system focusing on the effects of activities rather
than their intrinsic nature. ‘The suitability of a particular use of land is determined by
what its environmental outcomes might be rather than by what it is’ (Kearsley 1997:57).
Evaluation of recreation sites
At a finer scale, attention should be directed towards evaluation of the potential of the
resource base to support a specific recreation activity or experience at a specific site.
Evaluation at this level calls for a different approach from that used in broad regional
assessment, especially where questions of land tenure, access and management can often
be disregarded.
Site evaluation assumes knowledge and understanding of the detailed resource
requirements for each type of recreation involved, The following is a list of the kinds of
questions which might need to be answered:
• What kind of topography is most suitable for bushwalking, horseriding or trail bike
riding?
• What river conditions are ideal for white water canoeing, trout fishing or bathing?
• What types of vegetation are preferred for orienteering or children’s adventure play?
• What snow conditions are best for snow climbing, cross-country skiing or snowshoe
walking?
• What characteristics make a rockface good for mechanical climbing, or a pool suitable
for fly-casting? (Hogg 1977:102).
For certain activities, conditions are necessarily more specific and closely defined than
others, which are more flexible. Competitive activities, for example, are generally more
demanding than less formal recreational uses of countryside. Physical and natural
circumstances will be most important for some forms of recreation, whereas for others,
social factors may need to be taken into account, and created facilities and infrastructure
may be mandatory for effective functioning of the recreation resource base.
Recognition of recreation site potential involves synthesis of an ‘identikit’
specification (incorporating all the relevant site factors), which conforms most closely to
the ideal. However, in the evaluation process, it is important to distinguish between
minimum and optimum site requirements. The former represent a threshold or entry zone
concept, in that they describe the set of obligatory conditions within a narrow range of
acceptability that is essential if the activity is to take place at all. Unless such bare
minimum standards are satisfied, the type of recreation envisaged cannot be
accommodated. Optimum requirements imply a preferred situation such as might be
demanded or experienced at an Olympic site of national or international repute. Such
standards are obviously much more demanding and precise, and are applicable only to
exceptional situations.
Once the necessary minimum site conditions have been established, a method of
ranking or rating is needed which reflects the relative importance of each requirement,
and which indicates whether it is considered an asset or a constraint. In an Australian
study, Hogg (1977) lists the natural and cultural factors he considers important for
overnight bushwalking or hiking (Table 4.6). Unless all site (route) requirements are held
to be equally fundamental, the points allotted and rating scales used, need to be adjusted
to reflect their greater or lesser importance. Without some weighting of this kind, serious
deficiencies in more critical factors can be largely overcome by high ratings for more
trivial aspects. Moreover, a zero rating given to indicate total unsuitability on the basis of
a single vital factor can be swamped in the additive process by high ratings for more
mundane requirements.
Thus, in Hogg’s example, presence of quality campsites is assigned the highest
maximum positive points value (25), whereas refuge huts are apparently considered of
passing importance to bushwalkers and are lowly rated (5). On the other hand, the
presence of hazards is judged to be a most serious constraint (−50), and some factors such
as restrictions on access, are considered so critical as to be allotted the most negative
value of −00. In Hogg’s evaluation system, a recreational unit in which any single factor
is rated −00 will also have a total rating of −00, and, therefore, is judged as totally
unsuitable on the basis of that one factor, no matter how favourable other factors may be.
Actual evaluation of a specific site or recreational unit involves scoring the resource
endowment according to the degree to which it satisfies each of the user requirements
identified, and how it matches up to the conditions stipulated. This
Table 4.6 Factors affecting suitability for overnight
bushwalking
Factor Maximum Minimum
value value
Natural factors
1. Topography (steepness and variability of terrain, length of 15 −00
uphill climbs)
2. Rockiness of terrain for walking 0 −5
3. Weather characteristics during walking season 15 −15
4. Ease of negotiation of vegetation (denseness of scrub, fallen 0 −30
timber, blackberries, nettles, etc.)
5. Presence and quality of campsites (ground suitable for pitching 25 −00
tents, firewood and drinking water, general environment)
6. Extent of area 15 −00
7. Proximity to users 15 −5
8. Scenic quality (general attractiveness, variety, special features) 10 −5
9. Availability of drinking water between campsites 5 −8
10. Miscellaneous attractions (wildlife, swimming holes, historical 10 0

features, etc.)
11. Undesirable features (snakes, leeches, mosquitoes, bushflies, 0 −00
etc.)
Cultural factors
12. Access to suitable starting points 20 −10
13. Tracks suitable for walking (related to 5) 15 0
14. Unnecessary or undesirable tracks and roads 0 −00
15. Refuge huts 5 0
16. Unnecessary or undesirable buildings 0 −00
17. Adequate track marking and signposting (including snowpoles) 8 0
18. Escape routes for emergency use 8 0
19. Hazards (e.g. mineshafts) 0 −50
20. Presence of conflicting recreational activities 0 −00
21. Presence of other conflicting land uses (e.g. logging, mining, 0 −00
grazing)
22. Restrictions on access or certain activities (e.g. camping, fires) 0 −00
Source: Hogg (1977:106)
gives an indication of the potential of a site for a specified form of recreation in terms of
the presence or absence, and quality, of certain features. The evaluation, therefore,
provides a kind of inventory and appraisal of the site’s latent potential to supply
particular recreation resource functions, although this does not mean that development of
this potential will necessarily occur.
Evaluation is not always a straightforward field-checking procedure, and suitability
scores should not be accepted without qualification. Some conditions need to be
sustained over time, and others may only be ephemeral or present intermittently (e.g.
wave conditions for surf-board riding). It is important for the assessor to be able to
recognise in a low-scoring site, latent potential which can be realised if certain
shortcomings are remedied by provision of additional features and sound management.
Conversely, such insight is just as vital in the detection of inherent disadvantages (e.g.
ground cover with low tolerance to trampling, or an unreliable water supply), which may
become obvious with use and create a problem for subsequent management.
Evaluation of streams and routeways
Linear recreation resources such as streams and scenic routeways frequently call for
specialised application of evaluation techniques. These methods seek to identify and
measure or rank those physical, cultural and aesthetic attributes of a river and its
environment which are considered significant when assessing its recreational value.
Typically, the schemes divide the river into manageable segments, for analysis from
maps, air photographs and on-site inspection. An element of subjectivity, again, is
inevitable in judgements concerning the features to be assessed, the recreation activities
envisaged, and the scoring and weighting procedures adopted. Most of the methods focus
on relatively remote river resources, although some attempts have been made to develop
and apply criteria for evaluating urban settings for recreational use, close to the centre of
the river recreation opportunity spectrum.
Efforts should also be made to incorporate the concept of carrying capacity and the
limits of acceptable change into evaluation and classification schemes, and to provide for
user perceptions and public participation in the process. It is clear that there is still some
way to go before development of an effective technique that will allow for the dynamic
nature of the river resource and its potential users, and that is capable of being replicated
in many different river situations.
One of the first systematic attempts to identify and assess scenic routeways was made
by Priddle (1975) in Southern Ontario. Priddle’s approach was also to break each selected
routeway into segments, based on intersections or major changes in landscape. Each
segment was then traversed and evaluated in terms of the distance that could be seen, the
alignment of the road, and the scenic features and variety present.
The method was refined and developed further by Prior and Clark (1984) in an
Australian study in the Hunter Valley region. In this study, the authors identified the
essential components of a scenic road system and their relative importance, through a
survey of likely users. The responses were used to develop a weighting system to
evaluate standard and scenic quality in the valley. The method represents a rapid
quantitative assessment of the major components of a rural scenic/ recreational route
network to accommodate pleasure driving. Whereas some of the parameters used might
be clarified, and additional aspects considered, evaluation of linear recreation resources
in this way can provide valuable input to decision-making.
Summary
Classification and evaluation of resource potential are critical elements in recreation

planning and management, but make up only one phase in the formulation of a rational
strategy for recreational development. Comparative evaluation of resources provides
valuable input to the process of informed, effective choice and decision-making.
However, strict adherence to evaluation procedures and an over-rigid application of the
findings, may obscure opportunities for substitution between sites of recreation activities
with more flexible user requirements, and, hence, higher spatial elasticity. Scope should
always be allowed for interpretation and sound judgement by management in the
incorporation of assessment data into recreation resource development programs.

• The study of outdoor recreation and resources clearly has many dimensions. Liddle’s
(1997) work provides perhaps the most comprehensive coverage of the ecological
impacts of outdoor recreation and tourism, giving detailed insights into resource
appraisal, capability and evaluation. Readers should also consult Wall and Wright
(1977); Cloke and Park (1985); Hammitt and Cole (1987, 1991).
• The need for public participation in recreation and tourism planning, including the
development of visitor management strategies, is well recognised, e.g. see Murphy
(1985); Haywood (1989); Dredge and Moore (1992); Ryan and Montgomery (1994);
Simmons (1994); Hall and McArthur (1996).
• Shackley (1998) examines visitor management issues at World Heritage Sites.
• Sources concerning recreation resource assessment, include: Leatherbury (1979); Kane
(1981); Cloke and Park (1985); Mather (1986); Hammitt and Cole (1987, 1991);
Countryside Commission (1988); Thomson, Lime, Gartner and Sames (1995);
Countryside Commission (1995); Fraser and Spencer (1998).
Review questions
1 How might an outdoor recreation resource be defined? Discuss the importance of

considering resources generally, and outdoor recreation resources specifically, in
functional terms.
2 Select a local outdoor recreation site. List the major uses and users of that site.
Attempt to identify the current and potential conflicts which relate to that site. To what
extent do you think multiple use of the site has been achieved and has been successful?
3 With reference to case studies, discuss the concept of accessibility in terms of

4 Resource assessment and evaluation require considerable subjective judgement in

their application. What are the implications for decision-making? How, if at all, can
subjectivity be controlled?
5
OUTDOOR RECREATION AND THE
ENVIRONMENT
Identification of recreation resource potential, and classification and evaluation of

resources for outdoor recreation are necessary, but only initial steps in the process of
creating recreation opportunities. The real challenges for environmental management
arise from human use of the recreation resource base.
In the final analysis, concern is for the quality of the recreation experience and the
degree to which that experience contributes to the physical and mental wellbeing of
participants. The quality of the recreation experience is largely a function of the
environment in which it takes place, but there is nothing deterministic or inevitable about
the relationship.
The primary concern of recreation resource managers is undesirable change in
environmental conditions (Hammitt and Cole 1991). However, the mere presence of
human beings in a recreation setting need not be the trigger for degradation, any more
than ‘a bull in a china shop’ necessarily spells catastrophe. If the bull was led, docile,
well-trained, and did not bellow, get upset, or otherwise disgrace itself and if the shop
fixtures were well-spaced and the china secure and not irreplaceable, then perhaps the
occasion would be without incident.
So it is with outdoor recreation; the use-impact relationship is not straightforward. A
certain amount of recreation use in a particular environmental setting will lead to a
certain level of impact, depending on a combination of factors, including the weather, the
resistance and resilience of soils and vegetation to trampling, soil drainage, the extent and
nature of recreational use, and management strategies (e.g. Stankey et al. 1984; Hammitt
and Cole 1991; Liddle 1997).
Recreation-environment relationships
It is unwise to rush to conclusions about the impact of outdoor recreation on the

environment, or to accept, without qualification, predictions of undesirable or irreversible
consequences of human use. As noted above, the outcome is a function of the attributes
of the environment, the nature and extent of the recreation taking place, and resource
management strategies. The ensuing discussion focuses on the relationship between
outdoor recreation and the natural, biophysical environment. However, the social setting
can also be important in its effect on the recreation experience, and, in turn, can be
transformed by the recreation activity taking place. This relationship is explored further
under social carrying capacity.
Outdoor recreation and the environment 83
Environmental attributes
Attributes of the biophysical environment differ from place to place. Geological and
edaphic conditions vary, as do terrain, hydrology, fauna and flora. The biophysical
characteristics of the natural environment can also be materially altered by ephemeral or
transitory aberrations in weather and seasonal conditions. The simplest illustration of this,
is the difference in effect on a recreation setting of the same type and volume of
recreational activity in summer and winter. The ability of a site to recover over time also
varies with the season and the weather.
Environments, too, differ in their ability to withstand use and to recover after use.
Hammitt and Cole (1987:23) make the distinction between resistance and resilience.
Resistance is the ability to absorb use without being disturbed (impacted);

resilience is the ability to return to an undisturbed state after being
disturbed. Resistant sites may or may not be resilient and vice versa.
Environments that are sensitive to disturbance may quickly reflect the effects of human
incursion, but just as quickly recover after use. A rock surface is highly resistant, but
once scarred by graffiti or other undesirable forms of ‘recreation’, the damage may be
permanent. Attributes of resistance and resilience can also vary according to seasonal and
climatic conditions. The best sites to use for outdoor recreation are those that are both
resistant and resilient in the long term.
When comparisons are made between sites, it becomes clear that some ecosystems are
more tolerant of recreation activity than others. Some areas are virtually indestructible,
while others are so fragile as to permit only minimal use. Goldsmith and Manton (1974)
suggest that the ecosystems or habitats most vulnerable to recreation impact are:
• coastal systems, such as sand dunes and salt marshes characterised by instability;
• mountain habitats, where growth and self-recovery are inhibited by climate;
• ecosystems with shallow, wet or nutrient-deficient soils.
A comprehensive survey of the ecological impact of outdoor recreation was presented by
Wall and Wright (1977), who itemised the consequence of recreational activities for
specific attributes of the environment. Most emphasis was directed towards soil,
vegetation, water, and wildlife. However, the authors were able to show that even
geology can be affected by certain forms of recreation, and that complex inter-
relationships exist between types of recreational impact.
Recreation characteristics
A second group of factors which has a bearing on the recreation-environment relationship

is related to the nature of the recreation activity and the characteristics of users. A
recreation setting may well be able to withstand use by any number of sedate picnic
groups, but would quickly deteriorate if subjected to an informal rugby match. Not only
is the latter activity inherently harder on the ground surface, its concentrated nature has
greater potential for impact than the typically more passive and dispersed pattern of
picnicking. Moreover, rugby and similar forms of outdoor recreation can take place under
rain-affected conditions, for example, where a natural playing surface is more susceptible
to damage.
Some recreation activities, too, rely on certain types of specialised equipment, which
add greatly to their potential for environmental disturbance and can allow users to
penetrate deep into sensitive areas, not otherwise accessible. Off-road transport such as
all-terrain vehicles, snowmobiles, dune buggies, and the increasingly popular four-wheel
drive vehicles, have become a significant feature of the recreation scene. With this trend
has come greater potential for degradation of the recreational environment and conflict
with other users and uses. Much of the problem rests with the use of these vehicles in
sensitive environments such as coastal sand dunes, arid zones, steep slopes, alpine areas
and wetlands.
Off-road recreation vehicles can also be responsible for the spread of noxious weeds
and the invasion of despoiled areas by exotic vegetation, normally unable to compete
with indigenous vegetation. This is a particular problem in parts of Australia, where seeds
from weed-infested roadside reserves are easily spread by tyres and mud on vehicles.
Damage has also been experienced at sites of archaeological and scientific significance in
coastal areas of Australia, where Aboriginal relics and middens have been destroyed or
disarranged.
Quite apart from the physical effects of off-road recreation vehicles, the most
persistent criticism is the noise associated with their use. Trail bikes and power boats, in
particular, can be heard over great distances. Snowmobiles are criticised for being
excessively noisy, and can add to site disturbance and adversely affect the chances of
restoration. Other ancillary impacts attributed to off-road vehicles; are the spread of litter
and the risk of fire in otherwise inaccessible areas. Finally, there are considerable hazards
and risks with use of these vehicles; deaths and injuries are not uncommon.
Characteristics of participants likewise influence the interaction between recreation
and the environment. Moreover, the attitude and behaviour of visitors can be as important
as the pressure of numbers. Some recreationists act responsibly and leave a site in the
same condition in which they found it; others are not so conservation-conscious, and
make unreasonable demands on the resource base.
The problem is heightened by non-uniform patterns of recreation use and the manner
in which participants distribute themselves within a site. Visitor pressure tends to be
concentrated in space and time (Glyptis 1981). Gittins (1973) documented the differential
intensity of recreational activity in Snowdonia National Park in Wales, where patterns of
use vary with the time of year, seasonal conditions and popularity of certain features of
the park (Figure 5.1). Clearly, at the time of the survey, the park was by no means
crowded in the overall sense, but the intensity of recreational use and the potential for
environmental disturbance were concentrated in a series of linear routeways and nodal
points.
A comparable study was carried out by Ovington et al. (1972), on the impact of
tourism at Ayers Rock—Mt Olga (Uluru) National Park in central Australia. The study
established that, although contact areas for tourists within the park are restricted, each
shows evidence of environmental change in terms of topography, soil, drainage patterns,
flora, fauna, odour, noise and waste material accumulation. Ecological impacts included
soil compaction and erosion, and destruction of vegetation and wildlife habitat. Even the
massive monolith of Ayers Rock itself did not escape environmental damage from
climbers, including the well-intentioned, but intrusive, installation of chain-railings and
lines painted on the rock surface to assist visitors to reach the summit.
On a smaller scale, the pattern and extent of wear-and-tear by recreationists on
campgrounds, picnic sites and sand dune vegetation have been demonstrated (LaPage
1967; Boden 1977; Slatter 1978). Various methods were used to record changes in
ground cover and species composition, and these were correlated with the level of visitor
use. LaPage used sequential photographs on a systematic grid system to reveal a
progressive reduction in vegetative cover and number of species, closely associated with
concentrations of use around fixed site facilities such as picnic tables and barbecues.
With continued use, LaPage found a gradual rearrangement of plant species composition,
leading to a relatively recreation-tolerant soil cover.
The ecological environment responds in different ways to visitor pressure, and the
possibility of such beneficial changes should not be dismissed. Some observers consider
that soil compaction around the roots of trees, for example, has a useful effect in terms of
forest viability. Low intensities of trampling can stimulate plant growth, and the opening-
up of forests with nature trails allows more light through the canopy and can contribute to
an altered, but enhanced, recreation landscape. Types of impact and possible indicators
for a park environment are set out in Table 5.1
Recreation impacts and assessment
Participation in outdoor recreation is increasing, for all the reasons noted in earlier
chapters, and with it, the inevitability of environmental change and possible degradation.
Such change is seldom sharp or catastrophic, but more usually, incremental and
cumulative; the result of many individual actions. Impacts on the ecology of a recreation
site often receive the most attention, and these, in turn, can detract from the quality of the
recreation experience.
Comprehensive overviews and documentation of biophysical changes to the
environment from recreation use are presented by Wall and Wright (1977), Hammitt and
Cole (1987), Kruss et al. (1990) and Liddle (1997). Depending on the
Figure 5.1 The intensity of recreational

use in Snowdonia National Park
Source: Gittins (1973, in Patmore 1973:238).
Table 5.1 Selected environmental impacts and

potential indicators
Selected impacts Potential indicators
Sewage discharge Total phosphorus
Faecal coliforms
Streptococci
Solid waste disposal BOD in leachate
Air quality
Wind blown litter
Accelerated erosion Gullying
Turbidity
Compaction Bare soil
Exposed tree roots
Vegetation disturbance Area disturbed
Special change
Wildlife disturbance Habitat change
Changes in animal sightings
Noise Decibels
Traffic congestion Delay times
Litter Visual assessment
Introduced plants and animals Species change
Feral animal populations
Perceived crowding Number of contacts
Number of campsites
Visitor satisfaction
Source: Adapted from Turner (1994:135)
circumstances, outdoor recreation may affect the type and diversity of vegetation species,
soil properties, wildlife populations, habitat, air and water quality, and even the geology
of the recreation setting. Sensitive environments, such as parts of the coastal zone, are
particularly prone to disturbance.
Despite the probability that recreation opportunities could be impaired by such
changes to the ecology, visitors to a site appear to be more concerned about impacts that
decrease its functionality or desirability (Hammitt and Cole 1991). Moreover, the same
change can be seen as a problem or an advantage, depending upon the environment in
question and its use for recreation. Hammitt and Cole (1991) offer the example of
conversion of natural vegetation to introduced species of turf. In a pristine wilderness this
change is considered undesirable; in an urban park the change to the playing surface may
be beneficial.
The complexities of the relationship between recreation and the environment are
matched by difficulties in detecting and identifying cause and effect. Not only does the
effect on sites vary with the type and intensity of recreational use, visitors to a site vary in
their reaction to change and to the presence of others. These differences are discussed
further in the consideration of social carrying capacity.
The relationship between recreation and the environment can be direct or indirect;
immediate or delayed. Although biophysical impacts of recreation may be easier to detect
than disturbance to the social setting, precise measurement can be just as elusive. Wall
and Wright (1977) point out that it is almost impossible to reconstruct the environment
minus the effects induced by recreation, or to establish a base level against which to
measure change—the environment is dynamic, with or without direct human
intervention. The problem then arises of disentangling the role of recreation from the role
of nature. Spatial and temporal discontinuities between cause and effect can further
obscure the environmental impact of outdoor recreation. Erosion in one location may
result in deposition elsewhere, and considerable time may elapse before the full
implications are apparent.
Moreover, the recreation-environment relationship is reciprocal. Visitors have an
effect on the environment which, in turn, affects users. For satisfaction to be maintained,
environmental values must not be used up faster than they are produced. The capability
of the resource base and the recreation setting to continue to provide for recreational use,
raises the concept of carrying capacity.
Recreation carrying capacity
Like many concepts in outdoor recreation management, the term ‘carrying capacity’ is
bedevilled by varying and sometimes conflicting interpretations. The concept of
‘recreation carrying capacity’ derives from the practice, in livestock and wildlife
management, of referring to the estimated number of animals an area of rangeland or a
given habitat can support. In its initial application in outdoor recreation, the concept was
seen as a technique to limit use to the maximum number of visitors a recreation resource
or site could tolerate, without damage to the biophysical or social conditions.
Most definitions of recreation carrying capacity attempt to combine this notion of
protection of the resource base from overuse with, simultaneously, the assurance of
enjoyment and satisfaction for participants. Thus, in broad terms, recreation carrying
capacity involves both the biophysical attributes of the environment as well as the
attitudes and behaviour of users. An early definition of recreation carrying capacity by
the Countryside Commission (1970:2) reflected this duality:
The level of recreation use an area can sustain without an unacceptable

degree of deterioration of the character and quality of the resource or of
the recreation experience.
Leaving aside the vagueness of this definition, the Commission went on to identify four
separate types of recreation carrying capacity—physical capacity; economic capacity;
ecological capacity; social carrying capacity.
Physical carrying capacity is concerned with the maximum number of people or
equipment (e.g. boats or cars), which can be accommodated or handled comfortably and
safely by a site. In many ways, it is a design concept, as when referring to the capacity of
a car park, a spectator stand or a restaurant. In other circumstances, it could relate to
safety limits (e.g. for ski slopes or specific numbers for participation in sports). As will be
seen later, restriction of the physical capacity of ancillary facilities can be a useful
management tool for applying indirect control over visitor numbers. It is easier to limit
boating activity on a lake, for instance, by deliberately reducing the physical capacity of
on-shore facilities such as access points, boat ramps and trailer parks, than to regulate
boats on the water surface.
Economic carrying capacity relates to situations of multiple use of resources, where
outdoor recreation is combined with some other enterprise. Economic compatibility
might be a better description, because the term is concerned with getting the right mix of
resource uses, so that benefits and costs of recreation do not reach a point at which
interference with non-recreational activity becomes economically unacceptable from the
management viewpoint. This could happen, for example, at a domestic water supply
reservoir, where recreation is permitted, but where the consequent costs of supervision, or
of water treatment, cannot be justified. Similarly, with a farm or a forest, the demands
and depredations of recreationists may push the costs of efficient production too high for
economic management.
The final two components of carrying capacity—ecological and social—are of greatest
relevance to outdoor recreation management and receive the most emphasis in the
ensuing discussion.
Ecological carrying capacity
Ecological carrying capacity (sometimes confusingly referred to, also, as physical,

biophysical or environmental capacity) is concerned with the maximum level of
recreational use, in terms of numbers and activities, that can be accommodated by an area
or an ecosystem before an unacceptable or irreversible decline in ecological values
occurs. This concept has been the subject of controversy, especially in subjective
judgements of what is ‘unacceptable’, or ‘irreversible decline’. Any use of an ecosystem
will result in some change, but over-restrictive management could negate the recreation
resource function altogether.
It could be argued that an area’s ecological capacity is reached when further
recreational use will impact the site beyond its ability to restore itself by natural means.
However, such a viewpoint ignores the essential flexibility of the carrying capacity
concept and the scope for, even the presumption of, sound management practices to
stretch carrying capacity beyond so-called natural limits (Godin and Leonard 1977).
Technological and financial considerations are obviously also relevant to the question of
irreversibility.
Any estimate of ecological carrying capacity must take account of:
• the nature of the plant and animal communities upon which the recreation activity
impinges;
• the nature of the recreation activity and its distribution in space and time (Brotherton
1973:6–7).
Several writers have warned against the misconception that capacity levels are somehow
inherent or site-specific (Brotherton 1973; Ohmann 1974; Bury 1976; Manning et al.
1995). Bury is especially critical of the notion of a fixed, uniquely correct, recreation
carrying capacity for a site, and suggests that the concept may be hypothetical in terms of
managerial usefulness. He demonstrates the various components of biological and
ecological carrying capacity, and the interrelationships between them which inhibit
generalisation. Bury gave the example of Big Bend National Park in southern Texas,
which had about reached its hydrologic carrying capacity under ‘existing standards of
water use’. Lower standards, or elimination of certain forms of water use, could increase
the hydrologic carrying capacity of the park. Similarly, capacity for sewage and waste
disposal is, to some degree, a function of whatever mandatory regulation is adopted.
With all the contrasting physical characteristics possible within any particular site,
development of strict measures of ecological carrying capacity, capable of general
application, appears pointless and even counter-productive. As with the livestock grazing
analogy, precise setting of the carrying capacity of a site at conservative levels, could be
uneconomic and wasteful of legitimate recreational opportunities (Hammitt and Cole
1991). Over-restrictive limits could also reflect unrealistic management objectives in
terms of maintaining the pristine integrity of a site. On the other hand, adopting levels
that are too liberal for carrying capacity, may provide a short-term revenue windfall, but
could lead to longer-term environmental degradation and ultimate closure of the facility.
In any case, the setting of carrying capacities is only one component of an overall
recreation management programme, and must be accompanied by systematic monitoring
of environmental conditions and the flexibility to respond quickly to indications of stress.
Moreover, generalisation is not feasible. Each recreation site has a range of carrying
capacities, depending upon the nature of the recreation activity, characteristics of
participants, background environmental conditions and the management objectives
adopted.
In particular, concern for ecological carrying capacity alone is inappropriate for
outdoor recreation management. Recreation carrying capacity is evolving from its
original emphasis on ecologically based use limits to an understanding of the complex
relationships between environmental disturbance and participant satisfaction. The final
test of whether a site measures up, rests with the minds of visitors, and their perception
of, and reaction to, both the biophysical and social conditions of the recreation
environment. Perception plays a key role in setting and managing the social carrying
capacity of a recreation site.
Social carrying capacity
Outdoor recreation involves people, and the social environment in which recreation takes
place has a good deal to do with the level of satisfaction experienced. Social carrying
capacity (also referred to as perceptual, psychological or even behavioural capacity)
relates primarily to visitors’ perceptions of the presence (or absence) of others at the same
time, and the effect of crowding (or in some cases, solitude) on their enjoyment and
appreciation of the site. Social carrying capacity may be defined as the maximum level of
recreational use, in terms of numbers and activities, above which there is a decline in the
quality of the recreation experience, from the point of view of the recreation participant
(Countryside Commission 1970).
The concept has much to do with tolerance levels and sensitivity to others, and, as
such, is a personal, subjective notion linked to human psychological and behavioural
characteristics. Put simply, social carrying capacity represents ‘the number of people (a
site) can absorb before the latest arrivals perceive the area to be “full” and seek
satisfaction elsewhere’ (Patmore 1973:241). It is the least tangible aspect of recreation
carrying capacity and the most difficult to measure. Not only does it vary between
individuals, but also for the same person at different times and in different situations.
Bury (1976) suggests that visitor satisfaction is linked to the notion of ‘territory’ and
‘living space’, so that social carrying capacity is derived from the number and types of
encounters with other humans in the recreation area. Manning et al. (1995) support the
contention that trail and camp encounters, for example, are key variables in determining
the quality of a wilderness experience. Bury (1976) makes the interesting point that it is
not merely the actual number of times an individual meets other recreationists, but the
potential number and type of such encounters which are important.
…recreation satisfactions may be impaired even before any encounters

occur if the number and density of people seem higher than the visitor
would prefer, or if the potential encounters seem likely to be more intense,
or closer, than the visitor wishes.
The condition may also be reversed—as when teenagers go to a beach
to see, be seen, and interact with others. In this case, the desire of the
visitor is for high densities of human use.
(Bury 1976:24)
The link between social carrying capacity and the type of recreational experience is
illustrated graphically in Figure 5.2. The satisfaction derived from a wilderness
experience is reduced, even at very low levels of use and social interaction—‘two’s
company and three’s a crowd’, indeed. The canoeists in Lucas’s (1964) study of
Boundary Waters Wilderness on the US-Canadian border, had no wish to see fellow
humans. On the other hand, being the sole visitor to, say, Disneyland, would hardly be an
enjoyable experience. In fact, the satisfaction gained from such essentially gregarious
occasions increases with the level of use, at least until the point where crowding and
congestion begin to irritate. It could well be the waiting and the queuing which then
become exasperating, rather than the numbers of people in attendance.
Certainly, numbers of people alone do not cause visitor dissatisfaction. Reaction to
crowding is variable and, to some extent, self-regulating. This makes any measurement of
social carrying capacity just that much more difficult, because the non-gregarious
individuals may be absent or may have redistributed themselves in space and time so as
to avoid peaks in recreation use.
How a person reacts to the presence of others is influenced by underlying
psychological factors such as personal values, goals, attitudes, expectations and
motivations. The level of satisfaction is also affected by other events or conditions
incidental to the recreation experience, for example, vehicle troubles or traffic problems
on the trip, illness, or even the weather.
Social circumstances, too, help shape people’s perception of a particular situation, and
the way they receive and interpret information about a recreation environment. Human
perception is, in part, a function of the psychological factors noted above, but is also a
result of demographic characteristics and the socioeconomic background of participants.
Once again, it is not so much the size of the crowd, but similarities or contrasts in social
status, behaviour or composition of the group which become a source of frustration and
conflict (note the earlier discussion on incompatibility and conflict in Chapter 2).
Perception of the quality of a recreation experience also reflects the characteristics of
the physical environment or situation in which the activity takes place. Site features such
as location, size, configuration, terrain, vegetation, proximity to compatible activities and
the type of support facilities, can all influence satis-
Figure 5.2 The effect of crowding on

recreational satisfaction
Source: Adapted from Brotherton (1973:9)
faction levels. In particular, they may affect the capacity of the landscape to ‘absorb’
users. It is the actual awareness of others which is crucial to social carrying capacity, so
that any objective measure of the density of use may not be a true reflection of crowding.
Out of sight is out of mind, and if others present are not visible because of certain site
characteristics, social carrying capacity may be considerably enlarged. Bury (1976)
points out that carrying capacity generally increases with increasing density of vegetative
cover. Visitors cannot see or hear one another and so the area seems less crowded.
Wilderness above the timberline, for example, has a smaller social carrying capacity than
wilderness at lower altitudes, where participants are screened by both topography and
vegetation. This associated notion of ‘landscape absorption’ has obvious implications for
management of existing recreation sites and design of proposed sites and facilities.
In this discussion of recreation carrying capacity, most emphasis has been placed on
ecological and social aspects. Consideration of these two components, separately, and
sequentially, does not imply any order of importance, nor should it obscure the complex
relationships between them. Both resources and people must be taken into account when
considering carrying capacity. It is important for decision-makers to be aware of the

dynamic, multidimensional nature of the capacity concept, in order to adopt a balanced
approach to managerial responsibilities.
This comprehensive viewpoint was emphasised in a comment by Lindsay (1980:216),
who conceptualised outdoor recreation carrying capacity as:
…a function of quantity of the recreation resource, tolerance of the site to

use, number of users, user type, design and management of the site and
the attitude and behavior of the users and managers.
Thus, a competent recreation management programme would incorporate both

environmental considerations and human needs and desires. It remains a matter of
judgement as to when degradation of the resource base or deterioration in the quality of
the recreation experience reach the point where action is called for. The difficult task of
determining carrying capacities is matched by that of deciding when and where they are,
or might be, exceeded, and, ultimately, the choice of remedial and pro-active
management procedures.
Since the first rigorous application of carrying capacity to the management of parks
and recreation areas in the 1960s, the concept has expanded from its original focus on
resource impacts to include emphasis on the social setting and the quality of the
recreation experience. More attention, too, is being given to the carrying capacity of the
developed portions of parks, and to private lands, rather than exclusively to back country
and wilderness settings (Manning et al. 1995). Despite its shortcomings, the concept of
recreation carrying capacity is evolving as an important component of a more
comprehensive and holistic approach to environmental management. When viewed in its
proper perspective, recreation carrying capacity remains useful as ‘an organizational
framework for making rational judgments about appropriate conditions and public use of
parks and recreation areas’ (Manning et al. 1995:337).
Recreation carrying capacity in review
Widespread application of the concept of recreation carrying capacity led to growing

scrutiny of its effectiveness as a management technique. As noted above, the concept
derived from use in the pastoral industries and wildlife management. Whereas the fixing
of carrying capacities for recreation sites may appear intuitively simple, managing
recreation use for people differs considerably from determining the forage requirements
of cattle and wildlife. Even there, carrying capacities are not ‘set in stone’ but vary with
climatic and vegetative conditions and other considerations. The same is true of
recreation. The relationship between use and impact, typically, is not direct, and is
affected by the type of recreation activity; its timing and distribution on the one hand, and
the attributes of the environment where use occurs, on the other.
Although national park agencies worldwide continue to fix and observe carrying
capacity levels for protected areas in their care, questions have been raised increasingly
concerning the appropriateness of applying a supposedly simple model of range land
management to the recreational needs and desires of people. Recent years have seen the
adoption of a number of alternative approaches to monitor and manage the impacts of

outdoor recreation on the environment.
As a result, the emphasis is changing from visitor levels as such, to the inevitability of
change accompanying recreational use; from there to managing the amount and type of
change resulting from human activity, on top of that occurring in nature. This approach
reflects the view that variation in human behaviour is probably as influential as the actual
number of visitors, in bringing about change to that environment. Moreover, it does not
follow that change equates with degradation, or that impact is the same as damage. Some
forms of impact can be tolerated by users and managers alike. Specific judgements are
required on how much change or impact can be accepted before it becomes ‘damage’ and
requires intervention by management (Turner 1987).
Limits of acceptable change
Out of this questioning evolved a more comprehensive and systematic framework for
recreation decision-making, known as the ‘Limits of Acceptable Change’ (LAC). The
planning framework based on LAC is essentially a reformulation of the recreation
carrying capacity concept. The emphasis is on the ecological and social attributes sought
in an area, rather than on how much use the area can tolerate. First tested in the Bob
Marshall Wilderness Complex in Montana (Stankey et al. 1984), the system has received
widespread endorsement as a rational planning approach to recreation and parks
management.
Essentially, the Limits of Acceptable Change approach turns the recreation-
environment relationship on its head, transferring the focus from the supposed cause
(numbers of visitors) to the desired conditions—the biophysical state of the site and
resource base, and the nature of the recreation experience. Moreover, change in nature is
seen as the norm, and a certain level of natural variation in the environment is to be
expected. It is when the rate of human-induced change accelerates, or the character of
change becomes unacceptable, that managerial action may be called for (Figure 5.3).
The central question for recreation planners then becomes—how much, and what type
of change can be tolerated? Whereas the response must necessarily be subjective, it needs
also to be guided by reference to more than ecological criteria. Socioeconomic and
political considerations can also be important elements of the consultative process in
setting the Limits of Acceptable Change. A loose analogy can be drawn with the
distinction often made between resource ‘capability’ and ‘suitability’. Whereas a parcel
of land may be judged capable of use, for example as a waste dump, from a biophysical
standpoint, other factors, such as economic impacts and social pressures, may render it
not suitable for such a purpose (also see Chapter 4).
It is important, therefore, that a systematic approach be adopted to establishing the
Limits of Acceptable Change; one that reflects the natural conditions targeted, as well as
economic, social and political realities. Establishing and implementing
Figure 5.3 Model of acceptable

ecological change in wildlands
Source: Hammitt (1990:26)
the Limits of Acceptable Change management framework involves a multistage process.

The following outline of each stage is adapted from Stankey et al. (1984):
Stage I
The first stage in the process is to undertake careful site analysis to establish base line
data in terms of ecological, social and economic conditions and political circumstances.
From this standpoint, area-specific issues and concerns can be identified and a better
understanding gained of the recreation environment.
Stage II
For a range of proposed recreation opportunities, acceptable and achievable
environmental and social conditions or thresholds are identified, and defined by a set of
selected, measurable indicators.
Stage III
Existing resource and social conditions are inventoried as the basis for establishing the
relationship between those conditions and what is judged acceptable for each class of
recreation opportunity. Inventory data are also important for setting realistic and
attainable standards or benchmarks for specifying acceptable conditions, or the limits
beyond which change will become unacceptable.
Stage IV
Management actions which will achieve acceptable environmental and social conditions
relative to the class of recreation opportunity are identified and evaluated (i.e. the
measures necessary to transform the area from its existing condition to that desired).
Where existing conditions are well within minimally acceptable standards, little action
may be taken into consideration to select the preferred alternative.
Stage V
Finally, the management actions necessary for the chosen pattern(s) of recreation use are
implemented and a monitoring programme established, based on the indicators selected
in Stage II.
Monitoring is a particularly important part of the Limits of Acceptable Change
process. It provides systematic feedback on the effectiveness of the management actions
employed, alerting managers to the need to consider more intensive and rigorous efforts,
or the use of other measures. It could also point to the need for revision of the standards
and indicators specified. This could be the case especially where circumstances external
to the recreation site have altered, e.g. changes in access or in contiguous land use.
By applying the Limits of Acceptable Change framework, it is technically possible to
establish a rational basis for management intervention. However, Stankey et al. (1985)
stress the wider context in which decisions have to be made. Recreation planning takes
place in a political environment, in which different interests, views and values have to be
accommodated. Management techniques based on the Limits of Acceptable Change
approach are only part of the recreation planning process. Moreover, the subjectivity and
judgement inherent in the identification of acceptable social and environmental
conditions, in the setting of standards or thresholds, and in the choice of indicators, need
to be balanced by opportunities for ongoing public participation at each stage in the
process.
It is important to note that ‘the LAC model has a close relation in the tourism planning
field in a concept known as the Ultimate Environmental Threshold’ (UET) (Mercer
1995:171; for more detailed discussions of this concept, see Kozlowski et al. 1988). This
concept refers to:
The stress limit beyond which a given ecosystem becomes incapable of

returning to its original condition and balance. Where these limits are
exceeded as a result of the functioning or development of particular
activities a chain reaction is generated leading towards irreversible
environmental damage of the whole ecosystem or of its essential parts.
(Kozlowski 1985:148–9, in Mercer 1995:171)
Areas where the UET approach has been adopted, include fragile mountain areas, and
single islands and groups of islands (e.g. islands in the Capricornia section of the Great
Barrier Reef) (Mercer 1995).
The limits of acceptable change approach: issues and concerns
As a recreation planning framework, the Limits of Acceptable Change approach was

originally put forward as a means of rationalising recreation management in wilderness
areas. Whereas it has had application outside this focus (see below), its wider potential is
offset by ‘lack of understanding of the capabilities of the LAC process…[and] poor or
improper execution of the process’ (McCool 1990a: 190).
As noted above, a strong element of subjectivity is present in the various stages of
assessing acceptable levels of change from recreation use. Turner (1987) singles out the
identification of indicators of acceptable conditions as a contentious issue, requiring
professional judgement and experience, backed by community consultation. There is little
agreement as to what constitutes useful generic indicators of recreation impact, so that it
is necessary to derive site-specific indicators for particular environmental attributes at
specific locations.
Turner (1987) sets out criteria for selecting environmental indicators (Table 5.2), and
then applies these to a number of measures considered appropriate for the Australian
Alps National Park. He notes, however, that few of the indicators adopted are entirely
stable, even in the most undisturbed situation. The challenge for managers is to
differentiate between recreation impacts and natural variations, and to identify base levels
or reference points for particular indicators, outside of which environmental values
provide an early warning of the need for intervention. This, of course, merely shifts the
question for decision to the fixing of a reasonable, base level. It might be appropriate to
adopt zero as the base level for soil compaction, for example as an indicator of soil
condition. However, for other biophysical indicators such as contaminants in streams,
‘normal’ base readings could be above zero because of natural background levels.
Even then, a good deal of uncertainty prevails with respect to how an ecosystem might
react to change in the longer term.
The best way to handle such uncertainty is to plan on the basis that
acceptable conditions will prevail for a certain proportion of the time. It is
appropriate to say, for example, that phosphorous levels downstream of a
ski village should be less than 40 mg/l for 95 percent of the time, rather
than produce a blanket limit which will not be achievable….
(Turner 1987:10)
The problem, noted earlier, of establishing generally accepted levels for indicators of the
social impact of recreation, is equally contentious. Social impacts are obviously
important in influencing the quality of the recreation experience, all the more so in
remote areas of wilderness, where contact with other humans is usually not sought or
welcome. Agreement on indicators such as the number of encounters might be possible,
but specifying acceptable levels for such indicators is difficult when interpersonal
attitudes and reactions are involved (Turner 1987).
Even the relatively straightforward requirement of monitoring the effectiveness of
management actions with reference to the indicators specified raises a number of
concerns. Given that the criteria for identifying valid indicators (Table 5.2) have been
observed, there remains the question of sampling. Again, Turner (1987) notes as
important considerations, the frequency of sampling, the spatial distribution of sampling
sites and the need for replication in the interests of consistency. Systematic sampling is
basic to monitoring procedures if the cumulative effects of recreation are not to go
undetected.
Whereas the Limits of Acceptable Change approach is clearly not the panacea for
confronting all recreation management challenges, it does offer the promise of ‘more
defensible decisions’ (McCool 1990a:191). In reviewing the potential strengths and
weaknesses of the process, Knopf (1990) noted twenty possible strengths and only one
perceived weakness. The shortcoming that Knopf identified was more concerned with the
attitudes of those applying the approach, than with the process itself.
Knopf is concerned with what he sees as a certain kind of negative disposition implicit
in the term, Limits of Acceptable Change:
It seems that the LAC framework has the potential for feeding a certain
kind of negative disposition that abounds in outdoor recreation
management…that disposition has to do with an attitude that the primary
goal of resource management is to arrest the deterioration of
environmental quality…people being construed as objects that impede
quality environmental management…that litter, form crowds, create
noise… trample vegetation…pests…messing things up.
(Knopf 1990:207–8)
Some observers may agree with Knopf, and more than one parks manager has been
known to observe that parks management would be easy if it wasn’t for the people!
Knopf’s concern is that the Limits of Acceptable Change process has the potential for
encouraging the disposition that people are a problem, rather than an opportunity, in
recreation resource management. He contrasts two possible statements introducing the
process to make his point. The first is negative, stressing the problem of resource
degradation and the role of the step-by-step approach in ameliorating the problems.
The second introductory statement emphasises the positive contribution of outdoor
recreation to human growth and development:
Increasing use of our outdoor recreation resource has presented even

greater opportunities for building peak experiences into people’s lives.
This (LAC) plan summarizes a step-by-step approach taken to identify
new opportunities for serving our guests…and expanding our service
watershed considerably.
(Knopf 1990:208)
Table 5.2 Criteria for selecting environmental

indicators
Long-term Indicator must detect changes that occur slowly but consistently, and must be
significance able to detect trends over a 5-year period.
Short-term Indicator must be able to detect changes in conditions which occur within any
significance particular year.
Responsive Indicator must detect changes early enough to enable a management response
and must reflect changes that are subject to manipulation by management.
Detects amount of Indicator should be measurable and allow the amount of change to be assessed
change quantitatively.
Feasible Indicator must be reliably measurable by field staff using simple techniques.
Economic Indicator must produce meaningful information for managers at a minimum
cost.
Source: Turner (1987:20)
Perhaps Knopf is right in seeing the Limits of Acceptable Change approach as

reinforcing a tendency towards a ‘bunker mentality’ on the part of some recreation
managers. However, if applied sensitively and constructively, the process becomes a
valuable recreation tool, offering a framework through which the nature of recreation
management problems can be better understood and more effectively resolved (McCool
1990b).
Applications of the limits of acceptable change planning process
As noted earlier, the approach to recreation planning, based on the Limits of Acceptable
Change, was first tested in developing a management framework for the Bob Marshall
Wilderness Complex in Montana (Stankey et al. 1984). To demonstrate further how the
system might be applied, a hypothetical case example is described by Stankey et al.
(1985). The hypothetical area, Imagination Peaks Wilderness, is used to illustrate the
flexibility of a management approach based on the Limits of Acceptable Change, rather
than restricting and regulating visitors, except when and where necessary. Since this early
work, the approach has attracted increasing attention as a decision-making framework for
managers of wilderness and similar dispersed recreation settings.
A series of workshops organised by George Stankey and others in recent years in
Australia, stimulated interest in wider applications of the Limits of Acceptable Change
process in that country. Two of these applications will be described briefly, to illustrate
the universality and versatility of the approach.
Wild and scenic rivers

In the State of New South Wales, the Department of Water Resources evaluated the
applicability of the Limits of Acceptable Change planning system, as a conceptual
context for integrated resources management on a catchment basis. In common with

water resource managers everywhere, one of the principal challenges for the agency is
how to resolve increasing demand for water between competing uses, including
recreation. The Limits of Acceptable Change approach is seen as providing a rational,
coordinating framework, within which to balance the needs of the aquatic environment
with those of other resource users. In particular, the approach is considered relevant to the
management of wild and scenic rivers, and wetlands. The following discussion of the
Nymboida River draws, with permission, on reports of studies by Don Geering, Project
Coordinator, former New South Wales Department of Water Resources, Sydney.
The Nymboida River typifies some of the issues that need to be faced when managing
rivers in order to conserve essential environmental values, while allowing their potential
for other uses to be realised. The river is part of the Clarence River system on the north
coast of New South Wales, and its upper gorge is renowned for its wild and scenic
characteristics, providing opportunities for rafting and white water canoeing. Concern is
growing that the intensity of recreational use is compromising water quality along some
reaches of the river; these being the source of urban water supplies, and habitat and
breeding areas for threatened species of native fish. Riparian ownership and control are
shared between various government agencies and private interests, and an area of
wilderness overlaps part of the catchment.
The Limits of Acceptable Change approach was seen as a particular application of
management by objectives in a complex resource environment, where a number of
competing and conflicting interest groups have to be accommodated. The approach was
combined with a procedure known as Adaptive Environmental Assessment and
Management (Holling 1978; Walters 1986) to ensure that all environmental systems and
all stakeholders, including recreational interests, were involved in an interactive manner
in resource decisions. A modified adaptive procedure, known as Consultative Resource
Planning, was developed to allow for even greater public involvement in specifying
standards and measurable indicators of resource conditions, and in assessing the predicted
impact, over time, of various management options, both positive and negative.
This approach enables both the agency and the catchment community to apply
accepted criteria in order to determine when specified management objectives are being
approached. Table 5.3 illustrates how the basic issue of water quality can be clarified,
appropriate management action agreed upon, and responsibility allocated. The system
links local knowledge and professional expertise; its flexible nature allows for fine tuning
of levels of acceptable change, indicators and remedial measures as the approach is
applied and evolves on site. Acceptable levels of disturbance for defined criteria within
certain classes of river settings are set out in Table 5.4, with Class 1 being the least
modified. Effective monitoring of these conditions means that the system should be self-
correcting, responding to feedback on changes to criteria within acceptable limits for
each setting.
Management of public lands

At the local and regional level, government agencies in Australia are frequently charged
with preparing management plans for public lands and reserves so as to protect and
restore the resource base, while assuring diverse and high-quality opportunities for
outdoor recreation. Those objectives underpinned the planning approach for the
conservation and development of Wallis Island Crown Reserve, part of a system of
estuarine waterways on the central coast of New South Wales (NSW) (Gutteridge et al.
1988). The island covers an area of 880 hectares, some two-thirds of which is public land.
The surrounding waterways and lake system are heavily used for water-based recreation
and commercial fishing; the foreshores are a mix of residential and commercial
development, and natural areas (Figure 5.4).
In drafting the management plan for the Island Reserve, the key concern of the
resource management agency (NSW Department of Lands) was protecting important
environmental features and processes, including wetlands and estuarine
Table 5.3 Nymboida River—water quality
objectives and management options
Objective That the water quality of the Nymboida study area remains of a standard that does
not affect the recreational, scenic or urban water consumption potential of the
resource.
Desired That water quality be of a standard in its untreated form to conform with urban
condition water supply criteria, during all flow conditions.
Management The Soil Conservation Service to investigate the soil erodability and sediment
options movement associated with agricultural practices within the Upper Nymboida
catchment, and to recommend a strategy to overcome any identified problems.
The Department of Water Resources to re-schedule monitoring at gauging stations
in the Upper Nymboida catchment in order to investigate any water quality
problems. The Forestry Commission to develop operational procedures for
logging, adjacent to the Wild and Scenic River corridor, to ensure a minimum
sediment load reaching the river.
The State Pollution Control Commission to monitor water quality indices,
particularly pesticide levels, within the study area.
The Nymboida Shire to develop standards relating to waste disposal options within
the Wild and Scenic River corridor, and advise landholders accordingly.
Performance The urban authority advises the management committee regularly of changes to
review water quality, using the monitoring information collected from the urban water
supply system.
Source: Geering (1989:4–5)
water quality. At the same time, it was recognised that increased demand for boating and
outdoor recreation would place pressure on the natural environment, and that some low
impact modification would be necessary for purposes of access and recreational use.
The planning approach taken was to define and allocate management classes (cf.
recreation opportunity settings) for the Reserve, where environmental attributes were
specified and certain types of recreation experiences provided for. Two management
classes were designated—natural and semi-natural (see Figure 5.5), and within each,
management actions were defined to maintain acceptable levels of development, relative
to prevailing resource conditions and social considerations.
Table 5.4 Acceptable levels of disturbance for

defined criteria within selected management classes
of a river setting*
Criteria Class 1 Class 2 Class 3
Land use 95% tree cover in 80% tree cover in sub- 60% tree cover clearing for
sub-catchment; no catchment; occasional agriculture or forestry
settlement evidence grazing; clearing or settlement, in a sub-dominant
or other built logging; minor. role.
intrusions.
Scenic value Outstanding; High—including outcrops Moderate; no precipitous
typically includes and rapids. slopes, occasional rapids.
deeply incised gorges
and waterfalls.
Access No vehicular access Four-wheel drive access Occasional tracks or minor
within river corridor but limited primarily to roads; possible lookouts on
except for occasional point sources. valley rim.
four-wheel drive
point sources.
Hydrological Essentially free- Occasional minor Minor modifications,
modification flowing with no regulation or water including regulation and
modification. extraction. extraction principally for
agricultural uses.
Water Unmodified; no Partially modified; Modified; minor permanent
increase in base load occasional minor deterioration (typically
sediment or nutrients. deterioration (typically sediments 25 NIU for short
sediments 5 NIU for part of periods and phosphate and
year and PO4 and NO3 nitrate levels generally exceed
levels around 1 and 6 mg/l 1 mg/l and 6 mg/l
respectively). respectively).
*Similar tables of criteria can be developed for alternative river and floodplain settings
Source: Geering (1989:8)
Figure 5.4 Features of Wallis Island

Source: Adapted from Gutteridge, Haskins and Davey
(1988)
Figure 5.5 Management class

allocation—Wallis Island
Source: Adapted from Gutteridge, Haskins and Davey
(1988)
Table 5.5 Wallis Island Crown Reserve:

environmental conditions for management
classes—standards for each environment indicator
Indicator Standard
Natural Semi-natural
Resource Nil cleared Cleared area less than 5% of any 1 ha
Percentage of the blocks cleared block except where necessary at any
of natural vegetation cover or not recreation development site
adequately regenerated
Presence of exotic species as Minor component of Minor component of understorey
dominant vegetation form herb layer only only
Presence of seedlings or juvenile All normal growth Regeneration potential only Multiple
plants stages present—natural age classes present
stand dynamics
Length of shoreline affected by No shoreline affected Less than 10% of shoreline modified
structures or other modification
(permanent)
Number of clusters of buildings No dwellings or Dwelling structures 1 km apart
structures (singly or in clusters)
Presence of services Services not evident Services not to be visually intrusive
Length of trafficable road/ Walk trails or well- Unsealed tracks/walk trails
presence of sealed roads maintained fire trails
only
Presence of mooring/jetty No shoreline facilities Limited facilities catering for lowest
facilities or disturbance use only on a share basis. No
permanent moorings
Social Less than 10 per day. Less than 50 per day at defined use
Number of encounters per day Only few large groups areas, 20 per day at other areas
(peak period) per day
Activities requiring mechanised No activities utilising No land-based activities. Only
access motorised transport activity-powered watercraft
Management personnel presence Occasional field patrols. Daily patrols—resident manager
per day Less than 1 per week
Visibility and enforcement of No outward or visible Visible and enforced regulations
regulations regulations
Source: Gutteridge, Haskins and Davey (1988:31)
Thus, the planning process for Wallis Island Crown Reserve represents a further
application of the Limits of Acceptable Change approach. The process was driven by the
concerns of the public agency and of the local community to develop appropriate classes
of land management and use. The two classes were clearly defined by sets of indicators
which relate to the resource and social conditions desired, and which specify acceptable
limits to recreation use and development.
Selected indicators and standards for each are set out in Table 5.5 for both of the
management classes. The plan of management also specified management actions
required to achieve the designated standards.
Incorporation of the Limits of Acceptable Change into the planning strategy for Wallis
Island Crown Reserve offers a framework for management of this public land, which will
provide for a range of purposes appropriate to the island environment. Recreation
developments are planned, including revenue-generating accommodation facilities within
the semi-natural management class. Fire hazard control, foreshore protection and walking
track maintenance, are other features of the management strategy to ensure that
conditions for each of the management classes are maintained. Field checking and
monitoring are also undertaken to assess whether standards and indicators are an accurate
reflection of environmental conditions, and whether intrusive actions and associated
change are approaching acceptable limits.
These examples from Australia of the application of the Limits of Acceptable Change
process are a further indication of the relevance of this approach to outdoor recreation
planning and the management of conflict with alternative resource uses.
Summary
The relationship between outdoor recreation and the environment in which it takes place,
is complex. Clearly, the quality of the recreation experience will be affected by the
recreation setting, whether natural or created, and the environment, in turn, will reflect
the presence of recreationists and their activities. Whereas carrying capacity in its various
forms remains an important aspect of managing the recreation-environment relationship,
it is now realised that the concept must be applied with care. Generalisation is not
possible, and the adoption of arbitrary limits to use ignores both the biophysical attributes
of a site and contrasts in the nature and scale of recreation activity. A more positive
approach concedes that some change is inevitable with recreation use; the challenge is to
keep change within acceptable limits.
In addition, reference to carrying capacities is only one component of an overall
recreation management programme. Systematic monitoring and feedback on
environmental conditions, and a rapid and flexible response to indications of stress are
essential elements in a more comprehensive and holistic approach to managing the
reciprocal relationship between outdoor recreation and the environment.
Further reading
• Recreation-environment relationships and impacts of outdoor recreation receive
thorough treatment in Wall and Wright (1977); Hammitt and Cole (1987; 1991);
Kruss, Graefe and Vaske (1990); and Liddle (1997).
• Recreation carrying capacity, and recent qualifications and trends, are canvassed in
Hammitt and Cole (1987; 1991); Kruss, Graefe and Vaske (1990); McCool (1990a);
Manning, McCool and Graefe (1995); and Liddle (1997).
• The Limits of Acceptable Change concept was introduced by Stankey et al. (1984), and
reviewed in McCool (1990b) and Knopf (1990).
• For discussion and applications of the Ultimate Environmental Threshold concept, see
Kozlowski et al. (1988) and Mercer (1995). Where possible, readers should follow up
applications of the above concepts by reference to case studies.
Review questions
1 How might seasonal conditions affect carrying capacities?
2 Explain the link between human ‘action space’ and social carrying capacity?
3 What basic variables influence ecological carrying capacity?
4 Why is social carrying capacity so difficult to measure?
5 What resource attributes have a bearing on recreational impact?
6 What is the significance of visitor distribution on the impact of outdoor recreation?
7 How can recreation management objectives affect the setting of carrying capacities?
8 What are some of the distinguishing features of the Limits of Acceptable Change
(LAC) approach?
9 To what extent do you agree with Knopf’s concerns about the LAC process?
10 What are some of the risks and advantages of bringing user preferences into the
recreation management process?
6
RECREATION RESOURCE
MANAGEMENT
Resource management has been defined by O’Riordan (1971:19) as ‘a process of

decision-making whereby resources are allocated over space and time according to the
needs, aspirations, and desires of man within the framework of his technological
inventiveness, his political and social institutions, and his legal and administrative
arrangements’. He argues that the emphasis in resource management should be ‘upon
flexibility and the minimisation of long-term environmental catastrophes, while
maximising net social welfare over time’, and that resource management is ‘becoming
increasingly concerned with the protection and enhancement of environmental quality
and the establishment of new guidelines for the public use of such common property
resources as air, water, and the landscape’. Thus, O’Riordan’s definition and related
perspective of resource management are closely aligned with the concept and application
of carrying capacity, the Recreation Opportunity Spectrum and the Limits of Acceptable
Change model.
Of all the resource management conflicts in the countryside, recreation offers perhaps
the greatest opportunities for multi-functional resource use. Many recreational activities
are compatible with other resource uses, while some are not and may have to be specially
sited. Resource use conflicts are inevitable, but vary in their nature and extent. Innovative
recreation planning approaches are called for.
The previous chapter examined the multi-faceted concept of carrying capacity, and the
LAC model, in particular, giving some examples of their application and usefulness. This
chapter examines a number of other approaches to managing resources for recreational
use. It explicitly recognises that recreational resource management is a process which
requires strategic planning for visitor management, generally, and for site selection,
design, use, monitoring and evaluation, specifically.
The recreation resource management process
The primary aim of outdoor recreation management, presumably, is to bring together

supply and demand to attempt to equate resource adequacy with human recreational
needs and desires. In so doing, the manager must obviously have regard for the character
and quality of the resource base, ensuring that capacity is not exceeded, and that
environmental degradation is minimised. At the same time, the managerial role extends to
visitor enjoyment and satisfaction. Action must be taken to reduce conflict and to
maximise the quality of the recreational experience. These dual responsibilities hold,
Recreation resource management 109
whether for the economic success of commercial enterprises, or for the protection of
public investment in parks and recreation areas.
A first step in the management process is the establishment of management objectives.
From these will flow the determination of carrying capacities or Limits of Acceptable
Change, and the selection of specific management procedures. Modification of the
system may well follow implementation of the management approaches decided upon.
An important element in this phase is evaluation of the system, based on monitoring of its
operation by managers and feedback from users.
An earlier model of the recreation management process is presented in Figure 6.1 and
described in detail below. A set of objectives is delineated, first, with reference to the
capabilities of the resource base. Information on resources should indicate which
activities are physically possible, as well as some of the resource constraints on recreation
opportunities.
Institutional, economic and other constraints, as well as personal circumstances, also
have obvious implications for management, and set limits on the range of recreation
opportunities possible. Legal restrictions and standards, administrative
Figure 6.1 The recreation management

process
Source: Adapted from Brown (1977:194)
policies and guidelines, and budgetary and personnel considerations, can all influence the
selection of realistic management objectives. In some countries and regions, problems for
management stem from overlapping political and/or agency jurisdictions, each of which
may have different interpretations of what is appropriate recreational use.
Ideally, management objectives should reflect user preferences if they are to receive
support at the implementation stage. A good example is the ‘battle’ fought some years
ago in Yosemite National Park between hundreds of young campers and a combined
force of park rangers and state police. The dispute centred on what were seen as
restrictive zoning regulations and excessive fees as demonstrators felt they were
discriminated against by the park administration. A significant outcome of the
confrontation was the admission that park planning authorities were out of touch with
public opinion on many matters relating to national parks. As a result, provision was
made for a much greater degree of public involvement in the park planning process for
Yosemite and other sites (Mercer 1980a).
More and more people are demanding the right to participate in decision-making, and
public involvement is increasingly seen as a necessary and desirable input to management
(e.g. see Murphy 1985; Veal 1994; Pearce et al. 1997), although it is sometimes costly
(due to time delays and consultation, and even court costs stemming from public
challenges). This does not mean that the process must be totally democratic, in the sense
that the user population ‘calls the tune’. Identifying the population to be consulted is
always a problem and, in any case, it would be foolish to disregard entirely the expertise
of management in reaching a decision. As is often the case, compromise in the form of
‘guided democracy’ is probably the best approach.
User preferences regarding resource attributes, social characteristics of the recreation
environment and preferred management approaches should certainly be canvassed, but
interpreted in the light of managerial experience of what is desirable and possible.
However, it is important that the process of public involvement be seen as more than just
good public relations. Whereas user preferences are only one of many inputs to the
formulation of management objectives, there should be clear evidence that they have
been considered and integrated into the final decision. That said, it must be conceded that
many factors inhibit and distort the clear expression and articulation of user preferences.
Thus, a range of approaches may be needed to encourage participation, and combat
apathy and indifference (Jubenville 1978).
Even when success has apparently been achieved in provoking a constructive response
from communities affected by management proposals, there are risks involved in the
process of public participation. Care must be taken to ensure that it is not only vocal
pressure groups and politically active professional lobbyists who receive attention. The
‘squeaky wheel syndrome’ may not truly reflect majority preference. Conversely, the
imposition of elitist managerial attitudes on users, could lead to management objectives
which are unrealistic and unacceptable. A good measure of public participation is
essential, but a balance should be struck between uninformed reactions, perhaps merely
reflecting trends and fashions, and a more objective appraisal by supposedly detached
management experts.
The second stage in the outdoor recreation management process (i.e. setting
appropriate carrying capacities or limits of acceptable change, consistent with
management objectives) should be related to the structure of the management area or
system. As was noted in the previous chapter, limits on ecological and social carrying
capacity are, in part, a function of the natural features of the site and the built facilities
and amenities, and the recreation activities to be accommodated. It is also worth
reiterating that carrying capacities, once set, are not inflexible but remain open to
manipulation by management. Hence, the feedback loop in the chart from management
procedures.
Several approaches to managing recreation sites are discussed below. In Brown’s
(1977) view of the management process, some of the factors which contribute to the
formulation of management objectives also influence the choice of specific tactics or
tools to achieve those objectives. It is not always a case of what managers may see as
necessary, or desire, so much as what they are able to do.
Once again, institutional directives can act as constraints in the selection of
management procedures. Obviously, also, the characteristics of the recreation area or site
set limits on which combination of approaches is likely to be successful. Linear sites (e.g.
walking tracks) call for a different approach from those with more regular dimensions,
and remote forested areas with rugged terrain may not need such strict regulation as
would more open, accessible sites with fewer natural deterrents on recreational use.
Brown (1977) also stresses the value of knowing user preferences and attitudes with
regard to the choice and effectiveness of specific management tools. Some people may
respond kindly to appeal and inducements; others may react more favourably to direct
regulation.
A desirable feature of effective management is flexibility, so that, if in the
implementation of the management procedures, selected deficiencies are detected, the
management process should allow for modifications. The need for adjustments may be
discerned by management or become apparent in feedback from users. Subsequently,
modifications can be made at various points in the system, and the management process
becomes self-regulating.
Once objectives have been formulated and estimates made of carrying capacities, the
primary task of outdoor recreation management emerges—that of selection,
implementation and modification of on-site management procedures. However, effective
management begins at an even earlier stage, with proper site selection, planning and
design. If these preliminary considerations receive adequate attention, the most
appropriate sites and the more resilient components of the environment (in terms of low
vulnerability and high tolerance to visitor use) will already have been set aside for
recreation, and developed so as to minimise management problems.
Recreation site selection
This is a most important step to which much of the ease or difficulty in subsequent
operations can be attributed. Fundamental considerations are user access and the
suitability of the resource base for the recreational activities envisaged. This should
already have been established by application of the site evaluation techniques described
in earlier chapters. However, the fact that a site apparently meets the basic suitability
criteria laid down, may conceal shortcomings in specific resource attributes which will
prove costly to management in later use. Where more than one site meets basic
requirements, a detailed examination of site characteristics is needed to determine
priorities for development. This examination should focus on the features of competing
sites, which affect management’s task of producing and sustaining worthwhile recreation
values (McCosh 1973; Jubenville 1976).
Assuming that questions of location and convenience of access to potential users have
been satisfied, many physical features of the site itself can impinge upon the quality of
the recreational experience and, hence, the role of management. For instance, both the
size of an area and its configuration are important. It is almost always helpful to have an
area somewhat larger than required to allow rotation of use and provision of a buffer zone
in order to segregate the site from adjoining developments. In most cases, too, a long
narrow site is less efficient in terms of internal arrangement of attractions, facilities and
services, than one of more regular configuration.
The nature of the terrain, the degree and direction of slopes, rock types and presence
of rock outcrops, soil stability and compactibility, drainage and susceptibility to flooding,
and availability of construction materials, can all have engineering implications for site
development and maintenance. So, too, can the size, variety and density of the vegetation,
and the extent and location of open space.
The importance to the recreation landscape of waterbodies of the right quantity,
quality and dimensions has to be considered in site selection. Water is needed for
drinking, sanitation and possibly irrigation, so that sources and suitability of water supply
need to be determined, along with the costs of pumping, treatment, storage and disposal.
Adequate estimates of water quality also require knowledge of groundwater, and of
climate and weather patterns (e.g. precipitation, evaporation and snow cover) over an
extended period. Other climatic factors which may have a bearing on decisions
concerning a recreation site, include aspect, exposure to winds and seasonal conditions
(e.g. length of shadows in winter and the incidence of high Spring pollen counts).
Finally, a site could have certain negative or undesirable features which could
influence selection. For instance, Jubenville (1976) suggests that a hazard survey be
carried out for each potential site, to identify possible hazardous conditions such as
avalanches, falling trees, precipices, dangerous waters, poisonous plants and insects, and
dangerous animals. Other annoyances, such as noise, dust, fumes, and aquatic weeds and
algae can present problems for management; problems which, if foreseen, might be
avoided, ameliorated or dealt with in a prepared and more systematic manner.
McCosh (1973) stresses the value of prior study and sound judgment in recreation site
selection. Poorly chosen sites will become inefficient areas with problems that cannot
easily be solved. Of course, some of the negative site characteristics noted may be offset
by good planning and design. Use of design in this way as a compensatory device is fine,
providing the cost is not excessive. However, it is preferable to implement design
measures which are complementary to, and reinforce, the natural features of the site. The
idea is:
…to utilize the features of the landscape to enhance recreational

experience, minimize site maintenance and maintain natural aesthetics.
Although fitting the development to the natural lay of the land may be
more expensive and require more attention to detail, the resulting site
should be more attractive, more able to handle large visitor-use loads and
less expensive to maintain.
(Jubenville 1976:155)
Recreation site planning and design
Albert Rutledge (1971) put forward a set of design principles (or ‘umbrella principles’),
including:
• design with purpose—so that the appropriate relationships are established between the
various parts of the recreation complex (i.e. natural elements, use areas, structures,
people, animals and forces of nature);
• design for people—rather than to meet some rigid standards, or the impersonal demands
of machines, equipment and administrative convenience. More attention to the ‘why’
of design would go a long way towards structuring outdoor areas to satisfy human
behavioural needs;
• design for both functions and aesthetics—striking a balance of dollar values and human
values with the achievement of efficiency, interwoven with the generation of a
satisfying sensory experience.
Rutledge was writing of park design, but the principles and detailed procedures he
describes have application in many other situations. For example, Lime (1974) has
demonstrated the relevance of good location and design to the effective functioning of
campgrounds. While it is probably true to say that aesthetics are often only considered
after functional aspects have been satisfied, the two should go together in the design
process, because attention to aesthetics can actually strengthen functional efficiency. In
practice, functional elements of design tend to receive emphasis because of their more
tangible nature—‘it works or it doesn’t.’ Aesthetics, on the other hand, are like beauty—
very much in the eye of the beholder!
A further source of confusion can arise from overlap between the planning and design
phases. In general terms, recreation site planning could be said to be concerned with the
broad arrangement of site features, support facilities and circulation patterns necessary
for the type of recreation envisaged. Design is related to micro-location and the moulding
and fitting of the plans to specific topographic and landscape features of the site, while
maintaining the desired positions of the facilities and circulation patterns (Jubenville
1976). For convenience, the criteria to be observed during both phases are considered
together in the following discussion.
In the first place, planning and design of the recreation site should conform to known
user preferences for given environmental conditions or situations (Christiansen 1977).
Merely providing a picnic site is not enough. Service requirements, supporting facilities,
equipment and site refinements should reflect the style and characteristics of participants.
They should also be located to fit in with normal behaviour patterns, to minimise conflict
and confusion, and to facilitate movement within the site.
A basic functional criterion of planning and design is that the recreation site and
associated developments satisfy technical requirements (i.e. that they are useable in the
sense of meeting standards of size, spacing and quantities). Operating needs and
conditions are also important, and apart from meeting health and safety regulations, site
developments should provide for the comfort and convenience of users. Rutledge (1971)
illustrates the relevance of orientation to natural forces in the layout of recreation sites
(e.g. the elevation and path of the sun’s rays and the direction of prevailing winds), and
stresses a common-sense approach to avoid unnecessary costs, and to provide for ease of
supervision.
Recreational use of a site inevitably involves movement. The circulation system
adopted can have a pronounced effect on efficiency of use, safety, satisfaction levels and
supervision of visitor behaviour. Rutledge points out that the aim should be to get people
where they want to go readily, and in doing so, not interfere with other activities.
Therefore, the tasks are to anticipate flows, eliminate obstacles and confusion, and to
provide unobstructed, well-defined, logical routes. Proper circulation planning and design
can become an arm of recreation site management, not only in protecting the natural
environment and visitors, but in promoting and facilitating desirable patterns of
recreational use.
Sound site planning and design can minimise the task of supervision and the need for
restrictive control measures over visitor behaviour. Public welfare should always be a
concern, and if provision for visitor health and safety is built into a recreation site, many
hazardous situations can be prevented. By definition, accidents are unplanned, but
planning and design can go a long way towards eliminating the factors likely to generate
emergencies. On-site control of vandalism and other forms of depreciative behaviour is
also an important facet of visitor management.
Maintaining law and order at public recreation sites is also a serious problem for
management. Depreciative behaviour can reduce or destroy the resource base and
facilities, and interfere with the experience and satisfaction of other participants.
Vandalism, acts of nuisance, violation of rules and crime, unfortunately, must all be
anticipated. The monetary impact is staggering. In the US, the total yearly loss from
vandalism alone was estimated 20 years ago at US $4 billion (Clark 1976).
The problem can at least be contained by prior attention to planning and design.
Weinmayer (1973) believes that proper design can reduce vandalism by 90 per cent, and
some observers suggest that much anti-social behaviour actually represents a protest
against poor design and management of parks and other recreation sites (Gold 1974). So-
called ‘vandalism by design’ is blamed for providing the opportunity for misuse by
equipping recreation sites with objects, facilities and materials which invite disrespect
and, ultimately, destruction. The inference is that opportunities for vandalism and other
forms of undesirable behaviour can be removed or reduced at the planning and design
stage. It is possible, of course, to attempt to devise structures which are vandalproof and
virtually indestructible. It is preferable, and more positive, to provide sturdy, but
attractive recreation environments which will be valued and protected by the users
themselves. Site developments should be designed for easy maintenance and quick
restoration if damaged. Rutledge (1971) suggests that thought be given to the clustering
of potentially vandal-prone features, the opening-up of sites to external inspection, more
adequate lighting, and the encouragement of higher levels of use, all as deterrents to anti-
social acts.
Recreation sites which are properly selected and located, and which have had the
benefit of thoughtful planning and design, should almost manage themselves; certainly,
the task of management should be made much easier. Unfortunately, it is probably more
often the case that managers inherit a poorly selected site, where little attention has been
given to adequate development planning or design. Subsequent problems emerge, either
because of overuse, deliberate misuse (above), or unintentional damage through
ignorance and inappropriate use. Careful management of resources and visitors then
becomes an ongoing concern.
Recreation resource management
Jubenville (1978) saw the managerial role in outdoor recreation as incorporating resource
management, concerned with the reciprocal relationships between the recreation
landscape and the visitor; visitor management, enhancing the social environment in order
to maximise the recreation experience; and service management, involving the provision
of necessary and desirable services so that the user can enjoy both the social and resource
environment. Whereas each of these managerial roles is an important component of the
overall recreation system, Jubenville considered visitor management to be fundamental,
since it is the visitor who expresses demand for recreational experiences which require
the other two elements. In the ensuing comments, provision of services will be regarded
as a complementary, but ancillary, aspect of outdoor recreation management, and
discussion will concentrate on resources and people. That said, it will soon become
apparent that there is much scope for overlap between the two.
Recreation resource management implies close monitoring of the recreation site, to
chart the rate, direction and character of change. It is vital that negative changes be
detected early so that appropriate and positive management procedures be taken before
site degradation proceeds to the point where the recreational environment becomes a
source of dissatisfaction to visitors. Without a systematic monitoring and evaluation
programme, management has no basis for comparison to determine change. Indeed, even
before environmental deterioration or visitor dissatisfaction become evident, resource
management procedures must be monitored and evaluated on a regular basis.
Resource management involves manipulation of elements of the resource base in order
to maintain, enhance or even re-create satisfying opportunity settings for various
recreational pursuits. In selecting the most appropriate course of action, the recreation site
manager needs to balance concern for the resource base against other concerns, such as
commercial considerations and the costs involved in loss of patronage. Leaving aside
Jubenville’s first suggestion—‘cut out and get out’—which is hardly a positive approach
to management, other choices include:
• Site closure and rejuvenation through natural processes or cultural treatments. Site
closure will certainly minimise recovery time and inconvenience, and may be justified
for heavily deteriorated sites, especially where alternative opportunities are available.
• Rest and rotation of sites, or perhaps areas within a site, so that some recreation
opportunities are always available.
• Leave open and culturally treat the site (i.e. keeping the site operating while
implementing rehabilitation measures). If possible, this is clearly the ideal solution,
but it can only succeed if treatment begins before site deterioration is well advanced.
Resource management procedures primarily involve technical and engineering-type
actions, or landscaping techniques. Examples include various soil treatments and ground
cover improvements such as irrigation; use of fertilisers; re-seeding; replacing or
conversion to hardier and more resilient species; and judicious thinning of vegetation and
removal of noxious species. These measures are aimed at increasing the durability of the
biotic community, as well as inducing its recovery.
On-site patterns of recreational use can be influenced in various ways, including
channelling the movements of visitors along selected paths (e.g. planting very dense
and/or thorny bushes), or discouraging recreationists from entering a particular area (e.g.
by fencing or the erection of some barrier designed as a ‘people-sifter’) (Seabrooke and
Miles 1993). The effect may be discriminatory, but obstacles such as ditches and stiles,
which prove a deterrent to some classes of visitor, are not insurmountable to all.
Vehicular traffic can be regulated according to mode and route, and many heavily-
used sites no longer permit use of private vehicles; shuttle buses and other forms of
communal transport are becoming more common in national parks (see Chapter 10).
One-way traffic can be made mandatory, especially where parallel routeways exist, and
separate trails can be designated for different classes of movement (e.g. skiers and snow
mobilers).
Such action may be complemented by landscaping in order to enhance carrying
capacities. This could involve the hardening or surfacing of intensively used areas such as
viewing points; rotation of site furniture (barbecues or picnic tables) and movable
facilities such as kiosks and shelters; rotation of entrances, trails and campsites; and
provision of more effective waste disposal systems. As noted earlier, social carrying
capacity can also be stretched. This can be achieved by many different management
actions, including imaginative plantings to create more ‘edges’ or borders, or by breaking
up the site with artificial mounds and buffers to boost the capacity of the landscape to
‘absorb’ visitors. By creating more levels or zones, a greater number of users can be
accommodated on a beach. Lime and Stankey (1971) also indicate how recreational use
can be redistributed, and carrying capacity increased, by improving access to previously
under-used areas. Additional roads and trails, the installation of lighting, elevated
pathways and bridges, and the elimination of hazards, are effective in redirecting visitor
pressure.
With recreational waterbodies, capacity can be enhanced by providing more access
points and ancillary facilities, and by manipulating the type and form of landscape
features (e.g. addition of sandy beaches). Wildlife capacities, which indirectly impinge
upon certain recreational pursuits, can also be built up by provision or improvement of
habitats to encourage greater abundance and variety of animals, birds and fish. Wildlife
populations will also respond positively to stable food and water supplies, control of
diseases and pests (including predators such as feral cats), controlled use of biocides,
minimisation of pollution, and reduction of fire and other hazards.
Recreation resource management is directed towards maintaining and enhancing the
site as a viable setting for outdoor recreation. Ultimately, however, it is the reaction of the
visitor to the site, which determines the success of the management programme. Ensuring
a satisfying, high-quality recreation experience is the prime reason for developing an
outdoor recreation management system. A specific procedure for visitor management
which contributes to this aim, is the provision of information and interpretation facilties
and services (see Chapter 10).
The rationale for the Recreation Opportunity Spectrum (ROS), carrying capacity, and
Limits of Acceptable Change (LAC) were outlined in earlier chapters. The following
discussion provides a brief overview of recent, innovative management approaches—the
Visitor Impact Management (VIM) framework, and the Visitor Activity Management
Process (VAMP). These approaches seek to address visitor management concerns,
including those outlined above, while generally expanding on the principles underpinning
carrying capacity, the ROS and LAC.
Visitor impact management framework
The development of VIM demonstrates the increasingly widespread view that

recreational management requires scientific and judgmental consideration (e.g. see
Hendee et al. 1978; Stankey et al. 1985; Shelby and Heberlein 1986; Vaske et al.
1995:36), and that effective management of the recreation resource is much more than
setting visitor use levels and specific carrying capacities (e.g. see Washburne 1982;
Graefe et al. 1984; Vaske et al. 1995:36) (also see Chapters 4 and 5).
The Visitor Impact Management framework resulted from a study by the US National
Parks and Conservation Association (NPCA), which had two main objectives. The first
objective was to review and synthesise the existing literature dealing with recreational
carrying capacity and visitor impacts. The second objective was to apply the resulting
understanding to the development of a methodology or framework for visitor impact
management, that would be applicable across the variety of units within the US National
Park System. A number of other goals underpinned the development of the VIM
framework:
• to provide information and tools to assist planners and managers in controlling or
reducing undesirable visitor behaviour;
• to suggest management approaches that build on scientific understanding of the nature
and causes of visitor impacts;
• to consider impacts both to the natural environment and to the quality of recreation
experiences, and to develop consistent processes for addressing such impacts.
(Graefe l991:74)
The review of the scientific literature relating to carrying capacity and visitor impacts
identified five major considerations underpinning the nature of recreation impacts, which
should all be incorporated into programmes for managing visitor impacts:
1 Impact Relationships: impact indicators are interrelated so that there is no single,
predictable response of natural environments or individual behaviour to recreational
use.
2 Use-Impact Relationships: use-impact relationships vary for different measures of
visitor use, and are influenced by a variety of situational factors. The use-impact
relationship is non-linear (i.e. it is not simple or uniform).
3Varying Tolerance to Impacts: not all areas respond in the same way to encounters with
visitors. There is inherent variation in tolerance among environments and user groups;
for instance, different types of wildlife and user groups have different tolerance levels
in their interactions with people.
4 Activity-Specific Influences: the extent and nature of impacts vary among, and even
within, recreational activities.
5 Site-Specific Influences: seasonal and site-specific variables influence recreational

impacts.
(Graefe 1990:214; 1991:74; Vaske et al. 1995:35)
These five issues represent important considerations for the management of ecological,
physical and social impacts (Graefe 1990).
In brief, the VIM framework is designed to deal with the basic issues inherent in
impact management, namely: the identification of problem conditions (or unacceptable
visitor impacts); the determination of potential causal factors affecting the occurrence and
severity of the unacceptable impacts; the selection of potential management strategies for
ameliorating the unacceptable impacts (Graefe 1990:216). Given these basic issues, the
VIM framework comprises eight steps (see Figure 6.2 and Table 6.1). Importantly,
Graefe (1990; 1991) and Vaske et al. (1995) note that the task of managing visitor
impacts is not over when management strategies are implemented, and that continuous
monitoring and evaluation are necessary.
The Visitor Impact Management framework is based on high-level natural and social
science research. As a planning framework it has the capability to deal with recreation
impacts at a site level in a range of environments, and in conjunction with other planning
frameworks within the management planning process. VIM has been applied in Australia
(e.g. Jenolan Caves), Canada (e.g. Prince Edward Island), and in the US (e.g. Icewater
Spring Shelter, Great Smoky Mountains National Parks; Logan Pass/Hidden Lake Trail,
Glacier National Park; Florida Keys National Marine Sanctuary, Florida; Buck Island
Reef National Monument, Virgin Islands; and the Youghiogheny River, Western
Maryland) (e.g. see Graefe 1990).
VIM is a means of controlling or reducing the undesirable impacts of recreational use
(Graefe 1991:80). It has a sound scientific basis, and presents a systematic process for
assessing visitor impacts by way of problem-solving. It is, in addition, a more detailed
alternative to the concept of carrying capacity, and has potential for wider application in
resource management (i.e. as part of an overall site or regional plan) (Graefe 1990; 1991),
perhaps in conjunction with the LAC model.
The Visitor Activity Management Process (VAMP)
Tensions between resources and visitors led to the development of the Visitor Activity
Management Process (VAMP) by the Canadian Parks Service (now Environment
Canada). VAMP offers a fundamental change in orientation in parks management, from a
product or supply basis to an outward-looking market-sensitive approach (Graham et al.
1988). Resource managers are thereby encouraged to be strategic in developing and
marketing visitor experiences which will appeal to specific market segments.
VAMP is a pro-active, flexible, conceptual framework that contributes to

decision-building related to the planning, development and operation of
park-related services and facilities. It includes an assessment of regional
integration of a park or heritage site, sy stematic identification of visitors,
Flgure 6.2 Visitor Impact Management

framework
Source: Adapted from Graefe (1990:218)
Table 6.1 Steps in the Visitor Impact Management

framework
Step Actions
1 The Preassessment Compile and review relevant information that is available in order to gain
Database Review initial perspectives of problems and issues.
2 Review of Review current management objectives to ensure that they are stated
Management clearly and specifically, and to define the type of experience to be
Objectives provided in terms of appropriate ecological and social conditions. ‘The
objectives should be prioritized, since any single objective may lead to
potentially conflicting goals’ (Vaske et al. 1995:38).
3 Selection of Key Select measurable indicators that reflect the management objectives set
Indicators out in Step 2: i.e. define what variables reflecting the planning objectives
will be measured. Indicators will vary at different sites. ‘Useful indicators
include those that are directly observable, relatively easy to measure,
related to the objectives for the area, sensitive to changing use conditions,
and amenable to management’ (Vaske et al. 1995:39).
4 Selection of Decide how and when the Key Indicators identified in Step 3 will be
Standards for Key measured, specifying appropriate levels or acceptable limits for the impact
Impact Indicators indicators identified in Step 3. ‘The selected standards become the basis
for evaluating the existing situation. This step serves the function of
describing the type of experience to be provided in units of measurement
compatible with available measures of the current situation’ (Vaske et al.
1995:39).
5 Comparison of Compare the existing situation with desired situations. The question to be
Standards and resolved being: Is the area providing the types of recreational experiences
Existing Conditions identified in the management objectives, within appropriate maintenance
of environmental conditions? Document problem situations.
6 Identification of Isolate potential factors (e.g. type of use, length of stay, group sizes, use
Probable Causes timing and concentration, behaviour, and site characteristics) that may
and Impacts contribute to impact conditions. Identify the most significant causes of the
problems identified in Step 5.
7 Identification of Identify a range of alternative management strategies given some
Management understanding of how the amount, type, and distribution of people using
Strategies an area affect given impact indicators. The focus is on dealing with the
causes of problems (see Table 6.3 in Vaske et al. 1995:41).
8 Implementation Implement the selected management strategies as soon as the necessary
resources are available.
Sources: Graefe (1990; 1991); Vaske et al. (1995)
evaluation of visitor market potential, and identification of interpretive

and educational opportunities for the public to understand, safely enjoy
and appreciate heritage. The framework was developed to contribute to all
five park management contexts: park establishment; new park
management planning; established park planning and plan review; facility

development and operation.
Graham(1990:279)
In the same way as carrying capacity, ROS, LAC and VIM, the Visitor Activity
Management Process uses information from both social and natural sciences to facilitate
decision-making with respect to access to and use of protected areas (although it has the
potential to be applied to a wider range of environments), and incorporates an evaluation
requirement to measure effectiveness in outcomes and impacts (Graham 1990). It
employs an overt marketing orientation to integrate visitor activity demands with
resource opportunities, in order to produce specific recreation opportunities (Lipscombe
1993). A generic version of VAMP (see Figure 6.3) generally involves the following
steps:
1 set visitor activity objectives;
2 set terms of reference;
3 identify visitor management issues;
4 analyse visitor management issues;
5 develop options for visitor activities and services;
6 provide recommendations and seek approval of activity/service/facility plan; and
7 implement recommended options (Graham et al. 1988).
Quite clearly, VAMP is ‘issue-driven’ (Hamilton-Smith and Mercer 1991:58), and is
flexible enough to incorporate process, planning and programme monitoring and
evaluation. Since the late 1980s, VAMP has been applied to Canada’s new park
proposals and various park management plans (see Graham and Lawrence 1990). More
specifically, VAMP has not been applied widely, save for a limited number of sites in
Canada (e.g. Glacier National Park, British Columbia; Cross-country (Nordic) skiing,
Ottawa; Mingan Archipelago; Point Pelee National Park; Kejimkujik National Park).
VAMP is not a familiar planning approach in such countries as Australia (Lipscomb
1993), where long-run integration of visitor data is lacking, as most visitor management
studies are carried out in isolation (Hamilton-Smith and Mercer 1991), and their findings
rarely reported publicly. Nevertheless, according to Graham et al. (1988:61):
VAMP continues to evolve and be modified as it comes into wider use,

and as new concepts and techniques are developed… VAMP is a flexible
management framework, undergoing transition and change. This
framework must not become an end in itself, merely justifying design and
Figure 6.3 The Visitor Activity

Management Process (VAMP)—A
generic representation of VAMP
Source: Adapted from Parks Canada (1985, in Graham
1990:278)
development of services, programmes and facilities. Case study research

which highlights the effective [or otherwise] use of VAMP will be
required… Further development of VAMP will require a supportive
organizational environment, a condition not easily found in an era of
constraint and pressure for more efficient management.
Over the past 25–30 years, a number of interdisciplinary or multidisciplinary planning

and management processes and frameworks have been established, trialled, and variously
described and evaluated, most on the precondition that they will help resolve, to a greater
or lesser extent, visitor management problems. These advances in thinking, theory and
application have gradually moved agencies towards more integrated approaches to
environmental (including visitor) management. Perhaps not surprisingly, no single
process or framework has received unanimous support among resource managers and
researchers, as a means of solving the problems associated with visitor management. Put
simply, a specific process or framework will be more effective depending on the scale at
which it is applied (e.g. whether it is applied in a regional or single-site context), or on
any number of other possible intervening variables.
Nevertheless, in addressing questions applicable to the four frameworks (LAC, ROS,
VIM and VAMP) discussed in this and the previous chapter, a syndicate of conference
representatives identified the following characteristics:
• LAC and VIM are mostly resource oriented and ‘reactive’ (i.e. they are frameworks
which are applied after a resource input);
• ROS and VAMP are more oriented to visitor and use/activity, and include an
interpretive activities component—a ‘recipe’ for potential interpretation;
• LAC and VIM applications can provide the opportunity for interpretive services and
activities;
• ROS and VAMP applications result in the production of an ‘interpretive prospectus-
type’ document. Including interpretation in the ROS and VAMP frameworks is
automatic. LAC and VIM require a conscious managerial decision to include
interpretation;
• none of the frameworks provides a superior time frame, and none appears to be more
efficient than the other;
• improving the timeliness of the interpretive applications of any of the frameworks is
primarily dependent on a quality data base, management priorities, and commitment to
the interpretive element;
• all of the frameworks are information-gathering/decision-building processes rather than
decision-making processes;
• inclusion of measurable standards and performance requirements would improve the
use of the frameworks and their application to programmes such as interpretation
(Pugh 1990:354).
It would seem, then, that the application of recreation/visitor planning and management
frameworks is largely a case of management skill in adapting and integrating components
of one or more models or frameworks. For instance, the ROS was utilised effectively in
an urban open-space study, despite its initial development and application in parks. As
Hamilton-Smith and Mercer (1991:57) noted, ‘The possibility of using the ROS in any
urban study [such as the Newcastle/ Lake Macquarie Open Space Study] should not be
dismissed, but it is likely to require adaptation to the specific circumstances of the
planning study concerned’. Perhaps, also, much hinges on the vagaries of politics, limited
finances, and outdated organisational cultures and managerial frameworks, which can all
thwart the best-laid intentions of innovative planners and managers.
Summary
The management of recreation resources is inherently difficult because of the extensive

range of variables involved in the recreation-environment relationship. Furthermore,
information concerning the impact of tourism on the environment is limited (see
HaySmith and Hunt 1995). Despite these problems, several progressive technologies and
planning approaches are being utilised in designing and managing recreation resources
(particularly in protected and natural areas) across the globe. Geographic Information
Systems (GIS) are being used, among other things, to identify ecologically sensitive areas
and to plan tourist development. LAC is being utilised to monitor and set standards for
acceptable levels of impact. VIM and VAMP call for monitoring and evaluation, the
setting of clear and specific objectives, and the establishment of indicators and standards.
These techniques, however, are not mutually exclusive. They can be integrated to
identify, develop, implement, monitor and evaluate strategies for visitor management.
Nor are these frameworks set in concrete. Political circumstances, resource availability
and other circumstances will require organisations to adapt to their planning and
management environments. This is best achieved by a strategic management approach, a
subject discussed in Chapter 13.

• For detailed discussions on VIM, see Graefe (1990; 1991); Graham and Lawrence
(1990); and Vaske et al. (1995); for VAMP see Graham et al. (1988); Ashley (1990);
Reynolds (1990); Graham (1990); and Lipscombe (1993).
• Graham and Lawrence (1990), Hamilton-Smith and Mercer (1991) and Lipscombe
(1993) contain discussions on the frameworks and applications of carrying capacity,
ROS, LAC, VAMP and VIM, with Graham and Lawrence providing the most
comprehensive coverage.
Review questions
1 Discuss the relationships between resource management, outdoor recreation and

conservation.
2 What are the respective merits and limitations in applications of each of the
following: the Limits of Acceptable Change; the Visitor Impact Management framework;
the Visitor Activity Management Process; carrying capacity. Is any particular framework
or approach better than the others?
3 Visit a nature-based outdoor recreation site (e.g. a national park). Conduct a resource
inventory of that site. Make an assessment of the site’s present condition. How might the
site be improved? Determine what variables should be measured in order to monitor and
evaluate recreational use of that site. If there is no current management strategy for that
particular site, develop a management approach/framework to manage the site. If there is
such a strategy, review that strategy and determine how it might be improved.
7
OUTDOOR RECREATION IN URBAN
AREAS
Most of the population of industrialised nations live in urban areas. Human beings are
overwhelmingly social creatures and, as such, prefer to live together in communities
created to serve individual and collective human needs. These communities can be of
varying size and characteristics, but they have one feature in common—the potential to
offer a wide range of functions to satisfy the needs of the population. One of these needs
is provision for the recreational use of leisure.
Underpinning the attraction of urban places is the presumed availability of a diverse
spectrum of recreation opportunities in a relatively limited and accessible spatial context.
Part of the challenge of sustaining a livable urban environment, is to ensure the
maintenance of a choice of quality leisure experiences through the existence of a
spectrum of recreation opportunities, with the flexibility to adapt to the dynamics of a
changing city landscape and evolving socioeconomic and political relationships. Indeed,
‘the extent to which public outdoor recreation will flourish depends very much upon how
planners and those in positions of power and influence face up to the challenge of urban
restructuring—physical, economic and social—that is being posed by contemporary
processes of urban change’ (Williams 1995:2).
The trend of urbanisation in Western industrial countries is well established. Some
three-quarters of the population of the US and Britain live in urban areas and that figure
is exceeded in parts of Western Europe. In Australia, also, another highly urbanised
nation, life is centred on the cities, and most of the people are born, and spend their lives,
within the confines of the built environment (Figure 7.1).
Despite this concentration of humanity, only in the past two decades has growing
concern for quality-of-life issues, and in particular outdoor recreation, focused attention
on the relative deprivation of city dwellers, and the need for more enlightened planning
of the urban environment. This recent attention is not surprising. Many of the world’s
great cities are ‘sick’—they are losing people and jobs; they have experienced or are
experiencing declining fiscal solvency; they are less convenient, safe and attractive; and
they are short on justice, tranquillity and general welfare. Increasingly, they are also seen
as short on outdoor recreation opportunities.
Outdoor recreation in urban areas 127
Figure 7.1 Australia: Regions and

population in 1992
Source: The Australian (10 November 1993)
Parks and recreation are clearly not the highest priorities in urban development, but
their roles in social welfare and urban renewal are becoming recognised. Enhancement of
recreation opportunities in urban areas is now seen to contribute substantially to the
quality of life of local residents, and to assist with the creation of a sustainable urban
environment. For instance, increased attention is being given to the historical and cultural
significance of park and recreation resources in the US (and elsewhere), with greater
commitment to the restoration of historic buildings, facilities and designed landscapes.
Julia Sniderman (in Dwyer and Stewart 1995:607) of the Chicago Park District described
her experience with park restoration in Chicago:
The parks of Chicago are important cultural and historic resources.

Documentation is the key to realizing the full historic value of urban
parks. There is a vault under Soldier Field that was sealed off and
forgotten for decades. When it was recently opened, whole archives of
architectural plans for city parks were discovered. Documents like these
are central to historic restoration work. Interpretation of restored parks is
also important. Our recent restoration of Columbus Park is a good
example. Seventh graders from the neighbourhood were trained as park
docents to explain the key features of this Jens Jensen design to other kids
and adults. One area in Columbus park was designed as an open-air
theater; to highlight this feature, we presented a play there during opening
ceremonies.
Urban restoration projects are occurring in cities around the globe, taking in such areas as
remnant ecosystems (see Gobster 1994, in Dwyer and Stewart 1995) and waterfront
development (e.g. see Law 1993; Craig-Smith and Fagence 1995; Williams 1995). Some
areas, too, are utilising principles of ecosystems management, which emphasise
relationships between physical, biological and social elements in the urban landscape
(Dwyer and Stewart 1995), to underpin urban plans.
One of the first comprehensive attempts to document concern for urban recreation
opportunities in the US, was the National Urban Recreation Study, undertaken in 1978 by
the Heritage Conservation and Recreation Service. The primary objectives of the study
were:
• to examine perceptions of needs and opportunities held by recreation users and
administrators in urban areas across the country from the neighbourhood to the
metropolitan level;
• to identify major problems of recreation and open-space providers in meeting needs;
• to explore possible solutions to problems with a wide variety of citizen and
governmental interests;
• to identify a variety of open-space areas with potential for protection;
• to define a range of options for all levels of government, with emphasis on Federal
alternatives which could assist or facilitate local, State and private efforts (US
Department of the Interior 1978:20).
The study concentrated on seventeen of the nation’s largest cities, along with smaller
towns and countries within their immediate vicinity. The sample field study cities were
considered to reflect the dominant recreation issues and problems facing highly populated
urban areas in the US.
The 1978 report established that no coherent national policy existed at that time for a
balanced system of close-to-home recreation opportunities for all segments of the urban
population. The study also found that recreational deprivation was not always a function
of lack of facilities. In many cases, existing or potential recreation resources were not
being fully utilised because of inappropriate locations or physical characteristics,
deteriorating conditions, and poor quality management and programming.
Despite the broad spectrum of urban recreation issues addressed, the report was able to
set common guidelines to indicate major directions for public action:
• conserve open space for its natural, cultural and recreational values;
• provide financial support for parks and recreation;
• provide close-to-home recreation opportunities;
• encourage joint use of existing physical resources;
• ensure that recreation facilities are well-managed and well-maintained, with quality
recreation programmes available;
• reduce deterrents to full utilisation of existing urban recreation facilities and
programmes;
• provide appropriate and responsive recreation services through sound planning;
• make environmental education and management an integral part of urban park and
recreation policies and programmes;
• strengthen the role of the cultural arts in urban recreation.
Two decades later, and with allowances for scale and local circumstances, the findings of
the 1978 report have relevance for other parts of the developed world. In particular, the
report recognised the great disparity in the wealth of urban communities and the
unevenness in resource endowment, both being factors which make a common strategy
for addressing shortcomings difficult.
There are obvious differences in the physical and social geography of individual cities.
Sydney, Australia, for example, is ‘blessed’ with a magnificent harbour and a wealth of
accessible sandy surf beaches which provide unparalleled opportunities for water-related
recreation. Many other coastal cities across the globe are likewise fortunate, whereas
urban concentrations away from the coast typically present a different and more limited
recreation environment. The presence of natural features and opportunities for contact
with nature, within or close to the built environment, also enhance the potential for
outdoor recreation. Sydney, again, is fortunate in being ringed with magnificent national
parks only a short distance from the city’s central business district (CBD) and periphery.
Climatic conditions also play an important part in the availability of a range of
recreation opportunities in urban areas. The snowfields backing the city of Vancouver,
Canada, go a long way towards compensating for restrictions on outdoor recreation in the
city itself, because of otherwise pervasive rainy conditions. Cities in the tropics and
subtropics can usually support more diverse forms of outdoor recreation than those where
short summer seasons and severe weather can restrict activities.
A city with attractive natural features and an agreeable climate can take advantage of
these for recreation; those not so fortunate may need to compensate by the creation of
artificial environments. The provision of extensive facilities for indoor sports and other
recreation activities in cities in the higher latitudes is, in part, a reaction to the severe
winters of that part of the world.
Social differences between cities can also account for disparities in opportunities for
recreation. Where cities are large, long-established and densely populated, diverse
cultural features are more likely to exist, and these can be the basis for varied forms of
recreation experiences, from participation in ethnic festivals and traditional celebrations,
to the sampling of exotic foods and shopping for unusual products. On the other hand, a
bland urban environment with an essentially monocultural population and a narrow social
focus, can offer a strictly limited, and perhaps, predictable range of outlets for recreation.
The dynamics of urban recreation environments
The urban domain is complex—towns and cities present an outwardly

confusing mosaic of land uses into which recreational provision must fit
and over which recreational activity must be superimposed. Patterns of
opportunity are in most cases the product of lengthy periods of urban
evolution in which physical growth, economic development and social
change have combined to produce an environment that is dynamic,
competitive and diverse.
(Williams 1995:14)
Urban areas are complex. They require planning approaches which are integrated (thus
recreation and tourism are planned and developed in conjunction with other urban
functions), flexible, and focused on ‘the complementary function of the city and its
region’ (Jansen-Verbeke 1992:33). Understanding the processes influencing urban

development, and thus the nature and potential of outdoor recreation and tourism in urban
areas, requires some understanding of global and local-scale developments, impacts and
issues. Several important processes have shaped urban development, including:
• global economic restructuring;
• the physical expansion of built-up areas from compact, densely settled areas, with low
overall populations, to modern post-industrial cities of highly populated but relatively
low-density occupation, with residual zones of higher-density occupation in older,
inner areas;
• increased social segregation as a result of mobility, preference and powers of different
groups, and the ability of some to exert influence over emergent municipal authority;
• increased municipal regulation of development by way of attempts to control suburban
sprawl, to plan new towns and to establish green belts;
• contemporary interests in greening the city and in encouraging environmental
enhancement;
• urban redevelopment as a result of war damage, the establishment of urban
development corporations, and the undertaking of high-profile projects (e.g. in
dockland areas) to regenerate areas;
• urban redevelopment and restructuring, stemming from the need to address urban decay
(Williams 1995:15–6).
Given such processes and the problems that cities, generally, are encountering, it is not
surprising that urban policies are now largely ‘concerned with both winning economic
growth and regenerating the core areas’ (Law 1993:23). The key elements in current
urban policy comprise:
• emphasis on economic policies;
• emphasis on obtaining private investment;
• emphasis on property investment;
• public sector investment in infrastructure;
• public sector ‘anchors’, e.g. convention and entertainment centres, museums and art
galleries;
• focus on the city centre;
• public-private partnerships;
• semi-autonomous agencies such as urban development corporations;
• flagship projects, e.g. Commonwealth and Olympic Games, Formula One Grand Prix,
America’s Cup;
• image and reimaging strategies (after Law 1993, in Hall, Jenkins and Kearsley 1997).
Tourism as an element of outdoor recreation has become an extremely influential element
in urban planning in some areas. The potential of recreation and tourism as instruments in
the policy of urban revitalisation is being increasingly recognised by local authorities and
urban managers (Jansen-Verbeke 1992). Indeed, ‘the growth of tourism as a form of
economic development is having a major impact on the urban landscape of some cities,
and reflects a changing attitude toward inner cities as well as a need to diversify
repressed economies’ (Lew 1989:15). Since the early 1980s, tourism has emerged as an
important element in urban planning for such reasons as:
• economic globalisation and the consequent economic decline and restructuring of heavy
industries and manufacturing in Western nations, led to a search for economic and
employment alternatives by government at all levels, particularly in service industries;
• changes in transport technology have contributed to a decline of waterfront areas;
• tourism was seen as a way to rejuvenate and redevelop urban areas, often inner-city
areas, which had experienced economic decline;
• in order to assist urban regeneration, governments have consciously sought to integrate
tourism policy and development with cultural events and festivals, sports and leisure
policies, and conservation of heritage, to help develop, market and promote urban
regions and thus to attract the tourism and investment dollar (Hall et al 1997:199).
Of course, while it is possible to generalise to some extent about the patterns and
processes of urban development and restructuring, there are some national and regional
variations. Apart from the obvious physical, economic, social and political differences
between cities which affect recreation potential, intra-urban contrasts develop over time
in urban morphology, land-use patterns and socioeconomic characteristics. These can
impinge on recreation needs and opportunities. Features such as the decline of the CBD;
the establishment of satellite shopping complexes in the suburbs; the gentrification of
inner city slums; the alteration of conditions of accessibility by the construction of new
transport links; the emergence of ethnic enclaves within the urban system; the effect of
political decisions on investment in recreation and sporting facilities; and ongoing
changes in the economic, social and age structure of the population, can all have dramatic
effects on opportunities for outdoor recreation.
The City of Sydney provides ready examples of the dynamics of urban recreation
potential. The ‘centre of gravity’ of the city has now moved westward, with population
growth, to the suburb of Parramatta, some 30 kilometres (approx. 18 miles) inland.
Moving with it are the sporting and recreation facilities which have long dominated the
eastern core of Sydney. These moves have been strengthened by the need to provide
world-class facilities for the Olympic Games, scheduled for the year 2000. In turn, the
availability of large areas of vacant land, once occupied by stockyards and industrial
sites, gave further stimulus to the move westward and inland.
Any major city around the world can offer similar examples of the shifting and
fluctuating nature of the spectrum of urban recreation opportunities, in response to
changing physical, socioeconomic, environmental and political circumstances. Barrett
and Hough (1989) point out that many municipalities in Ontario, Canada, have a legacy
of parks and recreation space designed to meet the needs of earlier generations, yet,
frequently they are inappropriate for the changing preferences, needs and lifestyles of the
present population. They note that the social, economic and political context of urban
communities continues to change at an increasing rate, but the planning response has not
kept pace.
Pressure on the urban recreation landscape comes from a number of directions. Social
concerns include the growing proportion of seniors and people with disabilities in the
urban population—both groups with special recreation needs. Multicultural diversity in
Canada, for example (as in Australia—see below), is placing a different set of demands
on parks systems which were designed for a more homogeneous, predominantly white
Anglo-Saxon culture. Urban recreation space also attracts the socially disadvantaged—
the poor, the homeless, the transients and the unemployed. Apart from averting conflict
with other users, the challenge is to develop programmes which encourage the
disadvantaged to use recreation space more constructively. Again, the nature of
recreation demand in cities is changing, with higher levels of environmental awareness,
health and fitness programmes, and the emergence of a more varied array of leisure
activities requiring specialised equipment and facilities.
At least some of the shortcomings in the urban recreation environment can be related
to the above-mentioned dynamic elements in the character of towns and cities. An
evolving pattern of urban growth and development can be recognised, marked typically
by inner decay, suburban expansion or peripheral sprawl, and increasingly mobile and
sophisticated groups of inhabitants. The implications are that any corrective measures
proposed, must be adjusted for a particular geographical setting, area and population.
Moreover, a distinction should, at least, be made between the inner city, the suburbs and
the urban fringe.
The inner city
There is a good deal of evidence to suggest that the greatest deficiencies in regard to
urban recreation space and facilities are to be found in the inner cores of large cities.
Serious physical problems exist relating to the age, design and location of components of
the recreation system. These are made worse when coupled with emerging recreation
demands within rapidly changing urban precincts.
Population dispersion tends to take place from the centre, leaving behind both a
diverse ethnic and cultural heritage, but typically, also, less affluent, elderly and
otherwise disadvantaged groups. Any reverse movement of population is often
representative of dissimilar and incompatible lifestyles, and merely adds a further
dimension to the task of recreation provision. With gentrification of old inner
neighbourhoods, basic deficiencies are aggravated by a new set of recreation demands
from a diverse and rapidly changing clientele.
The inner city suburb of Marrickville, Sydney, for example, is experiencing a
declining as well as a changing population. Recent census figures reveal that people born
overseas made up 46 per cent of the population of the municipality. Of these, 87.5 per
cent were from a non-English-speaking background. Major birthplace
Table 7.1 Marrickville municipality birthplaces
Country Number Percentage
Australia 44,063 54.0
Greece 6,033 16.1
Vietnam 4,386 11.7
Portugal 3,036 8.1
Lebanon 2,262 7.0
Yugoslavia 2,601 6.9
England 2,046 5.4
Italy 1,651 4.4

New Zealand 1,514 4.0
Philippines 846 2.3
Source: Australian Bureau of Statistics 1986
groups are shown in Table 7.1. In other inner suburbs of Australian cities, ethnic enclaves
are becoming established (e.g. Vietnamese in Cabramatta, Sydney; Koreans in Campsie,
Sydney; and Greeks in Coburg, Melbourne, supposedly the largest ‘Greek city’ outside
Athens).
Some older core-city areas are fortunately able to retain a sound financial tax base
with an established network of parks and open space. Other declining, fiscally-troubled
core cities are forced to allocate a large share of their recreation budgets to operation and
maintenance, at the expense of acquiring and developing new facilities and programmes.
Those capital funds which are available for investment in recreation in older cities are
typically spent on rehabilitation of ageing facilities.
In some of the world’s larger cities, further difficulties are encountered in attempting
to cater for the recreation needs, not only of residents, but also of commuters and visitors,
all within the same inner-city environment. A good example is the City of Westminster,
central London, where, apart from permanent residents who number about 240,000, some
500,000 workers commute daily, and where many millions of visitors are constantly
present from all parts of Britain and the rest of the world. In this case, the Westminster
City Council recognised that its particular responsibility was towards its resident
population, especially in providing recreation opportunities close to home for this group.
London, in common with most of the world’s great cities, developed without the
benefit of a comprehensive recreation plan. By the time the need for planning was
evident, many options were closed off by the massive social and dollar costs of acquiring
recreation space. Skyrocketing land prices and finite funding sources placed any available
recreation space beyond the reach of urban authorities. In downtown Atlanta, for
example, the excessive valuation placed on a 1.7 acre (approx. 0.6 ha) site sought by the
city, meant that its acquisition was only made possible by donation. The result is that
traditional recreation activities requiring large expanses of land are now simply not
possible in the densely populated neighbourhoods of most inner-city areas. Fortunately,
though, for Londoners and visitors, Hyde Park, which was established and opened to the
public in the 1630s, and Regent’s Park, which was a central feature of John Nash’s
housing development in the early 1800s, remain as recreational assets. Clearly, historical
developments are important, and so it is also worth noting that the number and
accessibility of parks increased dramatically in the period between 1850 and 1880, when
111 urban parks were created in Britain, compared with 49 between 1820 and 1849
(Conway 1991). Interestingly, in that same period—and more specifically in 1879—
Australia’s first, and the world’s second national park, Sydney Royal (see Chapter 10),
was established, mainly to serve recreational functions. It still serves as an important
recreational asset within a dominant conservation management perspective.
In places where outdoor recreation opportunities are lacking, recreation needs can be
met, in part, by providing indoor facilities or by innovative programmes to create
additional urban recreation opportunities. Seattle, Washington, for example, transformed
the air space over a ten-lane interstate highway into the 3.5 acre (approx. 1.4 ha) Central
Freeway Park. Spanning the ‘concrete canyon’ on a bridge structure, the park offers an
unusual retreat in downtown Seattle. Sydney, Australia, is another example of a large
modern city where hectares of wasted space on the rooftops of city buildings have been
transformed into sporting and recreational facilities for office workers and residents. New
buildings are the prime target of this policy, with incentives for developers to incorporate
use of rooftop space into their plans. In the US, Britain and Europe, gardens, swimming
pools and recreation areas have been established on the rooftops of hotels, private homes
and city apartment blocks. More specifically, more than 25 years ago, the US Bureau of
Outdoor Recreation (1973) identified several successful space-conversion projects
resulting in useful additions to the urban recreation resource base:
• in Baton Rouge, Louisiana, 35 acres (approx. 14 ha) of unproductive land beneath an
elevated highway interchange was transformed into Interstate Park as a neighbourhood
recreation area;
• in San Francisco, several park areas were developed on top of underground parking
facilities (including Union Square), and in downtown Los Angeles two large
corporations created a 2.5 acre (approx. 1 ha) rooftop park above a garage, as part of
an urban renewal project;
• in Albuquerque and Honolulu, airport buffer lands were transformed into a community
golf course;
• along the lower Rio Grande, the city of El Paso recognised the potential of the river’s
floodway, in developing a linear park incorporating recreation activities and facilities
capable of withstanding periodic flooding;
• the surface of covered water storage facilities in Denver and San Francisco were
developed for public tennis courts and sports facilities;
• in Washington DC, a sanitary landfill site was transformed into a useful and valuable
recreation resource;
• in New York City, construction of a 30 acre (approx. 12 ha) park on the roof of a
sewage treatment facility, provided a picnic area, baseball diamonds, tennis courts,
trails, swimming pools and an ice rink.
Despite such initiatives, it is surprising that not all undeveloped areas of urban land and
water are perceived as recreation resources or used as such. Many city authorities
apparently lack the imagination and/or the means to capitalise on the potential of
neglected areas such as floodplains, water supply reservoirs and catchments, waste
treatment facilities, waterfronts, parking lots, service corridors and abandoned rights-of-
way and railway lines. Especially valuable are strips of linear open space, where the edge
effect promotes greater recreation use.
The inner city remains the focus of intense competition for space, for commercial and
industrial premises, for transport and communication, and for high density/ high rise
residential purposes. It is important that provision for recreation space is not ignored in
the redisposition of the land and water resources of the urban heartland.
The suburbs
If it is difficult to make useful comparisons of recreation provision between inner cities, it

is impossible to generalise, regarding the recreation environment in the suburbs. Clearly,
the dispersion of population from the core area referred to earlier, is stimulated by a
perceived improvement in the quality of life, part of which is reflected in a better range
and standard of recreation opportunities. However, the extent to which this is experienced
depends upon the particular local mix of such factors as location, resource base,
socioeconomic status, community spirit, and the affluence and initiative of the local
government authority.
Suburbia has, or should have, one advantage—relatively newer facilities are likely to
mean lower operating and maintenance costs, leaving more funds for investment in
capital projects and acquisition of land. However, recently settled suburban communities
with small, but rapidly growing populations and limited financial resources, are more
often concerned with the availability of basic services than with the ‘luxuries’ of amenity
provision.
Again, the very nature of the suburban environment, typified by a real sprawl of
dispersed housing units and dormitory-style subdivisions, with heavy reliance on the
motor car, makes it difficult and expensive to provide a full range of recreation facilities.
Site design of many early subdivisions precluded the establishment of large open spaces
for community recreation. Both private developers and public housing authorities appear
to have given only minor consideration to this aspect, apart from labelling a mandatory
minimum area as ‘recreation reserve’. There seems little evidence of any comprehensive
planning of recreation facilities as an integral part of emerging neighbourhood and
community development patterns. Where tracts of recreation land are set aside, they are
usually developed on an ad hoc basis, with scant regard for other than the immediate
needs of the existing population.
Large modern cities typically spill over, unimpeded, into the surrounding countryside,
in a process aptly termed ‘metropolitan scatteration’ (Wingo 1964). The rapidly diffusing
residential frontier is allowed to outpace provision even for basic service needs, the
urgency of which merely reinforces the traditional low priority given to recreation
planning. Unimaginative land subdivision perpetuates the conventional grid street
system, with associated large-scale alienation of potential recreation space. Little thought
is given to the most appropriate size or form of the overall neighbourhood, or its
relationship to the rest of the city.
Australian cities, in particular, are much less compact than their older European
counterparts, with corresponding lower residential densities. Perhaps this has less to do
with the relative scarcity of land than with Australians’ preferences for maximising
private space at the expense of public amenity.
The resulting featureless sprawl promotes a degree of introspection in urban Australia,
or a tendency towards ‘privatization’, as Mercer (1980b) calls it. In the absence of local
clubs or pubs, community meeting centres or sports complexes, cinemas, or even
shopping centres in some cases, the inhabitants place greater emphasis on the home
environment for their leisure pursuits. The sheer lack of public facilities forces
households to maximise private space by way of compensation.
Moreover, the only practical means of transportation in a highly dispersed, rapidly
expanding, low-density suburban area, is the private motor car. Those without a car are
severely disadvantaged with respect to leisure options. The scale of metropolitan
planning is geared to the car and not the human being. As the metropolis spreads,
pressure to construct intra-metropolitan freeways to accommodate the car and overcome
traffic congestion, also increases. Such freeways accelerate residential development
towards the periphery. Ex-urban recreational opportunities are pushed further and further
away from the centre of gravity of the population, to the detriment both of people living
in the inner suburbs and of those without access to private transport. Thus, transport
improvements, proposed as a solution to one urban problem, merely give rise to other
problems, and recreation opportunities decline further.
It appears, then, that the modern city has let its inhabitants down as far as outlets for
leisure in any communal sense are concerned. What seem to be lacking are the essential
ingredients to create the ‘village’ atmosphere of earlier times—a setting which will
generate a sense of togetherness, belonging and place. Features which once had an
important recreational function as part of that setting have no place in present-day
suburbs. The town square, the village green, the dance hall-cum-cinema, even the local
‘pub’ or bar in some cases, have given way to homebased recreation, centred on the
television set, perhaps the backyard pool, and all manner of electronic gadgetry. The
sterile facilities which often serve for community recreation purposes do nothing to offset
urban alienation. It is difficult to identify with a slab of concrete or fibre-glass, and it is
little wonder that the potential users attempt to humanise or deface these structures with
graffiti. They see nothing wrong with vandalism of incongruous features to which they
cannot relate and which apparently cannot satisfy their recreation needs.
Local authorities, which have the prime responsibility for recreation, face a deepening
cost-revenue crisis, made worse by a general indifference on the part of the higher tiers of
government to the problems of cities. This situation serves to underline the need for fresh
initiatives in urban recreation planning. Part of this strategy should be a broader approach
to the provision of leisure and outdoor recreation opportunities in the suburbs, with
greater emphasis on self-help and community involvement. Out of necessity, planning
bodies might come to realise that some of the deficiencies inherent in suburban life and
living may be remedied by encouraging fuller utilisation and management of communal
The urban fringe
In 1981, the US Department of Agriculture estimated that some 3 million acres (approx.
1.2 million ha) were being converted each year to urban and built-up uses across North
America. More recent observations give no basis for optimism that this trend is in
decline. In these urbanising areas, local initiatives to direct development away from
critical agricultural, environmental and recreational uses, are often weak or non-existent.
The city periphery thus becomes the focus for some of the most urgent programmes for
general living and open-space retention purposes.
One of the problems in discussing peri-urban recreation is to decide where suburbia

ends and exurbia, or the urban fringe, begins. Yet, it is important to consider recreation
opportunities in this transition zone, because mobile city populations readily incorporate
nearby fringe areas into their effective recreation space. Despite the growing importance
of home-based recreation noted earlier, the neighbouring countryside is increasingly
perceived as an extension of life in the city. The tendency for people to seek natural
settings to offset the pressures of an urban-industrial existence is well-documented, and is
prompted, in part, by the urbanisation process itself. Janiskee (1976) explained the
recreation appeal of extra-urban environments in the context of a push-pull model of
motivation. Periodically, environmentally undernourished urbanites are ‘pushed’ from the
city because of stresses imposed by their lifestyles. At the same time, they are ‘pulled’
into the more natural hinterland by the opportunity to experience compensatory
alternative surroundings and activities. Apparently, urban dwellers, who have voted with
their feet for city living, are not totally adapted to the urban environment. They have a
physical and social need to seek novel, irregular and opposite situations, in exchange for
routine, boredom and the familiar. This need is reinforced by growing awareness of what
the surrounding countryside has to offer, together with enhanced means of making use of
its recreation potential. Natural settings offer city dwellers the capacity for self-renewal
in a different, specifically outdoor setting, inevitably leading them to the urban fringe and
beyond for recreation. That said, the challenge remains of maintaining the essentially
undeveloped character of the urban fringe so that its function as recreation space is
unimpaired.
The task is given added urgency by the different perceptions held of the urban fringe.
To land developers, it could be seen as a speculator’s paradise; to urban planners it might
represent a useful reserve of land for future urban expansion, or for the location of less
compatible elements of urban infrastructure such as motorways, airports, waste disposal
sites and noxious industries. Alongside these, is the potential to expand the city’s
spectrum of recreation opportunities by the creation of active and passive, large-scale and
specialised recreation facilities.
Pullen (1977) argued strongly for the establishment of permanent areas of
‘Greenspace’ beyond the periphery of cities, as a means of guiding and containing urban
development. Pullen saw Greenspace as a valuable resource for the provision of
important social functions, including recreational activities. Despite the attraction of the
concept, experience in major world cities suggests that the protection of a permanent
zone of Greenspace is difficult in the face of compelling pressures to maximise economic
use of valuable land.
Short of public acquisition and creation of formal park land, the zoning of land in the
urban fringe, as reserve for recreation, should act as a further deterrent to development.
This step could well be enhanced by the establishment of community forests on the
outskirts of major cities in Britain (Countryside Commission 1989). The inspiration for
the new community forests came from Bos Park near Amsterdam and the ancient stands
of trees in Epping Forest, close to the heart of London. The North East of England now
has two community forests—the Great North Community Forest, established in 1990 on
16,500 hectares (approx. 41,250 acres) of derelict urban land, and Cleveland Community
Forest, established in 1991, covering 25,000 hectares (approx. 62,500 acres) around an
estuary and on private agricultural land. Despite the desirability of these imaginative
projects, in terms of adding to outdoor recreation opportunities in the urban fringe, their
viability is uncertain given the long-term investment involved, along with financial
constraints on new plantings (Wilson and Biberbach 1994). Moreover, recreational access
is not always guaranteed by private land-owners reluctant to take on added management
responsibilities.
This illustrates an important qualification regarding implementation of any plan to
utilise the recreation potential of the urban fringe. The plan cannot succeed without the
firm commitment of responsible public authorities, both financially and in terms of
statutory powers over land use. Cooperation with controllers of private land and
resources in the semi-urban countryside is also necessary if this resource is to fulfil its
role as an integral part of the urban recreation environment.
Urban open space and recreation space
In the highly urbanised countries of the Western world, the city functions primarily as a
place of residence and as a base for work commitments. The growing segment of life
given over to leisure appears to find only restricted expression in urban environments.
More and more people are looking beyond the city limits to find their ‘activity space’ for
outdoor recreation in rural areas. However, for many urban residents, this alternative is
not accessible for such reasons as lack of transport, time or money. These people must
turn towards open space within the city for relief from perceived deficiencies in the urban
environment.
Much of the dissatisfaction with urban living, and many of the concomitant social
problems, can be traced to the apparent inability of the modern city to meet the basic
needs of its inhabitants. One of the objectives of urban environmental and recreation
planning is to produce a more satisfying array of amenity stimuli and responses. The
range and intensity of amenity responses are, in turn, a function of the nature,
characteristics and location of what may be called amenity precipitants. In an urban
situation, a fundamental component of the amenity response system is again the
availability of open space for recreation.
According to Gold (1988), an effective recreation experience in cities calls for
opportunities to experience freedom, diversity, self-expression, challenge and
enrichment. Servicing such opportunities provides much of the justification for providing
open space within cities. In this context, open space is basic to the structure and function
of the built environment in meeting human needs. Yet, various factors can affect its role
as part of the urban outdoor recreation resource base. In the first place, it is too simplistic
to equate open space with recreation space, since not all urban open space is equipped to
function as recreation space. By way of example, modern, planned national capitals such
as Brasilia are blessed with vast areas of open space, geometrically arranged, trimmed
and manicured, yet devoid of any feature which would encourage, facilitate or even
permit leisure activities. In many cases, any recreation function, apart from perhaps
passive viewing, is specifically excluded by physical barriers, equally forbidding signage
or other effective means of discouraging participation. ‘Open space it may be; recreation
space it is not’ (Pigram 1983:109).
This is not to deny that urban open space per se has value, apart from a potential
recreation role. Demands for lower residential densities in affluent areas, and for
extensive landscaped sites for public buildings and industrial estates, demonstrate a
growing social awareness of space as a community asset. Added to this is the
acknowledgment of what economists term the ‘existence value’ of open space and green
areas within cities. Nearby residents can develop strong attachments for, even rather
ordinary, local parks, which they may rarely use for recreational purposes.
However, satisfaction of the leisure needs of urban dwellers requires more than the
existence of open space. In the provision of recreation space in cities, it is not a matter of
how much, but how good that space is. In part, this will reflect the characteristics of
urban open space in terms of size, range of facilities and accessibility. The importance of
the natural setting in contrast to the surrounding built-up environment would also seem to
be paramount. With reference to Sydney, Australia, McLoughlin (1997) argues
persuasively for the retention of bushland within the urbanised area. Earlier in this
chapter, the close proximity of a number of national parks to the City of Sydney was
noted. However, despite this, McLoughlin identifies a range of complementary values for
bushland, in or near urban areas:
• natural and cultural heritage values;
• habitat for resident and migratory species;
• aesthetic landscape values separating parts of the city, and as a screen for unpleasant
urban structures;
• environmental protection values;
• recreational values for a variety of activities;
• scientific and educational values (McLoughlin 1997:166).
McLoughlin also identifies threats to remnant areas of bushland, and the measures which
need to be taken to minimise the impacts of city growth and development on this valuable
element of urban open space.
In a study of urban parks in Melbourne, Australia, the attractiveness and variety of the
vegetation, and the presence of waterbodies, were found to be important factors in
accounting for variations in recreational use (Boyle 1983). At some parks, a strong
preference was expressed for peace and quiet in relatively natural areas with few
facilities. A significant number of respondents at two native eucalypt parks, for example,
where minimal equipment has been installed, insisted that more facilities were not
needed.
A similar preference for nature-dominant environments was revealed in a major study
of inner-city parks in the City of Brisbane, Australia (McIntyre et al. 1991). Results of
the study suggest that the natural setting of inner-city parks and green areas provides a
venue for rest, recreation and release from tension for urban residents, as well as an
opportunity to appreciate nature. The preference revealed for natural settings ‘emphasises
the need for the preservation of these “islands of naturalness” within the cityscape’
(McIntyre et al. 1991:16).
In the US, corridors of protected open space, known as ‘Greenways’, are managed for
conservation and recreation purposes under a programme established by The
Conservation Fund. Greenways often follow natural land or water features, linking nature
reserves, parks and cultural and historic resources with each other, and with populated
areas. Some are publicly owned, some are privately owned, and some are the result of
public/private partnerships. Some are open to visitors, others are not. Some appeal to
people, and some attract wildlife. Greenways, linking large natural areas, have also been
developed and promoted in rural areas. According to The Conservation Fund, Greenways
protect environmentally important lands and native plants and animals, simultaneously
linking people with the natural world and outdoor recreational opportunities. Greenways
can also preserve biological diversity by maintaining connections between natural
communities; soften urban and suburban landscapes; protect the quantity and quality of
water; direct development and growth away from important natural resource areas;
provide alternative transport routes; and act as outdoor classrooms (for further details see
the World Wide Web page at:
http://www.conservationfund.org/conservation,greenway/htm).
The above discussion adds emphasis to the importance of matching park and protected
area settings to the preferences of users. It also raises questions of multiple use, and of
non-use or underuse of urban parks.
Multiple use of urban recreation resources
Implicit in several studies of urban open space is the waste involved in setting aside
resources for some exclusive use. Public institutions, in or near urban communities,
frequently provide opportunities for innovative recreation programmes. Despite
additional surveillance costs and possible problems with anti-social behaviour,
establishments such as schools, hospitals, child-care centres, health clinics, religious and
cultural facilities, fair grounds, sporting arenas and even military bases, can all have
significant potential in multiple use of cost-effective communal recreation space.
School properties, in particular, represent a sizeable part of readily accessible publicly-
owned resources. They are usually well distributed within cities, and occupy strategic
locations in residential neighbourhoods. Most have playgrounds or playing fields
attached, and many have indoor gymnasiums and pools. Yet, aside from their primary
role, they are often one of the least utilised public facilities, remaining empty when
recreation pressures are greatest—after working hours, at weekends and during vacations.
In many areas, opportunities also exist for reclamation or conversion of abandoned public
buildings to provide indoor recreation centres. Key elements are diversity and flexibility:
the opportunity for a range of recreation opportunities likely to attract a broad cross-
section of the community, yet amenable to a change of function and orientation.
Children and play-space

How do we create an environment that meets a child’s need and urge to explore, test and
experiment?
Play-space for children is a particularly sensitive issue in urban environments. Play which
involves interaction with nature and natural processes is considered important for
childhood development (Cunningham and Jones 1987). Whereas natural environments
have been shown to have innate appeal for pre-adolescents, the absence of suitable,
accessible and safe sites precludes this experience for many children (Cunningham and
Jones 1994). In many cases, it is not the decision of the child which dictates the play
location so much as the perception of the parent or guardian regarding what constitutes a
suitable child-friendly environment.
According to Raymond Unwin (in Williams 1995:18), the amenities of life have been
neglected in that ‘we have forgotten that endless rows of brick boxes, looking out upon
dreary streets and squalid backyards, are not really homes for people’.
The types of city Unwin and his followers wished to plan afforded not just
those opportunities for leisure that were already associated with parks and
gardens, but extended significantly the scope of the home and the
suburban streets to support informal recreation and children’s play. In
time, the utility of the street as a recreational environment would decline
in the face of the environmental onslaught of increased road traffic but in,
say, the years between 1918 and 1939, the streets of leafy suburbia
became an almost unnoticed, but significant recreation resource.
(Williams 1995:18)
More recently, playing on or near city streets, for example, has been generally frowned
upon. Yet, with children, the streetscape tends to be popular for recreation purposes,
despite obvious hazards. In fact, it appears that the busier the street may be, the more
appealing it is. The unstructured nature of city streets and footpaths, with its clutter and
ever-present element of danger, apparently offers an exciting and challenging contrast to
conventional playgrounds. Rather than attempting to counteract this appeal directly, it
would seem more productive to take advantage of the opportunities at the street-scale for
design of imaginative and safe play areas. Bannon (1976) uses the example of Central
Harlem, New York, to illustrate the potential for transformation of small blocks of vacant
land in built-up areas, into ‘vest-pocket parks’ and ‘tot-lots’ as a viable alternative to the
streets for play, or for quiet relaxation by older residents. ‘Adventure playgrounds’,
where children are allowed and encouraged to create their own play environment under
non-restrictive supervision, provide an unorthodox, but potentially very important, setting
for spontaneous enjoyment:
In urban areas where space of any kind is at a premium…adventure

playgrounds are the closest we have come to emulating some of the
mysterious and exciting pleasures of childhood… The land is left in its
original state, with building materials (such as wood, cardboard boxes,
logs, planks, bricks and so forth) provided for the children to build almost
anything they desire… Building a house, planting a garden, digging a
tunnel, cooking a meal, swinging on ropes from trees, creating a
mysterious artefact, anything children enjoy which does not endanger
them or others is permitted.
(Bannon 1976:205–6)
By way of example, the Lenox-Camden Playground, Boston, was run from April to
October, 1966, and carefully studied by Robin C.Moore (Bengtsson 1972). From
Moore’s assessment of his experience, a number of observations warrant mention, and
are listed in Table 7.2. Whereas many playgrounds are now developed along less creative
and flexible lines, the Lenox-Camden Playground serves as an important reminder of the
need for, and importance of, less ‘structured’ playgrounds
Street closures for an hour, or a day, or for longer periods, perhaps with the
introduction of mobile recreation programmes, are another means of harnessing and
redirecting the attraction of the streetscape as a neighbourhood recreation resource to
provide ad hoc play-space for children.
Use and non-use of urban recreation space
Failure to recognise urban recreation opportunities is not always confined to city

administrators. Potential users, too, seem reluctant at times to avail themselves of the
facilities which are provided. Field observations suggest some surprisingly low levels of
utilisation of recreation space, especially in the inner core of some cities. An Australian
study in the inner suburbs of Melbourne found that a neighbourhood park was not ‘a
particularly vital part of most residents’ perceived environment’ (Cole 1977:93).
Although considerable diversity was discovered in user groups and activities, the dislike
for the park displayed by children, in particular, was traced to constraints on natural
patterns of active child behaviour; possibilities for creative play in the park were virtually
non-existent.
The broader issues of non-use and under-use of urban parks were first highlighted by
Gold in 1972. Gold concluded that the major constraints could be grouped into three
categories—behavioural, environmental and institutional (Table 7.3). Not all of these
inhibiting factors are easily countered, but obviously convenience of access, site
characteristics, location, level of facilities, safety considerations and management and
maintenance are subject to manipulation. Gold’s comments support the view that non-
planned designation of open space in urban areas, with little thought to effective location,
size and quality, will probably ensure that it remains open space—empty and ignored.
Patmore (1983) also pointed to several factors impinging on patterns of use and non-
use of recreation facilities. As noted in previous chapters, effective access
Table 7.3 Major causes of non-use in
neighbourhood parks
Behavioral Environmental Institutional
User orientation* Convenient access* Goal differences*
Social restraints* Site characteristics* Personal safety*
Previous conditioning Weather and climate Relevant program
Competing activities Physical location Management practices
User satisfaction Facilities and development Maintenance levels
*Most significant in each category relative to all factors

Source: Gold (1973:103)
Table 7.2 Lenox-Camden playground, Boston

The playground was run from April to October 1966 and carefully studied by Robin C. Moore.
From the assessment of his experience the following observations have been abstracted:
1 Creative play is an opportunity for children to manipulate their environment to achieve their
own ends, and to sense that the world around them can be changed and need not be taken as
given.
2 Activity was the initial attraction and reason for coming to the playground; but if the setting
allowed people to sit around watching, they did so—talking, singing, joking, flirting, etc., while
the more intensive activity of the playhouse, tower and basketball court provided a background
interest.
3 It often appeared that activity on the playground was only one link in a chain of play activities
occurring in and around the child’s home.
4 The playground was always the first place to ‘check out’ when looking for friends and/or
action. This leads to the conclusion that play-spaces should be incorporated intimately into
housing areas.
5 The most important observation in terms of age was that it bore little relation to physical
ability, to courage in particular—as well as spills. A six-year-old girl would, for example,
climb up the tower without a second thought, while an eleven-year-old boy would be scared
and unable to take the same route. This observation has many implications for design, such as
the non-segregation of different age groups.
6 One aim was to discover the most popular moveable materials. These turned out to be mild
crates, large timber cubes 1 foot to each side, two in thick timber up to 12 inches wide and 5
feet long, sheets of masonite and ship-board, 50 gallon barrels and many other kinds of robust
junk.
7 Moveable materials did raise a number of practical problems. The less robust items tended to
get smashed and lost their usefulness. They had to be cleaned up and disposed of. After a
while, moveable materials became dispersed over the playground, tending to reduce their play
potential. Stimulation was increased if they were reassembled frequently by the adults.
8 The greatest amount of creative activity, in terms of frequency and span, took place behind, and
in the playhouse. It is suggested that one of the reasons for this was the sense of enclosure
there: spaces of adequate size for constructive activities, cut off psychologically from the
surroundings, even though other activities were going on in the immediately adjacent area.
9 A critical difficulty is trying to comprehend the very small-scale environment that children
operate in.
10 Materials that would normally appear as ‘junk’ in other people’s eyes, are very relevant to
much creative and imaginative play. Useful junk consisted of objects that could be used for
building construction, or objects that previously had a specific function and could still be used
as such: the steering wheel of a car, for instance, became the steering wheel of a ‘fire engine’.
These materials were often used individually as props to the imagination, and many times
functioned as the initial stimulus, setting the child’s thinking along a particular line.
Source: Bengtsson (1972:151)
is not related to convenience of location alone. Patmore categorised four types of barriers
to access:
• physical barriers, which include personal limitations and the nature of intervening
space;
• financial barriers, which impose a direct economic constraint through high levels of
admission charges or equipment costs;
• social barriers, which arise from the association of the images of certain recreational
pursuits with social status;
• transport barriers, which relate to lack of access to a vehicle and associated time/cost
deterrents on participation.
Godbey (1985) translated many of these constraints on participation into a useful model
for summarising the reasons why people do not participate in a specific recreational
activity (Figure 7.2). The model, when applied to an urban park, can identify options for
action by management. Such remedial measures need not be elaborate and can be as
simple as relocation of an entrance or better maintenance of grounds. Some of the
techniques used to identify and redress causes of, and responses to, underuse of
recreation facilities at water storages in the US are set out in Table 7.4.
More generally, solutions to a lack of readily accessible recreation opportunities in
cities, rest with more enlightened planning of the urban environment to provide
Figure 7.2 A model of non-

participation in leisure services
Source: Godbey (1985)
Table 7.4 Identifying and solving underuse
adequate recreation space and appropriate recreation facilities to meet the demands of
their citizens.
Urban recreation planning
Several questions are fundamental with respect to urban recreation space:

• how much is needed?
• what form should it take?
• how should it be managed?
• where should it be located?
The first of these questions concerns measures of quantity, and this inevitably involves
reference to space standards—specific numerical indicators of the adequacy of recreation
provision.
From time to time, attempts have been made to arrive at desirable and practical
standards for parks and open space, relative to user populations. In urban situations, the
most frequently cited standards range from 7 to 10 acres (approx. 2.8 to 4.0 ha) per 1000
people, the total encompassing parks and playgrounds under various categories (Figure
7.3).
Whereas the standards approach specifies a total area of urban space set aside for
outdoor recreation, it does little to ensure that such space will:
• be part of an overall scheme to ensure accessibility;
• be designed for specific purposes and community needs;
• complement the regional open space system;
• take into account natural features (Schomburgk 1985:22).
The space standards for Canberra, Australia (see Figure 7.3), were considered by
planners to be appropriate for the particular type and size of population of that city.
However, it is obviously unrealistic to attempt to apply common standards across
contrasting communities—standards which are inflexible and unrelated to changing
socioeconomic profiles of potential users, or to varying space needs for different
recreation activities. The fact that supposedly universal norms have not always been
attained, reflects the many factors which should influence a more realistic definition of
space standards.
Clearly, any set of recreation space standards should only be used as a guide, to be
modified as required and applied sensibly in the context of the sociocultural
characteristics of the community involved, and the resource attributes of the subject
urban environment. In particular, rigid adherence to uniformity should not be allowed to
obscure the many possibilities for innovative planning, management and design of leisure
opportunities that are less demanding of space. In other words, a strict standards approach
confuses recreation opportunity with area and recreation space per se. Standards,
originally prescribed as minimums, become maximums and even optimums in some
cases.
Again, the pace of modern city development quickly invalidates the setting of
inflexible standards. It is not always a lack of conviction on the part of recreation
planners regarding the desirability of departing from space standards advocated, so much
as the unavailability or cost of land. Although application of standards might be
marginally better than a completely ad hoc process, it cannot cope with the emergence of
‘new’ recreation resources, and makes no provision for community input or the
involvement of private or commercial enterprises.
It is as well to remember, too, that in fully developed urban areas, it is not generally
practicable to redistribute recreation space to match changing needs. However, given
sufficient flexibility, the type of facility and the balance between sporting use and
informal recreation pursuits, can be adjustable over time.
Moreover, mere figures have little to say about the form, quality and essential
characteristics of the recreation space designated, under the idealised standards adopted.
Too often, the urban recreation system has to make do with ‘left-over’ or
Figure 7.3 Area standards for park

planning in Canberra, Australia
Notes:
1 Ancillary space refers to space for
screen and shelter planting, sound-
reducing planting, landscape
development and easements for
overhead powerlines and floodways.
2 Demand space refers to space for
tennis courts, swimming pools,
bowling greens, squash courts and
‘concessional entertainment’ for
organised and social sport.
Source: National Capital Development Commission
(1978:10)
derelict areas, for which no other use can immediately be found. Minute, isolated parcels
of low-grade land, devoid of vegetation or other natural features, that are unimaginatively
designed and inadequately equipped, may meet the arbitrary space standards set, but do
little to meet the recreation requirements of a neighbourhood.
Just (1987) provided a ‘planner’s checklist’ (Table 7.5) to set out guidelines for
planning decisions regarding urban recreation space. Size remains important, as research
has shown that open space of less than 1 hectare (approx. 2.5 acres) is perceived as too
small and is not well patronised. As the checklist suggests, the questions to be addressed
are whether the space designated can be enlarged, or whether a monetary contribution
would be the preferred option.
As noted above, the type of area, including the terrain and configuration, set aside as
recreation space in new subdivisions is important for future use. Location is another
obvious consideration, not only with respect to potential users, but also in relation to
neighbouring land uses (e.g. residential buildings and roadways), and to pedestrian access
and bikeways.
Accessibility, generally, is a fundamental concern when decisions are being made
about the provision of recreation space (see Chapters 2–4). Access to a diversity of
recreation opportunities within urban areas is generally assured for those with
automobiles who are willing to travel reasonable distances. As noted earlier, such
opportunities are severely limited for people without access to a car—the elderly, the
young, the poor and the handicapped. These people, together with those who cannot drive
or prefer not to use their cars, rely on public transportation, which is usually commuter-
oriented, to work places and shopping centres rather than recreation outlets. Services are
often reduced or eliminated during evenings and weekends when recreation demands are
heaviest. This means that many city-dwellers are denied access to park and recreation
facilities beyond walking distance. In these circumstances, the provision of close-to-home
recreation opportunities is even more essential if equity in delivery and performance of
recreation services is to be achieved.
According to Cushman and Hamilton-Smith (1980), a spatially equitable distribution
of urban recreation facilities would ensure that no person was deprived of access by
reason of distance, time, travel cost, or convenience. However, confusion can arise
between efficiency and equity in location decisions. A recreation policy based on
efficiency-related criteria of minimising costs and aggregate travel, and maximising
attendance, would result in the location of a small number of large-scale facilities in high-
density residential areas. At the same time, consumers living in lower density areas
would be worse off.
Cushman and Hamilton-Smith (1980) advocate a compromise where efficiency is
balanced against maximum equality of recreation opportunity. They believe that the
degree of equity or inequity can be determined by reference to measurable elements of
relative opportunity or relative deprivation (i.e. travel costs, constraints on recreation
options arising from facility characteristics, and demographic variations in the
population’s ability to use services offered).
Table 7.5 Planners’ checklist for assessing plans of
proposed subdivision reserves
1. Reserve Function/Purpose
(a) State main function/purpose
(b) State secondary function(s)
(c) Is the main function of the reserve:

(i) Drainage or Screening (If “no” go to (ii))
If “yes” Could alternative sites be used for reserves?
Could alternative sites be acquired?
Would the monetary contribution be more useful?
or Are the proposed drainage/screening locations in accord
with a plan of proposed open spaces?
Can they contribute to a proposed regional train network?
remember: Drainage and Screen Reserves area over-represented in Munno Para.
(ii) Recreation
Can the reserve provide for active pursuits?
Can the reserve become a District Community Park?
Can the reserve provide for two or more categories of
recreational activity, e.g. walking, picnics/barbecues, informal
active pursuits, formal sports, bicycle riding tracks, dog walking,
jogging, play on playground, horse riding, etc.?
remember: “Kick-around” areas on reserves and District Community Parks are under-
represented in Munno Para.
2. Reserve Size
(a) Is the reserve greater than 0.5 hectares, 1.0 hectares, or between 5 to 10 hectares (Yes)
(b) If the reserve is less than 0.5 hectares, can Council add to this area, or would the monetary
contribution option be preferable?
3. Reserve Terrain
(a) Does the reserve have steep slopes or consist of a river valley/gully only? (No)
(b) Does the terrain provide an alternative to that which prevails in the area? (Yes)
4. Reserve Location
(a) Is the location :
(i) central for current and/or future land divisions? (Yes)
(ii) providing for through-access? (Yes)
(iii) connected to schools? shops? other reserves? (Yes)
(iv) encircled with roads? (No)
(b) Are houses/units etc. oriented towards the reserve? (Yes)
5. Focal Points
(a) Does the proposed reserve incorporate:

(i) remnant vegetation? (Yes)
(ii) cultural artefacts (e.g. ruins, bridges, etc.)? (Yes)
(iii) historical sites? (Yes)
(iv) encircling roads? (No)
(v) water features? (Yes)
Source: Just (1987)
Equity in location and access within an urban recreation space system must take
account of these time/distance constraints and the circulation patterns of user groups.
Studies of children’s playgrounds, for example, indicate a highly localised service area of
up to a quarter of a mile (approx. 0.4 km), and 75 per cent of all visitors to urban parks
are said to come from less than a half-mile (approx. 0.8 km) radius. Distance, of course,
is only one barrier standing in the way of individuals wishing to make use of a particular
facility. Access to neighbourhood parks is often restricted by physical barriers such as
highways, railroad tracks or industrial development. Chicago’s lakefront parks, for
example, have limited pedestrian access from surrounding neighbourhoods, due to the
presence of Lake Shore Drive. Yet, these same parks can be easily reached by car.
Similarly, a ‘tot-lot’, separated from its pre-school users by distance or busy streets, can
have little role to play in meeting their need for recreation space.
Cushman and Hamilton-Smith (1980) suggest that the first step in reducing inequity is
to identify, classify and map the spatial distribution of all recreation facilities in the city
and the nature and level of services provided. Deprived residential sectors can then be
determined, and deficiencies rectified. For urban parks, for example, the spatial patterns
of playgrounds, neighbourhood parks, district parks and large urban parks, can be
visually correlated and statistically analysed, according to the degree of dispersion and
clustering of parks in each of the park types. In this way, the areas of the city being
served and not served by parks in each of the park types may be determined (Cushman
and Hamilton-Smith 1980:171).
In a Canadian study, Smale (1990) went one step further in examining the issue of
spatial equity in the provision of urban recreation opportunities, by taking into account
variations in the demand for recreation resources, as well as the supply of them. An
inventory of urban parks in one part of suburban Toronto was related to household
demand indicators for recreation. The study revealed neighbourhoods which were
‘supply-rich’, in terms of recreation opportunities, and other areas which were ‘supply-
poor’, indicating the need for remedial action.
A somewhat similar approach was used by Mitchell (1968, 1969) to evaluate spatial
aspects of Christaller’s (1963) central place theory in an urban recreation context. Part of
Mitchell’s purpose was to seek understanding of the interacting variables and processes
which affect the distribution pattern of public recreation sites within the city of Columbia,
South Carolina.
Such variables as relative location, distance, time and facilities, appear to be
significant to consumers of recreational activities. On the other hand, public demand or
pressure, available personnel, budgetary limitations and philosophical orientation, are

also factors that seem to be important to producers of recreational services (Mitchell
1969:104).
Mitchell discussed spacing of recreation facilities within a four-tier hierarchy of
recreation units—playgrounds, play fields, parks and large parks—related to the criteria
of function, size and service. He proposed a theoretical spatial distribution for each class
within the hierarchy, based on uniform hexagonal patterns, equal spacing, regular size
and shape of service areas, and standard threshold populations. When simplifying
assumptions concerning the strict residential character of the city and its uniform
population distribution were relaxed, a more complex distribution pattern emerged. This
pattern reflected the overriding significance of population density as the key explanatory
variable in understanding the location of public urban recreation sites.
The hierarchy approach, when coupled with the concept of the recreation opportunity
spectrum (see Chapter 2), provides a suitable framework on which to base the planning of
a functional system of urban recreation space. Figure 7.4a illustrates diagramatically how
positions along the spectrum of recreation opportunities can be related to functional
categories in an urban context. Figure 7.4b shows how different opportunity settings are
linked with types of recreation activity.
As with Christaller’s original work, the value and practical application of hierarchy
techniques in the study of urban amenity provision, rest in discovering, explaining and
correcting departures in an existing system from the idealised, theoretical framework.
Such remedial action should not be necessary if sufficient regard is given to urban
recreation requirements at the planning stage.
Summary
In many cases, the urban recreation planning process does not address the deeper
behavioural needs of a leisure-oriented society. More often, it recognises and develops
only conventional resources to accommodate present users and uses in stereotypical
activities. By positioning a choice of urban recreation opportunities within a flexible
hierarchy of recreation space, a functional recreation system can be created to provide for
current and future community demands. However, any recreation system must have the
capacity to cope with the inevitability of change.
In general, ‘the temporal and spatial patterns and processes concerning outdoor
recreation in urban areas have not been well conceptualised to date’ (see Williams
1995:20). Despite this neglect, and unless a dynamic element can be injected into the
planning process, any recreation development initiative will lose impetus and be unable
to respond to changing emphases in leisure behaviour, and associated pressures on
resources and management policies. A flexible approach is the key to successful urban
recreation planning, one in which priorities rather than rigid programmes are set down,
and in which machinery exists for rapid review in the light of changing circumstances.
Given this commitment, the recreation planner can make a useful contribution to
generating a satisfying leisure environment for city dwellers in both established and
emerging urban communities.
Figure 7.4a Functional hierarchy of

recreation space and recreation
opportunity
Figure 7.4b Recreation activities and

opportunity setting
Source: Adapted from Ministry for Planning and
Environment (1989:7)

• Outdoor recreation in urban areas: Stanfield and Rickert (1970); Williams (1995).
• Urban heritage and recreation and tourism: Prentice (1993); Chang et al. (1996).
• Urban parks: Hamilton-Smith and Mercer (1991).
• Urban tourism: Ashworth (1989); Ashworth and Tunbridge (1990); Mullins (1991);
Law (1992); Law (1993); Page (1995); Hall et al. (1997); Murphy (1997).
• Waterfront development: Craig-Smith and Fagence (1995); Williams (1995); Hall et al.
(1997); Murphy (1997).
• Planning for outdoor recreation and tourism: Mercer and Hamilton-Smith (1980);
Jansen-Verbeke (1992).
Review questions
1 Why is it difficult to devise a common strategy to address the changing recreation

needs of cities?
2 What special problems arise in planning recreation opportunities in the inner core of
older cities?
3 Identify the links between a hierarchical approach to provision of urban recreation

space and the concept of the recreation opportunity spectrum.
4 How does the physical and human geography of a city affect its potential for outdoor
recreation?
5 How might a compromise be reached between spatial equity and efficiency in urban
recreation planning?
6 Suggest some specific reasons for underuse of urban parks and how these might be
overcome.
7 Differentiate between urban open space and urban recreation space.
8 Discuss the contribution of urban waterfronts and urban bushland to urban recreation
opportunities.
9 Examine the role of accessibility in the functioning of urban recreation resources.
10 What do you see as the respective (complementary) roles of the public and private
sector, in creating an effective and satisfying spectrum of urban recreation opportunities?
8
OUTDOOR RECREATION IN RURAL
AREAS
Explanation of the recreational appeal of extra-urban environments may be found partly

in people’s reaction to environmental stress (e.g. crowding and noise) associated with
everyday urban living. Outdoor activities in a rural setting allow city residents to
escape—to exchange the routine, the familiar, and boredom for the recreation
opportunities perceived to exist in the surrounding countryside. Even knowledge or
cognitive awareness of such outdoor opportunities is considered to act as a psychological
safety valve for some in coping with environmentally induced stress (Iso-Ahola 1980).
Recent change in recreation and tourism activities
Rural areas in Western nations have long been used for recreation and tourism. However,
since World War II, the nature of, and relationships between, the rural setting and the
recreational activities engaged therein have changed significantly (Cloke 1993).
Recreation and tourism in many areas are no longer regarded as simply passive, minor
elements in the rural landscape. They are important agents of change and control of that
landscape, and of associated rural communities (Butler et al. 1998).
Much recent change in rural areas has been linked to recreation and tourism. Until the
1960s and 1970s, rural recreation was mainly related to the rural character of the setting.
Rural recreation comprised, primarily, activities which were different from those
undertaken in urban centres, and which could be classified as relaxing, passive, nostalgic,
traditional, low technological, and generally noncompetitive (e.g. horse-riding,
walking/rambling, picnicking, fishing, sightseeing, boating, visiting historical and
cultural sites, attending festivals, viewing nature/ scenery, and farm-based visits) (Butler
et al. 1998).
Whereas the above activities are still common, many other quite different activities are
now engaged in, which bring new forms of conflict and impact, and require different
planning and management responses. These new activities could be characterised as:
active, competitive, prestigious or fashionable, highly technological, high-risk, modern,
individual and fast. ‘They include trail biking, off-road motor vehicle riding, orienteering,
survival games, hang gliding, parasailing, jet boating, wind surfing…adventure tourism,
snow skiing, and fashion-able shopping’ (Butler et al. 1998:10). In short, a far wider
range of recreational activities are being pursued in rural areas, bringing a requirement
for the establishment of specific facilities and settlements (e.g. resorts) to cater to the
increasingly more sophisticated demands being placed on resources (e.g. see Sports
Council 1991; Butler et al. 1998). ‘Creation of an appropriate range of settings for rural
Outdoor recreation in rural areas 155
tourism [and recreation] requires the deliberate selection and manipulation of features of
the rural landscape to accommodate different types and styles of visitor use’ (Pigram
1993:163).
The role of rural landscapes in satisfying the recreational needs of a leisure-conscious
society has long been recognised in Britain and other countries. For instance, since 1949,
the Countryside Commission has been active in promoting the conservation of the natural
beauty and amenity of the English countryside, within the framework of efficient
agricultural use. A survey sponsored by the Commission in 1977, found that visiting the
countryside was the most popular form of outdoor recreation for the people of England
and Wales (Countryside Commission 1979). More recent figures in the UK and other
countries provide further evidence of the popularity of the countryside. In the UK, more
than 900 million day visits were made to the countryside in 1993 (CRN 1994), while in
the US, more than 70 per cent of people participate in rural recreation (OECD 1993).
‘For many urban dwellers, it is the rural ambience and the countryside experience
which are the main considerations’ (Pigram 1993:161). Recognition of the strong
correlation between recreational (and tourist) satisfaction and scenic quality of the
recreation environment is an important step towards realisation of the contribution which
rural landscapes, in both public and private hands, can make to the leisure opportunities
of the city dweller. ‘The success of rural tourism [and recreation]…is reliant upon the
maintenance of a healthy and attractive rural environment. Implicitly, therefore, there is a
need to effectively manage and balance all the various demands on the countryside…’
(Sharpley and Sharpley 1997:44).
Unfortunately, public resource-based recreation areas such as national parks and
forests are in limited supply, and are not always close to centres of population. On those
public lands which are accessible, visitation rates at peak periods are often pushed
beyond carrying capacity so that fees, permits and other strategies for rationing use
become necessary. At the same time, attempts to expand the resource base are frustrated
by lack of land of suitable location and quality, and by budgetary constraints on park
management services wishing to undertake further land acquisition programmes.
Therefore, increasing attention has been given to the potential of private land for the
provision of recreation opportunities within reasonable proximity of cities.
Rural recreation space: conflict and multipurpose use
Recreation is just one competitor for the use of rural land and water (see Green 1977).
Many groups have an interest in rural areas, but for different, often competing, reasons.
Other uses or interests include primary production (e.g. agricultural, aquatic,
horticultural, pastoral and timber production), resource extraction (e.g. uranium and sand
mining), conservation or preservation of the natural, cultural and built environments (e.g.
national parks, wilderness areas and nature reserves), and transport and communication
networks. According to Sharpley and Sharpley (1997:23):
In most industrialised nations, up to 80 per cent of rural land is still

farmed or forested…although, significantly, the contribution of
agriculture and forestry to income and employment in rural areas has
gradually diminished during the twentieth century, as has their relative

contribution to GDP in most countries.
The multipurpose character of the countryside represents both an opportunity and a

constraint to recreation and tourism development.
On the one hand, tourism and recreation can be viewed as a valid and
valuable form of land use which, if carefully planned and managed,
complements other uses and contributes to the economic and social
wellbeing of rural areas; on the other hand, it may be considered that
other, more traditional forms of economic exploitation of the land,
including farming, mineral extraction and housing, should take
precedence over its recreational potential. Thus, it is perhaps inevitable
that, given the finite supply of the countryside, conflicts occur between
different demands on the rural resource base.
(Pigram 1993:161)
Australia’s large size and low population may suggest fewer constraints on recreation,
and lower pressures on rural recreation resources, than in Britain or parts of Europe.
However, this is not the case. Many groups have an interest in rural Australia, as they do
in rural areas in other parts of the world. The perception that many areas are
environmentally fragile or unique has encouraged a strong conservation ethic. Parts of the
coastal strip are highly urbanised (see Chapter 7), and this places strong pressure on
neighbouring rural areas that offer diverse and attractive recreation and lifestyle
opportunities. Farming and mining activities predominate over much of the rest. These
activities or outlooks are often in conflict, especially as knowledge, perceptions, attitudes
and technologies change. People are even beginning to question:
whether a socially-beneficial agriculture can be one which pollutes the

land, poisons animal, bird and fish life, and leads to the destruction of the
environment. It is becoming clear that ecological diversity and the
aesthetic and amenity value of the countryside have become incompatible
with modern agriculture and its modern practices.
(Lawrence 1987:66)
Recreation and tourism, particularly in ecologically sensitive areas, threaten

environmental and cultural conservation, while both recreation and conservation pose
threats to traditional views (i.e. agricultural, pastoral and mining activities) of rural
Australia. The ensuing conflict undoubtedly serves to limit recreational access and
tourism development.
The relationships between rural tourism and recreation, and other land and water uses,
are largely influenced by landholder attitudes. Landholders include individuals (e.g.
farmers), businesses (e.g. agribusiness and tourist resorts) and groups (e.g. recreation
clubs) with private ownership rights; leaseholders and licensees (whose land use may be
regulated by public agencies), and resource management agencies (e.g. national parks,
forestry, nature/wildlife reserves, publicly owned recreational facilities and water
reservoirs). Clearly, there is a wide variety of individuals and agencies with different
value sets and interests with respect to the rural environment, and with different rights as
landholders, according to land tenure and other institutional, legislative or contractual
arrangements.
The complexity of institutional and ownership arrangements, and the multifunctional
character of rural areas, have led to conflict between competing uses and between land
managers. Land ownership and the exercise of landownership rights are thus critical
elements in the supply of tourism and recreation opportunities. Access to land and water
in this context is generally contingent upon legislation, public policy interpretations and
landholder/management attitudes (Pigram 1981; Jenkins and Prin 1998). Effective
recreation and tourism planning is hampered by numerous stakeholders: government
agencies at different levels; conservation groups; developers; recreational groups and
local communities generally.
Agreements and compromise between recreationists, responsible agencies and
landholders are often difficult to achieve. On the one hand, as farmers seek to improve
productivity (e.g. through more intensive land use practices, including the development
of intensive feed lots), there are aesthetic and functional changes to the landscape, as well
as impacts on recreational supply, and visitor experiences and satisfaction. On the other
hand, rural recreation activities can become more contentious as their environmental
impacts increase (e.g. large numbers of people visiting sensitive sites and the use of
potentially destructive recreational technologies, including off-road vehicles).
Recreational activities such as hiking, camping, fishing and nature observation may be
passive and, therefore, depending on the resilience of the environment and its ability to
resist impacts, have less inherent and actual potential to cause conflict between
participants and land managers. However, landholder attitudes, perceptions and
experiences may be influenced by small numbers of people who fail to consider the
relationship between the type and intensity of their activities and the resulting impacts on
the environment, including other people. For instance, there are those whose intentions
and activities are deliberately environmentally destructive and illegal (e.g. indiscriminate
shooting of stock, and stealing). Thus, any understanding of land use involves both an
understanding of the values of the physical, biological, productive, spatial and
visual/aesthetic attributes of land, and ‘an awareness of the different standpoints from
which land use may be considered’ (Mather 1986:6).
Conflicts
‘Of all the resource-management conflicts in the countryside, recreation offers perhaps
the greatest opportunities for multi-functional land use. Whilst inevitably many forms of
recreational activity are compatible with others, some are not, and they have to be
specially sited’ (Cloke and Park 1985:187).
Two features of rural areas in the last half century have been the difficulty of
accommodating the structural changes which have occurred, and the much greater range
of uses to which the areas have been subjected. Conflicts have arisen between recreation
and tourist uses and other forms of land use, and between various forms of recreation and
tourism. Conflicts between motorised and non-motorised recreational users of the same
area can be severe, and often agreement and compromise is difficult to achieve, as can be
seen in the case of disagreements between cross country skiers and snowmobilers,
between non-mechanised trail users and off-road vehicle drivers, and between wind
surfers and water skiers. Conflicts also exist between non-mechanised users of the same
facilities, as witnessed by conflict between pedestrian trail users and mountain bike
riders, between canoeists and anglers, and between hikers and hunters.
Such conflicts will probably become more severe as the overall demand for
recreational and tourist use of rural areas increases, and as the range and types of uses
widen. Compounding this problem in many countries, is decreasing public access to parts
of rural areas because of changing patterns of ownership, and/or the reluctance of many
landowners to accept public recreational access to private property. As increasing
numbers of people acquire leisure or retirement properties in rural areas, they regard and
treat those properties as private preserves; just as the landed élite zealously guarded their
own leisure estates in past times (Butler et al. 1998). In Australia, such an attitude has a
lengthy history dating back to early settlement (see Jenkins 1998).
Recreational use of private land represents multiple resource use and, as such, can
generate conflict between recreationists and landholders. The basis for conflict lies in the
various functions seen for rural land and the contrasting attitudes associated with these
roles. Davidson and Wibberley (1977) suggest a strong polarisation between those whose
dominant concern is the efficient production of food and fibre or other economic uses,
and those who value more highly the intrinsic character of rural landscapes and wish to
preserve this heritage unchanged. Between these two are other groups, for whom
different attributes of the countryside are significant. City planners, for example, often
view land, especially in the rural fringe, merely as a space and development reserve for
urban expansion. For others, the primary role envisaged may be for communications
facilities or specific resource uses such as extractive industries or water conservation.
Transcending all of these in numbers are those who link the resource function of the
countryside with leisure and outdoor recreation.
To some observers, this multiplicity of roles makes conflict almost inevitable if
recreationists press their claims to private rural land (Green 1977). Whether conflict and
confrontation are avoided depends essentially upon the goodwill and cooperation of the
landholders: their attitudes are of fundamental importance in determining the amount of
land available to the public for outdoor recreation. These attitudes, in turn, are a function
of the landholder’s personal beliefs and experiences, together with legal, economic, social
and ecological considerations, national traditions and government policies, and the type
and volume of the recreation activity involved (Cullington 1981).
The relationships between these factors are depicted in Figure 8.1. Essentially, the
issue is one of balance between incentives and disincentives. Put simply: ‘To increase the
supply of private land for recreation, it is necessary either to increase the incentives, or to
reduce the disincentives, or preferably both’ (Cullington 1981:8).
Incentives may be provided by governments in an effort to encourage wider
recreational use of private land, and can include such measures as direct financial
Figure 8.1 Factors influencing

availability of private land for
recreation
Source: Cullington (1981:9)
support, compensation payments or the sponsoring of access agreements. Disincentives

arise from landholders’ concerns over such matters as:
• Legal liability for injury or damage to recreationists. The degree of the liability and the
landholder’s responsibility vary between jurisdictions and whether the visitor is an
invitee, a licensee, or a trespasser. Several countries have enacted laws which attempt
to allay landholders’ fears of the liability problems should accidents occur.
• Economic or financial implications associated with the costs of providing access and
possible dangers of changes in farming practice, set against any compensation
payments or opportunities to derive income from recreational activities.
• Social considerations such as loss of privacy and problems with trespassing, which may
be mitigated to some extent by the landowner’s personal satisfaction from providing a
community service.
• Ecological impacts on the farm environment as a result of recreational activities. These
will depend to some extent upon how the farmer’s perception of the problem is
affected by the particular nature of the recreation activity and its incidence in space
and time (Harrington 1975; Cullington 1981; Pigram 1981; Jenkins and Prin 1998).
All of these concerns are interrelated, and the degree to which they influence the
landholder’s decision to make available or withhold recreational access, is closely linked
with the type and volume of recreation activity undertaken and government support and
encouragement. The outcome rests very much with the individual landholders and how
they perceive the balance between the incentives and disincentives. Undoubtedly, there
will remain many who value the economic functions of rural land more highly than any
amenity functions it may be deemed to possess. Moreover, conflict between these
primary functions would seem most probable in the urban-rural fringe, where the
economic value of the countryside is highest, and pressure for amenity and recreation
space is greatest. It is here, too, that most problems and disputes over accessibility can be
expected to arise.
Accessibility to recreation space
Accessibility has several dimensions, among them, technical, behavioural and

sociocultural aspects. According to Moseley (1979), the concept cannot be divorced from
the nature of the desired destination or experience. Certainly, much more than mere
mobility is implied. Mobility, or the capacity to overcome space, is a technical and
mechanistic condition, derived from such factors as vehicle ownership, travel time and
costs, and individual physical attributes. Accessibility, on the other hand, is a broader
concept, reflecting the opportunities perceived as available for travel. It is related to the
behavioural notion of ‘psychic space’ or ‘movement space’; that restricted area in which
potential trip makers react to stimuli within the constraints of their value systems,
experience and perceived environmental opportunities (Eliot-Hurst 1972). Moreover, the
dimensions of a person’s movement space are also, in part, a function of social and legal
convention—the institutional ‘rules of the game’ to which an individual is exposed.
Thus, accessibility has many facets, and use of recreation space can effectively be
denied in a variety of circumstances. Examples include: cost of travel, equipment and
licence fees; lack of time, especially blocks of suitable time; inadequate information on
recreation opportunities; ineligibility to participate on the basis of age, sex, qualifications,
membership of group or social class; lack of transport; and special problems for people
with disabilities (see Chapter 3). In the recreational use of the countryside, these
circumstances may be compounded by the sheer difficulty of physical access; many sites
are effectively closed off because of a lack of appropriate vehicles, equipment, stamina or
expertise. Consideration of accessibility, too, can be complicated by disputes over
property rights and by institutional and legal constraints on movement into and through
recreation space.
Property rights
Central to the question of access and availability of private rural land for recreation is the
issue of rights to property, and the privileges and responsibilities which ownership and
control over land bestow. To some, property ownership, in a legal or economic sense, is
the proprietorship of a bundle of rights (Wunderlich 1979). Others go further and
question the concept of private property altogether, stressing that property should not be
thought of as things, but as rights, the ownership of which is circumscribed (Dales 1972).
In this view, ownership consists of a set of legally defined rights to use property in
certain ways and a set of negative rights or prohibitions which prevent its use in other
ways; a proprietor never owns physical assets, but only has the rights to their use.
In the context of recreational access to the countryside, ownership of the land itself is
of no particular relevance. The crucial issues are ownership and exercising of the right to
exclude others from use (Thomson and Whitby 1976). Difficulties arise because
landholders are only one among several groups with an interest in how the resource is to
be utilised and managed. The multiplicity of functions referred to above suggests a
number of potential beneficiaries who may value the land for specific purposes. This
would include the occupiers and would-be recreationists, but may also cover neighbours,
passers-by and conservationists at large (Phillips and Roberts 1973). In economic and
legalistic terms, the access issue can be seen as one of allocating among these interested
parties the various rights over land in such a way as to maximise social welfare
(Thomson and Whitby 1976). It could be that, where a landholder wished to retain
exclusive rights to recreational resources (e.g. a stream, a beachfront, or a spectacular
scenic view), purchasing such rights, over and above the price of the land, should be
mandatory (i.e. the privilege of excluding the public would become taxable). However,
others would claim that it is never equitable to permit the holders of land to alienate
recreation space to themselves.
A finer definition of rights to property would certainly seem desirable in order to
identify those which accrue to the property holder, to the state and to society. It could be
held that private ownership rights become merely the residue, after public or communal
rights to property are exhausted (Morris 1975). It could further be argued that ownership
rights should not apply to the aesthetic component of the resource base, or extend to
exclusive access to assets such as wildlife or fish that are found within a property. The
landholder, when taking up occupation, also takes up effective control of countryside
resources which may be valued by the wider community for recreation. This privilege, in
turn, should imply a responsibility for making those resources available to society. It
seems that few landholders are prepared to acknowledge this responsibility.
Recreational use of private land
While there is no universally applicable measure of access (Sharpley and Sharpley

1997:78), and despite the constraints and disincentives noted, much private land is
available in the ‘old world’ for outdoor recreation, either with the tacit or explicit consent
of the landholder. In England and Wales, for example, individuals and groups have long
enjoyed access to designated parts of the rural environment, although, even there,
recreationists in large numbers are unwelcome. In parts of Scandinavia, recreation on
private land is accepted and expected under a law known as ‘Every Man’s Right’
(Cullington 1981).
In many parts of Scotland, visitors are allowed the freedom to roam by custom, but not
by legal right (Sharpley and Sharpley 1997:79). In Sweden, subject to certain conditions,
visitors enjoy legal right of access to all public and private land in the countryside
(allemansrett) (Colby 1988).
A similar situation exists in Norway, where the great majority of the

landscape is undeveloped and available for recreation. Visitors to the
Norwegian countryside enjoy the right of Allemansretten, the right of
access to most private land, although subject to certain conditions laid
down in legislation. Germany, too, has a right of public access
(Betretungsrecht) enshrined in law, although this is restricted mainly to
forests, unenclosed land and along roads and paths.
(Sharpley and Sharpley 1997:78–9)
The establishment of trails and other means of facilitating recreational use of private rural
land, is an indication of some relaxation of the access situation in countries of the ‘new
world’, such as Australia, New Zealand and Canada. However, in many cases,
countryside recreation remains inhibited by the prevailing attitude of particular
landholders, who fear, with some justification, the consequences of thoughtless
negligence or deliberate vandalism by visitors. Their experience suggests that, in many
circumstances, recreation is simply incompatible with other uses of countryside, by virtue
of its concentration in time and space, as well as problems of trespass, litter, property
damage and general nuisance.
Conflict is most likely to occur closer to towns, where fringe landholders face higher
levels of trespass damage, to the extent that some form of boundary protection may
become necessary. In extreme cases, the actions of visitors may lead to drastic
modification of farming practices or the abandonment of arable farming altogether.
Taking into account impacts of this scale, the negative attitude of rural communities to
recreational use of private land can be better understood. Twenty five years ago, Phillips
and Roberts (1973) reported that the continuing invasion of the countryside by urban
dwellers seeking diversion, set against a background of rapid changes in farming, was
leading to a situation in Britain where there was perhaps a greater degree of antipathy
between farmers and visitors than ever before. In Australia, too, where the concept of
inviolate rights of property ownership is widespread and generally accepted, the lines
were fairly clearly drawn between town and country. The attitudes of landholders to
public recreational access were typified by the following statement:
Access to private land for sport or recreation is a privilege and privilege is

not a birthright but something that can be earned by good behaviour and
responsibility. This Association will not consent to accept the entry upon
private land, without the permission of owners or occupiers, of any
persons who are not performing a statutory function, as other than
trespass.
(Graziers’ Association of New South Wales 1975:3)
This attitude has not diminished (see below). It was translated into real terms by means of
a proliferation of cautionary signs at property boundaries, and warning notices in the rural
press advising that all permits to enter land have been cancelled, and that trespassers will
be prosecuted or face other dire consequences. Thus, for many Australians, recreational
contact with the countryside remains restricted, and is often confined to illicit and fleeting
entry of private land, or viewing from a moving vehicle. Moreover, there seems little
prospect of landholders being willing or able to divert resources voluntarily from what
are seen as the land’s primary functions—agriculture and the like—to providing
recreation space for city dwellers.
In the UK, private land has a long history of use for recreation, and ‘A central theme
to the development of countryside recreation policies has been that of access’ (Groome
1993:5). However, recreational use of the countryside is not ‘a public prerogative. It
constitutes use of a domain, owned mainly (87 per cent) by private individuals, and with
public access dependent on certain legal rights or lenient attitudes on the part of
landowners. Even the national parks, areas designated specifically for landscape
protection and public amenity, are largely in private ownership’ (Shoard 1987, in Glyptis
1992:156). British landowners have a long developed tradition of exclusive control of the
countryside (Shoard 1996:13). To make the matter more complex still, there are signs
that land ownership is gradually becoming concentrated in the hands of fewer people
rather than spreading more widely, while counterurbanisation is bringing new, affluent
and mobile residents, who are accustomed to urban standards of service provision
(Glyptis 1992).
Nevertheless, compared with Australia and Canada, the UK has enjoyed ease of access
to rural lands for recreation, where the broad aim has been to promote and market leisure
to as wide a public as possible (Pigram and Jenkins 1994). For instance, recent policy
development in rural recreation and tourism has ‘resulted in a change from the perceived
need to control the public, to their wholesale encouragement. This has happened quite
swiftly and has taken place in tandem with a fundamental reappraisal of the primary role
of agriculture in rural areas’ (Robinson 1990:132). Despite initiatives to enhance public
recreational access to the countryside in the UK, there are still concerns about landholder
attitudes, the ineffectiveness of such initiatives in many cases, and, ultimately, the lack of
access (see Jenkins and Prin 1998, for a broader discussion of public recreational access
to private rural lands in Australia, Britain and Canada).
In Britain, a recent policy initiative for access to the countryside is the Countryside
Commission’s ‘Countryside Stewardship Scheme’ (CSS). The CSS was launched in
1991, and was undertaken in partnership with English Nature, English Heritage and the
Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food. The Scheme encouraged farmers and
landowners to conserve and re-create the beauty of five traditional English landscapes
(chalk and limestone grassland, lowland heath, waterside landscapes, coastal land, and
uplands) and their wildlife habitats, and to give opportunities for informal public access.
‘The long-term objective is to develop a basis for a comprehensive scheme to achieve
environmental and recreational benefits as an integral part of agricultural support’
(Countryside Commission 1991:1). This initiative broke new ground in environmental
management, integrating conservation management and commercial farming, with a view
to demonstrating benefits for landscape, wildlife, history/archaeology, access, or some
combination of these objectives. Farmers and landholders were granted annual payments
of up to £300 a hectare; a commitment costing the government £13 million for the first
three years. Concerns have been raised as to whether the access payments have secured
access, with many open access areas difficult to locate. However, a review of the Scheme
(Countryside Commission 1998: unpaginated) stated that:
Countryside Stewardship delivered significant environmental benefits

over and above what would have happened in the absence of the
scheme… An additional survey of public access to land under
Stewardship access agreements found that a high percentage were well
located and were easily accessible by the public. Sites were used by a
wide variety of people of all ages and from all walks of life…day trippers
as well as local people… The sites met the expectations of two-thirds of
visitors. 20 per cent found the sites to be better than they expected. Only 4
per cent were disappointed with the sites.
Many other examples of recent initiatives to secure access to the UK countryside, and in
particular private rural land, abound (see Watkins 1996). However, there is much debate
with respect to such initiatives. Shoard (1996:21) argues:
Farmers now get £247 per mile per year merely for allowing people to
walk along access strips ten metres wide, along the sides of, or across
fields in ESAs [Environmentally Sensitive Areas] and £145 under the
NRSA [Non-Rotational Set-Aside] (MAFF 1994:6–7). The landowners of
the past who established the idea of a right of exclusion would be amazed
to learn the size of the potential bounty they have created for their
descendants.
The right of exclusion is being increasingly used to turn access into a
tradeable asset. The government’s endorsement of the right of the
landowner to charge others to set foot on his or her land puts the official
seal of approval on the notion that access to the country side is a
commodity to be bought from landowners rather than a free public good.
This is like bestowing on one group a whole new form of wealth.
Yet, in the same volume of works (Watkins 1996), Curry (1996:34) argues that one
means of ‘improving opportunities for access to closed land…should be pursued through
direct payments from the consumer to the farmer and landowner, since, in the absence of
non-excludability, this is both more efficient and more equitable’.
There are no right or wrong answers or simple solutions to the access issue, because of
the disparate views on landowners’ rights and the complex nature and outcomes of
government intervention. This situation is unlikely to change markedly in the near future.
The restructuring of rural economies and the difficulties that have been faced by some
rural producers and communities, in tandem with an increased demand for recreational
and tourist use of the countryside, mean that public sector incentives or disincentives and
user fees are likely to become even more attractive to landholders. However, if ‘The only
honest and effective way of opening the countryside to the people is to require
landowners to relinquish some of the rights in their asset, which they are otherwise bound
to defend and exploit’ (Shoard 1996:21), then, in the absence of blanket public policy
establishing such access, a significant reordering of landholders’ values will be needed.
More to the point, general access rights are unlikely to eventuate in the UK in the short to
medium term. Indeed, before such a turnaround in values can be contemplated, an acute
understanding of landowner attitudes is needed. To some extent, such understanding is
becoming increasingly evident and detailed in the expansive literature on recreational

access in the UK (see Watkins 1996), but is sadly lacking across Canada and Australia.
In the UK, the concept of sharing the countryside is generally well-established in
comparison to Australia, because use of the countryside for rural recreation has a long
history. Legislative provisions in the UK explicitly recognise the impor-tance of
recreational access to private lands. Public and private cooperation with landowners is
supported by education and formal and informal consultation mechanisms. Furthermore,
despite the development of numerous, sometimes very lengthy walking tracks, little
progress has been made with respect to public access to private lands in Australia and
Canada.
A recent study of rural landholder attitudes to recreational access to private lands in
central western NSW, Australia, was designed to assist in the identification of barriers to
recreational access to private lands; in the reconciliation of conflicts in the recreational
use of private lands; and in the enhancement of the spectrum of recreational opportunities
in the countryside (Jenkins and Prin 1998). The study’s objectives were:
• to identify rural landholder attitudes to recreational access;
• to identify the underlying dimensions which explain those attitudes, and therefore to
determine whether attitudes differ because of ownership, land tenure, government
incentives, income and other arrangements;
• to review the systems of incentives and disincentives under which landholders are
operating;
• to identify means of ameliorating rural land use conflict by way of incentives and
removal of disincentives identified by landholders.
The study indicated that much resistance, if not direct opposition, remains to the use of
private rural lands for public recreation, at least in this study area. Landholders expressed
little or no interest in entering into incentives or agreements to facilitate recreational
access to private property, and very negative reactions to recreational access were made
by some respondents (see Table 8.1). However, the study revealed some prospect of
endorsing public access, providing specified conditions were met. These conditions
related to control of the type of recreational activities permitted, their location and the
timing and duration of access, and provisions for legal liability and payment for use.
Clearly, the ability of landholders to regulate recreational activities, and the absence of
legal liability of farmers for people who use lands for recreational activities, appear to be
aspects warranting further research. They also represent potential public policy avenues
for increasing recreational access to private lands.
Water-based recreation
The presence of water is often regarded as a fundamental requirement for outdoor

recreation, either as a medium for the activity itself, or to enhance the appeal of a
recreational setting. Water provides for a diversity of recreation experiences, some
requiring direct use of the water itself (with or without body contact), and others merely
requiring the presence of water for passive appreciation and to add to the scenic quality
of the surroundings. The more active types of water-based recreation range over boating
(sailing, power-boating, rowing and canoeing), fishing in all
Table 8.1 Landholders’ comments
• The bible says to forgive your trespasses. We don’t. We shoot the bastards.
• Government should provide the land for public recreational activities, for example, State
forests…the farmers and landholders have a big enough responsibility just surviving.
• A lot of people have no idea about farming. If they come onto your place, they are just as likely
to drive over new crops etc. and do damage or get bogged and then you have to pull them out.
Irresponsibility with fire is our major fear, dog control also worries us.
• Most people that visit the property are honest and attempt to do the right thing. We are
concerned about the small number of less civic-minded souls, who do on occasion turn up. They
ruin the property, the owner’s confidence and trust and make one wary of strangers in general.
• If we were to adopt a socialist agenda, it must apply to all urban and rural lands, i.e. open house
to all. This must be a decision by all people to affect all people, not just a minority, i.e. rural
landholders.
• We feel that private property should be just that. Access on invitation only.
• Once access is given, it’s very hard to stop people—they think that they have an inalienable right
to your place.
• Would you like people camping in your garden without permission?
• Surely there is enough land controlled by Crown lands to satisfy the bush walkers etc. without
the farmers of Australia having to put up with yet another intrusion into their privacy.
• Have you asked these questions of town or suburban land owners?
• Having been burgled…to the extent of $15 000, I am now very reluctant to draw any attention to
our remoteness, as we are not in residence permanently.
• I am entitled to have quiet enjoyment of my own land. This is given by the Law of the Land and
must be retained unless I choose to give up those rights.
• Would you like the general public camping and walking around your front yard… we like our
privacy as much as city dwellers.
Source: Jenkins and Prin (1998)
its different forms, and swimming (including sub-aqua diving, water-skiing and surfing).
Some of these are associated more directly with coastal waters, while others are
concentrated on rivers and inland waterbodies. All have experienced a remarkable
upsurge in participation during the past two or three decades. In some cases, this upsurge
has strained the capacity of the resource base to meet the growth in demand, and, in turn,
has generated conflict between users and uses of water resources.
Water figures prominently in at least three aspects of recreation and tourism
development:
• The quantity and quality of available water can represent major constraints on the
location, siting, design and operation of tourism facilities. As pressure grows on
increasingly scarce water resources, the potential of areas, otherwise suitable for
tourism development, may be compromised by inadequate water supplies.
• The presence of water serves as an additional dimension to a recreational or tourist
facility, enhancing the scenic quality and appeal of the setting, and contributing to the
attraction and intrinsic satisfaction derived from the tourist experience. An
environment that is rich in water often forms an aesthetically pleasing setting for
tourism.
• Water is essential for recreation and tourism—for drinking purposes, for sanitation and
waste disposal, for cooling purposes, for irrigation and landscaping, and for the
function of particular forms of water-related activities (e.g. swimming and boating).
Water for the making of artificial snow is an issue in alpine and cool climate areas
(Pigram 1995:211–2).
There is ample scope for conflict over use of water for outdoor recreation, and
competition can become particularly intense where water resources are in short supply.
Conflict can occur between:
• recreation and other resource uses, such as control structures within the river system or
agricultural practices and other land uses within a drainage basin;
• incompatible recreation activities, amongst which power-boating and waterskiing
probably arouse most opposition from less aggressive forms of recreation such as
swimming and fishing;
• recreationists and the environment exposed to use (e.g. the water and shoreline, flora
and fauna, and nearby human settlements and communities).
Conflicts are not confined merely to the water surface, but can occur at access points over
ancillary facilities such as boat ramps, parking, campsites, access roads and the like. Even
within the one specific recreation activity, excess usage can generate conflict over space
at peak periods. Part of the problem is the inability of all waterbodies to satisfy the
requirements for particular forms of water-based recreation. At least two aspects are
critical (Mattyasovsky 1967). First, the ‘form’ or nature of the water, and associated
features, is fundamental. Certain wave conditions are an obvious pre-requisite for surfing;
‘white’ water is ideal for wild river-ranning; and relatively static waterbodies may be
preferred for water-skiing, sailing and rowing. Features of the shoreline and the area
beneath the water can be important, as are the quantity, permanency and seasonal
distribution of the waterbody. Boating enthusiasts who have to carry or drag their craft
some distance to the water line from a poorly sited boat ramp, can vouch for the problems
caused by water level fluctuations and drawdown of reservoirs in dry weather, or after
large releases of water.
Second, the quality of water (i.e. clarity, purity and temperature) that is appropriate for
different recreational uses, needs consideration. Water quality often has to be a
compromise, so that minimum criteria are stipulated rather than ‘ideal’ standards. For
some types of recreation, even low levels of pollution can be tolerated, depending upon
the pollutants and the activity in question.
Portugal’s Algarve region demonstrates how a precarious water supply and fierce
competition between actual and potential uses can threaten the viability of the tourist
industry (Martin et al. 1985). In the Algarve, water resources have not kept pace with
demands from the intensification of agriculture and rapid urbanisation. The tourist
industry accounts for up to 40,000 users, with peak demand coinciding with the period
when water supplies are at their lowest. Groundwater is the primary source of supply, and
the major problem is proximity of demand to the coast and the risk of saline intrusion as
water levels in wells are depleted. Firm planning control and management of the
groundwater resource and alternative sources of supply will be necessary in order to
avoid contraction of tourist activity and possible abandonment of irrigation agriculture in
the region.
The incidence of such problems is unlikely to recede as increasing population pressure
and growing sophistication in water demand generate conflict between users and uses.
The availability of water, in sufficient quantity and quality to satisfy such uses, has
emerged as an important concern in many parts of the world. As competition for water
increases into the next century, tourism will be forced to justify its claims on the
resource, against a range of more conventional uses and priorities. The problem can be
clearly illustrated with reference to the water situation in North America and Britain
(Pigram 1995).
The low priority given to instream uses of water for recreation is apparent in North
America. In the US, recreation resource allocation, especially in rural areas, has tended to
be ad hoc, and provision for tourist opportunities is often a byproduct of other major
resource developments. The result is resistance to those tourist development initiatives
seen to threaten established claims on the resource base. The negative reaction in Hawaii
to proposals to develop or expand golf resorts, for example, is probably partly a reflection
of anti-Japanese sentiment. However, it is also based on the consequences for agriculture
from increased pressure on limited water resources on some of the islands (Pigram 1995).
In Canada, the value of rural water for tourism and recreation is explicitly recognised
in the resource appraisal procedures of the Canada Land Inventory. However, public
sector initiatives to develop this potential have been intermittent and generally reactive to
perceived exploitation of the natural environment by private interests (Butler and Clark
1992). Again, in park development, the emphasis has been mainly on environmental
protection. Attempts to implement an integrated approach to the provision of
opportunities for water-related tourism have received less attention (Pigram 1995).
In Britain, people have long enjoyed comparative ease of recreational access to rural
land and water. The coastline is generally within easy reach, and increments to the stock
of recreation water space continue to occur from the construction of new reservoirs,
restoration of canals and the flooding of disused gravel pits and mineral workings. Since
1974, regional waterbodies have had a statutory obligation to provide for recreation in all
new water projects. Yet, few authorities have the personnel or necessary skills to plan and
manage facilities in order to satisfy an increasing demand for water-related recreation and
tourism (Blenkhorn 1979). Some concern has also been expressed about recreation
opportunities for domestic and international tourists at water supply projects, following
privatisation. Although legislation provides for public access to water authority land, the
requirements are vague and open to differing interpretations (Pigram 1995).
More generally, the value of water for leisure and recreation in rural Britain has been
recognised by the Countryside Commission (1991). In its guide to sustainable tourism,
the English Tourist Board acknowledged the role of clean waterbodies as an attraction for
visitors, as well as the need for adequate water, in quantity and quality, for human and
operational needs at tourist destinations. Clearly, the emphasis is on management of
water to cater for the many ways in which it can function as a resource for recreation and
tourism (Pigram 1995).
With sport-fishing, water quantity and quality are both significant, and for some
species, temperature can also be a critical aspect of the fishing environment. It is
important to consider fishing conditions for anglers, as well as the fish habitat, in physical
and ecological terms. Habitat requirements vary and will almost certainly deteriorate with
increased use. Management of the resource may require attention to the form of streams,
e.g. construction of fish ladders and remedying pollution and other deficiencies in the
condition of waterbodies as well as control of undesirable species. The quality of water is
a less important consideration for recreational boating; more important are the size of the
waterbody, depth, subsurface features such as rocks, any aquatic vegetation present, and
compatibility with other users and uses (Mattyasovsky 1967). Boating of any kind is
space-demanding, and power boating, in particular, can cause interference and danger to
others, as well as water pollution and bank erosion. In addition, marinas, service facilities
and boat launching ramps are often necessary. Provision of sufficient on-water mooring
space can be a particular problem in popular, crowded waterways.
Although the primary concern must be provision of an adequate quantity of clean
water of suitable quality, modern treatment facilities make many forms of water
recreation compatible with this aim. Where recreation is permitted, bank and shoreline
activities, as well as fishing and non-powered boating, are usually accepted without
question. However, even body-contact forms of recreation could be permitted where
water treatment is of a high standard. In any case, often there are many other ‘natural’
sources of water pollution stemming from agriculture, native birds and animals, and
contaminated precipitation, as a study in northern New South Wales demonstrated
(Burton 1975). In inland Australia, water for any purpose is generally in short supply, and
recreational water space is severely restricted away from perennial streams. In this
context, opposition to recreational use of domestic water supply storages is coming under
increasing scrutiny, and there are indications that a more reasonable attitude to the issue
may eventually emerge.
Summary
The relationships between recreation, tourism, and rural regional development, as in

urban areas, are now significant economic, social and political issues warranting
attention. Recreation and tourism can contribute greatly to rural development and
prosperity, but this is not always the case. Tourism, in particular, has been utilised by
governments, industry, regional authorities and other interests, as a means of diversifying
and restructuring local economies in response to local and global forces, and more
particularly to economic and population decline, and the need to create employment
opportunities. Ultimately, the task in utilising tourism is to encourage economic and
social development, to maintain or enhance the quality of life of residents and to maintain
or enhance the quality of the physical environment.
Planning high-quality and sustainable recreation and tourism developments, which
marry rural resources with local and tourist needs and preferences, has not been easy.
Perhaps this is related to the lack of sound theories and concepts guiding the role and
management of recreation and tourism in rural areas.

• Rural recreation and tourism: Simmons (1975); Middleton (1982); Patmore (1983);
Cloke and Park (1985); Perdue et al. (1987); Wall (1989); Glyptis (1991); Groome
(1993); Ibrahim and Cordes (1993); Watkins (1996); Page and Getz (1997); Sharpley
and Sharpley (1997); Butler et al. (1998);
• Recreational access to private rural lands: Cullington (1981); Pigram (1981);
Sanderson (1982); Butler (1984); Ravenscroft (1996); Watkins (1996); Jenkins and
Prin (1998).
• History of recreation in rural areas: Towner (1996); Butler et al. (1998).
• Rural change: Bowler et al. (1992); Cherry (1993); Cloke (1993); Cloke and Goodwin
(1992, 1993); Glyptis (1993—in particular see chapter by Cherry and Cloke); Ilbery
(1997); Butler et al. (1998).
• Readers should refer to the work of such agencies as the Countryside Commission for
recent developments in rural recreation management.
Review questions
1 Compare and contrast definitions of ‘rural’. To what extent is ‘rural’ a geographical

term or an experiential concept?
2 What are the main forces influencing rural change? Discuss the relationships
between economic change and restructuring, and rural recreation and tourism
development.
3 What are ‘private’ lands?
4 Distinguish between public and private lands. What rights of ownership do public
and private lands present for individuals and wider society?
5 Public recreational access to private rural lands is a contentious issue in many

industrialised nations. Why is this so? What are your views on public recreational access
to private rural lands? Why might there be strong attitudes towards ownership rights in
countries like Australia?
6 How might the management of public and private rural lands be better integrated?
7 Discuss the importance of rural recreation as a means of escape for urbanites.

9
PROTECTED AREAS AND OUTDOOR
RECREATION
In an increasingly complex world, the need to set aside certain areas free of development,
where conservation values can be protected, is seen as crucial and of growing
importance. The International Union for the Conservation of Nature (FNNPE 1993) lists
ten protected area categories (scientific reserve; strict nature reserve; national park;
natural monument; managed nature reserve or wildlife sanctuary; protected landscape;
natural biotic area or philanthropological reserve; multiple use management
area/managed resource; biosphere reserve; and world heritage site). This chapter focuses
on national parks, a critical factor in the supply of outdoor recreation and tourist
opportunities. Systems of national parks and reserves can now be found in most countries
of the world as nations and people recognise the important contribution of protected areas
to society.
The urgent need to establish a comprehensive range of protected areas across the globe
is demonstrable. Recent estimates indicate that, since 1970, the number of protected areas
across the globe has increased 185 per cent to 9,932, while their geographical spread has
increased by 515 per cent to 926,349,646 square kilometres (IUCN 1994 and WRI 1992,
in Eagles 1996:29). However, with this comes the realisation that both existing and new
reserves must be managed effectively in the interests of conserving biological diversity.
Less than 5 per cent of the planet’s land surface is subject to a protective regime, and, in a
world marked by rapid change, economic imbalance and variable access to resources,
even that small fraction faces considerable pressures on its integrity and viability.
These concerns are reflected in the Caracas Declaration which emerged from the
Fourth World Congress on National Parks and Protected Areas in 1992. The focus of the
Congress was on the theme ‘Parks for Life’, and on the challenges threatening protected
areas of the world in making a practical contribution to the health and well-being of
humanity. The Caracas Declaration emphasised a number of fundamental principles:
• that nature has intrinsic worth and warrants respect regardless of its usefulness to
society;
• that parks protect areas of living richness, natural beauty and cultural significance;
• that such areas are a source of inspiration, as well as places of spiritual, scientific,
educational, cultural and recreational value (Lucas 1992).
Similar principles have been embodied in moves to establish national parks and reserves
worldwide, but there is by no means unanimity in the philosophy or practice of natural
area protection. Even the concept of a national park—the most common type of protected
area—has evolved independently over more than 100 years. As a result, and in spite of
some common features, there are as many variations on the national park theme as there
are park authorities. Add to this the various parts of the environment which come under
the description of ‘wilderness area’, ‘marine park’, ‘nature reserve’, ‘state/provincial
park’, ‘regional park’, ‘country park’ or ‘landscape park’, and the picture becomes even
less clear-cut.
This is not surprising when the wide-ranging perception of national parks and their
role in society is appreciated. Right from their beginnings in the US last century, national
parks that were established, were justified, in part, in terms of their potential to generate
economic benefits. Much more recently, the same argument has been used to support
efforts to expand the US national parks system: ‘…national parks are good business.
They attract tourists and boost economies wherever they are situated. In part, that’s why
most Californians, including both senators from that state, favour the desert parks… In
California, as elsewhere, that’s the smart investment’ (USA Today, 11 April 1994:7).
Such sentiments are widespread. A survey of visitors to Dorrigo National Park,
southeastern Australia, documented the scale and diversity of expenditure associated with
park visits. The economic worth of the national park was substantiated by a survey of
businesses in the nearby town of Dorrigo, in which the perceived importance to the local
economy of park-associated tourism was emphasised. Some respondents went on to
suggest that Dorrigo National Park, through exploitation of its tourist potential, could
become the engine of regional development in this declining rural area.
Whereas considerable efforts have been made to demonstrate the magnitude of the
economic benefits of national parks (e.g. McDonald and Wilks 1986a, b; Lambley 1988),
there is no doubt that such parks also involve costs. Such costs can be divided into at least
two categories—direct expenditure on establishment and maintenance, and the indirect or
opportunity costs of commercial exploitation of resources, usually forgone as a result of
the creation of the park. The fact that governments and the community are prepared to
accept these costs and support the public funding of national parks, suggests that many
people continue to regard them as worthwhile.
Among the range of values claimed for national parks, it would seem that one of the
primary justifications lies in the inherent nature of society, and the demands which
expanding populations and technological progress place on the natural environment.
Without this pressure, large tracts of country would remain underdeveloped, and there
would be less of a reason for national parks and nature reserves. Thus, for many people,
the greatest value of the parks lies in their ecological role, in protecting areas and features
of outstanding scenic and historical worth, and in preserving distinctive ecosystems,
essentially unimpaired, for future generations. For others, provision of recreational
opportunities is pre-eminent; the parks being seen as the means of physical and spiritual
refreshment in a natural outdoor setting. A more limited segment of the population
regards national parks as the vehicle for scientific research, retention of genetic diversity,
and the study of natural phenomena in undisturbed surroundings.
Whatever the point of view, there is obviously widespread appreciation of national
parks, and considerable support for the development and expansion of parks systems. The
concept of a national park, however, is a relatively recent phenomenon.
In Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the USA, the establishment of national and
state/provincial parks for recreational and tourist opportunities, and the protection and
maintentance of representative environments, came about in the nineteenth century.
Interestingly, the first national parks in all four countries were set aside for conservation
Protected areas and outdoor recreation 173
and recreation purposes because the land was considered worthless for such rural
activities as intensive agriculture, lumber, mining and grazing (Hall 1992).
Yellowstone National Park, established in the US in 1872, is claimed to be the first
national park. It was followed, in 1879, by Royal National Park, on the southern outskirts
of the City of Sydney, Australia. This claim has recently been challenged on the grounds
that Yellowstone was initially set aside ‘as a public park or pleasuring ground’, not as a
national park. The first time the term ‘national park’ was used, was in the legislation to
create Australia’s Royal National Park. The first legislative reference to Yellowstone as a
‘national park’ did not come until 1883.
The merits of the conflicting claims, however, are not the crucial issue here. Rather,
since these beginnings and in the space of little more than a century, the modern parks
movement has grown to worldwide dimensions. National parks can now be found in all
continents, under a variety of economic and political systems.
National park concepts
The evolution of present-day national parks owes much to the American park movement
of the nineteenth century, and to the efforts of conservationists such as Olmstead and
Muir. The American park movement was motivated by regard for nature, and the
revitalising powers of wild landscapes in an increasingly complex society. The dominant
themes were the preservation and protection of the resources of nature, and the opening-
up of these resources for the recreational needs of the nation. This movement culminated
in the reservation of the first extensive area of wild land, primarily for public recreation,
in the United States: the Yosemite Grant (in 1864). This was followed by Yellowstone,
eight years later, and the Niagara Falls Reservation in 1885.
The International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN) has attempted to
clarify the concept of a national park by proposing a standardised definition. For
management and planning purposes, a national park is defined as:
a natural area of land and/or sea, designated to (a) protect the ecological
integrity of one or more ecosystems for present and future generations, (b)
exclude exploitation or occupation inimical to the purpose of designation
of the area, and (c) provide a foundation for spiritual, scientific,
educational, recreational and visitor opportunities, all of which must be
environmentally and culturally compatible.
(IUCN 1994)
As might be expected, the rather restrictive tone of the definition provoked some
reaction. The clear bias towards preservation of ecosystems, and the implicit limitations
on human use, meant that many so-called national parks in some countries would not
qualify as such. Any exploitation of natural resources (including hunting and fishing), all
construction (including water impoundments, roads and amenities) and, strictly speaking,
all means of transport and communication, could be excluded. In practice, of course,
many of these land uses and facilities are permitted, if only to provide the necessary
infrastructure to allow the park to function. In most cases, consumptive recreational
pursuits (e.g. sport-fishing and even hunting, under certain conditions) are accepted,
along with non-consumptive resource uses (e.g. hiking, boating, viewing, mountain
climbing and scientific research). Active recreation is provided for and encouraged in
many North American parks. Tourist amenities (often concessionaires) are accepted (but
controlled), even within the park boundaries, under the operation of the management
authority. Many observers would argue, too, that created bodies of water can enhance a
park landscape.
Modifications of the IUCN definition have expanded the function of national parks to
include protection of cultural heritage, as well as the conservation of nature. Nonetheless,
there is a popular view that at least some facilities for visitors and administration are
necessary for the management and enjoyment of a national park. However, the definition
probably still applies to parks in Africa, North America, New Zealand and Australia. Few
parks would qualify in the Old World, where very little unaltered natural landscape
remains. Even this qualification could be challenged, depending on how one interprets
and understands physical and other kinds of change. The problems of making
generalisations about the concept of national parks, can best be illustrated by reference to
representative park sy stems across the world.
National parks in the United States
The US national parks system encompasses nearly 300 different protected areas of
diverse sizes and types, totalling some 32 million acres (approx. 13 million ha). National
parks are the best-known units within the system, but the Parks Service is also
responsible for several other areas, with designations such as national monuments and
national memorials (only a few of which are actually statuary or historic buildings);
national historic sites (especially those associated with American military history);
national lakeshores; seashores; parkways; and wild and scenic rivers. In addition, the
Service administers a large number of lands and buildings in and around the national
capital—Washington DC. The size and complexity of the American parks service make
comparisons with other national systems difficult. Many of its features, however, in
particular the approach to national park management, have been adopted by, or have at
least influenced, other newly settled countries such as Australia.
National parks within the US system are predominantly large, natural areas, containing
a variety of resources, and one or more distinctive attributes or features of such scenic
quality and scientific value as to be worthy of special efforts at preservation and
protection. In a sense, the American national parks are regarded as ‘outdoor museums’,
displaying geological history and imposing landforms and habitats of interesting and rare
fauna and flora. In 1979, there were thirty seven national parks in the US; most of them
in the western states, with a total area of nearly 16 million acres (approx. 6.5 million ha).
This figure had grown to fifty three in 1998. The better-known national parks (e.g.
Yellowstone, Yosemite, and Grand Canyon) contain some of the most spectacular
scenery in the world, attracting vast numbers of visitors both from North America and
foreign countries. Indeed, the sheer numbers of people wishing to visit the parks in peak
periods has led to concern for the natural resource base, and has prompted a review of
park philosophy and management principles in the US parks system.
Reservation of parkland for recreational purposes was a potent force, if not the
primary one, in the early days of the US national parks. This initial viewpoint is
interesting in view of the later change in emphasis towards the conservation of nature. In
the early decision-making years, the attitude of park authorities was one of active
encouragement of visitation by the public (Fitzsimmons 1976). Part of the rationale for
these efforts was that exposure to nature would prompt visitors to appreciate and support
the parks. Broad popular support was also seen as a means of counteracting political and
economic interests hostile to the national park concept. If enough visitors could be
attracted, parks would become self- supporting and would provide the income needed for
their role in the preservation of natural species and landscapes.
These efforts at ‘popularisation’ of the parks read a little strangely in view of latter-
day problems in North America, stemming from visitor pressure, congestion and fears of
deterioration of park landscapes. However, the historical context should be borne in
mind. The first parks were remote and difficult to access; transport was relatively slow
and primitive, and public funds for park development were very limited. While patronage
remained low, there must have seemed little contradiction between use and preservation,
nor any need for management plans to maintain ecological values. The major problem,
presumably, was how to boost attendance, and justify the viability and continued
existence of the parks. Funds generated by publicity programmes ‘were in turn used to
provide more recreational attractions and visitor services in a spiralling development
cycle’ (Forster 1973:17).
Following the end of World War II, all the features of the modern outdoor recreation
phenomenon emerged and brought unprecedented pressure on national parks and similar
resource-based areas. Rapid rises in population, coupled with economic expansion,
increased affluence, leisure and mobility, brought new waves of visitors to the parks,
seeking more diverse and sophisticated forms of amusement, not all of which were
compatible with park values.
During the 1960s, increasing public concern over the impact of rapidly accelerating
use and modern technology led to greater awareness and acceptance of the need for
positive steps to contain visitor activity and restore park environments. The balance in
park management philosophy and practice tipped in favour of restoration and
preservation of the resource base. According to Leopold et al. (1963), the goal of park
management became to preserve and, where necessary, recreate the ecological scene as
viewed by the first European visitor. Clearly, the protective function of national parks,
and the obligation to maintain the natural heritage ‘unimpaired for the enjoyment of
future generations’, was now to receive priority. Although provision for public enjoyment
and recreation remained an objective, it became subservient to preservation of natural
features and ecological values.
More recent management decisions by the US National Parks Service reinforce
support for nature conservation as a primary objective. Restrictions on access to national
parks are commonplace because of environmental damage and use conflicts. Motor
vehicles have been excluded from some park areas, to be replaced by shuttle buses and
mini-trains. Speed restrictions, one-way traffic systems and limited parking facilities have
been introduced to dampen visitor use. Although the regulation programme has
apparently received general public acceptance, there are some who believe it does not go
far enough, and others who oppose the restrictions imposed. Some blame the tour
operators and other concession holders, and advocate an increase in fees as part of the
answer. A letter to the National Parks Magazine targeted tour buses which:
…dump 50 or more visitors at a time in one area. The visitor centers,

bathrooms, and viewing areas become chaos. The buses are also noisy,
spew stinking black exhaust, and take up parking space… Commercial
interests have taken over the parks but very little money spent by park
visitors is returned to the Parks Service… Park fees are ridiculously low…
less than the price of a movie ticket…it’s time to return our parks to the
taxpayers.
(Linz and Linz 1996:10)
On the other hand, a proposal to restrict vehicle access in Yosemite National Park, and to
require visitors to leave their cars in a parking lot and use a shuttle service, encountered
strenuous opposition. Whereas some considered the proposal an infringement on their
rights, others thought it did not go far enough, given that the ultimate goal of the Parks
Service Management Plan for Yosemite is to remove all private vehicles from the valley
(Nolte 1995:A21).
Despite these initiatives, the strict goal of preservation is obviously unattainable in the
absolute sense while any level of use is permitted. The implications of this
use/preservation dilemma are discussed in Chapter 10. However, it seems that for the
present, at least in developed countries, perpetuation of natural and cultural heritage is
now recognised as the prime function of national parks. How long the notion of national
parks as predominantly nature reserves can be maintained is open to question if
community support is alienated in the process and puplic funding continually reduced.
The expectation that national parks will be generally accessible to the community is
widely held. The further assumption that they will be, to a degree, self-supporting, is also
important in the development and expansion of the national parks system. This situation
may prompt renewed support for the involvement of the private sector in national park
management.
Canadian national parks
Not surprisingly, the parks system in Canada has features in common with the US; in
fact, there is some shared responsibility for certain natural and historic sites along their
common border.
Parks Canada manages a system of protected areas consisting of 36 terrestrial national
parks and 4 national marine conservation areas. Among the 36 national parks, some, such
as Banff and Yoho, date from the late 1880s; others, such as Ivvavik and Vuntut
(formerly, Northern Yukon), Grasslands and Bruce Peninsula, are recent additions,
becoming national parks in the 1980s. The programme to establish national marine
conservation areas (and its predecessor, the national marine parks programme) came into
being in 1986, with the adoption of the National Marine Parks Policy.
Both programmes depend upon a system of regionalisation, which divides the country
into thirty nine terrestrial and twenty nine marine natural regions (including natural
regions in the Great Lakes) (Canadian Environmental Advisory Council 1991). Parks
Canada has a mandate to establish representative protected areas in each of these natural
regions. To date, sixteen terrestrial and twenty six marine natural regions contain no
national parks or national marine conservation areas, respectively. Therefore, the
protected area system at the federal level in Canada is not yet complete. Parks Canada
continues to work to establish protected areas in the natural regions where currently there
is no representation. On the other hand, some natural regions in western Canada are over-
represented by the establishment of several national parks as tourism destinations in
earlier times (Payne and Nilsen 1997).
As with the parks of the western US, recreational opportunities, as well as commercial
considerations, were of prime concern in the early years. Interest in the first Canadian
national park at Banff dates from the discovery of hot mineral springs in the 1880s.
Curious as it may seem, in the light of the magnificent Rocky Mountain scenery in the
area, the original reason given for the reservation of land at this site was the ‘sanitary
advantage’ of these waters, and the need to protect them from commercial exploitation
and control them for the benefit of the public (Scharff 1972). In 1887, Banff Hot Springs
Reserve, when enlarged to an area of 260 square miles (approx. 670 km2), officially
became Rocky Mountains National Park. The name was later changed to Banff National
Park, and the Canadian government and the railroads combined to develop hotels and
facilities for visitors to the area.
It is worth noting that the Rocky Mountains Park Act of 1887, specifically reserved the
area as ‘a public park and pleasure ground for the benefit, advantage and enjoyment of
the people of Canada’. This wording is almost identical with that proclaiming
Yellowstone National Park. In addition, the Act went on to spell out the protective aspect,
emphasising that no development was to be permitted that could impair the usefulness of
the park for the purposes of public enjoyment and recreation.
As more and more parks were added to the Canadian system, transport networks were
developed, all manner of visitor facilities were provided, and entrepreneurs were
encouraged to maintain a high level of service to promote patronage. In some cases, the
recreation facilities at sites like Banff and Lake Louise themselves became major tourist
attractions to complement the scenic grandeur in the surrounding park landscape. As with
the American parks, concern for nature preservation was to come later as visitor pressure
mounted on the park environments, and the depredations brought about by indiscriminate
hunting, mining and timber-getting became obvious. According to Nelson and Butler
(1974), it was only in the period after World War II, that a strong preservationist
movement emerged in Canada. The traditional view of tourism and recreation as
fundamental underpinnings for parks was increasingly brought into question and,
ultimately, the preservation and protection of park landscapes came to be regarded as first
priority.
In 1994, Parks Canada revised its national parks programme policy to designate
ecological integrity as a prime agency goal, and ecosystem management as the prime
means of achieving it. Central to this new policy direction is the acceptance that
ecosystem management must address the full range of human issues in establishing and
managing parks, including the impacts of human use on natural systems and the impacts
of park establishment and operation on human use systems. Although Parks Canada is
directed to consider human use issues such as opportunities for public understanding,
appreciation and enjoyment in establishing national parks, and while the agency
possesses a range of tools (such as the Visitor Activity Management Process—see
Chapter 6, as well as the associated Appropriate Visitor Activity Assessment and Risk
Management processes), such human considerations have not yet figured in new park
establishment in any major way (Payne and Nilsen 1997).
A particular concern is the question of prior human habitation in areas designated as
national parks, and the problem of accommodating traditional resource uses within park
management programmes. Proposals for new national parks and reserves in the more
remote regions of Canada, such as the Yukon and the Northwest Territories, are
examples. Special attention is being paid to protecting wilderness values, while
maintaining the rights of native peoples to continue traditional extractive activities, such
as hunting, fishing and trapping, in areas like Baffin Island. In many respects, this
problem resembles that encountered in tribal territory in developing countries (see
below). Prior human habitation also represents a problem, but of a different kind, in the
older, more densely settled countries of Europe.
National parks in Britain, Ireland and Western Europe
It is clear that the IUCN definition of national parks is inappropriate, and largely
irrelevant, for a country like Britain, with a long history of human settlement and no great
reserves of unoccupied lands in which to create national parks in the North American
mould. Moreover, by the time the first moves were made to establish national parks in
Britain at the end of World War II, widespread acquisition of private land was
prohibitively expensive and politically unacceptable.
The result is that areas designated as ‘national parks’ remain almost entirely in private
ownership and productive use. Agricultural holdings, fenced pastures, forestry
plantations, quarries, farm structures, transport routeways, and even villages and towns
are all found inside the park boundaries. Management plans endeavour to reconcile
conflicting interests between landholders and park visitors. At the same time, attempts are
made to maintain and enhance the scenic quality and appearance of the landscape by
controls over the location and nature of new facilities and proposals to alter existing
structures.
A National Parks Commission (later Countryside Commission) was set up in Britain
in 1949, and the first park, the Peak District National Park, became a reality in 1951.
Since then, another eleven national parks have been created. The twelve national parks in
England and Wales are designated:
• to conserve and enhance outstanding landscapes; and
• to make provision for people’s enjoyment of the countryside.
The parks are run by national park authorities, which have a combined national and local
membership, and shared responsibility for funding. Tourism is a major feature of the
national parks of England and Wales, and in some of the national scenic areas in
Scotland. In 1991, it was estimated that the national parks of England and Wales attracted
103 million visitor days a year, with the greatest number visiting the Lake District and
Peak District national parks, some 20 million visitor days a year, each (National Parks
Review Panel 1991). More recently, it was reported that in 1994 a minimum of 76
million visitor days were spent in the parks as a whole, but that this figure was likely to
be a substantial underestimate of the actual totals, because survey methods did not cover
all categories of visitor. Average daily expenditure, excluding accommodation, was
estimated at £9.78 per person. These figures, though underestimates, clearly demonstrate
the economic contribution of parks to local economies (Countryside Commission 1998).
The national parks were joined in 1989 by the creation of the Norfolk Broads
Authority, a national park in all but name. The Authority is similarly constituted to those
for existing parks, with additional powers over navigation on the ancient waterways.
Restoration programmes for this unique water-dominant landscape include removal of
sludge to open up new areas for boating, and the preservation of the remaining historic
drainage windmills.
Interestingly, there are no national parks in Scotland. Although proposals were made
as early as 1945 for five national parks, pressures on the countryside were much less than
those in England and the idea lapsed. The Countryside Commission for Scotland, set up
in 1967, established some quite small country parks for intensive recreational use, and
proposed a new parks system to encompass urban parks, country parks, regional parks,
special parks and national scenic areas. National parks were felt inappropriate in a
Scottish context because, under internationally accepted standards, ‘conservation must
always take precedence over recreation and other land uses’ (Foster 1979:4). Such an
approach was seen as lacking flexibility and inhibiting retention of desired characteristics
in ‘a living, in-use way rather than in a museum sense’.
In 1990, the Countryside Commission for Scotland recommended the establishment of
four national parks, the first parks north of the border. Heritage landscapes such as the
Cairngorms, Ben Nevis and Loch Lomond were proposed for protection, using a system
of zoning for core areas, surrounded by management buffer zones and a transitional
community development zone. Scotland still has no national parks, but the recent change
of government may mean that the unique landscapes, remote qualities and cultural values
are finally recognised. Reviews of the concept and purpose of national parks in Britain
have led to more emphasis being given to management procedures to ensure that
recreational use does not threaten the scenic beauty and wildlife, and that forestry and
agriculture within the parks does not detract from the appearance of the landscape.
Concern has also been expressed about quarrying, the design and construction of
reservoirs, housing and recreational facilities, and visitor pressure on roads not designed
for heavy traffic.
One of the most contentious issues surrounding the management of Britain’s national
parks is their use for military purposes. Table 9.1 shows the widespread nature of military
activities in the parks. Not surprisingly, frequent protests occur, as new proposals for
development of training facilities are put forward.
The Otterburn Training Area occupies 58,000 acres (approx 23,500 hectares) in
Northumberland National Park. This represents 22 per cent of the park’s area, with
further expansion being planned. A new army training camp has recently been built in
Dartmoor National Park, where the Ministry of Defence refuses to abandon its training
programmes, which include live firing.
Table 9.1 Military use of national parks

Live Dry/adventure Army camps Low flying Restricted
firing training and bases aircraft public access
Dartmoor • • • • •
Exmoor • •
Brecon Beacons • • •
Pembrokeshire • • • • •
Coast
Snowdonia • • •
Peak District • • • •
Yorkshire Dales • •
North York • • • •
Moors
Lake District • • •
Northumberland • • • • •
Source: Adapted from Lunn (1986:6)
The military vigorously defends its need for training facilities, and points to the success
of its conservation and restoration programmes. However, the Countryside Commission
has long argued that military use of national parks is inconsistent with national park
purposes, and opposes any extension or intensfication of military activity in the parks.
Clearly, problems will always exist where privately owned resources play the major
role in providing recreational opportunities for park users, and where private interests
may conflict with national priorities in conserving the natural beauty and amenity of the
countryside.
The national parks of England and Wales were a product of the time and
circumstances prevalent at that time. As these circumstances change, management has to
adjust. Few would argue for the abolition of the parks, but their character may change
and different solutions may have to be found in order to attain the objectives for which
they were established. The designation of Country Parks is a move in this direction. The
main purpose of Country Parks is the provision of recreational facilities in an outdoor
setting, and in many ways they are the antithesis of national parks. More than 130
Country Parks have been recognised: these act as ‘honeypots’, providing readily
accessible recreation outlets for large numbers of rural users, where existing, more
natural areas are under threat from overuse. In this way, pressure on the national parks
might well be relieved by provision of a greater range of alternative rural recreation
opportunities, accessible to large centres of population. Park boundaries and features also
need to be reassessed in order to identify areas and sites where management controls may
be eased, or in other cases, tightened.
Whenever people are intimately involved, as they are in the British national parks,
concern must be shown for their attitudes and welfare. The continued support and
endorsement of the park concept by the inhabitants are vital for their continued success.
National Parks in Ireland
Few people appreciate that Ireland had a national park long

before Britain, or that Irish national parks conform to the
strict guidelines laid down by the IUCN.
(Dillon 1993:5)
Nature conservation in the Republic of Ireland is the responsibility of the National Parks
and Wildlife Service, part of the Office of Public Works. Fauna and flora are protected by
refuges and nature reserves, and by 1200 Natural Heritage Areas. Size apart, Irish
national parks are similar to those in North America and Australia, in contrast to those in
Britain. Ireland’s first national park was established in 1932, near Killarney in the
southeast, from the gift of a 4,000 hectare estate. It has since been extended to 10,000
hectares (24,700 acres), and includes the lakes of Killarney and surrounding mountains.
The small Connemara National Park in Galway was opened in 1980, followed in 1986 by
Glenveagh National Park in Donegal, and Wicklow Mountains National Park, near
Dublin, in 1990. There are now five national parks in the Republic (Figure 9.1), and more
in Northern Ireland.
Figure 9.1 National parks of Ireland

Source: Adapted from Dillon (1993:5)
While there appears to be general support for national parks in Ireland, controversy
has arisen over a number of localised management issues. The stark beauty of the
limestone pavements in the Burren National Park, in the central west, has been threatened
by a proposal to build a modern visitor centre at Mullaghmore within the park. Concern
was expressed over increased numbers of vehicles, pressure on roads and facilities, and
degradation of the park’s wilderness character (Don 1997). Money and jobs were also a
consideration due to the belief that if roads were widened to take coachloads of visitors
‘…the cash rather tends to flow (out) with them’ (Dillon 1993:5). The work on this
visitor centre and centres in other national parks is now on hold, pending design and
location of more environmentally compatible facilities.
As in many national parks in the Western world, conservation of endangered species,
and eradication of noxious exotic species and feral animals are ongoing concerns in Irish
national parks. An example from Killarney is control of infestations of rhododendrons, an
attractive flowering shrub, but one that represents a significant management problem for
regeneration of native species.
National parks in Europe

The British Isles share, with much of the rest of Europe, the problem of developing a
functioning park system within a landscape which has evolved over centuries of human
use. In a country like the Netherlands, the task is made even more difficult; it has one of
the highest population densities in the world, and a good proportion of the countryside is
the direct product of human efforts to reclaim land from the sea. Yet, even there, 13 per
cent of the country is still said to be in a more or less natural state—dunes, wetlands,
woods or uncultivated areas—and a number of national parks have been created.
A national park in the Netherlands has been defined as:
An uninterrupted stretch of land of at least 1,000 hectares (approx. 2,500

acres) consisting of areas of natural beauty, lakes, ponds and water
courses and/or forest, with a special character as regards nature and
landscape, and a special plant and animal life.
(Netherlands Ministry for Cultural Affairs 1976:2)
The Dutch Government is endeavouring to meet the requirements laid down in the IUCN
definition, and to date twenty two areas have been selected which meet the criteria of
size, quality and integrity of area and management. It is worth noting that in the
Netherlands, 1,000 hectares is considered sufficiently large for a national park. This
hardly compares favourably with around 4.5 million hectares (approx. 173,000 square
miles) in the world’s largest national park, Wood Buffalo, in Canada!
In addition to national parks, the Netherlands is developing an experimental system of
National Landscape Parks, which are closely related to the National Reserves in USA, the
National Parks of Britain, the Regional Parks of France and the Naturparken in West
Germany. The concept has much in common, too, with the idea of ‘countryside parks’
proposed for Australia (see below).
With this type of park, the concern is not with purely natural areas, but with areas
shaped by humans and nature in combination over the course of many centuries. National
Landscape Parks include villages and towns, agriculture, typical architecture, and other
features of human activity characteristic of the Netherlands landscape. The concept
envisages that landholders, in addition to working their land, should assist in the
management of the landscape park and receive payment for activities concerned with its
care, as well as compensation for loss of income as a result of any limitations on farming
practice. Thus, farmers will no longer supply only grain, potatoes, dairy produce and
meat, but will also provide the community with an attractive landscape in a healthy living
environment. Moreover, they will get paid for it. In a country like the Netherlands, in
particular, National Landscape Parks are seen as complementary to the national parks
system, and as an appropriate way of encouraging people living and working in settled
rural areas to maintain the natural and cultural values of the countryside.
The reunification of Germany and the changing geopolitical scene have led to the
opening-up of former well-known national parks in central and eastern Europe. These
include the Hochhanz National Park in the former East Germany, the Okjow National
Park in Poland and the Tatra National Park near Zakopane, in the south of that country.
It has been predicted that the emergence of the European Union and the operation of
the Channel Tunnel will lead to a new era of partnerships and linkages between Europe’s
protected areas (Simpson 1995:5). Twinning arrangements and staff exchanges are
already helping to disseminate best management practice, and to promote common

policies and strategies between national parks in Britain and Europe.
National parks in Australia
‘National’ parks in Australia, have, until relatively recently, been the sole responsibility
of the six State and two Territory governments. Technically, therefore, they did not
qualify under the strict requirements of the earlier 1969 IUCN definition, that national
parks be under the jurisdiction of the nation’s ‘highest competent authority’. However,
from most other standpoints, they do meet the international guidelines—national parks
typically consisting of sizable areas of predominantly unspoiled landscape, with the
emphasis on nature conservation. Only since 1975, has an Australian National Parks and
Wildlife Service functioned, with specifically ‘national’ parks being established
alongside the State systems.
Originally, the provision of public recreational opportunities (as in North America)
was the primary objective of national parks in Australia. The first park established, Royal
National Park, near Sydney, provided holiday accommodation, sporting facilities and
picnic areas, with the emphasis clearly on human pleasure and amusement. Since the
early years, the concept of a national park has broadened beyond this recreational theme.
A gradual increase in the number and area of national parks and reserves followed the
growth in environmental awareness which occurred in the 1970s and 1980s. New South
Wales (NSW), the most populous State, has 103 national parks, 217 nature reserves, 13
historic sites, 10 aboriginal areas and 18 State Recreation Areas (SRAs) and 6 Regional
Parks administered by the State National Parks and Wildlife Service. The total area is
approximately 4.5 million ha (approx. 11 million acres), or about 5.69 per cent of the area
of the State. The largest unit is Kosciuszko National Park, which occupies 640,000 ha
(approx. 1.6 million acres) southwest of Canberra in the Australian Alps.
The Great Barrier Reef off the coast of Queensland also has a strong attraction for
visitors. Following extensive lobbying by preservation-minded pressure groups, the Great
Barrier Reef Marine Park Authority (GBRMPA) was set up, and sections of the reef
region are being successively incorporated into the marine park. Such parks, by their very
nature, present unusual problems in park management. Contentious issues in this case
were the question of oil exploration on the reef, and the clash between the Queensland
State Government and Australian Federal Government over administration of the
resources of the region.
The federal government has become increasingly involved in park management since
the formation of the Australian National Parks and Wildlife Service in 1975 (now part of
Environment Australia). The Service works in collaboration with the States, and has sole
responsibility for certain areas of nature conservation interest such as Norfolk Island and
Christmas Island, as well as national parks such as Uluru and Kakadu, near Darwin, in
the Northern Territory. The Service believes that the plans of management drawn up for
Kakadu may well prove a model for the development of similar parks in ‘frontier’ areas.
Certainly, the park has had to contend with some major problems. Apart from
preservation of the park environment and providing for appropriate use by visitors to a
remote area, protection of Aboriginal interests, regulation of mining (uranium) in and

near the park, and control of feral animals all create difficulties for park management.
Australia’s largest city, Sydney, with a population approaching four million people, is
fortunate in that twelve national parks are located within a radius of 160 kilometres. To a
great extent, this situation results from the reservation of land for parks in areas where the
soil and terrain were considered unsuitable for agriculture and too rugged for housing.
Royal National Park, south of the city, Kuringai Chase National Park, immediately to the
north, and Blue Mountains National Park, to the west, are located on dissected sandstone
plateaus, for which no economic use was perceived at the end of last century. Melbourne,
on the other hand, in the State of Victoria, was ringed by good agricultural land, and there
is now a serious dearth of parks and reserves close to the city.
The apparent contradiction and conflicts between outdoor recreation and nature
preservation, and between different types and intensities of recreational use of national
parks in Australia, suggest that the complexity of recreational demands should be
matched by an appropriate array of recreational opportunities outside the parks. In the
State of New South Wales this need has been met, in part, by the development of SRAs.
These units, some of them quite large, comprise both natural areas and man-made
features of scenic, historic and recreational importance. Several SRAs adjoin inland
waterbodies, and others occupy coastal sites. SRAs were designed to take pressure off the
national parks, and while haphazard destruction of their environment is obviously not
allowed, they do cater for more intensive forms of outdoor recreation; even trail-bike
riding and hunting may be permitted. In some parks, accommodation facilities have been
provided, while others are designed for day-visitor needs only. Provided that the
recreational emphasis continues, State Recreation Areas are a useful and popular
complement to national parks, and an important additional unit in an integrated system of
outdoor recreation opportunities.
The introduction of more recreation-orientated ‘people’s’ parks, comes at an important
stage in the development of the parks system in Australia. For many years, national parks
have made a significant contribution to the recreation resource base. Now, in many parts
of the country, and for a variety of reasons, opportunities for further expansion of the
national park system are becoming limited. Indeed, it could be said that Australia has
entered a ‘mature’ phase of park development, in which the initial stage of large-scale
land acquisition is closing, to be replaced by careful appraisal, development and
management of park resources already acquired. At the same time, consideration can now
be given to alternative means of expanding the recreation opportunities of urban-based
populations, by provision of a range of different park options in accessible rural settings.
Moreover, a good deal of questioning of the role of national parks has emerged in
Australia in recent years. To some, parks and wilderness areas appear as enclaves of
unproductive land, and havens for noxious plants and animals. Proposals to enlarge
national parks on the north coast of New South Wales, and to establish additional
national parks in the New England region, further inland, have generated significant local
opposition. The continued relevance of the North American park model to Australia has
been challenged, and the adoption of the British/European style park has been put
forward as an alternative (Pigram 1981). The proposed new style of ‘living’ park
environment, if developed along the lines of the National Reserves in the United States,
would encompass farming communities and rural settlements within distinctive scenic
landscapes. The creation of ‘countryside parks’ in this way should be seen as a

complement for national parks (rather than as a replacement), and as an extension of the
land management systems, providing for a dual network of inhabited parks developed in
tandem with the traditional parks.
Some progress has been made in the conservation of biodiversity beyond the formal
system of parks and protected areas. The Voluntary Conservation Agreements in place in
New South Wales are an example, as are the Regional Parks of Perth, Western Australia
(Moir 1995), some of which remain in private ownership.
Unfortunately, park authorities in Australia have generally shown a decided reluctance
to depart from the existing national parks system. Brisbane Forest Park, near the capital
city of Queensland, is a step in the right direction, although all land within that park is
publicly owned. In the state of Victoria, the Regional Strategy Plan proposed for the
Upper Yarra Valley and Dandenong Ranges on the northeastern outskirts of Melbourne,
encompasses many of the features of the National Reserve concept. Non-urban land in
private hands comprises 23 per cent (approx. 175,000 acres or 70,000 ha) of the total land
area, with a further 3 per cent classified as urban. Approximately 105,000 people live
within the region, and the Strategy Plan provides for protection of the special features and
rural character of the area and the maintenance of recreation opportunities on both public
and private land. In Sydney, eight areas have been designated as Metropolitan regional
parks. These parks were conceived by the New South Wales Government as a way of
providing the people of Sydney with green lungs; a similar justification as for the
establishment of Royal National Park in 1879. Regional parks are areas of open space for
recreation and for the conservation of fragile ecosystems. They vary in size (from 4,000
hectares to less than 50 hectares) and in the activities to which they cater, and represent a
promising public sector initiative. (For details see the World Wide Web page at:
http://www.npws.nsw.gov.au/parks/regprks.htm).
Apart from these initiatives, a generally negative attitude prevails at official levels
towards the introduction of European-style national parks, or US National Reserves, in
Australia. This reaction, coupled with growing resistance by rural landholders to any
further acquisition of park lands, means that progress towards establishment of
‘countryside parks’ is likely to be slow. Yet, the need for innovations in park-planning
should be obvious. In a developed country like Australia, with all the pressures on
resources for greater output and more efficient production methods, the transition to
large-scale stereotyped forms of land use can be very rapid. Therefore, there is an urgent
need to adopt an alternative approach to allocating land for parks because the changing
nature of agriculture and rural life acts as a disincentive for landholders to maintain the
character and quality of the countryside in their keeping.
Despite scepticism and opposition from inflexible park bureaucracies, preservation-
minded conservationists, and some feudalistic landholders, the countryside park concept
could play a useful role in Australia, alongside national parks. If it can be shown by
successful pilot projects that the economic and amenity functions of the countryside can
be compatible, then a range of park types can be created, as and where appropriate. Given
time and enlightened management, such parks have the potential to demonstrate the
benefits of sharing the countryside, both for ongoing productive purposes and for outdoor
recreation.
National parks in New Zealand
New Zealand was one of the first nations to establish a national park after the creation of
Yellowstone. Tongariro National Park came into being in 1887, as the result of a gift
from the Maori people of an area of volcanic peaks in the central north island. Since that
time, twelve additional national parks, three maritime and
Figure 9.2 National parks in New

Zealand
Source: Adapted from
http://www.travelbank.net/nz/nzwalks/nz-walks.htm
two marine parks, twenty forest parks, and over 1,000 scenic and special reserves have
been added. In all, more than one-fifth of New Zealand is under complete or partial
protection; this is in a country which has a total landmass only of the US State of
Colorado (Figure 9.2). (For further details see the World Wide Web page at:
http://www.travelbank.net/nz/nzwalks/nz-walks.htm).
New Zealand has an environment that is unique in the world; its geographic isolation
has resulted in the evolution of diverse fauna and flora. This, coupled with spectacular
scenery, provides many opportunities for the creation of parks and protected areas. Many
of the large reserves are focused on lakeshores and on the higher mountainous country
and fiords of the South Island. Fiordland National Park, covering 1.25 million hectares
(approx. 3.1 million acres), is one of the largest in the world. The park is a World
Heritage Site and takes in areas of outstanding natural beauty such as Milford Sound.
Another World Heritage Site, Te Waipounamu, covers 2.6 million hectares (approx. 6.4
million acres) and four national parks in the southwest, and is a focus for many forms of
nature tourism. Some of the management problems concerning such protected areas are
dealt with in the following chapter.
National parks in developing countries
Despite the existence of large areas suitable for designation as national parks, problems
can arise with park establishment and management in developing countries. Although
ecological considerations and the desirability of preserving unique ecosystems may
certainly be recognised in the selection of environments and landscapes for inclusion in
the parks system, park proposals are often assessed primarily against potential economic
and social benefits. This means that, in negotiating land acquisition and planning the
future operation and management of a park, it becomes critically important for the
government authority to be able to demonstrate specific benefits, especially for the local
people, by way of commercial opportunities and employment. Thus, economic factors
may overshadow ecological considerations, to the detriment of the park environment.
National parks are now a reality in all corners of the developing world. Some of these
parks and reserves reflect attempts to protect natural landscapes and wildlife for
conservation and scientific purposes. In other situations, potentially large returns from
tourism appear to have influenced their creation. Much of the stimulus for this tourist
activity comes from worldwide interest in viewing nature, and the from diversity of
animal and bird life to be found in the national parks. In the less developed countries of
Africa, for example, most park visitors come from abroad. Whereas some newly-
emerging nations may regard the parks as unwelcome vestiges of previous foreign
dominance, parks are tolerated and even encouraged because of their role in providing
local employment, and attracting tourists and foreign currency.
Large and varied species of wildlife can be found in national parks such as Tsavo and
Nairobi in Kenya; Kilimanjaro and Serengeti in Tanzania; Matopos in Zimbabwe and
Whangie Kruger in South Africa. Kruger National Park covers nearly 5 million acres
(approx. 2 million ha), and is visited by almost 500,000 people annually, 25 per cent of
them from overseas.
This also applies to Ras Mohammed National Park, Egypt’s only national park
(Egyptian Environmental Affairs Agency, undated). Established in 1983, the park covers
an area of 480 square kilometres (approx. 120,000 acres) in the South Sinai peninsula.
The park includes land and marine areas and shorelines along the eastern coast of the
peninsula. Two other Managed Resource Protection Areas—Nabq and Abu Galum—
have also been created further north on the Gulf of Aqaba. The national park and
protected areas take in some of the world’s best coral reef ecosystems and fossil coral
platforms, as well as spectacular granite mountains and desert landscapes. Visitors
attracted to those areas and to the rapidly developing tourist resorts at Sharm el Sheik and
Dahab, are an essential feature of the economic development of South Sinai.
Although a number of national parks have been established in Southeast Asia and the
Pacific Islands, considerable difficulties still have to be overcome. Countries like
Indonesia, Papua New Guinea, the Philippines, Malaysia and Vietnam, have apparently
endorsed the concept of national parks and appear convinced of the role they can play in
nature conservation. However, such conviction cannot always lead to action in societies
where wilderness is still considered an obstacle to progress and the value of conservation
is not universally appreciated. There may well be difficulty in diverting money and
manpower to the development of parks, and a reluctance to take land out of what is
considered to be more productive use. Even in circumstances where the authorities do
display enthusiasm and an awareness of the value of parks, obstacles may still surface in
attempting to translate the concept into action.
Specific problems can occur in areas of prior human habitation, especially where land
is in communal ownership and land use practices, such as shifting agriculture, timber
getting and hunting, are destructive of the environment. Problems can be countered, in
part, by raising standards of living above the subsistence levels that contribute to these
rapacious forms of land use. Moreover, if the local population can receive some tangible
benefit from the establishment of a national park, people may be more prepared to respect
and maintain the integrity of the park environment. This calls for a fine balance between
the creation of a strict nature reserve on the one hand, and a commercially orientated
nature-based tourism enterprise on the other. If this is not achieved, there may be
resentment and non-cooperation, where a more environmentally compatible, but less
rewarding and beneficial type of park system, is imposed on local communities. In
practice, as Cochrane (1996:242) has argued, it is extremely difficult to achieve the aims
of ecotourism and to improve the welfare of local people, simultaneously.
A major concern in these circumstances is the extent to which new or existing national
parks and nature reserves may intrude upon the lives of local residents, leading to
disruption of established patterns of land use and of the social fabric. A related issue for
park establishment and management in developing countries, and one shared with the
developed world, is the dilemma of promoting national parks as an engine of tourism,
while maintaining the biophysical integrity of the park environment. In the absence of
sound appreciation of park values, emphasis may be misguidedly placed on maximising
visitor numbers in the interests of economic returns, to the detriment of the park itself
(Pigram et al. 1997).
Wilderness
No discussion of protected areas would be complete without reference to what many

regard as the ultimate in natural environments—wilderness. For much of history,
wilderness has held a negative connotation; either as waste land, or some vast, hostile and
dangerous place to be avoided if at all possible, or else to be tamed, controlled and
exploited.
Today, both people and governments have come to think of wilderness in more
positive terms, as something to be valued and preserved for a future world, in which it
could become an increasingly rare phenomenon. Many people now perceive wilderness
as a large natural area where animals and plants can live undisturbed, and where visitors
can enjoy recreational activities of a primitive and unconfined nature. Hiking and
canoeing are often given as examples of the types of recreation envisaged—those for
which a minimum of mechanical aids is required.
The main benefits of a wilderness experience are often said to be the spiritual and
psychological satisfactions gained. Other advantages of wilderness recreation are
physical and mental stimulation, the aesthetic appreciation of beautiful scenery, and the
experience of conditions similar to those encountered by the first settlers of a region.
Wilderness serves as a sanctuary, either temporarily or permanently, for renewal of mind
and spirit. In modern jargon, it has become a refuge for those who wish to ‘drop out’,
momentarily, into a simpler, less complicated world; a place where self-confidence can
be re-established through physical challenge and reliance on self-sufficiency and
subsistence skills.
Wilderness areas are also valued because of their role in nature conservation and
scientific research. The size, remoteness and variety of ecosystems represented in
wilderness are important for wildlife preservation and the maintenance of ecological
stability and genetic diversity. Apart from being a potential source of a wide variety of
useful plants and insects, wilderness also provides a reference point against which to
measure changes in settled areas, and in crops, forests and animal populations. Some
proponents of wilderness argue that these areas also provide a buffer, or safety valve,
against long-term disturbance of the global ecosystem, resulting from large-scale human
interference. While this may be the case, it is a nebulous argument to use in trying to
persuade decision-makers to close off public lands for exclusive use in scientific
research. This argument has provoked a reaction in some quarters that wilderness is a
selfish concept and the pursuit of a small and vocal élite. The restricted numbers and
specialised forms of recreation associated with wilderness do little to destroy this
impression (Sax 1980).
A further qualification concerns the degree to which conditions in wilderness areas
can remain pristine. Conditions of total naturalness are impossible to find, even in
Antarctica. Therefore, wilderness has to be a compromise, taking in areas where there
remain no permanent traces of people (e.g. roads, buildings and modified vegetation).
The really large remaining areas of ‘true’ wilderness can be found, like the big
national parks of the world, in North and South America, Australia, New Zealand, parts
of Africa, and, of course, the Arctic and Antarctic. In general, these areas have not
experienced heavy population pressure on their land and water resources. Wilderness is
not a concept generally applicable in Europe; some limited examples of quasi-wilderness
might be found, but as in Britain, Western Europe and Scandinavia, potential areas have,
with few exceptions, been extensively used by humans.
Wilderness is land which retains its natural character and is without improvements or
human habitation. Simple, non-mechanised forms of recreation are envisaged; to preserve
wilderness values, it is necessary to protect the natural ecosystems present, and to
maintain the topography and plant and animal populations in an undisturbed state. Thus,
a prime purpose of wilderness management, is to keep the area as natural as possible by
only allowing levels of use that are consistent with both ecological and perceptual
carrying capacities. Wherever even minimal levels of recreational use are envisaged, their
impact on natural systems has to be considered, as well as the impact of different user
groups on each other. These objectives can be achieved by management techniques, such
as zoning, access controls and imperceptible manipulations of the environment. Human

influence, both direct and indirect, has to be reduced to a minimum so that both the land
and the fauna and flora remain primarily the product of natural forces. In a sense, a
conscious decision is taken to leave the land ‘unmanaged’, and to exercise control only
over visitors and interference from outside. The degree of intervention depends upon the
size of the wilderness and the effectiveness of any buffer zone in filtering out unwanted
influences.
Figure 9.3 Wilderness management

zoning
Source: Helman et al (1976:45)
Zoning is a common strategy employed in wilderness management. One approach to

zoning is the core/buffer concept (Figure 9.3). Here, the wilderness core is surrounded by
a wilderness management zone or protective buffer. The protective function is two-
way—to protect the wilderness, and to protect adjacent land from disturbances such as
wildfires which might originate in the wilderness. Subzones are determined for access
and minor facilities, while separate scientific reference areas, with more restricted access,
are set aside within the wilderness complex.
The designation of land as wilderness is a contentious issue. A long legacy of resource
exploitation brands as strange and unacceptable the sterilisation of land with economic
potential. Even among wilderness supporters, the formulation of management policies
satisfying those advocating strict ecological preservation and those seeking a ‘wilderness
experience’ is a difficult challenge to meet. Until wilderness is accepted as a legitimate
form of land use, and its benefits, both for outdoor recreation and nature conservation, are
more generally recognised, controversy will continue to surround the wilderness concept.
A number of useful references for further reading are cited below. However, readers are
encouraged to access government documents, in particular those containing details
concerning the management of specific protected areas. In addition, several other useful
sources are cited in Chapter 10.
• General discussions about the establishment and management of protected areas,
particularly national parks: Sax (1980); Hall (1992); Green (1992); IUCN (1994);
Payne and Nilson (1997); Jenkins (1998).
• Recreation and tourism in protected areas, including World Heritage Areas and
national parks: Forster (1973); FNNPE (1993); Eagles (1996); Shackley (1998).
• Tourism in protected areas in developing countries: Shackley’s (1996) book makes
frequent reference to protected areas in developing countries; Pigram et al. (1997)
present a case study of Cat Ba Island, Vietnam.
• Regional impacts of tourism and recreation in parks: McDonald and Wilks (1986a, b).
Review questions
1 What is a national park? What should be the main goals and objectives of national
parks authorities? To what extent should recreation be ‘tolerated’ in national parks?
2 Discuss important aspects of the early history of the establishment of national parks
globally, nationally or regionally.
3 Select a national park or wilderness area. What are the main sources of recreational
pressures on that park or area? What planning and management initiatives have been
devised by that park’s authorities to deal with such pressures? Have these measures been
evaluated? How and to what extent have they been evaluated?
4 Protected places are not for people! Discuss.

10
NATIONAL PARKS MANAGEMENT
The previous chapter presented a broad overview of protected areas in various

environments. This chapter develops a more focused and critical assessment of the
management of national parks for nature conservation and outdoor recreation. Competing
values, interests and priorities highlight the need for planning procedures that take
account of environmental concerns, as well as recreational and tourism use of national
parks, in an integrated and sensitive way.
The brief canvass of park systems in the previous chapter illustrated the many ways in
which the national park concept has been interpreted. This diversity gives rise to an
equally complex range of park problems and approaches to the management of national
parks. Despite these variations, a recurring theme with all park environments is the need
to strike a balance between conservation, or preservation, and use; that is, how to
accommodate appropriate levels of human activity, while maintaining the quality of the
natural environment for which the park was established. This is the ‘dilemma of
development’ (Fitzsimmons 1976).
Resource use is primarily concerned with the present generation; conservation and
preservation are linked more closely with generations to come. Expediency demands the
satisfaction of current wants, whereas prudence suggests limitations on use in order to
preserve park values for future generations. Conflict and compromise are inevitable since
any use involves some disturbance to the park landscape and ecosystem. The aim of
management should be, first, to exclude activities which are clearly inappropriate—
power boating, organised sports and entertainment centres come to mind as ready
examples. Second, care must be exercised to keep unavoidable disturbance to a minimum
and to recognise and correct environmental deterioration before it becomes irreversible.
Given the popularity of national parks as a focus for outdoor recreation, it could be
assumed that moves to expand the parks system would not be questioned. However, in
countries like the US and Australia, proposals to establish new national parks frequently
generate strong opposition. Part of this reaction stems from a conviction in some quarters
that resources and personnel should be directed towards upgrading the facilities and
management of existing parks before acquiring more land. Added to this is concern
expressed by neighbouring landholders, who question the record of certain park
management practices deemed incompatible with surrounding land uses. Part of the
problem stems from inadequate attention to the setting of park boundaries in the first
place.
Figure 10.1 The boundaries of

Yellowstone National Park
Source: Adapted from
http://www.travelsmarter.com/mapynp.htm
National park boundaries
In the past, the process of establishing national parks might have been described as
‘trying to put boundaries that don’t exist around areas that do not matter’ (Kimble 1951).
Kimble was referring to regions rather than parks, but the point is well made. In many
cases, park boundaries appear to have been determined with more regard for
administrative and managerial convenience than for ecological and other relevant criteria.
Examples include national parks which end abruptly at state borders or follow shire or
county lines and similar cadastral features. The boundaries of Yellowstone National Park,
for example, are mostly straight lines, and the park itself is contained almost within a
square (see Figure 10.1). In Australia also, many parks and reserves, especially in
isolated areas, are typically regular polygons with boundaries that rarely follow natural
features.
The question of boundaries is of particular relevance to the management of Australia’s
national parks, whose boundaries often have been (1) determined qualitatively, and (2)
National parks management 195
influenced by political considerations and opportunism (Pressey et al. 1990). This

situation gains added significance when it is realised that park boundaries, once
established, are ‘set in stone’.with proposals for even minor changes to modify the park
area requiring legislation (Howard 1997).
Yet, the allocation of land use, for any purpose, cannot be rigid. The process of
allocation should be dynamic in keeping with new information and changes in technology
and social preferences (Walker and Nix 1993). Certainly, experience in countries outside
Australia does not suggest reluctance to review park boundaries. In Britain, a decision
was taken in 1991 to reorganise the administration of national parks and review their
boundaries. In Canada, delineation of park boundaries has also come under scrutiny
(Theberge 1989:1997). According to Theberge (1989:22): ‘…it is ecologically
indefensible to establish parks without provision for boundary or other management
adjustments’.
In the US, following the 1980 State of the Parks Report to Congress, an increasing
amount of research has been directed towards the formulation of credible and practical
guidelines for establishing ecologically and managerially sound boundaries for national
parks and reserves. This research culminated in the development of a comprehensive
Park Resource Boundary Model for selecting critical park resource variables and
determining their spatial extent (Sundell 1991).
Apart from establishing the spatial extent of a park, the determination of workable
park boundaries is fundamental to maintaining the viability of the reserved area, its
ecological integrity and biological diversity. An accepted part of the rationale for the
establishment of parks and reserves is protection of areas and features of special natural
or cultural interest. This task is often more acute along the edges of designated areas,
where conservation values may conflict with neighbouring land uses. The need to
integrate the area harmoniously into its surrounding environment is essential for the
effective functioning of natural checks and balances with neighbouring ecosystems.
Some of the most significant problems in national park management occur in relation
to park boundaries. Further, it can be argued that many of these problems could be
avoided if more care was exercised in setting those boundaries. When inappropriate
boundaries are established, the very resources which a reserve was intended to protect
may become vulnerable to environmental stress from a number of internal and external
threats. Thorough assessment of critical resource attributes is fundamental to the
delineation of workable boundaries for a viable park or reserve.
Park relationships in Australia
In Australia, the National Parks and Wildlife Service takes seriously the challenge of
neighbour-community relationships. In New South Wales, for example, there are more
than 30,000 adjoining ‘neighbours’ to parks in urban areas, and some 8,000 in rural areas
(Howard 1997). These interests cover a number of groups, including private and public
sector landholders, and authorities managing utilities, services and transport. Among key
issues of concern to these neighbours are fire management, control of noxious species
and access.
Fire management
Growth in urban areas adjoining parks and reserves in NSW has increased dramatically in
recent years, and in some high-risk areas, residential development has continued to the
edge of park boundaries. Reflecting this trend, the Parks Service performance in fire
management has remained at a high level (Table 10.1). Despite assertions to the contrary,
the parks system has to cope with many more fires from outside protected areas than
those which escape from the parks into adjoining land.
Whatever the origin, the disastrous bushfires of the 1993/94 summer, especially those
close to the City of Sydney, tragically demonstrated the potential for loss of lives and
property, and serious damage to the natural environment. There is wide diversity in the
way Australian native vegetation responds to fire, and some species depend on fire for
reproduction. A surprising number of native animals also survive fire by evading the
flames or taking refuge in safe sites. Despite this resilience, long-term damage and
decline can occur as a result of a sequence of fires. Strategies for fire prevention and
control, therefore, are important elements in park management planning.
Control of noxious species

Noxious species of plants and animals can cause great damage to rural lands, affect
livestock quality, and spread disease. They can also contribute to soil degradation and
compete with native animals and plants. The New South Wales National Parks and
Wildlife Service’s (NSWNPWS) control measures, concentrate on introduced species and
feral animals such as goats, foxes, rabbits, wild pigs, cats and wild dogs, including
dingoes. In some parks, wild horses or brumbies, and introduced fish, in particular,
European carp, are also a problem.
Table 10.1 Fire origin and progress—New South
Wales
Year Started on park, Started on park, Started off park, Total Area burnt
controlled on park moved off park moved on park fires (hectares)
1989– 142 8 99 249 66464
90
1990– 303 29 93 425 125469
91
1991– 266 21 109 396 66409
92
1992– 167 6 40 213 21772
93
1993– 216 25 50 300 382897
94
1994– 173 15 62 250 89112
95
Source: Howard (1997:399)
In the past, the Parks Service has been criticised for an apparently ineffective approach
to control of unwanted animal species. However, a wide range of control methods are
now in use, including physical, chemical and biological means. One controversial aspect
of control of pest animals is the targeting of honey bees, which are said to compete with
native bees, birds and small animals for nectar. For this reason, no new beehive sites are
being allowed on park and reserve land, and current licences are being phased out.
Controversy also surrounds the Parks Service’s attitude to wildlife management. Many
landholders regard kangaroos, for example, as pests, whereas the Service has a
responsibility to conserve and protect these native animals. Similarly, dingoes are native
animals and the Parks Service aims to maintain existing dingo populations within park
and reserve lands. Both these species, along with fruit bats or flying foxes, and wild
ducks and other waterbirds, are considered ‘bad news’, particularly by adjoining
landowners, who are critical of what they see as inadequate methods to control these
‘pests’ and contain them within park lands. Similar criticism is aimed at measures taken
to eradicate weeds and noxious plant species.
The Parks Service is working hard to build bridges with neighbouring rural
communities, and to avoid the parks and reserves being turned into ‘islands’ with little
relationship to surrounding environments. An immediate risk when creating a park is the
loss of opportunity to interact with adjoining ecosystems, and for natural checks and
balances to regulate population expansion and changes. In ideal circumstances, parks are
most viable when buffered by transition zones of extensive land use (e.g. forestry).
Controlled zones, for hunting around parks with large wild animal populations, have also
been advocated to regulate the growth and movement of herds.
Park management problems: external and internal

A different type of conflict can arise when incompatible resource uses are imposed inside
a park from external sources. A park can be seen as relatively unused space, and, as
public land, involves no resumption or compensation when claims are made on that space
for public purposes. Near-urban parks, in particular, are regarded as ‘fair game’ for waste
disposal facilities, motorways, airports, service corridors and water control structures.
Externally derived pollutants such as oil spills, chemicals, sewage, industrial effluents
and biocides that are introduced into park drainage systems, can also affect park
ecosystems and food chains. Pollution from pesticides is most likely in parks established
near zones of intensive land use. Detergent pollution may occur in parks close to the
urban fringe, and marine parks are obvious targets for oil pollution. Even when the source
of pollution can be pinpointed, control may be difficult, and would probably only succeed
as part of a wider programme to combat pollution generally.
Within a park, the principal recreation-related concerns are with access and the impact
of recreation and associated human activities on the park environment. In part, the
problem is a function of visitor numbers and the extent and nature of visitor management
(e.g. marketing strategies; level and sophistication of facilities and services; educational
programmes). Roads, parking, toilets, accommodation, food outlets, refuse and litter, and
off-road vehicles, are just some of the ramifications of outdoor recreation that can place
pressure on ecological quality and park resources. Much recreation activity is seasonal,
and the problems are worsened during peak periods. In Australia’s Kosciuszko National
Park, for example, an ongoing debate continues over the place of snow sports in the park,
and proposals for development of additional facilities and extension of access into more
remote areas.
Park management: The question of access

While it is as well to recall that outdoor recreation is only one of the roles set down for
national parks (Chapter 9), these areas provide a diverse range of opportunities for the
enjoyment and appreciation of visitors. Access to parks and reserves for recreation
purposes requires careful management to ensure that the activities of visitors co-exist
harmoniously with the conservation of natural and cultural values, and with the
educational and spiritual experiences parks have to offer. It is important also to recognise
that national parks are one element in a system of protected areas and public lands.
Recreational access to national parks should not be looked at in isolation, but from a
regional perspective, taking into consideration the complementary access opportunities
available in public land (e.g. State Forests and State Recreation Areas in Australia) as
well as private land. Planning public access to national parks on a regional basis has the
potential to increase economic, social and environmental benefits, and to maintain
balance in the overall spectrum of recreation opportunities. It also mitigates against
pressure to have national parks respond to unreal and inappropriate demands for outdoor
recreation, and helps achieve compatibility between environmental protection and visitor
use.
That said, community expectations remain high that access to national parks will
remain open for a diversity of recreational pursuits. The New South Wales National Parks
and Wildlife Service has produced a Draft National Parks Public Access Strategy
(1997b), which provides a basis for offering a wide range of outdoor recreation
opportunities, from pleasure driving, bushwalking, horse riding and biking, to various
forms of boating, fishing and water-related activities. At the same time, a number of
qualifications and limitations are indicated which constrain unfettered participation in
these forms of recreation. Particular sources of friction are the restrictions placed on the
use of four-wheel drive and other off-road vehicles; such vehicles permit access even to
trackless areas of parks. The Parks Service is sufficiently concerned at their potential for
degradation of the environment to declare the more remote parts of national parks and
wilderness ‘off-limits’ to such forms of transport. Likewise, snow-mobiles are
discouraged in alpine parks, and horses are banned from several near-urban parks,
because of fears of erosion.
Pets, especially dogs, and firearms, are not permitted to be brought into parks; even
fishing is subject to controls regarding which areas may be fished, the number and
species of fish which may be caught, and the methods used. Although progress is being
made in providing access for people with disabilities, many national parks remain
effectively closed to these groups, as well as to seniors and young families. These
limitations, along with the imposition of visitor fees, mean that there is still some way to
go before opportunities for public access to national parks and reserves satisfy
appropriate equity standards.
Whereas national parks in Australia have always attracted large numbers of visitors,
and indeed, in earlier days, were justified on the basis of the recreation opportunities they
provided (see Chapter 9), it is only now that the NSWNPWS is developing a policy and
management strategy to promote the parks as a focus for nature tourism. The 1997 Draft
Nature Tourism and Recreation Strategy seeks to achieve ecologically sustainable visitor
use of protected areas in the State. The strategy points to problems such as disturbance to
wildlife, introduction of unwanted species, soil erosion, damage to vegetation, and
escaped fires, associated with thoughtless or deliberate acts by visitors. The strategy aims
to balance the protection of natural and cultural values with management of visitor use
(Figure 10.2).
In putting forward the draft strategy for public comment, the Parks Service draws
attention to the economic benefits flowing from tourism in the State’s national parks and
protected areas. Focusing first on the City of Sydney—‘City of National Parks’—the
strategy identifies a select number of parks and nature reserves located in strategic
locations within regional New South Wales, to be promoted as key destinations to
international and domestic visitors (Figure 10.3). Themes ranging from local diversity of
the natural environment to the cultural heritage of Aboriginal people, are among the
varied experiences represented in the programme. The concept of the recreation
opportunity spectrum will be used to develop an array of settings that appeal both to
mainstream tourists and to niche markets. It is estimated that by the year 2005, some 28
million visitors will be attracted to the key regional park destinations identified.
Tourism and national parks
Promotion of tourism in national parks would seem to make good economic sense and, if
planned as is envisaged in the strategy above, should be compatible with ecological
objectives of park management. Without such planning, encouragement of visitor use can
bring with it the risk of degradation of the park environment and, ultimately, loss of its
appeal for nature tourism. The ongoing debate over the merits of tourism in national
parks takes on added significance, due to the growing recognition of the economic
contributions associated with tourist use of parks and protected areas, especially in
developing countries. These benefits can be considerable and include:
Figure 10.2 Planning outcomes of the

draft nature tourism and recreation
strategy
Source: NSW National Parks and Wildlife Service
(1997a:8)
• local employment, directly in the tourist sector and in support areas;
• stimulation of profitable domestic industries in accommodation, restaurants, transport,
guide services and artefacts;
• foreign exchange;
• diversification of the local economy to meet new and growing demands for local
products;
• improvements to local infrastructure and intercultural communication and
understanding.
Against these positive aspects, must be considered a range of potential negative impacts
from overuse of protected areas by visitors. Some of these are listed in Table 10.2, and
the consequences are likely to be added to in fragile park ecosystems favoured by
ecotourists (Chapter 11). Less obvious impacts can also ensue from resentment generated
among local people, who may perceive the parks as being provided primarily for the
benefit of foreign visitors or outsiders.
In an Australian study, Buckley and Pannell (1990) documented the kind of problems
associated with visitor use of national parks for tourism and recreation. Table 10.3 is
especially useful, in that it also locates parks where problems have occurred and includes
references to support the incidence of impacts.
Figure 10.3 Key regional destinations:

key nature tourism destinations in
regional NSW to be promoted
nationally and internationally
Source: NSW National Parks and Wildlife Service (1997b)
Table 10.2 Potential environmental effects of
tourism in protected areas: The types of negative
visitor impacts that must be controlled
Factor involved Impact on natural quality Comment
Overcrowding Environmental stress, animals Irritation, reduction in quality, need
show changes in behaviour for carrying-capacity limits or better
regulation
Over-development Development of rural slums, Unsightly urban-like development
excessive man-made structures
Recreation:
Powerboats Disturbance of wildlife Vulnerability during nesting seasons,
noise pollution
Fishing None Competition with natural predators
Foot safaris Disturbance of wildlife Overuse and train erosion
Pollution:
Noise (radios, etc.) Disturbance of natural sounds Irritation to wildlife and other visitors
Litter Impairment of natural scene, Aesthetic and health hazard

habituation of wildlife to
garbage
Vandalism/ Mutilation and facility damage Removal of natural features
destruction
Feeding of wildlife Behavioural changes, danger to Removal of habituated animals
tourists
Vehicles:
Speeding Wildlife mortality Ecological changes, dust
Off-road driving Soil and vegetation damage Disturbance to wildlife
Miscellaneous:
Souvenir collection Removal of natural attractions, Shells, coral, horns, trophies, rare
disruption of natural processes plants
Firewood Small wildlife mortality, habitat Interference with natural energy flow
destruction
Roads and excavations Habitat loss, drainage Aesthetic scars
Power lines Destruction of vegetation Aesthetic impacts
Artificial water Unnatural wildlife Replacement of soil required
holes and salt concentrations, vegetation
provision damage
Introduction of exotic Competition with wild species Public confusion
plants and animals
Source: WTO (1992:14, adapted from Thorsell 1984)
Table 10.3 Environmental impacts identified in

Australian national parks
National Tracks Trampling Weeds Boats Firewood Human Camp Water
Park and (human or and damage collection wastes sites pollution
ORV’s horse) fungi bank
Western
Australia
Cape Range
Stirling * * *
Range
Northern
Territory
Kakadu * *
Uluru * *
South
Australia
Simpson * * * *
Coongie * * * *
Flinders * *
Coorong * * *
Queensland
Carnarvon * *
New South
Wales
Mount * *
Warning
Kanangra * * *
Boyd
Blue * * * * *
Mountains
Ku-ring-gai *
Kosciusko * * * * * *
Victoria
Croajingolong *
Wilson’s * * * * *
Promontory
Tasmania
Cradle Mt * * * * *
St Clair
Gordon River *
Southwest *
Source: Adapted from Buckley and Pannell (1990)
Changed Water Distu Damage ‘Cultural Litter Visual Noise Refer

water depletion rbance to vand impacts: ence (see
course to archae alism’ roads Buckley
wildlife ological and and
sites build Pannell
ings 1990)
* Peerless n.d
* Brandis &
Batini 1985
* * ANPWS
1986b
* * * * * Ovington et
al. 1973
ANPWS 86a
* * SANPWS
1984
* * * * * Gillen 1988
* * * * Williams et
al. 1988
* * * SADEP
1984
* * Pitts 1982
* * NSWNPWS
1985
* * Brown 1988
* * Brown 1988
* * Snelson n.d
* *
VNPWS
1985
* * * * VNPWS
1987
* O’Loughlin
1988
TDLPW
1985
Cook 1985,
Bayly-Stark
1985
Neyland
1986
*=recorded in reference cited=observed by RB
A constructive approach towards a positive relationship between tourism and national

parks calls for management of both the park resources and people. As noted in Chapter 6,
resource management implies close monitoring of features of the environment in order to
detect the rate, direction and character of change. In this way, remedial action can be
taken before degradation reaches the point where the park environment becomes a source
of dissatisfaction to visitors. Management, then, implies the maintenance of the park’s
resource base to enhance, or perhaps restore, satisfying recreation opportunity settings for
visitors. These measures need to be complemented by efforts directed towards visitor
management. A classification of visitor management strategies is provided in Table 10.4.
As noted in Chapter 5, some cynics have suggested that park management would be
easy if it wasn’t for the people. Certainly, the physical attributes of parks lend themselves
to relatively straightforward procedures and technical and engineering-type techniques.
With visitor management, a much more sensitive approach is required in coping with the
many sources of conflict and manifestations of overuse. A good balance needs to be
struck between regulation and modification of visitor behaviour, otherwise the benefits of
tourism may be traded off through lost patronage resulting from regimentation of people
in parks.
The guiding principle for tourism development in national parks is to

manage the natural and human resources so as to maximise visitor
enjoyment while minimising negative aspects of tourism development.
(World Tourism Organisation 1992:12)
Manning (1979) distinguishes between strategies and tactics in the management of

recreational use of national parks. Strategies are defined as basic conceptual approaches
to management, setting out different paths to preservation of environmental and
recreational quality. Tactics are defined as tools to carry out various management
strategies. To clarify the distinction, a strategy, for example, might be a decision to limit
recreational use. Within this basic strategy a number of tactics or tools might be pursued,
including the imposition of fees, the requirement of permits or the erection of physical
barriers. Manning classifies available strategies for park management into four basic
approaches, each with a number of distinct sub-strategies. These are summarised in
Figure 10.4; two of the strategies deal with supply and demand aspects of recreation and
park lands, and two focus on modifying either the character of existing use to reduce
adverse impacts, or the resource itself to increase its durability or resilience.
Typically, efforts are made to overcome ‘people problems’ by spreading the load in
space and time. Manning’s strategies offer four possibilities which are not meant to be
mutually exclusive; nor are these approaches exclusive to parks management, but have
application in other forms of recreation activity and tourism. Increasing the supply of
park space may not be feasible in all situations, so that making better use of available
space is the alternative. Redistribution of visitor pressure is an obvious option, as are
measures to separate or limit uses at popular sites.
Table 10.4 Classification of visitor management
strategies
Indirect strategies Direct strategies
Physical alterations Enforcement
• Improve or neglect access • Increase surveillance
• Improve or neglect campsites • Impose fines

Information dispersal Zoning
• Advertise area attributes • Separate users by experience level
• Identify surrounding opportunities
• Separate incompatible uses
• Provide minimum impact education
Rationing use intensity
• Limit use via access point
Economic constraints • Limit use via campsite
• Charge constant fees • Rotate use
• Charge differential prices • Require reservations
Restricting activities
• Restrict type of use
• Limit size of group
• Limit length of stay
• Restrict camping practices
• Prohibit use at certain times
Source: Adapted from Hendee et al. (1978, in Vaske et al. 1995)
Paradoxically, one way to approach the problem of excessive tourism pressure in national
parks is to concentrate visitor use even more (e.g. see Hammitt and Cole 1991).
Concentration of use can help control general site deterioration by attracting visitors to
selected locations able to sustain high levels of use. Alternatively, additional
opportunities for tourists can be created by diverting some visitors to underused sites, and
by efforts to reduce seasonal or daily peaks in visitation through the use of incentives to
extend operations into slack periods.
When essentially voluntary means of bringing about dispersal of use fail to achieve
that objective, it becomes necessary to adopt a more direct approach to regulating visitor
behaviour. Regulation of use implies some restriction over what tourists are permitted to
do. Attempts at ‘people control’ come down to a choice between ‘do’ and ‘don’t’—the
‘carrot or the stick’. Most park managers would be aware of the value of allowing the
user to retain some sense of freedom of choice, and the role of interpretation in modifying
of visitor behaviour is discussed presently. However, with certain management problems,
such as vandalism, enforcement of rules, backed up by strenuous efforts at detection and
punishment of offenders, may be the most effective means of control.
With regard to managerial directives, several of the tactics applied in resource
management also require visitor regulation as a concomitant of site protection. The
admonition to ‘Keep off the Grass’, for example, is clearly designed to bring
Figure 10.4 Strategies for national

park management
Source: Manning (1979:14)
Figure 10.5 A question of

interpretation?
about a particular response in use patterns, and thereby help maintain the condition of the
site. Regimentation for its own sake, however, is indefensible and, in most instances, a
positive approach is possible and preferable to an endless array of signs informing users
of what they cannot do (Figure 10.5).
On-site control involves, among other things, site-hardening by way of trail
establishment and maintenance and directions as to location, time and duration of park
visits and activities, in order to attain the desired intensity of use for the area (Table
10.5). Among the most common procedures for visitor control are zoning
Table 10.5 Strategies and actions for reducing

impact on campsite
Strategy Possible actions
Reduce amount of use Limit number of parties entering the area
Reduce per capita impact
• Use dispersal Persuade parties to avoid camping on highly impacted campsites
• Use concentration Prohibit camping anywhere except on designated sites
• Type of use Teach low-impact camping techniques
• Site location Teach parties to use resistant sites for camping
• Site hardening/shielding Build wooden tent pads on campsites
Rehabilitation Close and revegetate damaged campsites
Source: Hammitt (1990:21)
or scheduling, and rationing. These have the advantage, not only of limiting use, but of
promoting dispersal of use, and reducing conflicts by separation of incompatible types of
tourism activity, such as fishing and water-skiing.
Zoning involves the clustering of compatible uses in selected parts of a site. National
parks are themsleves a form of zoning, and certain areas within parks are designated for
special purposes (for example, see Chapter 9). Different stretches of a river or lake can
also be zoned for different uses, sometimes on the grounds of safety, or because the
resource attributes do not lend themselves to all types of recreation, or simply to avoid
mutual interference and maximise satisfaction between users. Spatial zoning is likely to
be more successful where there is a logical and accepted basis for partitioning of the site.
It is useful, too, if zone boundaries can be aligned to some natural or recognisable feature
(e.g. different activities allocated to the opposite banks of a river).
Scheduling, or zoning by way of time limitations, is another useful procedure for
visitor control in national parks. Recreation activities using the same site are allocated to
specific time periods on an hourly, daily, weekly or seasonal basis in order to reduce
conflicts and to ensure adequate rotation of use. The time-frame chosen depends upon the
degree of conflict and the level of competing uses. A variation of time zoning, especially
with linear resources, is the staggered scheduling of departure times of such activities as
river tours. Ideally, schedules should be drawn up after consultation with user groups,
and, if possible, tailored to fit normal recreational patterns.
Rationing refers to the mechanism through which opportunities to use designated
recreation resources are distributed to users. Implementation of rationing assumes: that
reasonable estimates of tolerance to use, or carrying capacities, can be established; that in
the absence of rationing, use would exceed capacity at some sites; and that a reduction in
use through rationing is the preferred management option (Grandage and Rodd 1981).
Recreational use can be rationed by various means. Chubb and Chubb (1981) suggest
three broad approaches:
1 Sharing the limited supply of recreational opportunities among potential participants by

measures such as the issue of permits and licences; use of a reservation system;
queuing and participation on a ‘first-come, first-served’ basis; or allocation of
opportunities by lot.
2 Providing a limited experience to as many participants as possible, even though this
may affect the quality of the experience (e.g. placing limits on the size of parties, or
rotation or regulation of use to encourage high turnover).
3 Making it more difficult for people to participate. Use can be discouraged by restricting
access; making reservations harder to obtain; insistence on merit standards (certain
skills or knowledge) as the basis for entry; and the imposition of fees. Differential fee
structures can also be used to redistribute recreational use patterns.
Any form of rationing discriminates to a certain extent against some participants and
some forms of recreation. The use of fees or eligibility standards to apportion recreational
opportunities has been criticised on the grounds of equity and effectiveness. Moreover,
all rationing systems have shortcomings, so that, once again, monitoring of visitor
behaviour and user preferences plays an important part in visitor management. Only
through knowledge of what visitors do and want to do can appropriate management
tactics be devised. Monitoring may be formal or informal, overt or covert, and it should
be a two-way exercise concerned as much with the impact of the site on the visitor as
how the visitor affects the site. The managerial process is complicated because it is not
merely a question of ecological carrying capacity and over-use; social carrying capacity
can also be involved, along with the various sources of conflict identified earlier.
To complement procedures for visitor regulation, management can seek to modify
recreation behaviour by persuasion and the provision of information through
interpretative services.
Information and interpretation
Interpretation communicates information and perception

about a park, forest, structure, battlefield, or an entire
region’s distinctive features and influences. It helps
visitors understand and appreciate the special natural and
cultural resources, how these have influenced the way the
region has evolved, and how its protection or
disappearance will affect the area’s future. The individual
should thus enjoy a richer life through enhanced
perception of landscapes and historical artefacts [or
heritage].
(Knudson et al. 1995:xix)
Nearly 30 years ago, Wilcox (1969) wrote, in reference to America, that interpretation
was a most challenging and provocative area of growth, with potential good for society in
how it sparks imagination, and in how it can act as a tool to build a more meaningful life.
Not much has changed.
The provision of an appropriate interpretation programme is an important supportive
aspect of park planning and management, be it strategy or tactic. The main aim is to
communicate to park users the objectives of management and the rationale for the various
measures undertaken. In the long run, a sound interpretation policy may provide the key
to resolving the dilemma between park preservation and use by developing in park users
a deeper regard for national parks and a desire for a meaningful role in their care and
management.
Interpretation has been described by Tilden (1977) as more than just instruction or
communication of information. Tilden sees the chief function of interpretation as
provoking and stimulating interest and awareness among visitors to a recreation site. This
is to be achieved by revealing meanings and relationships in nature by reference to
original objects, and by first-hand experience with common, easily understood examples
and materials (for practical examples of interpretation plans and designs for trails, parks,
historic and other sites, see Trapp et al. 1994; Veverka 1994; Knudson et al. 1995).
A second function of interpretation is to assist in accomplishing management
objectives. It can do this by encouraging appreciation of the recreation environment and
promoting public co-operation and responsibility in conserving recreational values. Much
destructive behaviour results from ignorance rather than malicious intent, so that
increasing the flow of information to the public is a preferable and probably cheaper
means of reducing depreciative acts than prohibitions and censure (Lime and Stankey
1971). As Clark (1976) and Harrison (1977) explain, the key is often in pointing out
‘why’, when certain norms of behaviour are required:
• Why can’t cars be driven off parking pads?
• Why can’t tables be moved…?
• Why can’t a tree be chopped down for firewood?
• Why can’t initials be carved on benches or tables or trees?
(Clark, 1976:66; also see Beckman and Russell 1995)
Many people who visit museums, parks, forests and similar areas, welcome interpretation
(Walsh 1991, in Knudson et al. 1995). In the dissemination of information about
recreation opportunities, Jubenville (1978) makes the distinction between advice reaching
the potential visitor before arrival at the site (Regional Information System) and
information provided at the site (Area Information System). Prior information should
reach the individual when choices concerning recreation participation are being
considered. It is more often the task of government or regional organisations than the
specific site manager, and can even involve zero, minimal or negative information, aimed
at diverting attention or making heavily patronised sites less attractive. Thus, certain sites
or facilities may be omitted from a map, or reference may be made to popularity and
associated crowding; conditions which some will try to avoid.
Much more effort is directed positively into inducing desired patterns of behaviour on-
site by increasing public awareness through publicity, education, interpretation and other
less obtrusive methods or persuasion. Freedom of choice is seemingly not directly
involved, yet the behavioural response sought is produced. Various means are available
for transmitting information and communicating information between management and
visitors. Typical approaches involve the use of maps and signposting, publications and
brochures, electronic media and onsite contact by way of visitor information centres and
guide services. These last methods for getting the message across are more often in the
nature of interpretation than mere passive provision of information (see Trapp et al. 1994;
Alderson and Low 1996).
On the basis that ‘an informed public is a caring public’, the Countryside Commission
in Britain designed a number of self-guided trails around forests, farms, urban centres,
ancient monuments and natural areas. The aim was to increase understanding and
appreciation of these features, and thereby engender improved standards of behaviour and
greater respect for the environment. Innovative interpretation schemes have been
implemented in such countries as Australia (e.g. Beckman and Russell 1995; Hall and
McArthur 1996), Canada (e.g. Graham and Lawrence 1990), and the US (e.g. Trapp et al.
1994).
A basic objective of recreation management is to provide a sustained flow of benefits
for users. Concern for the quality of the visitor experience, then, is another justification
for effective interpretation programmes.
Increasing our contact with visitors can help them find out what the range
of recreation opportunities and attractions is…recreational experiences
may also be enhanced if visitors can be taught an understanding of the
basic concepts of ecology and other outdoor values… By deepening their
sense of appreciation and awareness of the natural environment, more
recreationists could take better advantage of an area’s recreation potential.
(Lime and Stankey 1971:181)
Care is needed in the selection and implementation of on-site interpretative methods.

Mention has already been made of some of the means of communication available.
Basically, the choice is between personal services (e.g. talks, demonstrations, guided
tours and information services at a visitor centre) and self-directed services (e.g. printed
materials, sign-posting, audio-visual media and the internet) (see Tilden 1977; Knudson
et al. 1995). The advantages and disadvantages of such methods have been evaluated by
several authors (e.g. Alderson and Low 1996). The choice of media will be influenced by
philosophical and practical considerations pertinent to a particular site. The method
selected should be capable of interpreting the recreation environment to the anticipated
audience in an appropriate (exciting, interesting, comprehensible) fashion, as well as
being
Table 10.6 Proposed protected area management
guidelines
1 Involving local people in protected areas management
2 The preparation of protected area systems plans
3 Data management guidelines for protected area managers
4 Research tools for enhancing management of protected areas
5 Extending the benefits of protected areas to surrounding lands
6 Using protected areas to monitor global environmental change

7 Management of protected areas by private organisations
8 The application of an international review system for protected areas
9 Monitoring management effectiveness and threats in protected areas
10 Establishing and managing genetic resources
11 Integrating demographic variables in the planning and management of protected areas
12 Applying science to the establishment and management of protected areas
13 Effective management of marine protected areas
14 Expanding the world’s network of protected areas
15 Effective management of transfrontier protected areas
Source: Harrison (1992:23)
reliable, flexible, compatible with other media and reasonably vandal-proof (New
Zealand National Parks Authority 1978).
Interpretation is more than mere mechanics, and a certain amount of caution is called
for in the implementation of an interpretation programme. Too much interpretation can
be counter-productive and destroy the sense of spontaneity and discovery in recreational
activities. Participation can become ‘over-programmed’, and people may resent what they
perceive as attempts at ‘brain-washing’ and efforts to force them into designated modes
of use and enjoyment. Managerial attitudes can also intrude: elitist overtones and pre-
conceived obsolete notions of what constitutes acceptable patterns of recreation
behaviour (or of deviance), can distort the orientation of interpretation initiatives.
All procedures aimed at recreation visitor management, whether direct regulation or
indirect modification of user behaviour, involve some loss of freedom. Some trade-off is
required between freedom of choice and the adequacy of the resource base to meet the
requirements of users and the objectives of management. However, positive manipulation
of the physical and social environment to create and enhance opportunities for tourism
and recreation, is surely preferable to reliance on negative forces or congestion,
frustration, dissatisfaction and ultimately self-regulation, to produce their own solution.
Management guidelines
The International Union for the Conservation of Nature has proposed guidelines for the
management of protected areas (Harrison 1992) (see Table 10.6). These guidelines arose
out of the World Parks Congress in Caracas and will form the basis for a series of
documents directed towards protected area managers. At least two of the guidelines call
for further consideration:
• involving local communities in park management;
• managing park boundaries and transboundary zones (discussed earlier).
Community-related management of parks

The notion that local communities should be involved in park management follows
logically from the view that parks should not exist in isolation from their surroundings,
but should be considered and managed in relation to them. ‘Parks and neighbouring
communities are bound together by their individual actions into a collective future.’
(Field 1997:425). Unfortunately, parks and their neighbours are often in an adversary
situation, as evidenced by the potential for conflict noted earlier in this chapter. It is far
preferable for the relationship between parks and protected areas to be viewed as an asset,
offering positive and productive benefits (Renard and Hudson 1992). The benefits of
community-based approaches to park management include:
• building popular support for parks;
• addressing concerns of communities affected by parks;
• ensuring that benefits from parks reach local communities;
• supplementing public funds and personnel needs in park management;
• integrating community knowledge of park resources into management;
• being responsive to variations in social and environmental conditions; and
• providing training and opportunities for skill development for communities to
participate in park management (Renard and Hudson 1992:4).
For these benefits to be realised, meaningful partnerships between the park and the local
community must be forged, reflecting the rights, aspirations, knowledge, skills and
resources of that community. Co-management is based on:
• participatory planning, collaboration and shared responsibility;
• access to information;
• appropriate institutional arrangements; and
• sound legal, technological and financial support.
Advances along these lines are being made, with significant input to park management
from local indigenous people. In Australia’s Uluru and Kakadu National Parks, for
example, local Aboriginal communities form a growing component of park management
personnel, contributing important elements of their knowledge and culture to
interpretation programmes, especially those of spiritual significance. Tours, trails and
brochures reflect Aboriginal themes, and offer authentic aspects of the Aboriginal
lifestyle by way of handicrafts and ‘bush tucker’ (native foods). Aboriginal participation
in park management, in turn, gives the local communities a much greater sense of control
and self-determination over environmental and conservation issues (Absher and Brake
1996).
Closer to the cities, partnerships can be built up between urban populations and
neighbouring national parks. Once again, the inevitable interaction between residents,
tourists and protected areas adjoining cities, is the rationale for collaboration. In Britain,
the Countryside Commission (1992) is active in promoting links between city
communities and neighbouring parks. An experimental project run in conjunction with
Birmingham City Council demonstrated the reciprocal benefits of the scheme—for the
national parks in increasing awareness of what they had to offer, and for the city in
opening up opportunities to experience the rural environment.
In Australia, guidelines have been drawn up for the development of viable, yet
environmentally sensitive tourism facilities near major natural areas, including national
parks (NSW Department of Planning 1989). The guidelines apply particularly to the
NSW North Coast, an area of outstanding potential for natural-area tourism, but where
population pressure and expanding urbanisation could easily intrude on those areas and
erode their natural appeal. Raising awareness among urban dwellers and tourism
developers of the special qualities of the region’s natural areas should help build bridges
between the management of protected areas and urban populations close by, as well as
tourists. The outcome should be tourism developments which complement and enhance
the values of the adjacent natural areas.
Whereas the guidelines relate specifically to tourist facilities, the attraction of which
depends, in part, on their proximity to natural areas, similar thinking could apply to
tourism development within parks, including development by the private sector. Natural-
area protection has long been considered the sole responsibility of government and the
public sector. Increasingly, financial stringency has raised the possibility of a role for
private enterprise in natural-area management, if not in privatised national parks, at least
in providing some of the facilities and activities of management required to service park
visitors. Such a prospect raises serious questions about the respective roles of the public
and private sector, and whether a balance can really be attained between nature protection
and profit (Charters et al. 1996). Certainly, scepticism surrounded a recent proposal in the
US, to allow a private developer to build and operate a new visitors’ centre at the historic
military park in Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, at no cost to the Park Service. However, the
private tourist developments described in the Australian studies suggest that commercial
operations can coexist compatibly with nature conservation, even in environmentally
sensitive areas used for ecotourism. At the same time, an enhanced role for the private
sector in park management will need a fundamental shift in the attitudes of government
agencies and environmental interests before the opportunities for collaboration can be
seriously addressed.
No longer is concern for the natural environment the preserve of public agencies.
Increasingly, landholders in the private sector are taking up the challenge of setting aside
portions of their land for nature conservation. Future management of parks and protected
areas may well proceed in tandem with the private sector and community groups, in a
collaborative effort to ensure sustainability and biological diversity of the natural
environment.

• Tourism and recreation management in national parks and reserves: Myers (1972);
Myers (1973); Black and Breckwoldt (1981); Boden and Baines (1981); Kelleher and
Kenchington (1982); Edington and Edington (1986); Bateson et al. (1989); Olokesusi
(1990); Eagles (1996).
• Interpretation: Two excellent and widely sourced works are Tilden (1977) and
Knudson et al. (1995).
• Economic, physical and social impacts in national parks: Darling and Eichhorn (1967);
Wall and Wright (1977); Jefferies (1982); McDonald and Wilks (1986a, b); Landals
(1986); McNeely and Thorsell (1989); Buckley and Parnell (1990); McIntyre and
Boag (1995); Liddle (1997).
Review questions
1 What are the important principles governing the declaration of national parks in a
country of your choice? How is a national park defined in that country? Is the
management of national parks in that country in line with IUCN definitions?
2 What are the major environmental impacts that threaten national parks? Have these
impacts been addressed by parks management? If so, how? If not, why not? In your
answers, make reference to case studies of one or more national parks.
3 Should national parks authorities be permitted to charge entrance/user fees? Explain

your answer with reference to case studies.
4 Describe some of the main political issues arising out of recreational and tourist use
of national parks both generally, and with specific reference to one or more case studies.
5 What are some of the fundamental differences in land ownership, and recreational
use and management of national parks in the UK, the USA and Australia?
11
OUTDOOR RECREATION AND TOURISM
Tourism is an important human activity of physical, sociocultural and economic

significance. As noted in Chapter 1, discussion of tourism in the context of outdoor
recreation is logical. Much tourism is recreational, in that tourist activities are engaged in
during leisure time, commonly outdoors, for the purpose of pleasure and personal/group
satisfaction. Similarly, outdoor recreation overlaps with tourism in the distinctive
characteristics and behaviour associated with each.
This chapter examines key tourism concepts, the significance of tourism, the factors
influencing tourism patterns and processes, and tourism resources, landscapes and
systems. The tourism opportunity spectrum (Butler and Waldbrook 1991) is presented
and discussed in light of (1) its contribution to tourism planning, and (2) its explicit
recognition of the close relationship between outdoor recreation and tourism planning
and development.
Concepts and definitions
Definitions of ‘tourist’ and ‘tourism’ are many and varied, but most incorporate the
notions of distance travelled, and duration and purpose of travel. Certainly, the term
implies more than the French derivations—tour (a circular movement) and tourner (to go
around).
Broadly speaking, anyone who visits an area other than the place of residence is a
tourist. However, diversion, or the pleasure motive, is frequently seen as an essential
element, and allowance is made for the time and distance involved in travel, and the
duration of the visit. The picture is further confused by distinctions between domestic and
international tourism, and the different definitions among countries and areas within
countries.
According to the World Tourism Organisation (WTO 1993a), the definition of a
‘tourist’ has three dimensions. Clear distinctions are made between ‘visitors’, ‘tourists’,
and ‘same-day visitors’:
A visitor is ‘any person who travels to a country other than that in which
s/he has his/her usual residence but outside his/her usual environment for
a period not exceeding 12 months and whose main purpose of visit is
other than the exercise of an activity remunerated from within the country
visited’.
A tourist is ‘a visitor who stays least one night in a collective or private
accommodation in the country visited’.
A same-day visitor is ‘a visitor who does not spend the night in a

collective or private accommodation in the country visited’.
A range of definitions have also been applied to the terms ‘tourism’ (see Chapter 1) and
‘tourist industry’, with some writers arguing that universal definitions for each of these
terms will never be developed, and that there is no readily definable tourist industry. The
WTO (1994) argued that Tourism comprises the activities of persons travelling to and
staying in places outside their usual environment for not more than one consecutive year
for leisure, business and other purposes’. However, tourism should be viewed in broader,
more theoretical terms. Tourism is a form of human behaviour (Przeclawski 1986), and ‘a
category of leisure with special significance in individuals’ total leisure patterns’
(Simmons and Leiper 1993:204). According to Leiper (1995:20),
Tourism can be defined as the theories and practices of travelling and

visiting places for leisure-related purposes.
Tourism comprises the ideas and opinions people hold which shape
their decisions about going on trips, about where to go (and where not to
go) and what to do or not to do, about how to relate to other tourists,
locals and service personnel. And it is all the behavioural manifestations
of those ideas and opinions.
Leiper’s definition is, at least conceptually, somewhat closely aligned with Jafari
(1977:8), who stated that ‘tourism is the study of man away from his usual habitat, of the
industry which responds to his needs, and of the impacts that both he and the industry
have on the host, sociocultural, economic and physical environment’. Pearce (1987:1),
too, presents a robust conceptualisation of tourism, stating ‘…tourism may be thought of
as the relationships and phenomena arising out of journeys and temporary stays of people
travelling primarily for leisure or recreational purposes’.
Clearly, defining tourism and tourists is problematical, while definitions themselves
are often subject to debate and argument. This situation, however, should not be viewed
in a negative light, because debate and argument do aid the development of theoretical
and applied research. It is perhaps also worth noting that tourism, much like the study of
leisure and outdoor recreation, has only recently received academic and wider social
credibility (also see Chapter 1). One of the reasons for the turnaround in tourism’s
acceptance as a critical aspect of people’s way of life, is its economic significance. The
following discussion examines the growth in tourism on a global scale, and explains
some of the forces underpinning that growth.
Global tourism
Tourism has become one of the largest (if not the largest) single items in world trade.
From 1950 to 1972, annual tourist arrivals in all countries grew from 25 million to almost
200 million, an average growth rate of about 10 per cent per year. In the same period,
total foreign exchange earnings from tourism rose from US$ 2.1 billion to US$ 24 billion,
an average annual increase of about 11 per cent. By 1976, the number of global visitor
Outdoor recreation and tourism 219
arrivals was estimated at 220 million, an increase of more than 90 per cent in a decade,
while travellers spent, in all, about US$ 40 billion. Arrivals had grown to 264 million by
1978, and expenditures to around US$ 63 billion in that same year (WTO 1979).
Tourism remains one of the highest industry growth areas of the 1980s and 1990s, in
terms of both expenditure and foreign currency generation. Since 1950, international
tourism activity has risen at a rate of about 7 per cent per annum in terms of international
visitor arrivals, and by around 13 per cent per annum in terms of international receipts
(WTO 1993b). In 1996, global tourist arrivals increased by 4.5 per cent to 592 million,
and world tourism receipts, excluding air fares, increased by 7.6 per cent to US$ 423
billion (WTO 1997a). According to several estimates, and depending upon how it is
defined, tourism has become the world’s largest business enterprise, overtaking the
defence, manufacturing, oil and agriculture industries. The worldwide gross output for
tourism in 1992, was US$ 3.2 trillion (about 6 per cent of the world’s gross national
product), with employment encompassing 127 million people (Lundberg et al. 1995).
It is predicted that international tourist arrivals will increase at an average rate of 4.1
per cent, to reach 702 million by the year 2000 and 1.018 billion by the year 2010. At this
rate of growth, the tourism industry will generate around 11.4 per cent of global Gross
Domestic Product (GDP) in 2005, and employ some 338 million people (or account for
one in every eight jobs) (World Travel and Tourism Council (WTTC) 1995).
Trends in world tourism since 1950, reveal a heavy geographical concentration of both
tourist arrivals and tourism receipts. Approximately three-quarters of world tourism is
intraregional travel, with Europe dominating international tourist arrivals (59 per cent)
and world tourism receipts (more than 50 per cent since 1960). On a country-specific
basis, ‘The United States has been the largest recipient of tourist travel income for several
years, and will probably continue to be, receiving more than twice as much international
tourism income as its nearest competitor, France’ (Lundberg et al. 1995:8).
Distance and costs are constraints to travel, especially international travel. However,
some countries of the Asia and Pacific regions, notably China, Japan and Korea, recently
emerged as potential areas for tourist development, and as sources of international
visitors. The rapid growth of tourism in the Asia and Pacific regions, particularly since
the early 1980s, has been attributed to the increasing numbers of intraregional tourists
(Mak and White 1992; Forsyth and Dwyer 1996). However, the recent financial and
political turmoil in Asia and the Pacific has had an immediate impact on tourist travel to
such countries as Australia. For instance, in early 1998, Ansett Airlines was forced to
cancel its twice-weekly flights to South Korea, a formerly very lucrative tourist market.
More than 70 per cent of seats on the Seoul to Sydney route were vacant in late 1997 and
early 1998. Ansett’s management estimated that:
Ansett would lose $ 16 million over the coming [1998] year if it continued
flights… The announcement comes just four days after Qantas—the
largest carrier in South-East Asia—also announced the suspension of its
four weekly flights to Seoul…
Tourism numbers from Asia are still expected to grow by 3 per cent,
but this is much lower than the strong growth expected before the onset of
the Asian currency crisis.
The [Australian] Government’s Tourism Forecasting Council has

predicted that Australian tourism to Asia, excluding Japan, would take six
years to return to 1996 levels.
(Stott 1998:2)
In brief, Western Europe and North America will continue to dominate world visitor
arrivals and tourism receipts, and indeed there have been unexpected increases from these
markets to such countries as Australia in 1997–98. This increase could be attributed to
reductions in the value of the Australian dollar, intensified international marketing and
promotion, and the staging of large-scale events. The East Asia and Pacific regions will
be major tourist growth regions in terms of international travel and tourism development,
but their recovery is unlikely to be speedy, and their subsequent growth is likely to be
much slower and more cautious than mid/late 1997 forecasts.
Factors influencing tourism patterns and processes
Numerous factors have influenced the patterns and processes of international and
domestic tourism growth, and, in some areas, decline, as well as more specific world and
regional trends. These factors include industrialisation; freer trade (as policies of high and
extensive protectionism are abandoned); widespread growth in wealth and leisure;
increased environmental awareness; growing conflict among competing resource users;
ageing populations; the ease and increased speed with which people can travel further;
and changes in employment structures (e.g. decline in agricultural employment).
Production processes have become increasingly integrated across national boundaries
(OECD 1990; Sorensen and Epps 1993; Fagan and Webber 1994; Lane 1994), the
significance of multinational corporations is increasing, ‘the pace of change in the
direction and composition of world trade has quickened’ (Fagan and Webber 1994:26),
and the international mobility of financial capital and people continues to escalate. In
brief, the patterns of economic development for urban and rural areas have changed, and
therefore, so too, have the ways in which communities operate in order to adapt and
survive (e.g. for rural areas see Sharpley and Sharpley 1997; Butler et al. 1998; for urban
areas see Law 1993; Page 1995; Williams 1995).
People’s expectations of their visits to urban and rural areas are changing as greater
emphasis is given to the conservation and maintenance of natural and cultural heritage,
including the rights of indigenous people. At the macroeconomic level, the patterns of
change in economies reflect global pressures towards the convergence of policies that are
driven largely by the power of global financial markets and their policy preferences.
Microeconomic reform has also been forced on countries and regions by changes in the
world economy, with responses being largely domestic policy choices. The major forces
of global and regional change, both generally and more specifically with respect to
tourism, can be categorised as social, geopolitical, economic and technological (e.g. see
Hall 1994; Wahab and Pigram 1997). The following discussion examines these forces in
more detail. Emphasis is given to how socioeconomic and political conditions;
technological developments; increased environmental awareness; altered tourist tastes
and behaviour; and other forces, have served to alter the nature of tourism demand and
supply.
Socioeconomic
Socioeconomic factors significantly influence recreational and tourist decision-making
and behaviour, because of their effects on personal income and time, attitudes to, and
perceptions of the world (i.e. world views), consumption patterns and, ultimately, tourist
demand. World population has been estimated to increase at the rate of 170 persons per
minute (Villeneuve 1991:19, in Gartner 1996:13), with the highest growth rates occurring
in developing countries and accounting for around 95 per cent of that rate (Godbey 1995,
in Gartner 1996:13).
The economic recession of the 1990s, and the restructuring of many national and local
economies, gave considerable light to tourism as an economically significant industry,
providing a means of generating international trade links, foreign investment, industrial
diversification, income and employment. Many economies are moving, or have moved,
away from a dependence on primary industries such as agriculture, mining, gas or oil,
towards a greater reliance on the industrial and service sectors. These moves have been
significantly influenced by the globalisation of economies and the spread of multinational
corporations seeking tax incentives, subsidies and lower wages to offset the costs of
producing goods, and to increase their market penetrations and shares.
In wealthier countries, the period following World War II has been one of generally
rising per-capita incomes and diminishing rates of population increase. Reductions in the
size of the public sector, and concomitant reductions in expenditures with
macroeconomic restructuring, have resulted from a public sector focus on market-led
recovery and economic efficiency as a precursor to social welfare. Governments have
been prompted to encourage private-sector investment in tourism projects such as
casinos, waterfront development, coastal resorts and ecotourism, while much greater
emphasis and resources have been given to international marketing and promotion to
increase international visitor numbers and receipts.
Average life expectancy has risen substantially since the early 1900s, with increases of
20 years or more in developed countries. The ageing of Western populations, along with
increased affluence and leisure time, and the desire of an increasing number of ‘older
persons’ to remain active, have influenced recreation and travel patterns (also see Chapter
3). Towards the other end of the age spectrum, youth tourism, stimulated by education
and other influences, is a growing market segment. Other developments include changing
attitudes and patterns in marriage, child bearing in families, and less discrimination on
the basis of sex, age and race. All of these developments have influenced travel and
tourism patterns and processes, and, therefore, outdoor recreation demand and supply.
General and tourism-specific planning approaches, too, encourage more widespread
public participation, which, in turn, affects awareness and perceptions of, and attitudes to,
tourism. Relationships between hosts and guests, between the tourist industry (however
defined) and local communities, and within local communities, are just three areas where
this development has had significant implications in furthering the integration of tourism
in local economic and social development, and in raising awareness of tourism’s potential
contributions (but, to a lesser extent, costs) to local communities.
An additional point is warranted here. The whole arena of tourism-community

relationships requires much greater research. Pearce et al. (1996:27–8) identified three
major problems in the study of such relationships:
1 There are definitional and measurement problems with the concepts of tourists, tourism
and community. In particular, there has been no attempt to investigate systematically
the nature of the tourism phenomenon, and particularly the dimensions on which types
of tourism and tourists differ. Nor has the concept of what constitutes a community
been considered carefully by researchers.
2 The description and perceived impacts of tourism have provided a limited view of the
nature and content of host perceptions of tourism.
3 There is a lack of sound theory, with much research being atheoretical in nature.
Clearly, despite the much cited importance of the socioeconomic aspects of tourist
planning and development, there is some way to go before we can point to detailed
critical knowledge and sound theoretical understandings of the relationships between
tourism and the social environment.
Political
Politics affects travel patterns and processes. People’s desire and ability to travel is
affected by government ideology, policy and legislation. The destination appeal of
countries may be reduced by political upheaval or general instability, stemming from
such factors as civil war, protests and human rights. Governments may prohibit or limit
the outbound travel of their people (e.g. Korea prior to 1989), or may prohibit or limit the
inbound travel of people from ‘certain other countries, because of fears of foreign
ideologies and political values, or because of diplomatic disagreements’ (Hall 1997:3).
Some of the most dramatic events to impact on tourism have occurred in global
political geography, a sphere in which great changes have occurred during the last three
decades, including:
• global reductions in trade barriers;
• reduced barriers for individuals and corporations, namely multinationals, to enter
countries;
• increased access to countries of Central and Eastern Europe following the collapse of
the Soviet Union;
• the removal of the Berlin Wall and the reunification of Germany;
• the establishment of the European Community and a common currency, and relaxation
of controls on visitors between member nations;
• the dramatic effects of the Gulf War in tandem with global economic recession sparked
a decline in global tourist arrivals between 1990 and 1991;
• recent reforms in Vietnam have resulted in cuts to state subsidies, reduced centralised
planning, rationalised exchange rates, growth in limited private enterprise, and
liberalised foreign investment. Vietnam’s economic growth potential places the
country under a spotlight, as a serious contender in South-East Asia, both in respect to
tourism and other economic pursuits;
• the opening up of China to the world;
• the encouragement of Japanese by their government to travel abroad;
• reductions to barriers for outbound Korean travellers;

• violence perpetrated on tourists for political and other gains (e.g. on 6 January 1998, the
Sydney Morning Herald reported that ‘Australians should not be deterred from
travelling to Cambodia because of recent Khmer Rouge threats to kidnap and
decapitate foreigners, the country’s ambassador to Australia said yesterday…[Yet]
The Khmer Rouge has offered about $13,000 to any of its rebels who take a foreigner
hostage’);
• the industrialisation of Asian and Pacific nations (Hall 1994; Butler 1995; Pigram and
Wahab 1997).
Changes in global geopolitics can work negatively and positively for the development of
tourism, and can present an opportunity to redirect the growth of tourism down the path
of sustainability. Simultaneously, these changes contribute to the reconstruction of
economies, societies and degraded environments (Wahab and Pigram 1997) in different
ways. Government responses in industrialised nations generally focus on regional
diversification, including the development of service-oriented industries, such as tourism.
Technological
Technological developments have had a very significant influence on travel decision-
making and experiences. Transport developments in the air, rail and road sectors, allow
for greater accessibility of destinations with greater speed and comfort, and generally at
lesser cost, especially if travel time is costed in. Improvements in information technology
(e.g. computer reservation systems) have substantially impacted on the travel distribution
network, and therefore the supply and consumption of the tourist product. Indeed, Poon
(1993:13) argues that information technology:
facilitates the production of new, flexible and high-quality travel and

tourism services that are cost-competitive with mass, standardized and
rigidly packaged options… It helps to engineer the transformation of
travel and tourism from its mass, standardized and rigidly packaged
nature, into a more flexible, individual-oriented, sustainable and
diagonally integrated industry.
Tourists are now more discerning, and the simplistic notion of tightly controlled tourist
packages, which allow little exploration or flexibility on the traveller’s part, is being
challenged as tourists seek more authentic nature and culture-based experiences. Planning
for a diverse range of tourist opportunities, and recognition of the diversity of tourists
themselves, requires a detailed understanding of the above issues and the resource base
for tourism, as well as the development and application of appropriate planning
approaches. The following sections examine the resource base for tourism, and introduce
the concept of the Tourism Opportunity Spectrum as a framework for supplying diverse
recreational and tourist opportunities.
The resource base for tourism

The complex pattern of tourism across the globe reflects the diversity of environments
which constitute tourist resources, and the varied experiences which travellers seek. A
common element is the contrast between the home region and the destination. If there
were no perceived difference from place to place (natural or fabricated), tourism would
not exist. Contrasts may be sought and discovered in the physical environment, the
cultural and historic landscape, the people, artificially created attractions, and festival and
events.
Notwithstanding the above discussion on socioeconomic, political and technological
forces, perhaps of all the factors affecting the development of tourism, the most important
are physical. Some of the strongest flows of tourists are from cool, cloudy regions, to
places highly regarded for their warm, sunny climate. For many tourists, ‘wanderlust’
appears to take second place to ‘sunlust’ (see below). By contrast, the popularity of
winter tourist resorts rests in great part on cool (though hopefully sunny) weather and the
assurance of adequate and long-lasting snow cover.
Yet, one of the factors little considered in tourism literature, is the potential impact of
climate change. For instance, studies on the impacts of climate change, due to an
enhanced greenhouse effect, on the snow pack in Australia, suggest that climate change
would increase the frequency of winters with little natural snow (Haylock et al. 1994 and
Whetton et al. 1996, in König 1998).
Climate change due to an enhanced greenhouse effect is predicted to have the biggest
impact on the Australian ski industry, and the highest resorts with the best natural
snowfalls and the best conditions for snowmaking. This would create ‘two classes’ of
resorts: (1) smaller resorts at lower altitude, which will lose their downhill ski operation
first; and (2) larger resorts, at high altitude, where downhill skiing remains possible.
However, in the long run (assuming a worst-case climate scenario for 2070), none of
Australia’s resorts will be snow-reliable (König 1998).
Another physical factor with obvious implications for tourist development is the
appeal of the coast. Mercer (1972) explains the coastal location of many resorts in terms
of the attraction of edges or junctions in the landscape—the coastline representing the
interface between land and sea. The success of coastal resorts reflects the attraction of the
beautiful setting, however, even away from the coast, the physical terrain holds great
appeal for tourists.
One component of the physical environment which has more limited significance for
tourism is the presence of mineral springs or spas. In historical times, conviction in the
medicinal properties of mineral waters for drinking or bathing, stimulated the earliest
visitors to places like Bath and Tunbridge Wells in Britain, and Spa, itself, in Belgium.
Despite advances in modern medicine, ‘taking the waters’ at spas and similar health
resorts continued to attract a considerable clientele. Increasingly, however, with the
development of additional facilities close by for amusement and diversion, the function
of spas became as much, if not more, social than therapeutic. One health resort in the
United States, French Lick, in southern Indiana, even became the focus for thriving
illegal gambling and liquor activities in the ‘prohibition’ era. However, tourism for health
purposes remains important for many people, so that clinics and sanatoria continue to
attract significant numbers of patrons.
A related phenomenon with implications for tourism, is the drawing power of religious
shrines, like Lourdes in France and Knock in Ireland, based in part, on beliefs in the
miraculous powers of water from local springs, which had their origin in visions last
century. Spiritual reasons have always been a powerful stimulus to travel, and large
numbers of pilgrims continue to visit Mecca and other Moslem holy places annually.
Religious centres such as the Vatican, Jerusalem and Benares also attract pilgrims in
large numbers.
Many tourists are genuinely interested in foreign places and people, so that aside from
the physical environment, the opportunity to make contact with other people’s culture
and way of life is a strong influence on tourism. The appeal of traditional architecture,
folklore, unusual customs, crafts and foods, is well-documented. Not all of these are
authentic, and there is considerable potential for tourism to distort the cultural tradition of
host communities.
Interest in past cultures is also the basis for historical tourism, whereby the primary
focus is on inspecting the legacy of a bygone age. Features of historic interest have a
proven fascination for tourists, whether these be the magnificent homes and castles of
Britain and Europe, artefacts and ruins of the ancient world, sites of military battles,
picturesque villages mirroring a past lifestyle, restored railways and steamships, or the
collections of miscellaneous junk which pass for museums in some small, isolated
settlements in outback Australia. Countries with a relatively short history (e.g Australia
and New Zealand), often find it more practical and rewarding from a tourism perspective
to re-create features and settlements of the past, and present these in something of an
outdoor museum setting. Thus, Old Sydney Town portrays life in the First European
Settlement in Australia, and Sovereign Hill promotes itself as a re-creation of one of the
early goldmining towns in the State of Victoria. Historical theme parks also flourish in
the United States, where attractions like Knott’s Berry Farm and Disneyland in Los
Angeles rely to a great extent on revivals of the past.
Clearly, tourism, nostalgia and culture can have a mutually beneficial relationship;
interest in history stimulates tourism, which, in turn, makes historical (heritage)
preservation possible. Handled correctly, preservation certainly pays in terms of tourism.
As Newcomb (1979:232) puts it: ‘Our visible past is like a fire which…if we tend it
carefully…will illuminate our pleasure and…touch our imagination and our hearts’.
Tourism systems
Tourism involves tourists themselves, the regions of tourist origins, the destination region
and the linkages in-between. Some writers have suggested that a systems framework is
the most suitable means of drawing these facets together for study.
Leiper (1979; 1981) proposed an open system of five interacting elements,
encompassing a dynamic human element—the tourists; three geographical elements—the
generating region, the transit route and the destination region; and an economic
element—the tourist industry (see Figure 11.1). Leiper’s model recognises that the
central element of the system is people—the tourists themselves. They comprise the
energising source, and their attributes and behaviour help define the role of other
elements in the system. The generating region is the origin of potential tourist demand,
linked by transit routes to the destination or focus of tourist activity. Subsumed within
these three geographical elements are the industrial component and service infrastructure
of tourism, comprising all the firms, organisations and facilities that are intended to serve
the specific needs and wants of tourists, before departure, en-route and at the
destination(s).
Leiper (1995:26) suggests ‘that any of the five elements can be used as a focal topic.
Studying tourists involves considering tourists in relation to the other four
elements…Studying places as tourist destinations involves considering that element in
relation to the other four, and so on’ (see Figure 11.2). In this way,
Figure 11.1 A basic whole tourism

system
Source: Leiper (1995:25)
Figure 11.2 A systematic model for

interdisciplinary tourism studies
Source: Leiper (1995:26)
Leiper presents a means for the enhancement of tourism knowledge, and a basis for good
scientific theory. He states:
Evidence about tourism comes from looking at the elements (tourists,

places, organisations), at their interaction with one another and with
environments, and from making observations using appropriate
techniques from a range of disciplines. This is balanced by the systemic
structure explicit in the model for interdisciplinary tourism studies.
(Leiper 1995:27)
Leiper’s model can be criticised, in that it might be argued that the destination region and
its distinguishing characteristics should receive more prominence, and the generating
region less. Obviously, the latter is the scene for a good deal of advertising and
promotional activity, designed to stimulate tourism. Market research has also been
directed to discovering what it is about the environment at the origin which helps
generate an exodus of tourists. Unfortunately, however, tourists ‘at home’ are largely
indistinguishable from the rest of the population, and even if they were distinguishable,
their presence and often humdrum everyday existence, holds no special significance for
the generating region. The destination, on the other hand, receives and reflects the full
impact of the influx of visitors. This is where most tourism studies have been directed,
and rightly so. Leiper (1979) concedes that it is the destination region where the most
significant and dramatic aspects of tourism occur. Its attractions and facilities are
essential to the tourism process, and it is the location of many of the important functional
sectors of the tourist industry. To a significant degree, the environment and landscape of
the destination region could be said to be an index of all the positive and negative
features of modern tourism.
Tourist motivation
The subject of tourist motivation involves questions about why people travel. However,
identifying clearly the relationships between an individual’s motivations and selection of
a destination is a difficult task. Krippendorf (1987), for instance, identified a number of
tourist motivations, including:
• recuperation and regeneration;
• compensation and social integration;
• escape;
• communication;
• broadening the mind;
• freedom and self-determination;
• self-realisation;
• happiness.
Collectively, these motivations reflect that ‘the traveller…is a mixture of many
characteristics that cannot be simply assigned into this category or that one’ (Krippendorf
1987:28).
Tourist motivations have occupied an important place in tourism literature. One of the
most widely cited publications on tourist motivation was that of Gray (1970), who
presented two basic reasons for pleasure travel—‘wanderlust’ (people’s desire to leave
familiar surroundings and experience things exciting and different) and ‘sunlust’ (seeking
out places that have better attributes for specific purposes than are available locally, and
which may literally mean a ‘hunt for the sun’) (Pearce 1987:2). ‘Wanderlust may be
thought of essentially as a “push” factor whereas sunlust is largely a response to “pull”
factors elsewhere’ (Pearce 1987:22) (also see Chapter 2 for a more detailed discussion of
recreation motivations and choice).
The predominant approach to the study of tourist travel motivation has been to attempt
to characterise ‘push’ factors as determinants of travel behaviour, such factors typically
being conceptualised in terms of needs. For instance, the role of escapism was central to
the work of Dann (1976), who argued that fantasy motivators form an important element
of travel demand, and demonstrate its individualistic nature. As Leiper (1984) similarly
argues:
all leisure involves a temporary escape of some kind…tourism is unique

in that it involves a real physical escape, reflected in travelling, to one or
more destination regions where the leisure experiences transpire… A
holiday trip allows changes that are multi-dimensional: place, pace, faces,
lifestyles, behaviour and attitude. It allows a person temporary withdrawal
from many of the environments affecting day to day existence.
The discussion of tourist motivations and behaviour, though brief here, clearly
emphasises the critical role of market segmentation in tourism planning and development.
Tourist areas cannot be all things to all people. They require careful planning and
management, while providing appropriate resources and facilities for those travellers
destination regions wish to attract. One means of developing appropriate resources,
landscapes and facilities is the Tourism Opportunity Spectrum, derived from the
Recreation Opportunity Spectrum (see below).
Tourism landscapes
Reference was made earlier to the landscape of tourism, not so much in the sense of
attractive scenery, but in the association of distinctive physical and cultural features
characteristic of tourist development. Used in this way, the term is analogous to
agricultural or residential landscapes. The landscape of tourism reflects the imprint, both
good and bad, of mass travel on the environment, and the relationship is inescapable. The
landscape makes tourism and, in turn, tourism makes the landscape.
Given the diverse nature of resources and experiences which appeal to travellers, the
range of recipient landscapes created for, and emanating from, tourism is wide. The
natural beauty to be found in the west of Ireland, the glittering facade of Las Vegas, or
the simulated atmosphere of the South Seas re-created in Hawaii, all represent particular
landscape types orientated to tourism. Whereas it is easy to deplore the ‘look-alike’
landscapes spawned by mass tourism across the globe (Eckbo 1967), it is another matter
to attempt to interpret and explain their evolution from a generic point of view (Price
1980; 1981). Some interesting work has been carried out on the townscapes of tourist
destinations.
Lavery (1974) outlined the historical background to the development of holiday
resorts in Western Europe (also see King 1997), and, in particular, alpine resorts, spas
and seaside resorts. He proposed a typological classification of resorts, based on their
function and the extent of their visitor hinterland. A hierarchy of eight categories was
identified, encompassing: capital cities; select resorts; popular resorts; minor resorts;
cultural/historic centres; winter resorts; spas/watering places, and day-trip resorts. Lavery
concedes that the classification is subjective and that obvious omissions are, specifically,
seaside resorts, religious/spiritual centres, and ‘created’ resorts such as Disneyland in
Florida. Some resorts would also fit several categories, while others have progressed
from one orientation to another.
Undoubtedly, tourist destinations, like resources in general, pass through cycles linked
to fashion and tourist behaviour. The popular appeal of established destinations fluctuates
as changed circumstances trigger new sets of interests and different clients. Innovative
forms of tourism may emerge and lead to the eclipse of redundant tourist outlets and the
discovery of fresh attractions and venues. Explanation of such cycles has been linked to
the behavioural characteristics of travellers. Two major human polarities have been
identified:
Allocentric persons—self-confident, successful, high earners and frequent

travellers, who prefer uncrowded destinations and exploring strange
cultures;
Psychocentric persons—unsure of themselves, low earners and
infrequent travellers who seek the security of tours and familiar
destinations.
(Plog 1972)
The great majority of people are mid-centric: they fall between these two extremes and
favour budget tours, heavily-used destinations, familiar food and chain-type
accommodation. According to this hypothesis, resorts tend to rise and fall in cycles which
match their appeal to particular categories of tourists (see Figure 11.3).
They move through a continuum…appealing first to allocentrics and last

to psychocentrics… As the destination becomes more popular, the mid-
centric audience begins to pick up…(which) leads to further development
of the resort, in terms of hotels, tourist shops, scheduled
Figure 11.3 The cycle of tourist resort

development
Source: Kaiser and Helber (1978:8) (after Plog 1972)
activities for tourists and the usual services that are provided in a
‘nature’ resort area…continued development…carries with it the threat of
the destruction of the area as a viable tourist resort… Destination areas
carry with them potential seeds of their own destruction, as they allow
themselves to become more commercialized and lose the qualities which

originally attracted tourists.
(Plog 1972:4)
It is important to note that decline of a resort is not inevitable. With appropriate planning
and sound management, it is possible for success to be predicted, achieved and sustained.
The possibility of rejuvenation is also stressed by Butler (1980), who cites the
introduction of gambling casinos into Atlantic City, New Jersey, as an attempt to tap a
new resort market. Other studies (eg. Christaller 1963; Hovinen 1981; 1982) have also
examined patterns in the development of tourist destinations, while Butler’s work is
discussed in more detail later in this chapter.
From the point of view of landscape, it could be expected that each category of resort
would develop its own recognisable blend of structures, activities and functions making
up a tourist environment responsive to the requirements of the predominant type of
visitors. The distinctiveness of tourist centres as special-purpose settlements is perhaps
best seen in the morphology and townscape of seaside resorts, especially those of Britain
and Western Europe.
In a study of English and Welsh seaside resorts, Barrett (1958) identified several
common morphological features or characteristics. In particular, he noted the significance
of the seafront in the structure and location of the commercial core, and a marked
zonation of vacation accommodation and residential areas. Moreover, because growth
along one axis was precluded or restricted, elongation of settlement occurred parallel to
the coast. In Barrett’s study, the core shopping and business
Figure 11.4 Schematic model of an

English seaside resort
Source: Barrett (1958:36)
district was offset symmetrically to a frontal retail and accommodation strip, which was
the focus of resort activities, and which was functionally and socioeconomically distinct
from the rest of the town (Figure 11.4). All these features were subject to modification,
because of terrain and pre-resort transport and land use patterns.
Studies of New Jersey seashore resort towns also identified linearity in the various
functional zones in response to location of principal routeways and proximity to the
beach, and recognised a specialised frontal trading zone, termed the Recreational
Business District (RBD) (Stanfield 1969; Stanfield and Rickert 1970). This zone was
spatially and functionally distinct from the Central Business District (CBD), and
comprised an aggregation of seasonal retail establishments catering exclusively for
leisure-time shopping. Stanfield nominated the boardwalk as a uniquely American
phenomenon, and grouped it with the British pier and promenade as a major contribution
to the morphology of resort settlements.
Lavery (1974) put forward a schematic representation of a ‘typical’ seaside resort,
with prime frontal locations occupied by the larger accommodation facilities, and a
gradation in land values and tourist-oriented functions away from the seafront, the main
focus of visitor attraction. Lavery also noted the spatial and functional separation of the
CBD from the RBD, and associated the latter with the main route from the public
transport terminal (e.g. railway station), in contrast to the emphasis given by Stanfield to
vehicular access.
In Australia, an attempt was made to establish the extent to which the ‘model’ features
found in British and North American seaside settlements were present in Australian
beach resorts (Pigram 1977). The study was carried out at the Gold Coast on the
Queensland/New South Wales border, which has become the focus of intensive tourist
development catering to over two million visitors annually (Figure 11.5). Several
interesting parallels can be drawn between the urban structure of Gold Coast settlements
and that outlined above. The attraction of the coast and
Figure 11.5 The Gold Coast Tourist

Complex, East Coast of Australia
Source: Pigram (1983:203)
beaches, the role of routeways and termini, the importance of topographical features, and
the influence of pre-resort form and function are readily discernible.
An interesting aspect in the Australian study was the development of paired resort
nodes at either end of the Gold Coast tourist complex. At the northern extremity, Surfers
Paradise dominated the amusement and entertainment scene (RBD), whereas Southport is
the regional and commercial centre (CBD). In the south, Coolangatta specialises in
recreational business, while the CBD is across the State border in Tweed Heads. The end
result is paired beach resorts which reflect, in part, the antecedents of European
settlement in Australia, yet show clearly the effects of modern forces in shaping the
tourist landscape.
More recently, in extending the work of those authors cited above, Meyer-Arendt
(1990) developed a model of the morphology and evolution of seaside resorts in the Gulf
of Mexico. In a departure from previous studies, Meyer-Arendt suggests that the
development of seaside resorts actually resembles a T-shape pattern, with the initial
beach access point becoming the main point (or locus) of tourist activities, eventually
evolving into the recreational business district (RBD). This pattern also forms the basis of
the beach resort model suggested by Smith (1992), who, in recognising the importance of
second homes and low-budget accommodation, proposed eight stages through which a
beachside resort develops. Resorts are receiving increasing research attention (King
1997).
Since resorts often aspire to being self-contained tourism destinations in

their own right, the literature has studied the phenomenon from a diversity
of angles, not confined to the study of resort facilities per se. These
approaches include resort development (Dean and Judd 1985; Stiles and
See-Tho 1991), planning (Smith 1992), the assessment of local attitudes
(Witter 1985), marketing (King and Whitelaw 1992), the resort life cycle
(Butler 1980), resorts as communities (Stettner 1993), architecture
(England 1980), landscaping (Ayala 1991a, b) and key success factors
(Wober and Zins 1995). A significant dimension of this literature is the
role of resorts as ‘enclave’ developments, separated from the reality of
daily life in adjacent areas or regions.
(Freitag 1994, in King 1997:11)
Integrated resorts are properties which incorporate a wide range of recreational facilities
and accommodation types. ‘Historically the evolution of tourism has been closely
identified with the beginnings and subsequent development of resorts’ (Medlik
1993:126). ‘The resort concept is based on providing leisure and recreation opportunities.
Many resorts are self-contained destinations providing accommodation, food service,
shopping and developed recreation opportunities. Some resorts rely on the natural
resource base of the area for access to recreational opportunities’ (Gartner 1997:135).
Resorts can be classified in many ways according to their specific location, their season
of use, and/or the recreational opportunities they offer—island resorts (see King 1997),
seaside or beach resorts, mountain or ski resorts, or health resorts. The term ‘resort’ has
been utilised to describe tourist destinations at different scales, each locale combining
specific locational, seasonal and recreational characteristics.
Butler (1980) has modelled the evolution of tourist resorts/destinations, using product
life-cycle analysis, and identifying the links between the development or otherwise of a
tourist resort/destination area and the nature of the travel market (see Figure 11.6). In the
early stages of the life cycle, few people visit the area, and most services are locally
provided. As the area increases in popularity, the extent of tourist development increases,
and the nature of that development changes as there is a shift from natural physical and
cultural attractions to ones which are more contrived and less authentic. In the
development phase:
…local involvement and control of development will decline rapidly.

Some locally provided facilities will have disappeared, being superseded
by larger, more elaborate, and more up-to-date facilities provided by
external organisations, particularly for visitor accommodation. Natural
and cultural attractions will be developed and marketed specifically, and
these original attractions will be supplemented by manmade imported
facilities. Changes in the physical environment of the area will be
noticeable, and it can be expected that not all of them will be welcomed or
approved by all of the local population.
(Butler 1980:8)
Eventually, resort areas reach maturity, where options for planning and development
arise and become more pressing. The resort may enter a stage of decline or stagnation,
and may then be rejuvenated. As development increases, infrastructure keeps pace with
the rising level of visitors. More activity options
Figure 11.6 Hypothetical model of

resort life cycle
Source: Adapted from Butler (1980)
are also added. Environmental and social impacts result from facility, attraction and
infrastructure development. Roads may be built into scenic areas to offer more
sightseeing opportunities; seaside resorts may experience a spread of development along
the coastline; ski resorts may expand the number of their trails, and so on.
Mathieson and Wall (1982:121) identified four types of transformation that occur
during the development stage: architectural pollution; ribbon development and sprawl;
infrastructure overload and traffic congestion. However, this analysis tends to focus on
the negative impacts of tourism on the environmental quality of the area, and does not
give due regard to the complex interrelationship between the environment and tourism,
which are inextricably linked, and which can produce benefits for each other (see Chapter
12). Nonetheless, mass tourism, in particular, may have negative impacts: urban sprawl,
diminished aesthetic values of the natural landscape; and decline in the levels of local
ownership (Kariel 1989). Unrestricted tourism development presents problems.
Therefore, tourist development must be well planned, professionally managed and set in a
broader context of development (see Pearce 1989).
Tourism opportunity spectrum
With the rapid increase in the popularity of outdoor recreation, and particularly such
activities as adventure, high-risk, and nature-based tourism, ‘the impacts of the increased
commercialisation of these travel opportunities have placed great pressure on unique and
significant natural resources’ (Butler and Waldbrook 1991:2). A planning strategy, the
tourism opportunity spectrum (TOS), useful in assessing the overall development of an
adventure-oriented tourism destination, was presented by Butler and Waldbrook (1991).
The tourism opportunity spectrum was presented as an extension and development of the
recreation opportunity spectrum (RSO) (see Chapters 5 and 6).
In their strategy, Butler and Waldbrook (1991:5) link:
Butler’s cycle of destinations to types of tourists, increasing levels of

packaging and sales, and decreasing levels of adventure available to the
explorer.
A destination based on natural resources may be able to service several
markets concurrently. Haywood (1986) describes the possibility of
sequential entry of distinct segments, each with its own degree of
institutionalisation (commercialisation). Cohen argues further for a
‘multiplicity of types’ and a ‘multilinear approach’ to describing tourists
(Cohen 1979:20). It is reasonable to assume that not all destinations will
proceed simply through such a cycle but may instead experience a
transition along a continuum of product development.
The ROS was, of course, developed as a tool for wilderness or remote area managers, but
it has been more widely applied. In the same way that the key underpinning principle of
the ROS is the supply of diverse recreation opportunities, a wider market penetration,
with greater compatibility among elements, can be obtained by implementing the TOS
(Butler and Waldbrook 1991:6).
The six factors of the ROS are utilised in the TOS, namely: access; other non-
recreational (adventure) uses; onsite management (tourism plant); social interaction;
acceptibility of visitor impacts; and acceptable level of regimentation. For each of these
factors, various agency and other responsibilities for tourism development can be
identified and allocated (see Table 11.1). According to Butler and Waldbrook (1991:11),
the TOS ‘represents a new and potentially useful tool for the planning and managing of
tourism resources and could ensure a more coordinated approach to presenting a
destination to a broadened adventure travel market’. An important feature of the TOS,

like its predecessor, the ROS, is that it accounts for demand and supply elements, while
resident attitudes towards development, business opportunities and constraints should be
examined and placed within the context of the spectrum. Economic impacts are also
recognised. Perhaps, also, the concept of the TOS, like the ROS, has potentially wider
application than remote areas, because it:
offers a context in which the present functioning of the system can be

understood and above all in which the likely implications of development
can be anticipated… Spatial proximity facilitates combined use and
therefore increases the opportunity spectrum in a particular site.
Obviously this concept, mainly based on the distribution characteristics of
the supply side, also refers to the actual pattern of use, the demand side.
Not all combinations of facilities equally increase the quality of the tourist
experience. A full understanding of tourist behaviour (in time and space)
and motivation patterns is needed.
(Jansen-Verbeke and Van de Wiel 1995:140)
The TOS requires reliable, current and comprehensive data. It encompasses demand and
supply (including infrastructure) elements, resident attitudes, business opportunities, and
economic aspects of various adventure tourist types in terms of appropriate marketing
strategies. It presents a means of maximising returns from visitors while minimising
negative impacts. Linking the concept with the destination life cycle provides explicit
recognition of the need to control market and product development in line with
sustainable development parameters. This is a major planning challenge.
Summary
While many forces influence tourism, tourism itself is a powerful agent of social,
economic and physical change, even disruption. Many of the problems and
Table 11.1 Responsibility for tourism development
under the tourism opportunity spectrum (Adapted
from Clark and Stankey 1979)
1 Access
Access System • N.W.T. Department of Public Works (Highways and Marine
Transportation Divisions)
• N.W.T. Department of Economic Development and Tourism
• elected members of the Territorial and Federal Legislative Assemblies
• Canadian Transport Commission
• Air Canada and Canadian Airlines officials (also includes local feeder
airlines)
• local lobby groups including aboriginal groups, the Delta/Beaufort

Development Impact Zone group (monitor oil impacts)
Marketplace • local tour operators
• non-local travel trade
• market interest and desire to seek out information
Means of Conveyance • individual ownership of mode of transportation
Transportation
• commercial sales and rentals of transportation in the region
Information Channels • degree of customer interactions
• availability of books on the region at libraries, bookstores, and actual
numbers published
• N.W.T. Department of Economic Development and Tourism
(Travelarctic) production and distribution (mail, telephone, fax) of
materials
2 Other non- • private sector oil companies (Esso, Amoco, Gulf)
adventure uses
• Mackenzie/Beaufort Regional Land Use Planning Commission
• Western Arctic Visitor’s Association
• Department of Economic Development and Tourism
• Aboriginal Land Use Corporation
3 Tourism plant • private sector operators
• Department of Economic Development and Tourism (Inuvik Region)
• Municipal Government
• Aboriginal Land Use Corporations
• Hunters and Trappers Associations
4 Social interaction • consumers will regulate themselves as they react to crowding levels
and host behaviour
• Department of Economic Development and Tourism (Inuvik Region)
• Aboriginal Cultural Agencies
5 Acceptability of • internal market regulation based upon customer perception of region,
visitor impacts depending upon the availability of market information, local tourism
associations will become involved
6 Acceptability of • local and non-local tour operators
regimentation
• market reactions
• unpredictable weather patterns

Source: Butler and Waldbrook (1991:11)
undesirable features associated with tourism flow from inadequate attention to the
planning and design of tourist developments. At first sight, planning for tourism might
seem a contradiction in terms, and likely to inhibit the spontaneity identified with
pleasure/leisure travel. However, planning for tourism is as essential as planning within
other sectors of an economy. It is the absence or weakness of planning which allows the
development of types of tourism incompatible with natural and other (e.g. economic)
systems, and which permits the expansion of tourism at a rate inconsistent with the
capacity of the infrastructure and society to cope with the pressure.
The next chapter examines the relationship between tourism and the environment. It is
argued there that tourism can contribute to substantial upgrading of the environment, and
to economic and social development; this can add to visitor enjoyment, if development is
of an enlightened, sustainable form. Environmental changes stemming from tourism can
be positive.

• There are many comprehensive introductory texts to tourism. Readers should consult:
Mathieson and Wall (1982); Mill and Morrison (1985); Pearce (1989); Hall (1995);
Pearce et al. (1998).
• Tourism in the Pacific and Asia: Hall and Page (1996); Hall (1997).
Review questions
1 Compare and contrast definitions of ‘tourist’, ‘tourism’ and ‘tourist industry’. Can
you readily identify the ‘tourist industry’? Examine contesting arguments about the
existence of such an industry.
2 Critically examine the main forces affecting global tourism patterns and processes.
3 Conduct an inventory of the resource base for tourism and recreation in a place of
your choice (perhaps your local area). In that inventory, identify the agencies responsible
for the management of those resources. Have there been any recent, notable conflicts
among those agencies, with respect to recreational and tourist use of resources? Based on
the resources you have identified, can you identify any potential recreational and tourist
opportunities yet to be identified or explored by management agencies?
4 Critically assess the Tourism Opportunity Spectrum as presented by Butler and

Waldbrook (1991). Are there any deficiencies in this framework? If so, explain why they
exist, and how they might be addressed by refinement of the framework.
12
TOURISM AND THE ENVIRONMENT
Rather than opposing change, or merely accepting and
accommodating change, the tourism industry must manage
change to its advantage and that of the environment which
nurtures it. Endorsement and application of the concept of
sustainability and of best-practice environmental
management offer compelling evidence of how change can
be harnessed to contribute towards the achievement of
environmental excellence. Although tourism flourishes
best in conditions of peace, prosperity, freedom and
security, disturbance to these conditions is to be expected.
The industry response must be sufficiently resilient to
generate opportunities for the growth of tourism in keeping
with the dynamics of a changing world and increasing
concern for ecologically sustainable development.
Pigram and Wahab (1997:17)
The environment is the aggregate of resources available to human beings. It comprises

the natural environment of earth—water, air, flora, fauna and ecosystems and their
associated processes—and the social, cultural and economic environments of human
beings. Clearly, the environmental impacts of tourism must be viewed in the broadest
sense, taking into account the full range of economic, ecological, social and cultural
factors.
Recreation, tourism and the environment are interdependent, but their relationship is
not constant, varying over space and time. The forces underpinning the growth and
changing patterns and processes with respect to leisure, recreation and tourism (see
Chapters 1 and 11), coupled with such factors as greater environmental awareness,
industrial growth, pollution, limited knowledge about ecological/ environmental
processes, and other factors, mean that this relationship is very complex and dynamic.
Recreation and tourism can cause negative and positive environmental change, with
debate about acceptable limits of change likely to emerge. Critical concerns, then, are
understanding the relationship between recreation, tourism and the environment, and
identifying ways of managing resources in harmony with the attractiveness of many
recreational and tourist activities.
Tourism—environment interaction
Tourism and the environment 241
Tourism can have beneficial and negative consequences for the environment; tourist
development can contribute to substantial upgrading of the recreational resource base,
and thus add to visitor and local resident enjoyment. It can also lead, for example, to
improved transportation sy stems (an important component of the tourist experience)
through advances in vehicle and routeway design (Gunn 1994). This allows greater
opportunity for pleasurable and meaningful participation in travel, and, simultaneously,
creates external economies. ‘Improvements in transportation networks, water quality and
sanitation facilities may have been prompted by the tourist industry, but benefit other
sectors of the economy. An international airport… provides improved access to other
regions for locally produced goods’ (Vanhove 1997:67) (also see Gunn 1994; Page
1994).
Enhanced understanding of the resource base is another positive outcome of pleasure
travel, brought about by the application of various management techniques to interpret
and articulate the environment to visitors (e.g. see Hall and McArthur 1993; 1996).
Beneficial modifications or adaptations to climate in the form of recreational structures,
clothing and equipment, have also been developed in response to the stimulus from
tourism.
Improved habitats for fish and wildlife, and control of pests and undesirable species
have become possible through the economic support and motivation of increased use.
According to McNeely (1988, in Lindberg 1991), African fauna (e.g. african elephants,
lions, mountain gorillas and rhinos) are protected and managed as tourist resources. Lions
and elephant herds were individually estimated to be worth about $27,000 and $610,000
per annum, respectively. Further positive response can be seen in the broadening of
opportunities to view and experience both the physical and cultural world. Ready
examples are the opening of national parks, wilderness areas and forests for recreational
use, and continued agitation for better access to water-based recreational resources along
streams and coastlines.
The many ramifications of tourism give much scope for interaction with the
environment. Some observers (e.g. Eckbo 1967; Relph 1976), while conceding beneficial
spin-offs in the economic, political and cultural spheres, remain convinced that, ‘in the
long run, tourism, like any other industry, contributes to environmental destruction’
(Cohen, 1978:220), or conserves only the things that are of potential and actual tourist
interest (i.e. flora, fauna, cultures and landscapes that tourists want to see). Gartner
(1997) points to critics who oppose tourist development on the grounds of declining
water quality, stemming from visitor overuse in the Mediterranean, the Adriatic and other
popular destinations (for a detailed discussion on seacoasts and tourism, see German
Federal Agency for Nature Conservation 1997). Others, like the authors of this book,
believe that with proper planning and management, incorporating sustainable
environmental goals, tourism can help maintain, or even enhance the environment, and be
a positive influence in the process of cultural dynamics, while simultaneously
contributing to a region’s economic development. Despite the protracted debates about
tourism and its economic significance in developed and developing countries, there is
considerable disagreement as to whether the incidence and magnitude of the effects of
tourism can be accurately measured (e.g. the problems in determining carrying capacities
that are noted in earlier chapters).
Unfortunately, the tourism-environment relationship is generally expressed in terms of

opposing alternatives—either protecting the environment for tourism, or protecting the
environment from tourism. However, these objectives need not be mutually exclusive.
There appear to be several modes of expressing the impact of tourism: the net effect may
well be tourism-related and environmental enhancement. A balanced appraisal of the
growing links between heritage and tourism in European cities (Ashworth and Tunbridge
1990) identified both the benefits and problems in such links, and the importance of
delicate planning and management if the two were to exist in a mutually beneficial
manner (also see Hall and McArthur 1993; 1996). Increasing cultural awareness and
consciousness has stimulated restoration of historic sites and antiquities. Referring
particularly to Europe, Haulot (1978) raises questions about how this heritage—the
landmarks, castles and artifacts of past eras—could be kept intact, if its existence and
preservation had not become the ongoing concern of a great audience of tourists,
resulting both in substantial financial contributions from the visitors themselves and
generous state support.
Design of contemporary tourist complexes appears to benefit from the demands of a
more discerning tourist population. While there remain many examples of unfortunate
additions to the tourist landscape, modification of the built environment for today’s
tourist is marked increasingly by quality architecture, design and engineering. Higher
standards of safety, sanitation and maintenance also help to reduce the potential for
pollution. These advances demonstrate that tourism need not destroy natural and cultural
values, and, in fact, can contribute to an aesthetically pleasing landscape (e.g. Harrison
and Husbands 1996; Murphy 1997).
The potential for enlightened development is exemplified in the many sophisticated
tourist developments in various countries of the world (e.g. see Harrison and Husbands
1996). However, there are environmental costs in tourism development, the distribution
of the economic benefits of tourism is uneven, and ecological damage and destruction are
widespread.
The environmental benefits and costs of tourism raise the question of externalities—
‘those costs or benefits arising from production or consumption of goods and services
which are not reflected in market prices. Because of this there is little incentive for firms
to curb external costs, since they do not have to pay for them’ (Tribe 1995:244).
Examples include aircraft noise disturbing residents around airports serving tourist
routes; the loss of a mangrove swamp when a tropical island resort is built; and
inadequate fauna preservation through establishment of African safari parks (e.g. see Bull
1995:163). Tribe (1995:245) illustrates the point with reference to sewage discharges into
the sea:
Whilst there is little marginal private cost to the water companies for
pumping sewage into the sea, it represents a loss of well-being to people
who want to use the sea. There is a considerable marginal external cost,
which takes the form of cleaning costs to surf equipment, medical costs to
treat infections and loss of earning caused by sickness. These are readily
identifiable costs to which must be added the general unpleasantness of
contact with sewage.
‘By analysing externalities, the public or social benefits and costs of tourism may be
added to, and subtracted from, its commercial market value to an economy’ (Bull
1995:163). Clearly, then, ‘Recognition of the importance of unpriced values and
externalities in tourism at least warns us to treat carefully any statistics on the commercial
importance of this sector to an economy’ (Bull 1995:176). Rarely, however, are the
external benefits and costs of tourism accounted for in financial terms.
Although it can be conceded that tourism has much (perhaps unrealised) potential for
environment enhancement, negative impacts do occur in a number of areas, particularly
from the predatory effects of seasonal migrations of visitors, and resulting disturbance to,
or destruction of, flora and fauna. The most obvious repercussions are likely to be in
natural areas, but the built environment and urban areas may also be impaired, and the
social fabric of communities can be widely disrupted.
Pollution, both direct and indirect, and in all its forms (from aircraft emissions, to
architectural insensitivity, to destruction of ecosystems), is a conspicuous manifestation
of the detrimental effect of tourism (Young 1973; Gunn 1994). Erosion of the resource
base is a particularly serious environmental aspect (Wall and Wright 1977). This can
range from incidental wear and tear of flora and structures, through soil erosion, to
vandalism and deliberate destruction or removal of features which constitute the appeal
of a setting. This erosive process is accelerated at times by use of incongruous
technological innovations and by inferior design and inappropriate style in the
construction of tourist facilities. Tangi (1977), for example, described some of the tourist
resorts of the Mediterranean as architectural insults to the natural or historic sites where
they are located. It is as well to remember, of course, that the strange architecture of
today, which may be challenged by so many, may become the heritage of tomorrow and
challenged by few (as is the case with the Sydney Opera House, Australia).
In many destination areas, the environment must serve not only conflicting tourist
uses, but also the resident community, many of whom take a proprietorial attitude
towards their surroundings. Congestion and overtaxing of infrastructure and basic
services, which are particularly prevalent in high seasons, can generate dissension
between visitors and the local population, the latter coming to resent the intrusion of
tourism (e.g. see Doxey 1974; Pearce 1978; 1979). In a related study, Rothman (1978)
listed municipal services and facilities, access to recreational sites, and personal and
social life, as features of the sociocultural environment, seasonally curtailed by
vacationers. Social interaction between residents and tourists was reported as minimal,
with large numbers of visitors opting for an exclusive environment requiring the least
cultural adjustment on their part. In developing countries, too, aspects of tourism may
have long-term disruptive effects on the life-styles and employment patterns of host
communities, especially where the actual dispersal of visitors is minimal and they stay
largely within the confines of ‘the resort’.
The potential for tourist activity to disrupt host communities often varies seasonally.
The subject of seasonality with respect to tourism is complex, but its causes and effects
have received insufficient critical attention. As Butler and Mao (1997) point out, ‘The
nature of the relationship between seasonality and the motivation of visitors is not known,
and issues such as whether dissatisfaction with conditions in the origin region, or desire
for the attractions of the destination, play a greater role in shaping the seasonal patterns of
tourism is also a mystery’. It is also not known why tourists travel in peak seasons,
because a number of forces are likely to be acting on tourists’ motivations and choice at
any one time.
With so many variations on the theme, it is difficult to generalise on the relationship
between tourism and the environment. The relative importance of each influential factor
varies with the location and situation, and negative effects need to be balanced against
positive impacts. Certainly, the ugly face of tourism receives wide exposure, and the
relationship depicted in Figure 12.1a could well apply, with an increase in tourism
bringing about a decrease in environmental quality. However, change does not
necessarily equate with degradation, and tourism and environmental quality are not
mutually exclusive goals. The net effect may be marginally negative (Figure 12.1b), or
the two may be organised in such a way that both benefit and give each other support
(Figure 12.1c).
Clearly, tourism and protection of the resource base are more alike than contradictory;
the demands of tourism, instead of conflicting with conservation, actually require it
(Gunn 1972). If this is not the case, the very appeal which lures the visitor to a site will
be eroded, and with reduced satisfaction, any chance of sustained viability for the
destination will disappear.
Environmental influences
The nature and extent of tourism’s impact on the physical environment are determined by
many factors, including:
• the length of time since tourist development was initiated and the aspirations of
developers—short-term goals characterise much tourist development, which is largely
speculative in nature, and which is facilitated by entrepreneurs who are often either
ignorant of, or blatantly ignore, the consequences of their actions and their cumulative
effects;
• the number of tourists and the intensity of on-site use—all things being equal, as visitor
numbers increase, it is likely that there will be greater transformation of the
environment. Of course, the resiliency of the ecosystem (see below) and management
regimes will affect this relationship so that it is non-linear;
• the nature and resilience of the destination‘s ecosystem—certain types of vegetation
and soils can withstand greater visitor numbers, while climate and
Figure 12.1 Tourism and

environmental quality
Source: Pigram (1983:210)
seasonal variations in temperature, rainfall and humidity, influence plant growth
rates. Similarly, Western cultures are perhaps less likely to be influenced by
Western visitors’ attitudes and behaviour than less developed or Asian countries
and vice versa. All in all, there is great variation among ecosystems and cultural
systems even at the local level;
• the dynamic nature of tourist demand and the dynamism of tourist development—tourist
motivations and choices change over time, so that destinations rise and fall in
popularity, while the nature of attractions, services and facilities at destinations
change.
Aside from the above factors, a broad range of environmental factors and their
relationship to tourism warrant discussion.
Weather, climate and environmental uncertainty

The relationships between tourist and recreation activity and the environment (e.g.
aesthetics, temperatures; topography and wildlife) have received insufficient attention.
Weather and climate may be regarded as inputs to the amenity index of a place or region
(Pigram and Hobbs 1975). In this context, they are important influences on tourist
choices and behaviour. ‘Environmental changes, including… shifts in climatic patterns,
have the ability to affect destinations, by directly changing some attributes of the tourism
product itself and by altering locational advantages of different types of destination’
(Craig-Smith and Bull 1990, in Bull 1995:238) (also see Chapter 11). Acid rain, global
warming and ozone depletion are indications that the atmosphere may be changing at an
unprecedented rate, with implications for flora, fauna, and human activities, including
tourist development. Extreme events such as floods, droughts and hurricanes may
increase or decrease, and the insurance industry is playing a growing role in influencing
what can be built where. Many recreation activities take place on coasts and in
mountains, both particularly vulnerable locations in an era of change.
Global climate change, including ozone depletion, may modify tourism

and recreation resources and how the potential clientele perceives them
and thus require businesses and destination areas to adjust to changing
circumstances…with respect to the climate, the past may no longer be an
adequate guide to the future…climate change may be one factor among
many worthy of inclusion in tourism planning and investment decisions.
(Carmichael et al 1995:513)
Despite recent indications that many tourist areas may be affected by the warmer
temperatures stemming from global warming, research concerning (1) the relationships
between tourist and outdoor recreation activity and environmental (and, more
specifically, climate) change, and (2) industry response strategies, is lacking. Outdoor
recreation is an activity that will probably adapt to different conditions as tourists
substitute one activity for another, or one resort for another, as conditions and seasons
change. Downhill and cross-country skiing are two activities likely to be most affected by
global warming (see Chapter 11), not to mention coastal areas and associated activities
and resources, if sea levels rise. Other activities, too, could be significantly affected. As
the relationship between tourism and the environment becomes more widely recognised,
so, too, does the relationship between tourism and nature conservation, and the need for
environmentally sustainable forms of tourist development.
Tourism and nature conservation
Conservation is a philosophy which is directed at the manner and timing of resource use
(O’Riordan 1971:8), and may be defined as managing the resources of the environment—
air water, soil, mineral resources and living species, including man—so as to achieve the
highest sustainable quality of life.
Nature conservation is a dynamic concept which is subject to diverse understandings
and interpretations, spatially and temporally, and which is supported for many different
reasons (e.g. ethical reasons; encouraging environmental sustainability; maintaining
genetic diversity; recreation; scientific research; future choices and utility; education; and
political reasons).
Recognition of the importance of nature conservation can be seen in the relatively
recent rise of the environmental movement, and, simultaneously, the development of a
conservation ethic in modern society. That recognition is tangibly evident in (1) the
creation and resourcing of public and private sector agencies and interest groups, (2)
related legislation and public policy, and (3) the establishment of resource management
units such as national parks and wilderness areas, which often serve as important tourist
attractions.
Tourism and nature conservation are interdependent, and their relationship has been a
lengthy one. Tourism often stimulates measures to protect or conserve nature, but, at the
same time (and somewhat paradoxically), presents a significant environmental risk,
especially because of its demands on the natural environment, and therefore on
responsible agencies. These risks are intensifying as domestic and international tourist
demand for natural areas grows in many developed and less developed countries.
Furthermore, the nature of that tourist demand is such, that tourists are seeking more
spontaneity, independence and participation in their travel experiences (e.g. the growth of
nature-based tourism—see below).
Budowski (1976) noted three different relationships with respect to conservation and
tourism—conflict, coexistence or symbiosis—which can exist between those promoting
tourism and those advocating conservation of nature. Conflict occurs when
conservationists see that tourism can have only detrimental effects on the environment.
Coexistence is noted when some, though possibly little, positive contact occurs between
the two groups (conservation and tourism). Symbiosis is reached when the relationship
between tourism and conservation is organised in such a way that both derive benefit
from the relationship. Conflict and coexistence are common. Symbiosis is perhaps the
least represented relationship in the national and international perspective.
Tourism can cause environmental degradation, but it can also contribute to substantial
enhancement of the environment. Sustainable tourism requires the conservation of nature,
and thereby leads to the maintenance or substantial enhancement of natural areas, and
subsequently to increases in visitor satisfaction.
As noted above, tourism provides an economic impetus for the conservation of the
environment, due to the fact that protected and/or scenic areas are major attractions for
domestic and international tourists. Tourism can also contribute to a wider appreciation
of nature conservation by promoting and making more accessible specific sites and
aspects of nature.
The role of tourism as a consistent contributor to nature conservation is often debated,
because, among other things, tourists trample vegetation, disturb wildlife, carry
pathogens and weeds, and do not always behave in ways which promote the symbiotic
relationship desired between the industry and conservation (e.g. when engaged in
vandalism or littering). Tourism, too, has fostered the intensive viewing (with resulting
disturbance or damage) and export of protected and/or endangered species.
The interrelationships between tourism and nature conservation are thus extremely
complex and dynamic, with conflict being most acute where tourist development occurs
rapidly and without strategic planning. Unfortunately, tourism and recreation research has
developed few strong concepts or theories to guide the role and management of tourism
in nature conservation. Many studies focus narrowly on the physical impacts of
developments at a particular site and neglect the human element, few have a longitudinal
basis, and most are reactionary. Even when impacts are identified or speculated, the
research focus is largely limited to the effects of tourism on vegetation and, to a lesser
extent, on wildlife, with impacts on air and water quality, soils and ecosystems relatively
neglected. Therefore, a number of methodological problems concerning research on
tourism and the natural environment (and thus nature conservation) can be identified:
• the difficulty of distinguishing between changes induced by tourism and those induced
by other activities;
• the lack of information concerning conditions prior to the advent of tourism and, hence,
the lack of a baseline against which change can be measured;
• the paucity of information on the numbers, types and tolerance levels of different
species of flora and fauna;
• the concentration of researchers upon particular primary resources, such as beaches and
mountains, which are ecologically sensitive (Mathieson and Wall 1982:94).
Tourism development must be environmentally sensitive and consistent with long-term
nature conservation, otherwise it presents risks to the sustainability of the industry itself,
and more generally the natural environment. Tourist pressures on nature conservation
will continue to grow, and a clearly established and widespread balance between tourism
and nature conservation will never be universally accepted, this being perhaps most
problematic in wilderness and very sensitive areas. The relationship between tourism and
nature conservation is thus a highly political issue, which is in need of much greater
research attention if the natural resources upon which tourism so heavily relies, are not to
be degraded or destroyed. Successful integration of tourism and nature conservation
objectives is of increasing importance, because it can enhance the choices of people and
help maintain or even enhance the quality of the environment.
Economic and social perspectives
The role of tourism in the economy is seldom perceived clearly. Rarely are specific
economic sectors focused on tourist activities, and the attributes of the tourist ‘industry’,
which would facilitate an assessment of its overall economic significance, are difficult to
establish. Yet, without such assessment, public and private sector decisions regarding
tourism at various scales must be made in a vacuum. Allocation of resources to tourist
enterprises by governments, investors, consultants or planners, is too important to be
based merely on intuition or value judgments that tourism is a good or bad thing. In the
harsh environment of commercial risk-taking and in the disbursement of public funds,
economic worth must be proven, not merely inferred.
The term ‘tourist industry’ is a generic expression, yet the industry is anything but
homogenous. It includes activities which are clearly of primary importance to tourism
(e.g. travel agents, accommodation and transport), as well as other enterprises, where the
degree of involvement with tourists is indirect or secondary, if not dubious or unknown
(e.g. some festivals and events, restaurants, and recreational facilities). On this basis, the
tourist industry comprises accommodation outlets; food and catering establishments;
travel agents and wholesale tour operators; transport services; recreation and
entertainment facilities primarily for travelling, and public agencies concerned with
tourism. The impact of tourism at an international level was discussed in Chapter 11.
However, it is on the domestic scene, where the economic effects may be demonstrated
most effectively, both at the national scale, as well as regionally and sectorally.
The most obvious economic impact of tourism is associated with tourist expenditures,
which become a source of income and employment to local communities. Tourism can
also play an important role as a means of decentralisation, and of boosting employment in
otherwise depressed regions. In less developed regions, resources may become
unproductive for agriculture or industry, but can become a source of wealth through
tourism. The generation of resultant economic activity may prevent further erosion of
population, and may also lead to a fuller utilisation of existing resources, facilities and
services. As a consequence, enterprises previously operating at less than capacity are able
to expand production to the point where economies of scale can be realised, and, in so
doing, can function more efficiently, as well as develop a better quality product or
service. The injection of new spending, in turn, can lead to renewed growth from an
expansion of economic activity generally.
From the point of view of employment, tourism makes up a large segment of the
service industries and requires a large, diversified and dispersed labour force. Therefore,
employment generation is an important benefit accruing from tourism. The two broad
types of employment created are:
• direct employment—including occupations created in the tourism industry such as in
accommodation, travel agencies and transport operators;
• indirect employment—the additional jobs generated by the need to increase the service
and physical infrastructure of an area to support tourism and the tourist industry (e.g.
retail sales, infrastructure such as road construction, water and sewage).
Moreover, the travel market provides jobs for supplemental workers—part-time, casual
and seasonal labour, and, in particular, the less-skilled. In general, tourism is labour-
intensive rather than capital-intensive, and is a growth industry in terms of employment.
Hence it receives considerable attention from governments in the formulation and
implementation of fiscal and monetary policies. Direct or primary expenditure is not a
true and complete measure of the prosperity created by tourism, because the initial
recipients, in turn, recirculate a certain proportion, thus generating additional income and
employment. At each round of transactions, some money leaks out of the system, so that
the income-creation effects are successively reduced and ultimately exhausted. This
subsequent indirect impact of the initial tourist spending results from an important
concept known as ‘the multiplier effect’. Furthermore, as incomes rise within a region,
local consumption expenditure increases, and this may induce an even greater impetus to
the regional economy. ‘Together the indirect and induced changes are called secondary
effects and the multiplier is the ratio of the primary plus secondary effects to the primary
direct effect alone’ (Archer 1973:1).
The magnitude of the multiplier effect depends on the degree to which a regional
economy is able to retain as income, the money spent by visitors. This, in turn, is a
function of the ability of the local economy to produce the various items and services
consumed by tourists. The smaller the size of the region’s economic base, and the fewer
the intraregional linkages, the greater the number of goods and services which have to be
brought into the region. In these circumstances, the greater will be the leakage, and
hence, the lower the value of the multiplier.
The multiplier concept has incurred much criticism, and its theoretical and practical
limitations are well-documented. The shortcomings rest not so much with the model
itself, but with the ways in which it has been misapplied. It is especially difficult to
generalise from one situation to another; the multiplier effect varies from project to
project, from region to region, and from one form of tourist activity to another. Despite
the criticisms and deficiencies inherent in the concept, some attempt needs to be made to
derive an estimate of the overall significance of tourism.
The economic significance of tourism varies sectorally with the type of activity and
the characteristics of travellers and host communities. It also varies spatially with a
region’s degree of self-sufficiency. In these circumstances, economic analysis becomes
an important tool for establishing and justifying the type and direction of public
investment and assistance to the industry, as well as being a guide for private promotional
initiatives and marketing strategies. For Asian and Pacific tourist destinations, such
economic guidance and assistance with decision-making are vital, especially during a
period when new pricing structures and advances in transportation are helping to reduce
isolation and expose countries to the international travel market. For developing
countries, the need to clarify the role of tourism as a strategy for development is critical.
Tourism and developing countries
Tourism in less developed nations grew rapidly after World War II ‘because land and tax
incentives encouraged Western capital to invest in the essential infrastructure to attract
foreign visitors. Westerners held managerial positions, hiring and training local labour for
routine services’ (Smith 1994:163). According to Turner (1976), tourism seems tailor-
made for the Third World, and a growing number of developing countries are placing
emphasis on tourism in their development plans. Reasons are not hard to find. A ready
market is available for the attractions these destinations can offer: appealing climates,
exotic scenery and rich heritage. Land and labour costs are comparatively low, and in the
absence of significant mineral production or an export-oriented agricultural sector,
tourism is a potential source of foreign exchange and can generate new opportunities for
employment, as well as stimulating demand for local products and industries. Tourism is
also said to make possible improvements in local infrastructure, by way of the provision
or upgrading of roads, airports, harbour facilities, accommodation, shopping,
entertainment, communications, health services, power, and water supplies and
sanitation.
Research concerning the role of tourism in Third World development has increased
dramatically over the past two decades (e.g. see de Kadt 1979; Britton 1982; Lea 1988;
Opperman and Chon 1997). Yet, Tor more than forty years, tourism has been considered
as an economic panacea for developing countries… thought to be a vital development
and an ideal economic alternative to more traditional primary and secondary sectors.
International tourism, particularly from the developed to developing countries, is seen as
generating crucially needed foreign exchange earnings, and infusing badly needed capital
into the economy of developing countries’ (Opperman and Chon 1997:1). For some
countries, tourism appears to have fulfilled its promise, and parts of the less-developed
world have received significant financial benefits.
Nevertheless, misgivings have been expressed as to whether tourism is the most
appropriate form of investment for developing economies. Typically, the questions raised
include:
• Is tourism the best way towards economic independence and a better quality of life?
• To what extent is the nature of tourism so seasonal that it leads to saturation levels of
visitors?
• Can or should economic control be in local hands?
• To what extent does the multiplier apply?
• Does tourism help revive and sustain cultures or does it destroy traditions?
• Does tourism contribute to anti-social activities, including gambling and prostitution?
• Does tourism promote understanding between hosts and guests, or misunderstanding
and prejudice?
These and other related questions need to be addressed, before even qualified
endorsement can be given to tourism as a strategy for regional development (de Kadt
1979).
In the first place, foreign exchange earnings are offset by considerable expenditure,
caused by tourism, on increased imports, including food and drink, and on development
of the necessary infrastructure for international travel. In Fiji, for example, it was noted
by Britton (1980) that 53 per cent of hotel food purchases, 68 per cent of standard hotel
construction and outfitting requirements, and more than 95 per cent of tourist shop wares
were supplied from imports. A further drain on foreign exchange is attributed to
repatriation of the profits of foreign-owned corporations, and payment of salaries to
higher-skilled personnel imported to the better-paid positions in the tourist industry. A
lack of capital and substantive investment leakages may then lead to a dual economy,
intersectoral competition and inflation, and regional imbalances (Pearce 1989; Mercer
1995). ‘These issues need to be weighted carefully, based on accurate assessments of the
actual economic effects. Too often, multiplier effects are overestimated, leakages are
misjudged, and costs for infrastructural developments and induced leakages through
demonstration effects are not considered’ (Opperman and Chon 1997:109).
Too great a commitment to tourism, brings with it the twin dangers of loss of control
over resource allocation and decision-making, and dependence on a single, fluctuating
economic base. Tourism is notoriously open to pressures from inflation, fuel crises,
political conflict and industrial troubles, security fears, and the fickle nature of resort
popularity. If local populations have deserted traditional occupations for work in tourist
undertakings, any downturn in international travel can be doubly unfortunate. All too
often, the rate and direction of tourist development are in the hands of multinational
corporations, especially in the areas of transport, hotel chains, tour wholesaling and
marketing. In the South Pacific, for example, no island nation owns any of the companies
which operate cruise ships, and few governments can afford a national airline. The extent
of external control is likely to grow, with the tendency towards vertical and horizontal
integration in the tourist industry (Bull 1995; Hall 1995).
Even where economic benefits can be demonstrated, these must be balanced against
adverse sociocultural consequences. Costs and benefits are not evenly distributed
between local residents and tourists, nor within host communities (UNESCO 1976;
Richter 1989). The confinement of tourists and their expenditures to air-conditioned
enclaves offering carefully programmed travel experiences, can become a source of
frustration and resentment, and merely accentuates the gulf between affluence and
poverty. Imported goods and services compete with local enterprises, and conflicts can
occur as commercialisation of land and resources intrudes on traditional values.
Tourism can also serve as a powerful agent of social change and disruption. The
excesses of tourism, and the unregulated behaviour often associated with it, can act as an
affront to host cultures. Biddlecomb (1981) nominates conspicuous consumption,
eccentric clothing, unacceptable behaviour (e.g. nude bathing and illegal activity,
including the use of drugs) as sources of inter-personal and intercultural tensions. An
increase in crime and anti-social behaviour is only one of many possible undesirable
consequences of tourism, even in developing countries (Walmsley et al. 1981; Opperman
and Chon 1997). According to Butler (1975), the extent to which tourism is capable of
inducing change in the host society, is a function of the characteristics of the visitors and
of the destination. He contrasts the localised impact, of, say, a cruise ship, with that of
large numbers of visitors on an extended stay, especially where there are sharp economic
and cultural differences between tourists and indigenous people. On the other hand, a
strong local culture and pronounced nationalistic outlook can act as a buffer to distortion
of the social fabric.
A similar anthropological theme is to be found in the study of ‘Hosts and Guests’,
edited by Smith (1978), where the potential of tourism to foster cultural disruption and
transformation of lifestyles is illustrated in individual case studies drawn from around the
world. Further examples of societal strain as the result of incursions of tourists were
presented to a UNESCO Workshop on Tourism in the South Pacific (Pearce 1980). The
workshop conceded that tourism was only one factor in social change, but recommended
closer examination of alternative forms of tourist development that would minimise
adverse effects on the islanders’ way of life.
This approach was summed up some 20 years ago in the Cook Islands Government
policy emphasis on indigenous tourism:
Tourism should not be the means for us to change our way of life but an
incentive to make us more aware of what we are in terms of our culture,
customs and traditions. This should not be interpreted negatively to mean
that all changes which affect our way of life must be avoided. Change is
inevitable. Instead, a positive rate and direction of change and how we
manage that change and its conflicts are more important.
The guiding principle should be: preserve that which is good, modify
or destroy the bad and adopt the new to strike a balance.
(Okotai 1980:173)
Despite these laudable statements and increasing attention to the nature and extent of
tourist development in developing countries, the problems and issues cited previously
continue to plague tourist development in these same countries. In short, little affirmative
and effective action has been forthcoming (see Lea 1988; Opperman and Chon 1997).
Indeed, a new dimension has arisen with respect to Third World development, where
perhaps lies the great irony of the socio-cultural effect of mass travel; the
cultural gap between different worlds is gradually closing, tourist and host
native are exchanging ambitions and ways of life, while the tourist from
the industrial world seeks escape, the native travels to learn how he can
satisfy the demands for the good life that he imagines the affluent tourist
has achieved.
(Swinglehurst 1994:102)
The relationship between tourism and developing countries, perhaps highlights the
powerful agents of change associated with tourism more than is the case in developed or
industrialised nations. However, wherever we look, the case for environmentally
compatible tourism, in its widest sense, is a laudable goal, and one very close to the heart
of sustainable tourism.
Tourism and environmental compatibility
Environmentally compatible tourism describes a situation whereby tourism and the

environment are able to exist in harmony, so that tourism does not detract from, or harm
the environment nor vice versa. Increasing environmental awareness and conservation
activities around the globe, have contributed to efforts to establish environmentally
compatible tourism. In some instances, the tourism industry has entered into partnerships
with environmental and other groups, has consulted effectively with host communities,
resource management agencies and governments, and has directly supported conservation
or preservation objectives. However, these situations are all too rare, and with the recent
rise of nature-based travel, industry support for environmental conservation or
preservation is often merely a means of marketing and promoting business operations.
The recent development and promotion of ecotours by many tourist operators, is one
example where industry regulation with respect to restricting undesirable business and
tourist behaviour, and environmental impacts, is lacking, and where suspicions have been
cast on the environmental compatibility of tourist operations with the host environment.
In order to reduce the conflicts, and enhance the relationship, between tourism and the
environment, environmental impact statements are now required in many countries as
part of the approval and monitoring and evaluation processes for tourism projects. This is
particularly the case if projects are large, or located in, or adjacent to, environmentally
sensitive areas such as protected areas, rainforests, coastlines or estuaries. Further
developments in environmentally compatible tourism approaches can be seen in the
implementation of environmental auditing processes in the public and private sectors.
The key to achieving environmentally compatible tourism and, ultimately, a
sustainable tourist industry, is recognition of the need for environmentally sensitive
policy-making, planning and development. The integration of tourism and the
environment is being carried out at different levels in a number of places and for a variety
of reasons, with various mechanisms being utilised. Strategies and related activities range
in size from small-scale to large-scale projects, and include various economic, nature
conservation, cultural, social, heritage, spatial/regional and political benefits and costs.
On a broader national and global scale, approaches to integrating tourism and
environmental objectives are being developed and promoted by international and national
tourism agencies, and to a limited extent by multinational corporations. The development
and promotion of nature-based tourism and ecotourism are notable responses.
Nature-based tourism
Nature-based tourism may be defined as ‘domestic or foreign travel activities that are
associated with viewing or enjoying natural ecosystems and wildlife, for educational or
recreational purposes’ (e.g. see HaySmith and Hunt 1995:203). Tourism industry leaders
and natural resource managers face significant challenges in promoting sustainable
development of tourism in protected areas, and in managing impacts on flora and fauna
(HaySmith and Hunt 1995). Nature-based tourism, encompassing ecotourism, adventure
tourism, outdoor-oriented educational tourism, as well as a whole host of other outdoor-
oriented, non-mass tourism experiences, is arguably the fastest-growing segment of the
tourist industry in many countries (McKercher 1998:ix), and one which holds much
promise to environmentally compatible tourism objectives.
A review of the principles of ESD [Ecologically Sustainable

Development] offers valuable insights into how the tourism industry must
act in relatively undisturbed areas. Underlying the entire ESD philosophy
is a commitment to operate within the social and biophysical limits of the
natural environment. To abide by this tenet, tour operators may have to
trade off economic gain for ecological sustainability and, indeed, will
have to accept that there are some places where tourism should be
excluded.
(McKercher 1998:191)
Nature-based tourism can only survive when the resources on which it depends are
protected. Ecotourism was first described by Hector Ceballos-Lascurain (1987, in Boo
1990:xiv) as Travelling to relatively undisturbed or uncontaminated natural areas with the
specific objectives of studying, admiring, and enjoying the scenery and its wild plants
and animals, as well as any manifestations (both past and present) found in these areas’.
According to Whelan (1991:4), ‘ecotourism, done well, can be sustainable and a
relatively simple alternative. It promises employment and income to local communities
and needed foreign exchange to national governments, while allowing the continued
existence of the natural resource base’. This last point gives implicit recognition to the
need for adequate and appropriate management regimes (also see Valentine 1991:5),
which foster environmental and cultural understanding, appreciation and conservation
(e.g. see Richins et al. 1996).
An important element in the development of any management regime or programme,
is appropriate research. Yet, much tourist activity in natural areas is permitted without a
great deal of understanding of tourism’s impacts on the ecosystem. With respect to both
flora and fauna, and the landscape itself, this is a critical point. For instance, the impacts
of tourism on wildlife are well-documented but largely site-specific, and related findings
and management strategies are difficult to apply universally. As HaySmith and Hunt
(1995:206) point out:
Impacts on wildlife from nature tourism are varied, and are often difficult
to observe and interpret. Reactions of animals to visitors are complex.
Initially, some species or individuals of a species retreat from visual or
auditory stimuli caused by humans but become habituated over time.
Other species or individuals that are more sensitive may alter their
behaviour and activities to completely avoid contact with visitors, with
potentially long term effects. Other animals cannot escape the disturbance
and may be negatively affected, directly injured…or killed.
Nature tourism can be blatantly invasive toward wildlife when hundreds of observers
congregate to view one rare animal or group of animals, when artificial feeding is used to
draw animals for tourist viewing and entertainment, and when relationships between
species are disturbed (for a more detailed discussion, including case studies, of the
relationship between recreation, tourism and wildlife, see Knight and Gutzwiller 1995).
Nature-based and related forms of tourism will only be successful if comprehensive
planning strategies include appropriate and extensive research programmes. Any
arguments that nature-based, or any other form of tourist activity, has a particular
beneficial or negative relationship with the environment, cannot be sustained without
related research. Those who choose to argue one way or another could be easily
challenged by questions about the precise nature of the tourism-environment relationship.
Tourism and sustainability
In a more environmentally conscious world, the tourism industry faces increasingly

stringent conditions on development; this reflects the concern for sustainability, and the
long-term viability of the resources on which tourism depends. The challenge for the
industry is to justify its claims on those resources with a commitment to their sustainable
management.
Environmental auditing, whether by regulation or legislation, or when undertaken as a
self-regulatory initiative, can be a useful management tool to help achieve sustainable
development. As global demands on space and resources grow, with increased
population, technological change, and greater mobility and awareness, pressure will
increase on the tourism industry to implement appropriate steps for monitoring and
evaluating its environmental performance. The task ahead is to formulate and implement
effective, self-monitoring procedures in order to promote greener, more environmentally
compatible forms of tourism, and to avoid the imposition of mandatory compliance
measures.
Originally, facilitating travel was the primary focus in tourism planning, with the
focus largely on tourism promotion. ‘Subsequently, policies broadened to include spatial
planning, but the emphasis remained on maximising economic development’ (Getz 1986,
in Godfrey 1996:59). Since the publication of the World Conservation Strategy by the
International Union for the Conservation of Nature, many countries and regions have
begun working towards the goal of sustainable resource development (World
Commission on Environment and Development 1987). Sustainable resource management
is now widely accepted as the logical way to match the needs of conservation and
development.
The era of environmental concern, ushered in by the World Conservation Strategy, is
of immediate relevance to tourism. The environment represents not merely a constraint
for tourism development, but a resource and an opportunity. Ideally, satisfying tourism
settings grow out of complementary natural features and compatible social processes. At
the same time, modern tourism amply demonstrates the capacity of human beings to
manipulate the environment for better or for worse. Yet, the consequences are not easily
predictable. Tourism can certainly contribute to environmental degradation and be self-
destructive; it also has the potential to bring about significant enhancement of the
environment. With tourism-induced change, an important issue is irreversibility, which,
in turn, is a function of factors outlined above.
Much attention is given by government and industry to the development of sustainable
tourism (e.g. Butler 1990, 1991; Pigram 1990; Inskeep 1991; Bramwell and Lane 1993;
Gunn 1994; Godfrey 1996).
Sustainable development is positive socioeconomic change that does not

undermine the ecological and social systems upon which communities and
society are dependent. Its successful implementation requires integrated
policy, planning and social learning processes; its political viability
depends on the full support of the people it affects through their
governments, their social institutions, and their private activities.
Rees (1989, in Gunn 1994:85)
Sustainable development stresses that economic development is dependent upon the

continued well-being of the physical and social environment (Dasmann 1985; Barbier
1987; Butler 1991). Dutton and Hall (1989) identified key mechanisms by which
sustainable development could be achieved:
• developing cooperative and integrated control systems;
• developing mechanisms to coordinate the industry;
• raising consumer awareness;
• raising producer awareness;
• planning strategically to supersede conventional approaches.
While sustainability is an extremely influential concept in tourism planning, in practice it
is fraught with problems (see Hall et al. 1997). Perhaps there is some particular merit in
Ashworth’s (1992:327) rather cynical observation that the:
tourism industry is tackling the criticisms being made of it, not the
problems that cause the criticisms. If there is no resource or environmental
problem, then it does not need to be defined nor do solutions need to be
found. The problem is seen as one of promotion, and promotion is what
the tourism industry is particularly good at. Buying off the grumblers with
a few ‘commitments’ and ‘mission statements’…is easier than the
alternative [of sustainable tourism planning].
These comments aside, and despite difficulties in achieving sustainable tourism, the
integration of economic, sociocultural and environmental planning goals, is increasingly
being recognised as a vital component of longer-term tourism development that maintains
cultural identity and biodiversity.
The realisation that more than one form or manifestation of tourism is possible, has
prompted the development of alternative typologies seen as achievable and desirable,
depending upon the circumstances. The term ‘sustainable tourism’ can be used to refer to
tourist typologies, options or strategies preferable to mass tourism. This has led to some
confusion as governments and industry attempt to avoid the mass tourism label. As
Godfrey (1996:60–1) pointed out:
In trying to be different, common phrasing and synonyms such as soft

(Kariel, 1989; Krippendorf, 1982), postindustrial (SEEDS, 1989),
alternative (Gonsalves and Holden, 1985), responsible (WTO, 1990),
appropriate (Singh et al. 1989), green (Bramwell, 1991), rural (Lane,
1989, 1990), low impact (Lillywhite and Lillywhite, 1991), eco-(Boo,
1990), and nature-based (Fennel and Eagles, 1990) have all been applied.
Differences in conceptualisations and applications of sustainable tourism plans and

policies are to be expected. Depending on a person’s viewpoint, sustainable tourism may
represent particular markets, may be about planning and policy processes, or it may be a
governing principle (see Godfrey 1996). Whatever the case, positive elements in a
strategy for sustainable tourism typically include:
• development within each locality of a special sense of place, reflected in architectural
character and development style, sensitive to its unique heritage and environment;
• preservation, protection and enhancement of the quality of resources which are the basis
of tourism;
• fostering development of additional visitor attractions with roots in their own locale and
developing in ways which complement local attributes;
• development of visitor services which enhance awareness, understanding and
development of local heritage and environment; and
• endorsement of growth when and where it improves things, not where it is destructive
or exceeds natural and social carrying capacities, beyond which the quality of human
life is adversely affected (Cox 1985:6–7).
Summary
The concept of ‘environment’ is very broad, as is the concept of a ‘tourist industry’. The
relationship between tourism and the environment is extremely complex and dynamic,
and not well understood. Research concerning the impacts of tourism on the economic,
physical and social environments is lacking. So, too, is research on the impacts of tourism
on the physical environment.
Integration of tourism and the environment is occurring at the global to site-specific
levels, with benefits accruing to conservation of natural and cultural environments.
Increasing attention is also being given to tourism’s potential to contribute to regional
economic development, even in national parks (see Chapter 10). Unfortunately, however,
there are still numerous cases where the effects of tourism on the environment are
negative, and unnecessarily so. The emergence of sustainable approaches to tourism
development, encompassing notions of environmental compatibility, are laudable, but
even then, the concept of a sustainable industry is open to challenge.
Travellers are becoming increasingly sophisticated and discerning. Many such
travellers are looking to high-quality, authentic, natural and cultural environments, where
the likelihood of recreational satisfaction is high. A great responsibility rests with the
industry and governments to develop sustainable industry practices which conserve the
natural and cultural environments, and which, subsequently, will hold tourist appeal.
Somewhat ironically, economic arguments relating to the generation of tourist revenue,
often hold the key to the conservation of resources, whose ‘real’ values are intangible
now and in the long term.

• Seasonality and tourism: Baron (1975); Bonn et al. (1992); Calantone and Jotindar
(1984); Chon (1989); Snepenger (1987); Uysal and Hagan (1994); Uysal et al. (1994);
Butler and Mao (1997).
• Sustainable tourism: Barbier (1987); Pigram (1990); Bramwell and Lane (1993); Butler
(1991); Hall (1995); Butler et al. (1998).
• Nature-based tourism: Valentine (1992); Harper and Weiler (1992); McKercher (1998).
• Ecotourism: Boo (1990); Whelan (1991); Cater (1993); Wight (1993); Lindberg and
Hawkins (1993); Richins et al. (1996).
• Tourism in Developing Countries: Lea (1988); Richter (1989); Opperman and Chon
(1997); Mowforth and Munt (1998).
Review questions
1 Define sustainable tourism. Discuss the relevance of sustainable development

principles to tourism planning and management.
2 Discuss the relationship between tourism and the environment. Present an overview
of case studies where tourism has contributed to conservation of the natural and built
environments.
3 What approaches have been utilised to study and manage seasonality in tourism?
4 Why have some less developed nations utilised tourism as a means of economic and
social development? Overall, would you consider tourism has brought many benefits to
such countries? Explain your answer with reference to case studies.
5 What are the main factors affecting tourism’s potential to impact on the physical
environment? What planning measures have been utilised to manage tourism’s physical
impacts in one or more natural areas in your country or local area? What have been the
outcomes of these measures with respect to visitor management (e.g. satisfaction) and
visitor impacts on the physical environment?
13
PLANNING FOR OUTDOOR
RECREATION IN A CHANGING WORLD
At first sight, the notion of planning for outdoor recreation might seem a contradiction in
terms, and likely to inhibit the spontaneity and freedom of choice associated with leisure
activities. However, planning for outdoor recreation should be seen as essential as
planning for other human needs such as health and welfare, transport and education.
By definition, planning should be proactive and forward looking, not relying merely
on prohibitions and the ad hoc imposition of restrictions in reaction to problems as they
arise. Emphasis in the planning process for outdoor recreation should be on the creation
of physical and social settings in which people can exercise choice and satisfy their
demands, within prevailing laws, economic limitations and resource constraints. It is in
the expansion of choice through the provision of a diversity of opportunities for
recreative use of leisure, and in the satisfaction of recreational participants, where the
planning and management of recreation resources make an essential contribution.
In one sense, planning can be thought of as the ordering of space through time. In the
planning of recreation space, the aim should be to provide a range of functional and
aesthetically pleasing environments for outdoor recreation, which avoid the friction of
unplanned development, without lapsing into uniformity and predictability. New spatial
forms and settings need to be kept as open and flexible as possible, in keeping with a
diverse array of interests and dynamic physical, political, economic, social and
technological circumstances. Recreation is generally marked by voluntary, discretionary
behaviour. People choose to take part or not, and decide the location, timing, activities
and costs to be incurred. Any one of these attributes can be modified or dispensed with
by unforeseen or uncontrollable factors. Moreover, the process of choice is imperceptibly
influenced by such factors as family relationships and personal characteristics, and
pervasive adjustments to changes in income, education, lifestyle, social mores, traditions
and culture.
Against such a background of change, planners seeking to cater for outdoor recreation
demands into the next century, must somehow anticipate a future influenced by a
bewildering set of forces, many of which are, and will be, difficult to predict. Given this
uncertainty, planning initiatives become even more important, to help underpin forms and
patterns of outdoor recreation resilient enough to respond readily to environmental
changes. This concluding chapter explores some of the implications of change for the
planning and management of recreation resources, introduces a strategic planning
approach as a means of adapting and coping with change, and looks towards what kind of
future recreation planning should be directed.
Planning for outdoor recreation in a changing world 261
Trends in leisure and outdoor recreation
The only things that are certain about the future are uncertainty and the inevitability of
change and need for adjustment. Forecasts about possible leisure scenarios range from
the fanciful prophecies of science fiction to more considered statistical predictions based
on short-term projection or extrapolation of current trends. Such forecasts can only be
expressed in terms of probability, and without the benefit of insight into innovations,
changes in social circumstances and public policy, or technological breakthroughs. The
demand dimension (e.g. population characteristics and recreation propensities) and the
supply side of the equation (e.g. futuristic possibilities regarding the availability and use
of recreation space) both lack clear definition. The ways in which demand and supply
factors interact in terms of environmental impacts and recreation decision-making are not
well understood, except in specific case studies. Moreover, any planning initiatives must
be undertaken against a background of increasing environmental awareness and
constraints on freedom of choice, because of concern for repercussions on nature and
society. The travel industry, for example, is grappling with specific issues such as air and
noise pollution, which have to be solved regardless of cost in money or efficiency terms.
‘Consumerism’, too, is imposing greater demands on the recreation planner to provide
quality products and experiences that do not always coincide with the earlier trends to
mass participation and packaged tours. Currently overshadowing all these factors are
economic considerations in public sector planning, particularly with respect to global
financial markets.
Economic fluctuations
Globalisation has brought with it the realisation that no part of the world can be
quarantined from the shock of economic reversals and the often painful restructuring
which ensues for national, regional and local economies. Reductions in government
intervention and public sector expenditure, already hallmarks of ‘economic rationalism’,
are accelerated by such things as a downturn in economic prospects, or by national and
regional budget deficits. As one or a combination of factors such as inflation,
unemployment, recession and outright poverty bite into scope for individual choice and
relatively unfettered decision-making, many people’s recreation opportunities inevitably
contract. Curtailment of living standards, frustration of aspirations towards self-
betterment, loss of self-esteem, destruction of long-held values, erosion of faith in ‘the
system’ or government, and personal stress leading to emotional and behavioural trauma,
can all be the outcomes of economic instability. These, in turn, have serious implications
for recreational patterns, opportunities and planning processes.
Predictably, any rearrangement of priorities in a time of financial stringency, is likely
to see recreation decline in importance. This holds equally for individuals, households
and governments. Thus, pleasure travel, generally, is curtailed, purchases of recreation
equipment are postponed, and participation in recreation, in so far as it involves spending,
or even the use of resources (including time), which could be income-producing, is
minimised. Moreover, governments and providers of recreation opportunities in the
private sector, also experience difficulties in meeting their commitments during periods
of inflation, economic recession, high interest rates, or any combination of these.
In times of adversity, the availability of recreation outlets takes on renewed urgency in
helping to mitigate the effects of economic hardship. Recreation, in the sense of
revitalisation, can act as a compensating mechanism in allowing people to forget their
worries, or at least to cope better. Fresh interests can be developed, and hitherto
neglected, or simpler pursuits rediscovered, in order to occupy an excess of leisure time
in a less cost-intensive manner. New skills and attitudes can be acquired which will
enable disadvantaged sectors of the population to maintain their self-confidence, pride
and hope.
At the same time, there is a brighter side to economic and social hardship (e.g. during
periods of excessive inflation and during recession). When governments are forced to
withdraw from, or reduce their involvement in, the field of recreation, communities have
an opportunity to query the need for continued dependence on public funding, and the
stimulus to examine the potential of self-help, co-operation and other means of
economising. Thus, hard times can become a vehicle for bringing communities together.
People can share frustrations and problems, substitute voluntary effort and talent for that
previously provided and, in so doing, achieve a satisfying, cost-effective recreation
programme at the neighbourhood or community level.
Of course, some governments and public agencies do not need the excuse of budgetary
constraints to opt out of any responsibility for recreation. Even in ‘normal’ times, there
are wide disparities at the national, state and local level in the commitment of funds and
resources in this area. Some authorities maintain that recreation is not a legitimate field of
interest, or priority, for publicly-elected bodies, and that private enterprise can best fill
the gap. Others justify reductions in funding on the grounds of past excesses and waste.
The notion that public provision for leisure and recreation is somehow dispensable, or at
least low in priority, can only be overcome by a well-directed campaign from those
affected (i.e. the community) to convince legislators that recreation is no longer a luxury
or a privilege, but a right. In the meantime, competition for scarce public funds, overuse
of available recreation resources, and intensified conflicts over shrinking recreation
space, can only make the relevance of planning and management of outdoor recreation
opportunities an even more urgent social issue.
Societal change
A second group of factors is that of changing lifestyles related to alterations in

demographic patterns and social values. The changing age distribution of populations, the
postponement of marriage and children (perhaps indefinitely), the liberation of women,
the more frequent breakdown of family relationships, the proliferation of communication
and other technological advances, and the change in societal attitudes to particular
recreation forms and activities, are seen as some of the important influences on leisure
and outdoor recreation in a changing world.
Societal changes normally do not exhibit the same cyclical characteristics as those of
an economic nature. Rather, they are evolutionary and cumulative, and, sometimes,
almost imperceptible. Ageing of Western populations has been accompanied by a
measure of affluence, increased unobligated time, and a desire to remain active among
older age groups. For example, it is no longer unusual to find ‘elderly’ people
undertaking strenuous forms of outdoor recreation, uninhibited by misperceptions,
restrictions and taboos of a time past.
Coupled with sharp reductions in the hours and periods of work, and a change in
attitudes to work and play, these trends are helping to shape a different set of recreation
patterns and demands in North America and similar developed economies. The US shares
with Canada, Britain and, increasingly, Australia, strong overtones of cultural pluralism
in its population characteristics. Once again, a reaction can be discerned in leisure
behaviour, as new groups of people are assimilated to a greater or lesser degree into the
population as a whole. A heterogeneous society offers a richer spectrum of recreation
opportunities, but at the same time generates difficulties for governments in providing a
sufficiently diverse array of recreation experiences for a multicultural population.
Technological innovations
Outdoor recreation, as is the case for many other human activities, is feeling the shock of
technological change. Improvements in transport and communications have decreased the
friction of distance and made the greater part of the globe accessible. In tourism, for
example, the advent of long-distance, large-capacity aircraft has made mass participation
an international reality, while high-speed, computer-based communication facilities are
now an integral part of the global tourism network. Not only do these facilities enable
instantaneous links across the world, they have also added immeasurably to levels of
awareness, both of tourists and those servicing the travelling public. With awareness
comes stimulated demand for hitherto little-known sites and destinations. This, coupled
with the ability to move vast numbers of people great distances in relatively short periods
of time, means that few parts of the planet can be regarded any longer as out of reach for
tourism and outdoor recreation.
Technological advances in motor vehicles, along with improvements to routeways and
servicing, have increased the range and accessibility of places for recreation. The
development of all-terrain vehicles, including the four-wheel drive, allows the recreating
public to penetrate remote and possibly fragile environments. This brings with it potential
problems of ecological disturbances, resource degradation, litter and overcrowding. At a
larger scale, the prospect of wider introduction of high-speed rail transport is likely to
impact on the recreation travel market and take business away from competitors. The
Channel Tunnel is one example, and there are plans for fast trains to link airports to
cities, and to cut travel time drastically between destinations. This could bring a whole
new dimension to the limits on day and weekend recreation trips, and could reduce the
obligated travel times associated with the journey to work. In the process, greater
pressure is likely to be felt on recreation resources, both in near-urban areas and at more
remote and sensitive sites, making the need for planning and resource management even
more apparent.
New technology is also enabling people with disabilities to participate in outdoor
recreation activities such as camping, sailing, fishing, rock climbing and snow skiing. At
the other end of the spectrum, technology has opened up new opportunities in risk
recreation. Examples include high-performance mountain bikes; lighter and more

hydrodynamic surf boards; stronger, more flexible climbing equipment; lighter, inflatable
and more durable kayaks; and helicopter access to remote sites. Whereas advances in
technological equipment and materials enhance recreation options, negative impacts such
as loss of self-sufficiency, and diminution of uncertainty and risk, must be addressed by
recreation managers and planners (Hollenhorst 1995).
Perhaps the most exciting and powerful tool of technology to impact on outdoor
recreation is the Internet’s World Wide Web (Kirkby 1996). The potential of the rapidly
expanding Internet to create and disseminate knowledge relevant to leisure activities is
receiving increasing attention (Hawkins 1997). Interactive media, accessed through the
Internet, creates new opportunities for recreation and tourism enterprises and services. It
is estimated that more than 100 million people will be connected to the Internet by the
year 2000, with instant access to relevant, in-depth, up-to-date information about any
country or recreation destination. Used interactively, the Internet offers the facility to
select sites and activities based on product information, images and the promise of a
fulfilling leisure experience.
In the context of recreation planning, Geographic Information Systems (GIS) are a
most exciting technological development. GIS use digital data collected from various
sources that are processed and analysed by high-speed computers, and presented to
planners and decision-makers for action. Some potential applications in outdoor
recreation include: locating new trails with less potential for environmental damage;
specifying fire hazard zones within a park; locating public facilities given constraints of
access and proximity to park attractions; locating waste management facilities; and
monitoring the environmental impacts of recreation use over time.
Given their multi-variable, multi-dimensional modelling capabilities, GIS appear to be
valuable in site locational analysis for large recreation complexes and tourist
developments. Moreover, GIS can integrate data on spatial attributes and projected
demand structures for a number of competing sites, for the purpose of analysis,
evaluation and choice of optimum location. Coupled with a further advance in computer
technology known as Digital Visualisation, the recreation planner is able to visualise a
‘virtual landscape’ undergoing a simulated change of use (e.g. a change from agricultural
land to theme park) or degradation (e.g. the effect of traffic in a park). The planner can
more easily assess the possible outcomes, according to estimated changes to different
variables (e.g. number of users and patterns of use), before the event has happened, and
thus formulate and implement appropriate management responses in a proactive manner.
Undoubtedly, the availability of technological advances is expanding recreation
options and opening up access to more recreation opportunities. Whereas these
developments may bring problems of conflict and resource degradation, the new tools, in
the hands of planners and managers, will equip them to deal better with the uncertain
dimensions of the outdoor recreation scene in the twenty-first century. The prospective
changes and change agents, reviewed in this and previous chapters, should not be
considered in negative terms when set against the promise of technology. Change is a
powerful force when harnessed constructively. In the context of outdoor recreation,
change will challenge both recreationists and planners to respond positively to the new
opportunities it offers.
Planning for the future
…planning is a process, a process of human thought and action based

upon that thought—in point of fact, thought for the future nothing more or
less than this is planning, which is a general human activity.
(Chadwick 1971:24)
The inevitability of change, and the need for flexibility mean that it is unwise and
impractical to base planning for future patterns of recreation demand and resources on
past experience. Many forms of outdoor recreation are responsive to variations in such
factors as the cost of participation, the availability of transport, or even seasonal
variations in opening times. As noted above, they are also likely to react to technological
change, to rates of growth in population, to economic prospects, and to policies and
priorities set by government and the community. Moreover, constraints on recreation
planning can be imposed by unforeseen events, such as changes in international
geopolitical or economic circumstances, or natural hazards (e.g. cyclones, earthquakes,
tidal waves, floods or drought). None of these variables can be forecast with any real
assurance (though they can be recognised as potential threats in contingency plans, in
areas where they are likely to occur), nor can it be predicted how they might combine to
influence opportunities for outdoor recreation.
Therefore, the preferred approach to meeting future demands for recreation is to plan
strategically in terms of recognising a range of possible outcomes, in light of clear aims
and objectives. This would encompass a limited number of flexible policy choices
(options) and trade-offs, linked to a degree of acceptable risk in the assessment of those
outcomes. The time frame can also be important, given the cost and long lead time
frequently involved in the acquisition of recreation space and the development of
recreation facilities. In some circumstances, one year into the future might be too far
away for planning purposes; for others, 2020 might be too close.
By adopting the alternative futures approach, the planner can develop combinations of
strategies for meeting anticipated scenarios of future demand, relative to possible
fluctuations in variables affecting recreation participation. Seeking technical solutions in
‘knee-jerk’ fashion to single-issue problems is not planning, particularly in the context of
Chadwick’s above definition. Increasingly, the recreation planning process will be
expected to respond to a changing societal context; one that is marked by dynamic
interaction between emerging technology and organisational change, political priorities
and economic realities, as well as environmental constraints, to meet a complex array of
recreation demands.
A strategic approach to outdoor recreation planning
Earlier in this chapter, it was suggested that planning could be thought of as the ordering
of space. With recreation planning, that rather bland description needs further
elaboration. Paraphrasing Getz (1987), recreation planning can be seen as a process,
based on research and evaluation, which seeks to optimise the potential contribution of
recreation to human welfare and environmental quality. Getz was actually focusing on
tourism planning, but the message is the same. Rather than developing and promoting
recreation for its own sake as a perceived desirable aspect of growth and change, the
emphasis should be on socioeconomic and environmental enhancement, and the use of
recreation to achieve those broad goals.
Getz (1987) advocates an integrative approach to tourism planning. Translating that
approach to recreation, integrative recreation planning should be characterised as:
• Goal-oriented, emphasising the role to be played by recreation in achieving specified
societal goals.
• Democratic, with meaningful input from the community level.
• Integrative, placing recreation planning issues within mainstream planning for other
purposes.
• Systematic, based on research, prediction, evaluation and monitoring of outcomes.
Much earlier, Driver (1970a) pointed to key activities in a management process, in which
‘planning’ is but one activity:
• The democratic process: by which representation of interests and values are built into
the political process of democracy.
• The decision process: of choosing among alternatives.
• The administrative process: whereby agencies created by decision-makers carry out the
functions assigned to them.
• The planning process: accomplishing goals and providing information for decision-
making, and the formulation, implementation and control of plans.
The conventional strategic management process (the terms ‘strategic management’ and
‘strategic planning’ will be used interchangeably) can be adopted by planners and
resource managers. Such an approach accommodates Getz’s integrative approach,
Driver’s concept of planning, and the concept of planning for alternative futures. By its
very nature, strategic planning requires planners and their respective organisations to
consider their existing operating environments (inside and outside of their organisations),
and potential change in those environments.
Strategic outdoor recreation management is:
The process of identifying, choosing and developing outdoor recreation

activities that will enhance the long-term provision of satisfying
recreational experiences by setting clear directions, and by creating
ongoing compatibility between available skills and management
resources, and the changing internal and external planning environments
within which planners and managers operate.
(adapted from Viljoen 1994)
As noted above, the environment of recreation planning is inherently less predictable than
in the past. Strategic management offers a means of dealing with change. The following
discussion provides a brief introduction to the strategic management process. Readers are
referred to the Guide to Further Reading at the end of this chapter for more references to
comprehensive discussions of strategic management.
Strategic management is a process encompassing a range of interrelated activities,

through which planners and managers move back and forth over time. At its broadest
level, strategic management requires a clearly articulated mission statement. The
‘mission’ guides the organisation through several interrelated processes: strategy
analysis, direction setting, strategy choice and strategy implementation, evaluation and
control (see Figure 13.1) (Viljoen 1994:40–3).
The nature of the mission statement and the basic parameters of these four processes
are discussed below.
Establishing a mission
The establishment of an organisation’s mission is critical to its operations because:
The mission statement, inter alia, articulates the overall purpose of the
organisation and its distinctive characteristics… This is important to guide
Figure 13.1 The strategic management

process
Source: Adapted from Viljoen (1994:43)
the activities of strategic analysis (we should only analyse the

environment and our resources in relation to our stated overall purpose),
strategic choice (we should only choose strategies that are consistent with
our overall purpose), and strategy implementation (we should implement
strategies in a way that will help us better achieve our overall purpose).
All aspects of strategic management, therefore, should be referenced to
the mission of the organisation.
(Viljoen 1994:42)
Mission statements depict the vision for an organisation, defining its purpose and
outlining what it intends to accomplish in the larger environment (Rossman 1995).
According to Drucker (1974:94, in Hall and McArthur 1996), ‘Defining the purpose and
mission of the business is difficult, painful and risky. But it alone enables a business to
set its objectives, to develop strategies, to concentrate on resources and go to work. It
alone enables a business to be managed for performance’.
Strategy analysis
Strategy analysis involves the gathering and use of information to ascertain the strategic
position of the organisation and the situations likely to be faced in the conduct of its
activities. Strategy analysis requires managers to inventory all the major forces affecting
their recreational product and to determine whether these represent opportunities or
threats. These forces may include environmental forces (political, economic, social,
technological and physical) influencing the availability of recreational opportunities, as
well as the skills and resources (financial, human, physical and intangible) available to
manage those opportunities. More specifically, strategic analysis involves several types
of analyses such as those presented in Table 13.1.
Establishing strategic direction

Based on the strategy analysis, it becomes necessary to establish goals, objectives and
strategies that best suit the organisation. ‘Strategic objectives should be derived directly
from an analysis of the internal and external environment and the requirements of key
stakeholders’ (Viljoen 1994:304). These objectives are tied to Key Result Areas (KRAs)
where actions are required. ‘Each KRA becomes the focus of the subsequent strategic
management processes of strategy choice and implementation’ (Viljoen 1994:41). If the
organisation is a local government agency, it may well be influenced more by social
equity considerations—the provision of a range of recreational activities accessible to a
broad sector of the community—than financial returns in recreation plans and
programmes. Thus, an equitable distribution of accessible recreation space may be the
overriding strategic objective.
Strategic choice
Strategic choice ‘involves the generation, evaluation and choice of a strategy that best
suits the needs of the organisation. This process must be built on the previous phases of
strategy analysis and direction setting. Generating strategic alternatives is essentially a
brainstorming exercise where alternatives are identified and described without being
evaluated’ (Viljoen 1994:41).
The SWOT (strengths, weaknesses, opprortunities, threats) analysis (also see Table
13.1) may be revisited at this or any other point. Utilising the outcomes of the
brainstorming session, and based on the SWOT analysis, choices may be made about
which recreational opportunities will be supplied, in what quantity they will be supplied,
and how and when they will be supplied.
Strategy implementation, monitoring and evaluation

Plans are useless by themselves. Once decisions have been reached on the elements to be
included in the recreation plan or programme, and the strategies and actions to be
pursued, the implementation stage has been reached. Strategy implementation concerns
the operational strategies and systems that must be used to put the strategy into practice.
It involves developing appropriate management, financial and communication systems;
acquiring and utilising relevant human, physical, financial and other resources;
developing an appropriate organisational structure; and ensuring that the organisational
culture of the organisation is managed in a way that complements the organisation’s
tasks. These are interrelated activities. For instance, an organisation may acquire new
people, whose ideas are innovative to the extent that new recreation supply opportunities,
or management techniques or pricing structures are identified. If these ideas are subjected
to scrutiny in a strategic manner and then implemented, the nature of recreation demand
may change, thereby perhaps bringing further alterations to existing structures, practices
and strategies. In implementing plans and programmes, a number of techniques have
been employed to keep the plan and its integral components (e.g. budget, resources and
timing) on track. These techniques include: programme evaluation review technique
(PERT), critical path analysis, milestone scheduling, and Goals Achievement Matrices.
Implementation of a plan is not an end in itself. If a plan or programme is to satisfy the
needs of users for whom it was designed, it must be subjected to monitoring and
evaluation. Monitoring is concerned with the collection of information about the
developing state of a system to which any planning and management process is being
addressed (see Haynes 1973). Evaluation is an activity designed to collect, analyse and
interpret information, concerning the need for particular policies, plans or programmes,
as well as the formulation, implementation, outcomes and impacts of policies, plans or
programmes. The days of ‘finishing the Master Plan’, which remained unaltered over
time, have hopefully gone. The plan or programme should not be something set in
concrete, but something to be worked and reviewed, and further refined and adapted, as
needed, during
Table 13.1 Strategic analysis
Type of analysis Information to be gathered
Aspirations Determine stakeholders (i.e. those with an interest in the recreational activity
analysis or product: staff of the management agency; providers; users), their power
bases, and their possible reactions to particular strategies, the effects of their
reactions, and the means of shaping strategies to account for their desires.
Environment Examine the complexity of the planning environment (e.g. the number and
nature analysis nature of agencies involved in managing a multiple use resource, or
competing for use of a resource).
Examine how the recreational planning environment interacts with other
planning environments (e.g. recreation planning in environmentally sensitive
areas or in urban environments).
Examine flexibility in recreational choice or recreational supply (e.g.
potentials for substitutability, degrees of recreational specialisation required).
Analysis of the Analyse potential and actual markets (e.g. market segmentation analysis;
structure of the assessment of latent demand for recreational activity).
environment
Analyse environmental forces (see chapter 11 and above) that might impinge
on recreation supply and demand.
Resource Analysis Develop an inventory of resources (physical; human; systems and
intangibles) in current areas of operation (finance; personnel; research and
development; marketing; capital).
SWOT Analysis Identify significant opportunities for, and threats to, the supply of outdoor
recreation opportunities (e.g. improved water treatment facilities for dams so
that a wider range of recreational activities can be developed, or opposition
from conservationists to recreation activities in sensitive/protected areas,
respectively).
Identify specific strengths (e.g. large land and water base; strong political
support; sound financial backing; strong leadership and community backing)
and weaknesses (e.g. very small land base; shrinking financial and other
resources; weak community and political support) in the organisation’s
ability to supply recreational opportunities.
Source: Adapted from Viljoen (1994); Hall and McArthur (1996)
implementation. The analysis of issues and best courses of actions should not stop once
the plan is in place, but remain a constant approach. In brief:
…the effectiveness of a planning system must be judged by its continuing

ability to influence change toward desired ends, and in its responsiveness
to pressures to alter those ends in conformity with societal goals.
(Haynes 1973:5)
The general roles of, and reasons for, monitoring and evaluation in strategic planning
include:
• assessing the degree of need for particular plans;
• continuous functioning of the planning process to enlighten, clarify and improve plans;
• conceptual and operational assistance to planners and decision-makers;
• specification of plan outcomes and impacts;
• assessing or measuring the efficiency and effectiveness of recreation plans in terms of
resources;
• accountability reporting for resource allocation, distribution and redistribution;

• symbolic reasons—to demonstrate that something is being done;
• political reasons—the evaluation is directed and run in a way that will deliberately
dictate the findings (e.g. evaluations may be motivated by self-service as well as
public service, or by a desire to use analysis as ammunition for partisan political
purposes) (see Hall and Jenkins 1995).
By way of example, Shivers (1967) identified several purposes of evaluation with respect
to recreation plans and programmes (see Table 13.2)
Finally, two main forms of evaluation have been noted. Formative evaluation is
periodic monitoring as the plan or programme is implemented, with a view to making
necessary changes and to ‘fine tuning’ the plan. Summative evaluation is the assessment
of the plan after it has been completed. Ideally, formative evaluations and, ultimately,
summative evaluations, should be used.
The remainder of this chapter examines the principles and practices in setting goals
and objectives, difficulties in implementing recreation and tourism plans and policies,
and a number of broader recreation planning challenges.
Establishing goals and objectives: principles and practices
Conventionally, the planning process can be set out in terms of goals and objectives,
which form the basis for programmes and courses of action to achieve the stated
objectives, and move closer to attaining the goal(s) specified. As used in this discussion,
the term ‘goal’ refers to a preferred state or condition towards which action is to be
directed. An ‘objective’ is a specific, positive step, attainable as part of progress towards
a particular goal. Goals are long-range targets, which
Table 13.2 The purposes of evaluating a public
recreation program
1 To ensure that the recreation program meets the stated needs and desires of the people in the
community.
2 To promote professional growth and education among staff members of the recreation service
system.
3 To ascertain the flexibility of policies within the system.
4 To appraise personnel quality and qualifications in relation to specific functions within the
system.
5 To develop firmer grounds of agency philosophy so that a logical frame of reference is
developed.
6 To effectively gauge public sector sentiment, attitudes and awareness of the recreation system.
7 To increase knowledge gained through practice and to additionally test current practice as to
applicability in the public recreation setting.
8 To appraise existing facilities, physical property and plant as to their adequacy, accessibility,
safety, attractiveness, appropriateness and utilisation.
9 To seek out and eliminate any detrimental features within the program or agency.
10 To add any feasible and constructive devices, methods and experiences to the system in order
to provide the most efficient and effective service to the community.
11 To promote recognition of the agency on the part of the community.
12 To replace outmoded concepts and invalid ideas which the public may have concerning the
recreation agency.
13 As far as possible, to promote the professionalisation of agency personnel and the services
provided.
14 To avoid unnecessary expenditure of public monies because of inadequate coordination in the
provision of recreation services.
15 To ensure the agency and its personnel safeguard against political upheaval and partisan
politics.
16 To ensure the adequate provision of spaces, areas and facilities will be safeguarded against any
encroachment by establishing protection in perpetuity through dedication of all physical
property for public recreation purposes only.
Source: Shivers (1967:452)
give purpose to the planning process; objectives represent a yardstick by which

achievement may be measured. The explicit identification of goals and objectives allows
the definition of criteria to identify and evaluate alternative strategies, proposals and
policies. It also helps determine the urgency of issues and problems, and the setting of
priorities.
In the context of recreation planning, goals may be identified broadly with quantitative
and qualitative advances in the availability of a range of opportunities for participation in
recreation. The realisation of such goals should be in harmony with the maintenance,
enhancement and, where necessary, restoration of desirable features of the physical and
social environment. These goals may then be translated into attainable, quantifiable
objectives, oriented towards specific aspects of recreation management and linked to
designated policies, programmes and courses of action to achieve the stated objectives.
In the planning of urban recreation space, for example, a goal might be:
to provide the community with the widest choice and maximum diversity
of recreational opportunities consistent with economic feasibility, the
expressed needs of the population, and societal goals.
Examples of objectives derived from this goal include:

• to provide a ‘defined quantity’ of open space of various types;
• to provide a hierarchy of parks of varying size and distribution from each other;
• to provide for multiple use of specified areas of open space;
• to locate various types of open space in a given proximity to residential areas;
• to link open space into a linear network;
• to allow for conservation of specified areas of natural bushland.
An example of a coastal region’s goals, objectives and strategies to address increasing

environmental stress from tourism is provided in Table 13.3.
Based on the objectives that are set, policies and programmes can be formulated and
courses of action specified, as essential inputs to the implementation phase of the
planning process. These could include:
• inventory of existing supply of urban recreation space and its characteristics,
distribution and use, relative to identified and predicted needs;
• identification of potential areas of open space to complement existing recreation space;
• determination of priorities for implementation;
• preparation of site development plans and management programmes for existing
recreation space and areas to be acquired; and
• monitoring and review of the effectiveness of the planning process in addressing the
changing recreation space needs of a dynamic urban system.
Strategic planning provides a framework for a very wide ranging, yet integrated approach
to recreation planning. The emphasis on provision of choice and diversity in recreation
opportunities, tempered by relevance and realism, should ensure an effective contribution
to the long-range goals of human welfare and environmental enhancement, with respect
to recreation supply.
At the same time, specifying the goals and objectives for the planned use of resources
is a demanding task. By definition, the goals adopted should be broad, comprehensive
and long-range. However, care is needed to ensure that they do not become merely
‘parenthood-type’ statements, of little practical relevance or application. Nor should they
be geared to an excessively narrow perception of the future, but be sufficiently flexible to
accommodate new concepts and information as they emerge.
Table 13.3 Strategies for Germany’s Baltic coast
(Rügen)
Tourism has been a major source of income for the north coast of Germany for many decades. The
most important tourist resorts on the southern Baltic coast of Germany are, Schleswig-Holstein,
Fehmarn Island, the coast of Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, and the islands off the shallow coast,
especially Rügen.
Increasing visitor numbers have led to a rise in environmental stress. According to Helfer (1993),
tourism and leisure-time infrastructure on the island of Rügen have had a damaging impact,
particularly on the forests protecting the coast (e.g. exposure, damage and destruction of tree roots;
damage to trunks and branches; destruction of ground vegetation from trampling and driving on it;
soil erosion and contamination; moderate-to-strong thinning out of the coastal-protective forest for
car parks and paths; clearings for activities).
A development plan at the county and regional level was developed in 1990 and revised in 1991.
That plan includes guidelines for tourism and recreation development. In the area of tourism and
recreation, the general goal is:
to develop the area for the improvement of social, economic and environmental living conditions
for the populace, of and visitors to, the county [of Rügen].
Of particular importance for this goal are the following points, which amount to strategic objectives
for Key Result Areas:
• the securing of jobs;

• the preservation and development of the characteristic structure of settlements and the typical
landscape;
• the preservation and development of natural values and functions.
In particular, a considerable increase in the quality of the tourism sector is planned, in which the
scenic and cultural aspects of Rügen and its environs will serve to develop a characteristic range of
touristic and recreational attractions.
For the coastal area the ‘zone ordinance’ of the structural plan makes the stipulations listed below.
Some of these are more specific than strategic objectives, and amount to a combination of
operational objectives, performance targets and strategy selection:
• in the entire shore zone, which is at least 100m wide, tourist use must take place only on the
basis of the building plans;
• a strip of shoreline 100m wide is to be kept free of construction;
• on the long, drawn-out beaches of the Schaabe and between Gohren and Thiessow, the
hinterland is to be kept free of construction and car parks as far as possible, in order to protect
the landscape; access is to be secured by means of public transportation;
• the characteristic of the resorts as spas and medicinal baths should be built up again and
developed, in connection with improving the environmental situation;
• camping grounds are to be removed from the forests protecting the coasts;
• solid buildings which have been constructed without pertinent regulations, should be examined
as to their compatibility with the structure of settlements and landscape, and removed if need be;
• aquatic sports, particularly involving pleasure boats, must be offered suitable facilities, without
constructing unprofitable overcapacities, e.g. aquatic sports are to be restricted at moorings, in
protected areas and shore zones;
• sports which are not in keeping with nature-compatible recreation in the landscape are to be
prohibited.
Source: German Federal Agency for Nature Conservation (1997:184)
Objectives, as defined above, represent progressive steps towards goal attainment.

Although the distinction is not always clear-cut, objectives may generally be expressed in
more tangible terms. It is important, too, that the objectives delineated are not restricted
only to recognised and familiar strategies. The kind of planning challenges identified in
earlier chapters call for a strategic approach, incorporating a range of possible options, so
that an appropriate response can be made as and when circumstances change.
It is important to note, also, that recreation planning, despite its importance, is only
one component in an array of means of achieving the type of society and environment to
which a nation and its people aspire. Clearly, the recreation planning process must be
consistent with planning policies in associated areas of public and private sector
responsibility. Therefore, goals and objectives related to recreation planning, should take
account of, and complement, those perceived to be worth pursuing by society as a whole.
Taking those goals and objectives to fruition brings the focus to the implementation
phase.
The implementation phase
Any number of examples exist of detailed plans for recreation, prepared by both public
agencies and private interests, which have had no practical outcome. Apparently, a gulf
can exist between plan formulation and implementation. Even when plans are approved
and adopted, formidable barriers can arise which frustrate attempts to translate them into
action. Elements of a plan may be discarded or amended, so that progress towards the
achievement of objectives and, ultimately, goals, is interrupted and perhaps stalled
altogether.
An implementation gap has been identified across a range of planning initiatives
(Pigram 1992). The fact that it is more often encountered in planning for recreation and
tourism, probably reflects the relative lack of urgency and lower priority given to these
activities by decision-makers, compared with those perceived as more fundamental to
social and economic development. Impediments that stand in the way of progress towards
realisation of planning outcomes determine the extent of the implementation gap.
Bridging this gap is essentially a balancing exercise between political and social
acceptability, economic and technological feasibility, and administrative reality (Pigram
1992).
Implementation of recreation plans and policies becomes increasingly more difficult
when it crosses different tiers of responsibility, especially where both the public and
private sector are involved. Studies examining the barriers that inhibit implementation of
recreation plans at the local government level reveal the following constraints (Reid
1989):
• Inadequate funding;
• Lack of skilled personnel;
• Need for structural and operational change within city administration to accommodate
planning for recreation;
• Environmental conditions—physical, socioeconomic and political;
• Complexity of the plan itself;
• Lack of opportunity for community endorsement and participation in the planning
process and the implementation phase.
Overcoming these barriers is central to recreation planning, and to the successful
culmination of the implementation phase.
In summary, strategic planning is a continuous process, whereby resource analysis;
developing strategic directions; choosing between potential strategies implementing
strategies; and monitoring and evaluating the processes, outcomes and impacts of
decisions and actions are ongoing. Planners and managers may even move backwards
and forwards among these interrelated processes, because of changing circumstances. For
example, the acceptance and facilitation of recreation activities in protected areas may be
significantly influenced by political forces (e.g. changes in government), while in some
urban areas waterfront development, shopping malls, gambling facilities, and festivals
and events, appear to be the ‘flavours of the month’ in terms of the commitment of
government resources.
The challenge of recreation planning
Most recreation experiences do not just happen; they have to be provided for in some
way. Earlier, it was noted how the availability of recreation opportunities, services and
facilities influences choice in outdoor recreation. It is in the expansion of choice, through
provision of a diversity of outlets for leisure to meet the many aspirations of people and
society, where planning plays an essential role. By providing a wider range of alternative
recreation opportunities, the planner is contributing to the potential of leisure to stimulate
and satisfy.
In short, planning for leisure environments of the future must progress beyond
establishing a series of services or facilities, such as parks and playgrounds. The
challenge is to create a physical and social environment in which individuals can satisfy
their recreation interests within the economic limitations and resource constraints likely
to be encountered. The emphasis is on recognising the multiplicity of individual and
societal goals for leisure, and on the need for diversity, substitutability and choice, rather
than uniformity, in addressing those goals. The recreation planner’s concern, then, is with
generating an appropriate array of leisure opportunities, rather than with provision of
specific facilities alone. It is the interaction of people’s values, needs and wants with
those facilities and services, which generates leisure opportunities, and, ultimately, leads
to participation and satisfaction—the end-products of the planning process.
Recreation planning is complex, partly because of the unstructured nature of
recreation itself and the many conflicting interests and constituencies which have to be
catered for, and also because of the rapidly changing context in which planning takes
place (Mitchell 1983). In meeting the challenge of recreation planning, a number of
aspects need to be considered—some limiting, and others with potential to contribute to
positive outcomes. In particular:
1 The apparent inevitability of dwindling public sector support for provision of
opportunities for recreation, and the consequent need to build partnerships with private
enterprise, and to harness the promise of self-help schemes and voluntarism.
2 The need to plan within the capability of the resource base, the supporting
infrastructure, and the thresholds of tolerance of affected communities, while,
simultaneously, applying evolving technologies to expand these constraining horizons.
3 The need to recognise the plurality of the ‘market’ for recreation planning; to build in
diversity and flexibility to accommodate change and compensate for equity
deficiencies; and to use recreation opportunities, where possible, to offset negative
social forces.
4 The adoption of an integrative perspective. Recreation planning would be one
important component of overall planning for community welfare and environmental
integrity, based on strategic management frameworks, and encompassing appropriate
recreation planning frameworks such as the Recreation Opportunity Spectrum, the
Limits of Acceptable Change, and the Visitor Impact Management framework and
Visitor Activity Management Process.
5 The blending of ‘bottom-up’ responses from the participating public in the recreation
planning process with balanced ‘top-down’ assessments from business interests and
professional advisers and policy makers.
6 Education about leisure to facilitate individual self-determination and freedom of

choice.
In a new age, where some predictions suggest that the central focus of society will be on
leisure rather than work, the challenge is to use leisure to find fulfilment and satisfaction
in the true meaning of the term, ‘recreation’. In an increasingly complex world, the task
of creating and enhancing meaningful leisure environments and recreation opportunities
becomes a most pressing issue. Failure to meet the challenge, means that society must
accept and tolerate existing constraints on leisure behaviour, and continue to condone the
legacy of ad hoc development, out of balance with community needs and inevitably
perpetuating the deficiencies of an inadequate system of provision for recreation (Pigram,
1983). Moreover, without planning, there is little prospect of recreation receiving proper
priority in resource allocation, against the claims of competing uses.

• For detailed discussions of strategic planning and management, see Viljoen (1994);
Richardson and Richardson (1994); Mintzberg (1994).
• For detailed discussions of sustainable recreation and tourism planning and
development see Pigram (1993); Hall (1995); Harrison and Husbands (1996); Butler et
al. (1998).
• For broad overviews of recreation and plan and programme evaluation see: Theobald
(1979); Hollick (1993); Howe (1980; 1993); Owen (1993); Rossman (1995). For
triangulation in recreation evaluation, see Fuszek (1987, in Rossman 1995).
• Leisure policy and planning: Henry (1993); Veal (1994).
• Outdoor recreation policy and planning: Driver (1970b); LaPage (1970); Hutcheson et
al. (1990); Mercer (1981b); Mercer (1994b).
• Tourism policy: Pigram (1992); Hall and Jenkins (1995).
Review questions
1 Why should we plan for outdoor recreation?
2 What are the main responsibilities of the public sector in outdoor recreation planning
in your local area? Is the public sector fulfilling its responsibilities in that regard? Justify
your answers utilising primary and secondary information sources.
3 Define planning. Define strategic planning. What are the main steps or features in
strategic planning? Discuss the benefits and problems associated with strategic planning
approaches generally, and with reference to recreation and tourism specifically.
4 What are the critical issues that will affect future demand for outdoor recreation
activities?
5 What are the critical issues that will affect future supply for outdoor recreation
activities?
6 How can planners best respond to uncertain futures in outdoor recreation demand
and supply?
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INDEX
Aboriginal areas 192;

relics and middens 86
Aborigines 15, 60
Absher, J. 223
adventure playgrounds 147
adventure tourism 264
Africa 181, 198
Aitken, S. 30
Albuquerque 139
Alderson, W.T. 221
Algarve 174
allocentric persons 239
all-terrain vehicles 274
alpine areas 86
American Disabilities Act 43
American parks movement 180
Amsterdam 143
Ansett Airlines 229
Archer, B. 259
arid zones 86
Aristotle 2
Arnold, M. 56
Ashley, R. 128
Ashworth G.J. 159, 251, 267
Asia 228
Atkinson, J. 56
Atlantic City 240
Australia 10, 12, 14–5, 17, 22–3, 47–8, 58, 60, 64, 66, 70, 77–81, 86, 130, 137, 141, 144–5, 148,
152, 162–3, 168–72, 176, 179–81, 189, 191–4, 198, 202–8, 221, 223–4, 228–9, 234–5, 241, 243,
252, 273
Australian Alps 192
Australian Alps National Park 99
Australian and New Zealand Association for Leisure Studies (ANZALS) 15
Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) 47
Australian National Parks and Wildlife Service 191–2
Ayers Rock 87
Baines, G. 225
Bammel, G.L. 38
Banff Hot Springs Reserve 185
Bannon, J. 3, 147
Barbier, E.B. 267, 269
Index 305
Barker, R. 32
Baron, R.V. 269
Barrett, J. 136, 240
Bateson, P. 225
Bath 234
Baton Rouge 139
Beaulieu, J. 31
Beckman, E.A. 220–1
Bedford, R.L. 52
Belgium 234
Ben Nevis 87
Benares 234
Berlin Wall 232
Biberbach, P. 143
Biddlecomb, C. 262
Big Bend National Park 92
Birmingham City Council 224
Black, A. 225
Blenkhorn, A. 175
Blockley, M. 47
Blood, R.O. 50
Boag, A. 225
Bob Marshall Wilderness Complex 96, 102
Boden, R. 87, 225
Boniface, B. 7
Bonn, M.A. 269
Boo, E. 265, 269
Borowski, A. 23
Bos Park 143
Boston 147
Boundary Waters Wilderness 93
Bourque, P.E. 51
Bowler, I.R. 177
Boyle, R. 145
Bradshaw, J. 44–5
Brake, L. 223
Bramwell, B. 266, 269
Braverman, H. 4
Breckwoldt, R. 225
Brisbane 145
Brisbane Forest Park 193
Britain 7, 9, 130, 139, 143, 221, 273
Britton, R. 7
Britton, S. 260–1
Brotherton, D. 92
Brown, P. 19, 33, 56, 114
Buckley, R. 209, 212–3, 225
Budowski, G. 256
Bull, A. 251–2, 255, 262
Burren National Park 190
Burton, J. 176
Burton, T.L. 17, 56
Index 306
Bury, R. 92–3, 95
bushland 144
Butler, R.W. 17, 160, 164, 175, 177, 187, 226, 230, 232, 240, 244–7, 253, 262, 266–7, 269, 288
Cairngorms 187
Calantone, R.J. 269
Calder, J. 47
Caldwell, L.L. 53
California 179
Caltabiano, M.L. 53–4
Canada 12, 64, 68, 122, 125, 134, 136–7, 156, 168, 170–2, 175, 180, 184, 186, 190, 204, 212, 273
Canada Land Inventory 68–9
Canadian Environmental Advisory Council 184
Canadian Parks Service 122
Canberra 152, 192
Caracas Declaration 179
Carmichael, B. 255
Carroll, J. 1, 11
carrying capacity 90–6, 109–11, 114, 120, 122, 125, 128, 218–9, 251;
ecological 91–2, 199, 219;
perceptual 199;
social85, 90, 93–6
Cat Ba Island 200
Cater, E. 269
Central Business District (CBD) 241, 243
Central Freeway Park 139
Central Harlem 147
Chadwick, G. 275
Chang, T.C. 159
Channel Tunnel 191, 274
Charter for Leisure 43–4
Charters, T. 224
Cherry, G.E. 177
Chicago 156
Chicago Park District 132
child behaviour 146–9
children and play-space 146–9
China 228, 232
Chon, K. 260–3, 269
Christaller, W. 156–7, 240
Christiansen, M. 117
Christmas Island 192
Chubb, M. and H. 1, 26, 48, 62, 66, 219
Clarence River 102
Clark, G. 175
Clark, R. 33, 35, 81, 118, 220
Clawson, M. 2, 59–60, 63, 66
Cleveland Community Forest 143
climate change 234, 255
Cloke, P. 15, 82, 160, 164, 177
coastal resorts 78, 234
Index 307
coastal systems 85–86

Cochrane, J. 197
Cohen, E. 250
Colorado 195
Colby, K. 168
Cole, D. 82, 84–5, 87, 89, 92, 110
Coleman, D. 51
Columbia 156
community management 223–4
community needs 74
community recreation centres 62
congestion 94, 252
Connemare National Park 189
conservation 25, 66, 163, 187, 230, 256–8, 264
constraints on leisure/recreation:
antecedent 41;
institutional 65;
interpersonal 41;
intervening 41, 46;
intrapersonal 41;
legal 65;
negotiation of 42;
ordering of 41;
socioeconomic 65;
and ‘stigma on stigma’ 47, 54;
structural 41
Consultative Resource Planning 103
Conway, H. 139
Cook Islands 262
Coolangatta 243
Cooper, C. 7
Coppock, T. 74
Cordes, K. 62, 177
Country Parks 188
Countryside Commission 82, 90, 93, 143, 161, 170, 176–7, 180, 187–8, 221, 224
Countryside parks 193
Countryside Recreation Network (CRN) 161
Countryside Stewardship Scheme 170
Cox, P. 268
Craig-Smith, S. 132, 159
Crawford, D.W. 41–2, 45, 56
critical path analysis 280
crowding 94, 221
Crown (public) lands 70
Cullington, J.M. 165–6, 168, 177
Cunningham, C. 146
Curry, N. 171
Cushman, G. 1–2, 5, 9, 14, 17, 154
Dahab 196
Dales, J. 167
Index 308
Dandenong Ranges 194

Dann, G. 238
Darling, F.F. 225
Dartmoor National Park 187
Darwin 192
Dasmann, R.F. 267
Davidson, P. 55, 164
decentralisation 258
Deem, R. 56
DeGrazia, S. 2
deKadt, E. 260–1
Delin, C.R. 51
Dempsey, I. 51
Denver 139
Department of Conservation 78
Department of Environment, Housing and Community Development 5
Department of Water Resources 102
Desbarats, J. 31
destination (and resort) life cycle 244, 246
destination region 235, 237
Dibb, J.A. 47
Digital Visualisation 275
Dilllon, P. 189–90
Disability Discrimination Bill 43
Disabled Rights Act 43
Disneyland 93, 235, 239
District parks 156
Ditwiler, C. 63
Dorrigo National Park 179
Dower, J. 7
Doxey, G.V. 252
Draft National Parks Public Access Strategy 207
Draft Nature Tourism and Recreation Strategy 208–9
Dredge, D. 82
Driver, B. 6, 19, 32–3, 56, 276, 289
Dublin 189
Duffield, B. 74
Dupuis, S.L. 51
Dutton, I. 267
Dwyer, J.F. 132, 228
Eagles, P.F.J. 178, 200, 225

East Germany 191
Eastern Europe 232
Eckbo, G. 239, 250
Ecologically Sustainable Development (ESD) 264
economic development 135;
patterns of 229
economic fluctuations 271–2
economic restructuring 135
economic significance 250
Index 309
ecosystem management 185

ecotourism 197, 264
ecotours 263
Edington, J.M. and M.A. 225
Egypt 196
Egyptian Environmental Affairs Agency 196
Eichhorn, N.D. 225
El Paso 139
elderly 50–2
Eliot-Hurst, M. 167
Elson, J.B. 20
England 23, 60, 161, 168, 186–8, 240–1
English Tourist Board 176
Environment Australia 192
Environment Canada 68–71, 122
environmental:
auditing 266;
awareness 14 229;
change 249;
compatibility 263–8;
degradation 112, 257, 266;
enhancement 252;
impact statements 264;
impacts 163, 166;
impacts of tourism 249;
management 95, 170;
movement 256;
perceptions 60;
planning legislation 78;
protection 145;
quality 76
Epping Forest 143
Epps, R.W. 229
equity 154, 156
ethnic enclaves 136
Europe 17, 139, 162, 193, 228, 235, 240, 251
European Community 232
European Union 191
evaluation 111–12, 264, 280;
formative 282;
of recreation sites 78;
summative 282
externalities 251–2
Fagan, R. 229
Fagence, M. 132, 159
Farina, J. 3
fast-tracking:
and recreation and touristdevelopment 78
Fedler, A.J. 17
Ferrario, F. 56
Index 310
Ferris, A.L. 41
Field, D. 223
Fiordland National Park 195
Firestone, J. 50
Fishwick, L. 21
Fitzsimmons, A. 182, 202
Florida 23, 63, 93, 239
FNNPE 178, 200
forecasting 271
foreshore protection 109
forests 60, 66, 207, 220
Forster, J. 183, 200
Forsyth, P. 228
Foster, J. 187
Fourth World Congress on National Parks and Protected Areas 178
fragile areas 8
France 191, 228, 234
Fraser, R. 82
Freeman, P. 24
Galbraith, J.K. 3, 14
Galway 189
Garling, T. 38
Gartner, W. 82, 230, 243, 250
Geering, D. 104–5
gentrification 136–7
Geographic Information Systems (GIS) 128, 274
German Federal Agency for Nature Conservation 250, 285
Germany 168, 191, 232
Gettysburg 224
Getz, D. 177, 276
Gittins, J. 86
Glenveagh National Park 189
global change 230
global financial markets 230
global political geography 232
global tourism 228–9
global warming 255
globalisation 136, 271
Glyptis, S. 9, 12, 169, 177
Goals Achievement Matrices 280
Godbey, G. 6, 41–2, 56, 150
Godfrey, K.B. 266–8
Godin, V. 91
Gold Coast 241–3
Gold, S. 68, 118, 144
Goldsmith 85
Golledge, R. 38
Goodall, B. 36
Goodwin, M. 177
Gordon, W.R. 53–4
Index 311
Graefe, A.R. 110, 121–1, 128,

Graham, R. 122, 125, 128, 221
Grandage, J. 219
gravity model 29
Gray, D. 6, 8
Gray, H.P 238
Graziers’ Association of New South Wales 169
Great Barrier Reef 99, 192
Great Barrier Reef Marine Park Authority (GBRMPA) 192
Great North Community Forest 143
green bans 77
Green, B. 161,
Green, P. 200
Greenspace 143
Greenways 145
Groome, D. 169, 177
Gulf of Mexico 243
Gunn, C. 7, 64, 250, 252–3, 266–7
Gunn, S.L. 48
Gurin, G. 41
Gutteridge, Haskins and Davey 103
Gutzwiller, K.J. 265
Hall, C.M. 82, 159, 180, 200, 221, 230, 232, 248, 250–1, 262, 267, 269, 279, 281, 288–9
Hamilton-Smith, E. 15, 44–5, 125, 128, 154, 159
Hammitt, W.E. 82, 84–5, 87, 89, 92, 110 218
Harper, G. 269
Harrington, M. 49, 166
Harrison, A. 220
Harrison, J. 222, 288
Harrison, L.C. 251
Hart, W. 59
Haulot, A. 251
Havinghurst, R.J. 52
Hawaii 239
Hawkins, D. 269, 274
Haynes, P. 280, 282
Hayslip, B. 51–2
HaySmith, L. 128, 264
Haywood, K.M. 82
hazards 275;
and fire 109;
and risk 86;
survey of 115
Heberlein, T.A. 120
Heit, M. 56
Helber, L. 240
Helman, P. 199
Hendee, J. 120
Henderson, K.A. 41, 49, 55
Hendry, L.B. 15, 56
Index 312
Henry, I. 11, 45, 289

heritage 77, 145, 164, 170, 230, 251, 264
Heritage Conservation and Recreation Service 132
Hersch, G. 51–2
Heywood, J. 34
historic interest 235,
preservation 235;
sites 192
Hobbs, J. 255
Hochhanz National Park 191
Hogg, D. 79
Hollenhorst, S. 274
Hollick, M. 289
Hollings, C. 103
Honolulu 139
host communities 234, 253, 263;
and culture 262;
and guests 231
Hough, M. 136
Hovinen, G. 240
Howard, A. 204–5
Howe, C.Z. 289
Hudson, L. 223
Hultsman, W.Z. 53
human rights 41, 43–4; 232
Hunt, J.D. 128, 264
Hunter Valley 81
Husbands, W. 251, 288
Hutcheson, J.D. 289
Hutchison, R. 50
Hyde Park 139
Ibrahim, H. 62, 177

Ibrahim, I. 38
Ilbery, R. 177
immigration 13
impacts on wildlife 265
Indonesia 196
industrialisation 229
inequity 154
inner city 137–40;
and decay 137
Inskeep, E. 266
institutional arrangements 46
integration 48;
vertical 262;
horizontal 262
international tourism 260
International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN) 178, 181, 186, 190–1, 200, 222
Internet 9, 274
interpretation 19, 82, 219–22;
Index 313
methods and personal services 221;

methods and self-directed services 221
Ireland 189, 234
Iso-Ahola, S.E. 18–9, 51, 53, 56, 160
Ittelson, W. 32–3
Jackson, E.L. 17, 40–2, 50, 56

Jacob, G. 36–7
Jafari, J. 227
Jamrozik, A. 3, 8–9
Janiskee, R. 142
Jansen-Verbeke, M. 134, 159, 246
Japan 228–9
Jarvis, L.P. 38
Jefferies, B.E. 225
Jenkins, J.M. 2, 163–4, 166, 170, 172–3, 177, 200, 289
Jerusalem 234
Jones, M. 146
Jotindar, J.S. 269
Jubenville, A. 113, 115–6, 118, 220
Just, D. 154
Kaiser, C. 240
Kakadu 192, 223
Kando, T.M. 3–4
Kane, P. 82
Kaplan, M. and S. 2, 5, 17, 31–2
Kariel, H.G. 245
Kates, Peat, Marwick and Co. 20
Kaufman, J.E. 53
Kearsley, G.W. 78
Kelleher, G.G. 225
Kelly, J.R. 51, 53
Kenchington, R.A. 225
Kenya 196
Khmer Rouge 232
Kilimanjaro 196
Kimble, G. 203
King, B. 239, 243
Kirkby, S. 274
Knetsch, J. 2, 20–1, 59–60, 63
Knight, R.L. 265
Knock 234
Knopf, R. 100–2, 110
Knott’s Berry Farm 235
Knudson, D.M. 219–21
Komarovsky, M. 50
Konig, U. 234
Korea 228
Kosciuszko National Park 192, 207
Kozlowski, J. 99, 110
Index 314
Kraus, R. 1, 14
Kreutzwiser, R. 60
Krippendorf, J. 237–38
Krumpe, E. 31
Kruss, F. 87, 110
Kuringai National Park 192
labour unions 10
Lacey, P. 25
Laidler, A. 5
Lake District National Park 168
Lake Louise 185
Lake Macquarie Open Space Study 128
Lambley, D. 179
Lanarkshire 76
land:
acquisition 19;
ownership 163;
prices 138;
speculation 78;
subdivision 141;
tenure 163
Landals, A.G. 225
landholders 60, 163; 172–3; 194; 202, 204, 224;
agreements 163;
attitudes 165, 172–3;
disincentives 165–6;
incentives 165
landscape:
assessment 76;
as a recreational resource 76;
hardening 19;
and scenic quality 76;
character 76–7;
evaluation 77;
improvement 77;
preservation 77;
protection 77;
quality 76
Lane, B. 229, 266, 269
LaPage, W. 9, 87, 289
Las Vegas 239
Lavery, P. 239, 241
Law, C.M. 132, 135, 159, 230
Lawrence, G.A. 162
Lawrence, R. 128, 221,
Lea, J. 260, 263, 269
Leatherbury, E. 82
Lee-Gosselin. M. 29, 38
legal liability 166, 172
Leiper, N. 17, 227, 235–8
Index 315
leisure 1–5, 7, 25, 44, 53, 130, 227;

access to 9;
behaviour 18–19;
boredom 54;
constraints 40–56;
and consumption 9;
defined 3–4;
education for 288;
and elderly 52;
and the fourth wave 7;
and free-time 16, 43;
growth of 8, 229;
home centred 12;
incidence of 9;
planning 289;
policy 289;
significance of 7–11;
as a social problem 15;
the rapeutic value of 48;
and time 8–10, 14;
trends 7–11;
and unemployment 43
Lenox-Camden Playground 147
Leonard, R. 91
Leopold, A. 183
Levy, J. 33
Liddle, M. 82, 84, 87, 110, 225
life cycle 13–14, 23
life expectancy 231
lifestyle:
diversity 37;
changing 10;
rural 10;
urban 10
Lime, D. 82, 116, 120, 220–1
Limits of Acceptable Change (LAC) 96–110, 114, 120, 125, 127–8, 288
Lindberg, K. 250, 269
Lindsay, J. 36, 95
Linz, W. and M. 183
Lipscombe, N. 20, 125, 128
Lobo, F. 54
Loch Lomond 187
Lockwood, R. and A. 56
London 138
London, M. 6
Lopata, H.Z. 56
Los Angeles 235
Losier, G.F. 51
Louisiana 139
Lourdes 234
Low, S.R 221
Lucas, B. 179
Index 316
Lucas, R. 93
Lundberg, D.E. 228
Lunn, A. 188
Lynch, R. 1–2, 14, 17, 47–8, 53–6
MacPherson, B.D. 51
Mak, J. 228
Malaysia 196
Malpass, D. 56
Managed Resource Protection Areas 196
management classes (cf. recreation opportunity settings) 104
managerial attitudes 222
Mannell, R.C. 51
Manning, R. 92–3, 95–6, 110, 214, 216
Manton, R. 85
Mao, B. 253, 269
Markwell, K. 55
Marrickville 137
Martin, L. 10
Martin, W. 174
Mason, S. 10
mass consumption 24
mass tourism 245
Mather, A.S. 82, 164
Mathieson, A. 245, 248, 257
Matopos 196
Mattyasovsky, E. 174, 176
Mayo, E.J. 38
McArthur, S. 82, 221, 250–1, 279, 281
McCool, S. 99–100, 110
McCosh, R. 115–6
McDonald, G. 179, 200, 225
McIntyre, N. 15, 36, 145, 225
McKercher, R. 264–5, 269
McLoughlin, L. 144–5
McMeeking, D. 53–4
McNeely, J.A. 225
Mecca 234
Medlik, S. 243
Melbourne 148, 192
men 9, 55
mental constructs 30
mental images 30
Mercer, D.C. 1, 4, 6, 11–12, 15, 21, 23–4, 45, 78, 99, 110, 113, 125, 128, 141, 159, 234, 261, 289
Metropolitan regional parks 194
metropolitan scatteration 141
Meyer-Arendt, K.J. 243
mid-centric persons 239
Middleton, V.Y.C. 177
Mieckzowski, Z. 2, 17
Miles, C 119
Index 317
milestone scheduling 280

Milford Sound 195
Mill, R.C. 248
mining 162
Ministry of Agricultural Fisheries and Food 170
Ministry of Defence 187
Mintzberg, H. 288
mission statements 277–9
Mitchell, L. 68, 156, 287
mobile phone 9–10
mobility 14, 166
Mobily, K.E. 52
Moir, J. 193
monitoring 98, 109, 111–12, 118, 264, 280, 284,
Montgomery, D. 82
Moore, S. 82, 147
Morrison, A.M. 55, 248
Moseley, M. 166
mountaineering 12
mountains 64, 85
movement space 166–7
Mowforth, M. 269
Mueller, E. 41
Mullins, P. 159
multicultural diversity 137
multinational corporations 230
Multiple Use Sustained Yield Act of Congress 61
multiplier 259
Munt, I. 269
Murdock, S.H. 14, 17
Murphy, P.E. 17, 82, 113, 159, 251
museums 66, 220
Myers, N. 225
Nairobi 196
National Landscape Parks 190–1
National Marine Parks Policy 184
national parks 25, 63, 65–6, 145, 161–2, 178–225,
agencies 96;
in Australia 191–4, 204–8;
boundaries of 202–4, 223;
in Britain 186–91;
co-management 223;
concepts 180–1;
control of noxious species 205–6;
in developing countries 196–7;
in Europe 190–1;
fees 208, 219;
and fire service 205;
management 202–25;
in Ireland 186–91;
Index 318
and military use 187–8;

in New Zealand 194–5;
and private sector management/ownership 186, 224;
promotion of 197;
and publicaccess 208;
and recreation opportunity settings 214;
and recreational access 207;
in the United States 181–4;
and visitor behaviour 214–5;
and visitormanagement 214–5;
and visitorregulation 219;
and visitor use of 209
National Parks Commission 186
National Parks Magazine 183
National Parks Review Panel 186
National Reserves 193–4
National Urban Recreation Study 132
Nature Reserves 192
nature-based tourism 264–6
Naturparke 191
Neighbourhood parks 156
Netherlands 190–1
Netherlands Ministry of Cultural Affairs 190
Neulinger, J. 2
New England 193
New Jersey 240–1
New South Wales (NSW) 74, 102, 176, 193, 204, 208
New York 140, 147
New Zealand 12, 15, 78, 168, 180–1, 194– 5, 198
New Zealand National Parks Authority 222
Newcastle 128
Newcomb, R. 235
Niagara Falls 64–5, 180
niche marketing 40
Nilsen, P. 184–5, 200
Nix, H. 204
Nolte, C. 184
Norfolk Broads Authority 187
Norfolk Island 192
North America 22, 175, 181, 189, 193, 198, 229, 273
Northern Territory 192
Northland National Park 187
Northwest Territories 186
Norway 168
NSW Department of Lands 72–4, 103
NSW Department of Planning 224
NSW Government 194
NSW National Parks and Wildlife Service 189, 192, 204–5, 207–10
NSW North Coast 224
O’Riordan, T. 57, 111

Index 319
OCED 23, 161, 229

off-road (four wheel) driving 12, 86, 207
Ohmann, L. 92
Okjow National Park 191
Okotai, T. 263
Old Sydney town 235
Olokesusi, F. 225
Olympic Games 136
Ontario 81, 136
Opperman, M. 260–3, 269
opportunity costs 179
Orcutt, J.J. 54
orienteering 12
Otterburn Training Area 187
outdoor recreation: activity style 36;
choices 15;
conflict 61;
constraints 36;
decision process 22;
defined 6;
demand 13;
ecological impact of 85, 87, 166;
experience 37;
growth 14;
motivation and choice 15, 18–39;
multiple use of 61;
participation 8, 12, 29;
patterns 15;
policy 15, 289;
and protected areas 178–201;
in rural areas 160–77;
satisfaction 15, 21;
significance of 7–15
planning 270–89;
and tourism 226–48:
in urban areas 130–59
Ovington, J. 87
Owen, J.M. 289
Owen, M. 74
Owen, P.L. 1, 6
ozone depletion 255
Pacific 228
Pacific Islands 196
Paddick, R. 14
Page, S. 159, 177, 230, 248, 250
Panek, P.E. 51–2
Pannell, J. 209, 212–3, 225
Papua New Guinea 196
Park Resources Boundary Model 204
Park, C. 15, 82, 164, 177,
Index 320
Parker, S. 2, 4, 14
Parks Canada 184–5
Parramatta 136
Pas, E.I. 29
Patmore, A.J. 1, 2, 16–7, 60, 93, 146, 177
Patrickson, M. 51
Payne, R. 184–5, 200
Peak Districk National Park 186
Pearce, D. 7, 38, 113, 227, 231, 238, 245, 248, 252, 261–2
Pearson, K. 10
Pegg, S. 48
Pellegrino, D. 6, 8
Penning-Rowsell, E. 77
Pennsylvania 224
people:
with disabilities 46–9;
with handicaps 46–9
Perdue, R.R. 177
Perez de Cuellar, J. 3
Perth 193
Peterson, G. 48, 56, 62
Philippines 196
Phillips, A. 29, 167, 169
Pieper, J. 2
Pigram, J.J 22, 144, 162–3, 166, 170, 174–6, 197, 200, 230, 232, 241–2, 249, 255, 266, 269, 286,
288–9
planning:
definition of 271;
and experts 45
goals 267, 282–6;
and land-use 68;
objectives 282–6
planning 248
playgrounds 156
Plog, S. 239–40
Poland 191
pollutants 206
pollution 252
Poole, M. 56
Poon, A. 233
population:
ageing of 13, 51;
dispersion of 137;
growth 13
Portugal 174
power boats 37, 86
Prentice, R. 159
Pressey, R. 204
Price, R. 239
Priddle, G. 81
primary production 161
Prin, E. 163, 166, 172–3, 177
Index 321
Prior, T. 81
privacy 166
private land 95, 161, 165
private residences 62
private sector 224;
investment 230
privatisation 141, 175
Programme Evaluation Review Technique (PERT) 280
property rights 167–8
protected areas 178, 264
protectionism 229
Przeclawski, K. 227
psychocentric persons 239
public lands 198;
management of 103–9, 175
public participation 74, 81, 113–4, 231
Pugh, D.A. 127
Pullen, J. 143
Purkayastha, B. 53–4
push-pull model of motivation 142;
pull factors 238
Queensland 193, 241

Queensland State Government 192
Rapoport, R. and R.N. 9, 56

Ras Mohammed National Park 196
Ravenscroft, N. 177
recreation:
access, 19, 63–5;
accessibility 65;
166–8;
actual participation 20–1;
behaviour 55;
capability 72;
choice 46;
conflict 161–6;
constraints 23, 34;
decision making 18, 30;
defined 4–5;
ecological significance of 76;
environment and relationships 84–5;
evaluation 74–6;
expenditure 12;
experience 21;
latent participation 20;
multipurpose use 161–6;
needs 41, 45;
opportunities 19, 38, 154, 194;
participation 13, 20–5, 30, 38, 26, 55, 220;
propensities for 25;
Index 322
satisfaction 70, 161;

and scenic quality 75;
site evaluation 78–82;
space 63–5;
therapeutic 48;
visitor management 222;
wants 61;
water-based 75;
water-related 133
recreation areas:
resource-based 63;
user-orientated 63
recreation demand 19–21, 68, 137, 164, 271;
aggregate 20;
effective 20–1;
expressed 20;
frustrated 19;
observed 20;
revealed 20;
measures of 20;
potential for 22
recreation experience 30, 84, 94–5, 109
recreation impacts and assessment 87–9
recreation need 64;
comparative 45;
expressed 45;
felt 45;
normative 45
Recreation Opportunity Spectrum (ROS) 32–7, 55, 59, 81, 111, 120, 125, 127– 8, 245–6, 288
recreation resource/s 55, 57–83, 219, 272;
base 59, 79;
capability 68–74;
classification 65, 76;
creation of 65;
evaluation of 76;
inventories 66;
linear 60, 81–2, 114, 140;
multiple use of 146;
private 62, 66;
publicly owned 66;
rationing 218;
and resource management 111–30;
suitability 68–74;
supply of 57, 60;
undeveloped 66;
urban 66;
waterbodies 61
recreation site:
planning and design 116–8;
potential 79;
selection 115–6
Index 323
recreation travel:
and barriers to movement 27;
behaviour 26–9;
and distance constraints 27;
and distance-decay effect 26–7;
and friction of distance 26;
linkages 27;
and time-distance bias 27
recreational access 65, 98, 163–4, 166,
171–2, 207;
and aged 15;
barriers to 160;
and conflict 174;
and ethnic minorites 15;
lack of 76;
and legal rights 168;
low income and 15;
persons with disabilities and 15;
private land and 169, 177;
women and 15
Recreational Business District 241, 243
recreational opportunities:
resource-based 66;
user-orientated 66
recreational use:
and intensity 89;
and private land 168–72;
and type 89
Regent’s Park 139
regional development 176, 179
regional diversification 232
Regional Parks 191, 193
Regional Strategy Plan 194
Reid, D. 286
Relph, E. 250
remnant areas 145
remote areas 246
Renard, Y. 223
resilience 85, 253
resort morphology 240
resorts 66, 243–4;
classification of 239, 243
resource:
allocation 78;
assessment 76;
capability 70, 74, 90;
capacity 63;
classification 74;
conflicts 111, 229;
development 76;
extraction 161–2;
potential 58, 65;
Index 324
suitability 70, 74
resource base 62, 233;
potential of 78
resource management 1, 111, 118, 122
Resource Management Act (RMA) 78
resources:
as functions 57–9;
as material substances 57
Resources Review Commission 41
restructuring and reform: macroeconomic 230,
microeconomic 230
retirement 52
Reynolds, R.J. 128
Richardson, B. and R. 288
Richins, H. 265, 269
Richter, L.K. 241, 262
Rickert, J. 241
Rio Grande 139
risk:
aversion to 30
Roberts, K. 56, 167, 169
Robinson, D. 76
Robinson, G. 170
Rocky Mountains 185
Rocky Mountains National Park 185
Rocky Mountains Park Act, 1887 185
Rodd, R. 219
Roehl, W. 31
Ross, G.F. 38
Rossman, J.R. 289
Rothman, R. 252
Royal National Park 180, 191–2, 194
Russell, R. 220, 221
Rutledge, A. 116–8
Ryan, C. 38, 82
safari parks 251

Sames, W. 82
San Francisco 139
satellite shopping complexes 136
Sax, J. 198, 200
Scandinavia 168, 198
scenic:
beauty 76;
quality 76, 82, 161;
rivers 102–3;
roads 60, 81
Scharff, R. 185
scheduling 218
Schneider, D.M. 50
Schomburgk, C. 185
Index 325
Schreyer, R. 31–2, 36–7

Scotland 74, 76, 168, 187
Seabrooke, W. 119
Searle, M.S. 50
seaside resorts 240–1
seasonality 269
Seattle 139
second homes 62, 66
Seedsman, T.A. 52
self-regulation 222
Seoul 229
Serengeti 196
service management 118
Sewell, D. 74
sexist policies 9
sexual behaviour 55
Shackley, M. 200
Sharm el Sheik 196
Sharpley, R. and J. 162, 168, 177, 230
Shaw, S.M. 50
Shelby, B. 120
Shelton, B.A. 50
Shivers, J. 6, 43, 48, 282–3
Shoard, M. 169, 171
Simmons, B.A. 45, 51
Simmons, D. 82, 227
Simmons, I.G. 177
Simpson, R. 191
Singleton, J.F. 51
site:
analysis 98;
closure 119;
evaluation 78
selection 111
Slatter, R. 87
Smale, B. 156
Smale, B.J.A. 51
Smith, R.T. 50, 243
Smith, V. 260, 262
Snepenger, D.J. 269
Snowdonia National Park 86
snowmobiles 37, 86
Snyder, E. 53
social segregation 135
social stratification 41
societal change 273
soil 89;
compaction of 87
Sorensen, A.D. 229
South Africa 196
South America 198
South Carolina 156
Index 326
South Korea 229

South Pacific 261
South Seas 239
South Sinai 196
Southeast Asia 17, 196, 232
Southport 243
Sovereign Hill 235
Soviet Union 232
Spa 234
spatial elasticity 82
spectatorism 4
Spencer, G. 82
Spinew, K. 56
sport 12, 66;
organised 12;
venues 60, 62
Spreitzner, E. 53
Stafford, F.P. 50
Stanfield, C. 241
Stankey, G. 33, 35, 84, 96, 98, 102, 110, 120, 220–1
State of the Parks Report to Congress 204
State Recreation Areas (SRAs) 192–3, 207
Steinkamp, M.W. 51
Stewart, S.I. 132
Stokowski, P. 56
Stopher, P. 38
Stott, D. 229
strategic direction 279
strategic outdoor recreation management:
defined 277
strategic planning 275–88
strategy analysis 279
street closures 148
suburban expansion 137
suburbanisation 14
suburbs 137, 140–2
Sullivan, R. 56
Sundell, R. 204
sunlust 233
Surfers Paradise 243
sustainable:
development 246;
recreation planning 288;
tourism 250, 257, 266–9
Swinglehurst, E. 263
Swinnerton, G. 61
Sydney 66, 113, 136–7, 144–5, 180, 191, 194, 205, 208, 229
Sydney Morning Herald 232
Sydney Opera House 252
Sydney Royal National Park 139
symbiosis 256
Index 327
Tangi, M. 252
Tanzania 196
Tatra National Park 191
Taylor, P.W. 1, 44–5
Te Waipounamu 195
technocratic consumption 4
technological development 14;
air transport 11;
11–12, 28;
off-road vehicles 11;
snowmobiles 11;
trail bikes 11;
walking boots 11
technological innovation 273–5
Texas 92
The Conservation Fund 145
Theberge, J. 204
theme parks 60, 62
Theobald, W.F. 289
Thompson, P. 51
Thomson, J. 82
Thomson, K. 167
Thorsell, J.W. 211, 225
Tilden, F. 220–1, 225
Tinsley, H.E.A. 51
Tocher, S.R. 6
Tongariro National Park 194
Toronto 156
tourism 1, 11, 135, 162–3, 175–7, 186, 196, 208, 226;
and community relationships 231;
and developing countries 260;
development 78, 135, 202, 214, 238, 245, 255, 257, 261;
economics of 258–60;
landscapes 238–45, 251,
planning 226, 231;
promotion 267;
systems 235, 237
Tourism Forecasting Council 229
Tourism Opportunity Spectrum 226, 233,
238, 245–7
tourist:
behaviour 263;
centres 240;
demand 255;
destinations 239–40, 244;
industry 235, 258, 267;
motivation 237–8
tourists 226–7, 235
Towner, J. 177
Toyne, P. 16
Index 328
trade unions 77
trail bikes 37, 78, 86
trails 65–6
trampling 87
transit route 235
Trapp, S. 220–1
travel behaviour 238
trends:
in leisure 271;
in outdoor recreation 271
trespass 166
Tribe, J. 251
trip generation 29
Tsavo 196
Tucker, D. 56
Tunbridge, J. 159, 251
Tunbridge Wells 234
Turner, A. 96, 99–100
Turner, L. 260
Tweed Heads 243
Ultimate Environmental Threshold (UET) 99, 110

Uluru 87, 192, 223
unemployment 54, 271
UNESCO 262
United Kingdom (UK) 12, 15, 17, 43, 47, 64, 161–2, 169–71, 175–6, 187, 191, 193, 198, 204, 224,
234–5, 240
United Nations Year of the Disabled 47
United States see US
Unwin, K. 76
Upper Yarra Valley 194
urban:
areas 53;
change 130;
decay 135;
development 134, 136–7;
fringe 137, 142–3;
heritage 159;
open space 143–6;
156, 159;
redevelopment 130, 135;
regeneration 136;
restoration projects 132;
sprawl 9
urban recreation:
opportunities 132, 148, 157;
planning 152–9;
space 146–52, 157
urban tourism 159
urbanisation 14, 130, 175
Index 329
US 12, 15, 17, 43, 61, 64, 77, 117, 122, 130, 132–3, 145, 150, 161, 179–89, 184, 195, 202, 204,
221, 224, 228, 234–5, 239
US Bureau of Outdoor Recreation 19, 139
US Department of the Interior 133
US National Parks Service 183
US National Reserves 194
USA Today 179
Uysal, M. 269
Valentine, P.S. 265, 269

Vallerand, R.J. 51
values 45–6, 47, 287
Van de Wiel, E. 246
Van Lier, H.N. 1
Vancouver 134
vandalism 117–8, 168, 252
Vanhove, N. 250
Vaske, J.J. 110, 120–1, 128, 215
Vatican 234
Veal, A.J. 1–3, 14, 17, 40, 44–5, 47–8, 52–6, 113, 289
vegetation 86–7, 89, 95
Veverka, J.A. 220
Victoria 192, 194
Vietnam 196, 200, 232
Viljoen, J. 277–81, 288
Vining, J. 21
Visitor Activity Management Process
(VAMP) 120, 122, 125, 127–8, 185, 288
Visitor Impact Management (VIM)
framework 120–1, 125, 127–8, 288
visitor management 111–2, 118, 202, 221
visitor pressure 86–7
Voluntary Conservation Agreement 193
Wade, M.G. 56
Wahab, S. 230, 232, 249
Waldbrook, L.A. 226, 245–7
Wales 161, 168, 186, 188, 240
Walker, B. 204
walking tracks and trails 60, 114
Wall, G. 82, 85, 87, 90, 110, 177, 225, 245, 248, 252, 257
Wallis Island Crown Reserve 103, 109
Walmsley, D.J. 2, 262
Walters, C. 103
wanderlust 233, 238
Washburne, R.F. 121
Washington DC 139, 182
water 115;
acquisition of 19;
quality 104, 145;
for recreation and tourism 63, 172–6
Index 330
water resources:
management of 61;
ownership of 61
water storage 61
water-based recreation 103, 172–6
waterbodies 120
waterfowl 69
waterfront development 159
Watkins, C. 171, 177
weather 255
Weber, F.H. 229
Weiler, B. 269
Weinmayer, M. 118
Weissinger, E. 56
Western Australia 193
Western Europe 130, 198, 229
Westminster 138
Westminster City Council 138
wetlands 86, 103
Whangie Kruger 196
Whelan 265, 269
Whitby, M. 167
White, K. 228
Whittow, J. 36
Wibberley, G. 164
Wicklow Mountains National Park 189
Wight, P.A. 269
Wilcox, A.T. 220
wilderness 100, 162, 193, 197–200, 207, 246, 258;
access to 64;
experiences 93, 198, 200,
remoteness 64
wilderness management 200;
and zoning 199
wilderness settings 95
wildlife 145, 168;
capacities 120;
management 96
Wilensky, H. 9
Wilks, L. 179, 200, 225
Williams, S. 6, 38, 132, 134–5, 147, 159, 230
Williamson, P. 52
Willits, W. and F. 53
Wilson, P. 143
Wilson, W. 45
Wingo, L. 141
Wolfe, D.M. 16, 50
women 9, 14, 23, 49–50, 55–6
Wood Buffalo 190
Wood, M. 41
work:
concentration of 9;
Index 331
demands of 11;
ethic 10;
satisfaction 8
World Commission on Environment and Development (WCED) 266
World Conservation Strategy 266
World Health Organisation (WHO) 47
World Leisure and Recreation Association (WLRA) 43–4
World Parks Congress 222
World Tourism Organisation (WTO) 214 226–8
World Travel and Tourism Council (WTTC) 228
World Wibe Web 274
Wright, C. 82, 85, 87, 90, 110, 225, 252
Wunderlich, G. 167
Yellowstone National Park 180, 185, 194, 203

Yosemite Grant 180
Yosemite National Park 113, 183–4
Young, S. 252
Youniss, J. 53
youth 53–4
Yukon 186
Zakopane 191
Zimbabwe 196
Zimmerman, E. 57
zoning 200, 218;
and buffer concept 187, 199–200;
controlled 206;
and linear resources 218;
and visitor control 217
Zuzanek, J. 51

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OUTDOOR RECREATION

1 THE SOCIOLOGY OF TOURISM

2 CREATING ISLAND RESORTS

5 OUTDOOR RECREATION MANAGEMENT

6 CONTEMPORARY ISSUES IN TOURISM DEVELOPMENT

London and New York

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group

ISBN 0-203-98358-0 Master e-book ISBN

ISBN 0-415-15999-7 (hbk)

1 Leisure and recreation in a busy world 1

1.1 Demand projections 1993–2001 12

3.1 World Leisure and Recreation Association: Charter for Leisure 43

4.1 Examples of water-dependent and water-related 60

4.2 A taxonomy of leisure facilities 65

4.3 Canada Land Inventory highlights: 1988 67

4.4 CLI recreational capability classes 1–3: inventoried shoreline 68

4.5 Outdoor recreation capability classes 70

4.6 Factors affecting suitability for overnight bushwalking 78

5.1 Selected environmental impacts and potential indicators 87

5.2 Criteria for selecting environmental indicators 99

5.3 Nymboida River—water quality objectives and management 101

5.4 Acceptable levels of disturbance for defined criteria within 102

5.5 Wallis Island Crown Reserve: environmental conditions for 105

6.1 Steps in the visitor impact management framework 120

7.2 Lenox-Camden playground, Boston 143

7.3 Major causes of non-use in neighbourhood parks 142

7.4 Identifying and solving underuse 145

7.5 Planners’ checklist for assessing plans of proposed subdivision 148

8.1 Landholders’ comments 166

9.1 Military use of national parks 180

10.1 Fire origin and progress—New South Wales 196

10.2 Potential environmental effects of tourism in protected areas: 201

10.3 Environmental impacts identified in Australian national parks 202

10.4 Classification of visitor management strategies 205

10.5 Strategies and actions for reducing impact on campsites 209

10.6 Proposed protected area management guidelines 212

11.1 Responsibility for tourism development under the tourism 237

13.1 Strategic analysis 270

13.2 The purposes of evaluating a public recreation program 272

13.3 Strategies for Germany’s Baltic coast (Rügen) 274

1.1 The diffusion of leisure time 5

2.1 Recreation demand and participation 20

2.2 The decision process in outdoor recreation 22

2.3 Projected aged dependency ratios in OECD countries 24

2.4 Management factors defining recreation opportunity settings 35

3.1 Crawford and Godbey’s three types of leisure constraints 41

3.2 People with disabilities, Australia, 1993 47

4.1 Overlay of agriculture and waterfowl capability maps 69

4.2 An assessment of the recreation resources of Lanarkshire 74

5.1 The intensity of recreational use in Snowdonia National Park 86

5.2 The effect of crowding on recreational satisfaction 92

5.3 Model of acceptable ecological change in wildlands 95

5.4 Features of Wallis Island 103

5.5 Management class allocation—Wallis Island 104

6.1 The recreation management process 109

6.2 Visitor Impact Management framework 119

6.3 The Visitor Activity Management Process (VAMP)—a generic 122

7.1 Australia: regions and population in 1992 127

7.3 Area standards for park planning in Canberra, Australia 147