Aja0000017 174
Aja0000017 174
Aja0000017 174
MONASTICISM
116
or in groups. Even this is no specific Christian phenomenon and
has also existed in pre-Christian times. We need only remilld you
here of the Qumran community or sect.
Regarding the apparent individualism of asceticism we should,
however, always bear in mind that it was (and still is) basically
not an individualistic but "essentially a corporate movement".9)
The monks and nuns did not merely discard their family-ties and
responsibilities in and regarding the community. At the same time
they forged new and even stronger bonds and ties and took upon
themselves much larger responsibilities. They merely exchanged one
form of loyalty for another which brought with it many more
privations and heavier demands under very stringent Jiving condi-
tions; as well as complete subordination to the rules of this new
way of life or to their superiors.
117
Christ's promise to Abgar Ukkama and sent Addai, one of the 70,
to him to cure him of his disease and preach the Gospel in his city.
Later on in this document we meet with an anachronism when
it is said that Paill!, the successor of Aggai who succeeded Addai
as bishop of Edessa, was not ordained by Aggai himself but by
Sera pion of Antioch, who in his turn was ordained by Zephyrinus
of Rome. This happened, according to the "Doctrine", as a result of
the sudden martyrdom of Aggai at the hands of one of Abgar's
successors.
Serapion, however, was bishop of Antioch from 189 or 192
to 209; while Zephyrinus was bishop of Rome from 202 to 218,")
so that he could not possibly have ordained Serapion. Furthermore,
according to this rendering: Addai and Aggai together mUSt have
filled the see of Edessa for approximately 170 years - which is
also an impossibility.
The simple explanation, we believe, is that Edessa and its
environs came under the sphere of the influence of the Roman
empire at just about this time and the westernisation of the Church
and that of the Christian life of Edessa commenced. Therefore the
Church had to be linked to the West as well - and no better
link could be found than the one with Rome, the seat of the
apostle Peter.
So much for the "apostolic binding" of the Church according
to Addai. I shall refrain from going into further details (and
conjectures) here as to the origin of Christianity in Edessa. 14 )
We do, however, meet with the name of Addai in so many
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118
the country of Adiabene in the company of a caravan of merchants.
In Arbela he found that these Christians were without a "chef"
for the past six yearsY~) This last statement, and especially the
report that Mezra on their request consecrated the deacon Samson
as bishop, gives the impression that the Church of Beth-Zabdai,
or at least its episcopate, was firmly established by this time and
recognised as such.
Especially noteworthy of the Church of Adiabene is also the fact
that most of the first bishops of this see bear purely Old Testament
or Jewish names such as Samson, Isaac, Abraham, Noah and
Abel.")
At this stage it is interesting to note the fact told us by Josephus
in the twentieth book of Antiquities, namely that King Izates of
Adiabene, as well as his mother Helena, publicly adopted the Jewish
religion at approximately 40 A.D.lO) For how long this dynasty reo
mained Judaists cannot be determined with certainty, although it
must have lasted some decades.
All these facts definitely point towards a Jewish-Christian origin
for this congregation and shows us the important role played in
these Churches by the travelling merchants and their co-travellers.
If Christianity had penetrated thus far to the East at the end
of the first century and to such an extent, we deem it not inappro-
priate to infer from it the right to conclude that Christianity wa.'i
by this time already firmly established in Edessa. And if Christianity
here, as in Arbela, was of Jewish-Christian origin, then it's ascetic,
encratitic character also becomes obvious.
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119
first century with a possible Antiochean origin. D ) De Zwaan24 )
has quite convincing arguInents for the Edessene origin of these
Odes. Klijn,") to mention only a third authority, also gives pre-
ference to Antioch as the place of origin of these Odes, but
immediately adds: " ... in ieder geval blijkt dat deze Oden al
zeer v\ug in Edessa zijn bekend geworden. Ze zijn daar van harte
geaccepteerd en in het Syrisch vertaald. Ze vertegenwoordigen dan
ook zeker een Christendom, zoals dat in Edessa werd beleden".26)
We seem to be on safe ground if we assume that these Odes were
known in Edessa at approximately 125 A.D. if they did not actually
originate there at a still earJier time.
In these "Odes of Solomon" there are many statements that
can be traced to Jewish traditions. We pass over these, however,
and merely quote a few instances where the nature of this worJd
(or life) is described, the "salvation" expected from Christ is
elucidated and where virginity is mentioned - all aspects bearing
on our theme.
Although much attention is given to the work of Christ one
gets the feeling that the "salvation" that is expected of Him is limited
to a matter of "aid" or "assistance" or, literally, the "opening of
the duor to salvation". His advent (first coming) is seen as a
descent to hell and the earth regarded as part of the realm of the
dead, because it (the earth) is the place of transitoriness. These
ideas are lucidly expressed in Ode XLII: 10-20, which reads:")
120
18. Let us also be saved with thee;
For thou art our Saviour.
19. And I heard their voice,
And I laid up their faith in my heart;
20. And I set my name upon their heads:
For they are free men and they are mine.
Hallelujah." 28)
In Ode XIX : 9 and 10 the singer undoubtedly sings of the
virginal birth of Christ. Regarding a midwife however, he says:
"9. And she had not required a midwife,
For He delivered her.
10. And she brought forth, as a man, of her ownl9 ) will".30)
This idea very definitely brings us to the realm of the Judaeo-
Christian world where the so-called Protevangelium of James l1 )
originated. This document actually deals with the virginal birth
of Mary but also propounds the preservation of her virginity with
the birth of Jesus. In fact, the midwife and also Salome (according
to this specific recension in Hennecke) must only become witnesses
of the preservation of her virginity directly after the birth of Jesus
(19: 2-20: I).")
What is of special importance in these Odes, in regard also to
the date of its composition, is the fact that the creation of the
earth is still regarded as an act of God, XVI: 12 and 18-19:
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121
In the past tht:; name of this document was known (because
some of the Church fathers mentioned it); also very short quotations
from it survived in patristic and other writings. Parts of it have
been found earlier,36) but could not have been recognised as such
Wltil recently. The epoch·making discovery at Nag Harnmadi in
1945 also brought to light a full text (in a Coptic version) of this
"Gospel of Thomas" consisting of 114 Logia (Words or Sayings)
of Jesus.
Some of these Sayings more or less (some even literally) cor·
respond to Words of Jesus in the canonical (especially the sinoptic)
Gospels. Others are altogether new - as far as they are supposed
to be Words of Jesus.
Guillaumont, etc. dated this Coptic translation in the 4th-5th
century A.D., with a Greek original (according to them), which
must be dated at approximately 140 A.D., "and which was based
on even more ancient sources".J7) Unfortunately I have not yet had
access to the more extensive and complete work of these scholars
as envisaged in the introduction of the above-mentioned book. I
have, however, been informed that this publication does draw
attention to the many Semitisms in this Gospel, which points
towards a Semitic, or more precisely, a Syriac original.
C. E. Puech, one of the collaborators in the above-mentioned
publication, wrote the introduction to the Gospel of Thomas for
the "New Testament Apocrypha" lS) and, regarding the date of its
origin, he says on p. 305: "At most one will be inclined to place the
earliest redaction of our gospel about 140, ... This question is,
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naam Judas Thomas wijst onmiskenbaar naar SyrH! als plaats van
herkomst van het Evangelie van Thomas, omdat hier en oak aIleen
122
hier Thomas als Judas Thomas bekend was".") (Compare also
Puech, New Testament Apocrypha, p. 286).
The second argument is based on the marked resemblance
between the Gospel of Thomas and the Diatessaron. Many of the
divergencies of the Gospel of Thomas, from canonical Gospel-ren-
derings, coincide exactly with the Diatessaron.43 ) Schippers deemed
this resemblance of such great importance that a whole chapter
of his book is devoted to this theme.")
Klijn concludes his argumentation with: "om deze twee redenen
zal het moeilijk zijn om te ontkennen dat dit werk uit Syrie
stamt".")
We have treated the origin of this newly·found Gospel of
Thomas in detail because it is of decisive importance to this lecture.
If the Gospel cannot be traced to a Syrian/Syriac original of the
early 2nd century A.D. it has .no relevance for our purpose.
On the other hand, if it is of Judaeo·Christian origin and has
found its scriptural fixation in Syria/Syriac in the second century,
then it is of the utmost importance. Because in this Gospel of
Thomas the a-sexual evasion of the world is given as explicitly as
in all the other writings ascribed to or called by the name of
Thomas 46 ) as well as the so-called Gospel of the Hebrews. The
ludaeo-Christian origin cf the last-named work is, as far as I
could check, recognized by all.
Regarding the motives for an ascetic life, this Gospel of
Thomas is very positive and clear in its teachings. We quote only a
few examples.
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23. Jesus said: I shall choose you, one out of a thousand, and two
out of ten thousand, and they shall stand as a single one.")
49. Jesus said: Blessed are the solitary and elect, for you shall
find the Kingdom; because you come from it (and) you shall
go there again.")
75. Jesus said: Many are standing at the door, but the solitary
are the ones who will enter the bridal chamber.")
What does this wore! "single one" or "solitary" mean? I do nut
think we can go as far as to understand it in the full sense of it's
later technical meaning: JLovaxo,> = monk, ascetic.
Although this is where it wants to lead us. "De eenling is de
ongetrouwde en a-sexuele mens" says Klijn. 51 ) And not only Klijn,
but the Gospel itself:
22. . .. Jesus said to them: When. you make the two one, ... and
when you make the male and the female into a single one,
so that the male not be male and the female (not) be female ...
then shall you enter (the Kingdom).")
123
106. Jesus said: When you make the two one, you shall become
sons of Man. 53 )
And in the last Logion.
114. Simon Peter said to them: Let Mary go out from among us,
because women are not worthy of the Life. Jesus said: See,
I shall lead her, so that I will make her male, that she too
may become a living spirit, resembling you males. For every
woman who makes herself male will enter the Kingdom of
Heaven.54 )
In a dexterous way the writer combines different texts to give
it a new meaning. In Luke 11 : 27-28 we read: "And it came to pass,
as he spoke these things, a certain woman of the company lifted
up her voice, and said unto him, Blessed (is) the womb that bare
thee, and the paps which thou hast sucked.
But he said, Yea rather, blessed (are) they that hear the word
of God, and keep it".
In these words the mother of Jesus is blessed in a typical
oriental way because of the conduct of her son. Jesus, however,
points out to her that not the earthly blood·relationship but the
relationship or attitude towards the word of God is of decisive
importance.
In Luke 23 : 29 He says: "For, behold, the days are coming,
in which they shall say, Blessed (are) the barren, and the wombs
that never bare, and the paps which never gave suck" - because
without the consequent earthly relationships such women will
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124
Thus the responsibility of man to become a partaker of the
salvation consists of a strenuous exertion of himself to live an
a-sexual life as a "solitary" or "single one", and Jesus Christ as
Saviour is of minor importance. He is only a preacher who
preaches to man how we must live to earn the Kingdom of God -
and this way of life that He proclaims is a-sexuality!
The Diatessaron of Tatian, that we have already mentioned,
is the next document to have had an immense influence on the
Syriac speaking Christianity.")
Tatian called himself an "Assyrian".") He was converted to
Christianity under the influence of Justin Martyr. Bishop Soter
(± 166-175) excommunicated him as an heretic and he returned
to Syria in 172 A.D. It is generally accepted that he wrote the Diates-
saron while still a member of the Church in Rome. The age-old
dispute as to what the original language of the Diatessaron was -
whether Latin, Greek or Syriac 59 ) - has, to my mind, been brought
to a definite conclusion by Baumstark. Two fragments of the
Greek version were found some years ago. This was immediately
hailed as proof of the Greek origin of the Diatessaron. Baumstark's
study of these fragments 60 ) convinced him (and apparently every-
body else) that the original Diatessaron must have been written in
Syriac. Unfortunately there are no extant Syriac or Greek versions
of this document. Why no Syriac versions survived will presently
become evident. Translations have, however, survived in Annenian,
Latin, Italian, German and Dutch.
The Diatessaron (in Syriac: Evangelion da-Mehallete = the
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125
to those of the Gospel of Thomas.
According to Quispel") it is "wellicht onder zijn invloed" that
the apocryphal acts of Thomas. John. Andrew, Peter and Paul
taught "dat het Christendom de vcrbreking van de huwelijksband
medebrengt". And then Quispel continues: "Dit loopt uit op het
Manichelsme, dat uit een enkratitische sckte is ontstaan en bij-
zonder tegen de geslachtelijkc begeerlijkheid was".
Voobus 66 ) says: " ... the introduction of this work constituted
(I would like to change it to: perpetuated) a major event in the
growth and development of Syrian Christianity".
The main reason for this is surely the fact that Tatian's views,
as given in the Diatessaron. coincided with the views that the
Syrian Christians already had - at least a large portion of them.
It spoke the language of their heart and was a reproduction of
their interpretation of the Christian faith and way of life.
For this reason it was used by them for many generations.
Ephraem Syrus. who wrote his works until the year 373 near
Edessa, still wrote a commentary on the Diatessaron. A little later,
]lowever, the Diatessaron seems to have become discredited. The
biographer of Rabbula. bishop of Edessa during the years 411--435
A.D., tells us that Rabbula commanded that the Diatessaron should
be replaced by the Evangelion da·Mepharreshe (= the Gospel
of the Separated or the four canonical Gospels).67) Theodoret.
bishop of Cyrus (Cyrrhus) from 423 to 457 A.D .• confiscated more
than 200 copies of the Diatessaron within his diocese "and intro·
duced in their place the Gospels of the four Evangelists".")
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126
the following
the following is is important
important for for our
our purpose:
purpose: "Deze
"Deze levenswijze
levenswijze is is
streng ascetisch,
streng ascetisch, omdat
omdat alal het
het aardse,
aardse, in
in het
het bijzonder
bijzonder het
het huwelijk,
huwelijk,
behoort tot
behoort tot het
het domein
domein vanvan dede God
God vanvan het
het Oude
Oude Testament".7l)
Testament".7l)
Regarding Marcion's
Regarding Marcion's influence
influence in
in Syria
Syria Voobus
Voobus says,
says, inter
inter alia:
alia:
"It was
"It was just
just that
that area
area where
where Syrian
Syrian Christianity
Christianity had
had first
first begun
begun
to develop
to develop which
which very
very early
early became
became the the field
field of
of operation
operation forfor
Marcionite Christianity... it found particularly fertile
Marcionite Christianity... it found particularly fertile ground in ground in
the Syrian Orient where its seed grew up exuberantly
the Syrian Orient where its seed grew up exuberantly and very and very
soon itit could
soon could reap
reap aa rich
rich harvest".'l)
harvest".'l)
Mani (216-277
Mani (216-277 A.D.)
A.D.) founded
founded aa newnew sincretistic
sincretistic religion
religion com·
com·
prising of
prising of elements
elements of of Christianity,
Christianity, of
of Buddhism
Buddhism andand ofof Zoroastria·
Zoroastria·
nism by means of which he wished to replace all these religions
and let it become the one and only universal religion.
Mani's father joined one of the encratite Christian sects and
he, consequently, grew up in this kind of religious environment.
In his own "church", which he formed later, these ideas still play
a very important part. The following characterisation of Mani's
Church and comparison of it with the Christian Churches of Syria,
by Danielou and Marrou, is of the utmost importance for our whole
theme; actually it is a summary of all that we have tried to elucidate
from the writings of the Syriac·speaking Church. Therefore we cite
them at length: "The Manichean Church was divided into those
who are perfect, the ascetics, who alone make up the Church in
the strict sense, and those who are imperfect, the listeners or
catechumens" .
.. Manichaeism is in one sense foreign to Christianity and so is
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really a new religion ... But at the same time this new religion can
be considered a development of the original Syriac Christianity,
whose tendencies it carries to their furthest extreme: a cosmological
dualism, which results in a complete condemnation of the material
world; and moral Encratism, whi£h forbids marriage and the use
of certain food. Manichaean monasticism developed in parallel
with Christian monasticism".73)
We are now nearing the date of the origin of the Egyptian
Asceticism and Monasticism. And we hope that, with what has
been said so far, this one fact stands out clearly, namely that the
Syrian Christianity of the previous century or two (actually right
from the beginning) not only displays ascetical traits but is essen-
tially of an ascetic and encratite character.
As a result of occidental influence after the end of the second
century A.D. this characteristic of the oriental Christianity was
moderated but never radically changed.
127
"imported" it to Syria from Egypt. Lahourt,75) however, has con-
vincingly proved that this document is not older than the 11 th
century so that it cannot be accepted as authentic proof of the
origin of Ascetism in Syria.
Sufficient evidence to show that Monasticism in Syria originated
independantIy from the Egyptian model does, however, seem to
be available if we piece it together.
In his Vita Hilarionis Jerome states that when Hilarion came
from Egypt to Majuma (in the vicinity of the hiblical Gaza) in
306 A.D. to live an ascetic life there, he found no monasteries in
Syria.") From this we conclude: a) that Egyptian Monasticism only
reached the uttermost south-western part of Syria by this time (306
A.D.); and b) that at this time the western part of greater Syria
does not seem to have had any monasteries or ascetics of renown.
On the other hand we must draw the attention to Jacob of
Nisibis. According to the Msiha Zekha Jacob lived during the
episcopate of Srica and it says that Srica often visited Jacob, who
was a famous monk in the vicinity of Nisibis, to receive his
blessing." )
128
They lived like and amongst the wild animals; naked, dirty,
with long unkempt hair and nails. They ate only fruit and herbs.
Their abode in summer was in the open, the heaven being their
roof, while in winter they might sleep overnight in caves. They
fasted for long periods on end and abstained from the use of
clothing and fire, from doing manual labour, etc. while their mam
task was praying.
In all this we recognise no reproduction of the Egyptian
Monasticism or even Anchoretism, but rather the influences of
the abo,ementioned Old Testament examples and New Testament
apocryphal writings that were widely read and adhered to in the
Syriac-speaking Churches.
Even in later ages when we reach the fully historical or docu·
menta ted period, on which we have ample written sources that
describe these phenomena. the Syrian Asceticism and Monasticism
differ so entirely from that of Egypt and of the West that we
cannot but come to the conclusion that we are dealing here with a
movement that developed totally independently from the Egyptian
model.
NOTES
Bishop of Marga, A.D. 840, London 1893, vol. 1, p. cxxi et sqq, and J. van
der Ploeg: Oud-Syri!>ch Monniksleven, Leiden, 1942, p. 10.
3) Op. cit .• p. 77.
4) Cf. Zernov: op. cit., p. 78 as well as the other books quoted above,
especially Landwehr: op. cit., p. 140.
5) Op. cit, pp. 10 and 11.
6) Karl Heussi: Der Ursprung des M6nchtums, Tilbingen, 1936, p. 13.
7) Cf. La the Ebionites and the Elkesaites.
8) The Nazarenes (Numbers 6, etc.); also to a certain extent the Rechabites
(Icr. 35. cf. II Kings 10 : 15 and 16).
9) Zernov: op. cit., p. 77.
10) In this lecture the term "Syrian Christendom/Christianity" is used to
denote those Christians of northern and eastern Syria whose liturgical
language was Syriac.
11) G. Philipps: The Doctrine of Addai, the Apostle, London, 1876, and other
editions.
12) Cf. i.a. P. E. Kahle: The Cairo Geniza, Oxford, 19592 , p. 281.
13) Cf. F. C. Burkitt: Early Eastern Christianity, London, 1904, p. 17 sqq.
14) In my doctoral thesis "Rabbula, the Bishop of Edessa" this problem is
dealt with exhaustively.
15) A. Mingana: Suurces Syriaques, vol. I, Msiha Zekha, Leipzig, ]907.
16) Op. dt., p. 2 (French translation, p. 77/8).
17) Op. cit., p. 3 (translation, p. 78).
18) Op. cit., p. 4 (translation, p. 79).
19) Op. cit., see especially the summary of bishops on p. 157/8.
20) For more particulars see La. P. E. Kahle: op. cit., p. 270 et sqq.
21) Cf. Acts IS, Gal. 2, etc.
129
22) Rendel Harris and A. Mingana: The Odes a'ld Psalms of Solomon, Vol, I
and II, London, 1916, 1920.
23) Cf. op. cit., p. 67: "If the parallels which we brought forward are valid,
then it is hardly possible to refer the Odes to any other time than
the first century, or to any other district than Antioch",
24) J. de Zwaan: The Edessene Origins of the Odes of Solomon, Ouantulacum~
que, Studies presented to Kirsopp Lake by pupils, colleagues and friends,
London, 1937.
25) A. F. J. Klijn: Edessa de Stad van de Apostel Thomas, Baarn, 1%2.
26) Gp. cit., p. 44.
27) Citations from the Odes of Solomon are taken from Harris and Mingana,
op, cit., vol. II.
28) Gp. cit., pp. 404 and 405.
29) HarrisjMingana actua11y translate this clause "by (God's) wi1l", while
in a footnote they say: "Or, of her own will". The original Syriac reads
literal1y: "Like a man she brought forth (or, gave birth) with a will".
Klijn: op. cit., p. 61 translates: "Zij baarde als een man met een (vaste)
v.'il" ,
30) Gp cit., p. 299.
31) For text and introduction d. E. Hennecke: New Testament Apocrypha,
ed. by W. SchneemeJcher (English translation edited by R MeL. Wilson),
vol. I, London, 1963, pp. 37<1-388.
32) Gp, cit., pp. 384 and 385.
33) Op. cit., pp. 283 and 284, cf. also verses to and 11.
34) Gp. cit, p. 263.
35) A. Gui11aumont, H.-Ch. Puech, G, Quispel, W. Ti11 and Yasah cAbd Al
Masib: The Gospel according to Thomas, LeidenjLondon, 1959; also: R.
Schippers; Het Evangelie van Thomas, Kampen, 1960; R. M Grant and
D. N. Freedman: The Secret Sayings of Jesus, New York, 1960, (Dutch
translation: Het Thomas Evangelie, UtrechtjAntwerpen, 1962), etc.
4
130
57) Cf. La. A. Voobus: Early Versions of the New Testament, Stockholm,
1954, p. 22 et sqq. (In later citations we refer to this book merely as
"Early Versions").
58) Cf. Patrologia Graeca VI, coL 888 ytv7)Oe, .. ILeV ev T7) TWV Auuvpuuv Yl1
(Tatian's, Oralio adversus Graecos).
59) Cf. Early Versions, pp. 3--6.
60) A. Baumstark: Das griechische Diatessaronfragment von Dura Europos,
in Oriens Christianus, XXXII, Leipzig, 1935, pp. 244-252 and: Ein wei teres
Bruchstiick griechischer Diatessarontexte. Oriens Christianus XXXVI. Leip-
zig 1939, p. 111 et sqq.
61) Owing to the unprocurability of the material in South Africa it was im-
possible for the present writer (at this stage) to ascertain the exact
relationship between the Gospel according to Thomas and the Diatessaron.
There are, however, only two possibilities: the Gospe] of Thomas is
manifestly of an earlier date than the Diatessaron so that either the
Diatessaron is dependant upon the Gospel of Thomas or both have a
common older source from which they quote.
62) In: Adversus haeresis I. 28, I (edition of Stieren, I. p. 259).
63) With the name Encratites especially those Christians of the second century
are designated for whom it was a matter of principle to refrain from eating
meat, drinking intoxicating drinks and having sexual intercourse.
64) Early Versions, p. 17; cf. also A. Voobus: Celibacy, a Requirement for
Admission to Baptism in the Early Syrian Church, Stockholm, 1951,
p. 17 et sqq.
65) G. Quispel: Enkratieten, ChristeUjke Encyclopedie, 19572, vol. 2, p. 608,
66) Early Versions. p. 24.
67) J. J. Overbeck: Ephraerni Syri, Rabulae, Balaei alioriumque opera selecta,
Oxford, 1865, p. 220.
68) Cf. i.a. P. Kahle: The Cairo GenilA Oxford, 19591, p. 297, and F. C. Burkitt:
Evangelion Da-Mepharreshe, Cambridge, 1904, vol. II, p. 176.
69) Zernov: op cit., p. 31.
70) Those inerested in the doctrines of Marcion are referred to i a. A. von
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131