THE ORIGIN OF THE SYRIAN ASCETICISM OR

MONASTICISM

H. S. Peiser (University of South Africa)

Every student of Syrian Asceticism or Monasticism will soon

become aware that we are dealing here with a totally different phe-
nomenon than the Asceticism or Monasticism of the West as it is
believed to have originated in Egypt.
This almost consensus of opinion of the Church historians that
the Christian Monasticism and Asceticism orlginated in Egypt and
wa, transplanted from there throughout the whole Christian world,
cannot, therefore, be left unchallenged.
It is generally accepted that Antony (St. Anthony) (251-356)
was the "pioneer" of this movement.l) "Monasticism first appears in
history with St. Antony, the 'father of monks' ".') It is related how,
at an early age, he retired to the Nitrian desert. Before long he had
so many adherents or disciples that, according to Zernov,') the
towns and villages became depopulated and the desert was filled
with ascetics.
The next stage in this development is said to have been preci·
pitated by Pachomius (d. 348). He experienced the dangers of this
seclusion and to avoid these dangers he organised a communal life
for ascetics in monasteries.
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From Egypt this movement is then supposed to have spread

to a]J other Christian countries, including Syria.4 )
It is of course true, as Van der Ploeg') rightly points out, that
we must to a certain degree distinguish between the terms "man-
nikewese" (monkdom) and "kloosterwese" (cloisterdom). The word
"monk" is derived from the Greek word J1.0VO:'XO') (in Latin monachus)
which means "to be alone, isolated". Centuries earlier, and even
before Christianity, there were such people who separated them-
selves from the community and lived in isolation for long periods
or even for their whole lives. They are also called recluses, hermits,
anchorites ur ascetics. If we define asceticism as " .. . jede religiOs
begrUndete Enthaltung oder Einschrankung von Speise und Trank,
Wohnung und Schlaf, Kleidung und jeglichem Besitz, vornehmlich
die Einthaltsamkeit im engern Sinn, den zeitweiligen oder volligen
Verzicht auf den Geschlechtsverkehr" 6) it is true that even in the
earliest Christian communities i) such ascetical notions can be indi-
cated as well as in certain instances in the Old TestamentS) and
even in non-Christian communities, as indicated above.
The word "cloister", again. is derived from the Latin word
claustrum, that is "a locked-in place. a wall or an enclosure" and
refers to the enclosure within which the monks lived together singly

116
 or in groups. Even this is no specific Christian phenomenon and
has also existed in pre-Christian times. We need only remilld you
here of the Qumran community or sect.
Regarding the apparent individualism of asceticism we should,
however, always bear in mind that it was (and still is) basically
not an individualistic but "essentially a corporate movement".9)
The monks and nuns did not merely discard their family-ties and
responsibilities in and regarding the community. At the same time
they forged new and even stronger bonds and ties and took upon
themselves much larger responsibilities. They merely exchanged one
form of loyalty for another which brought with it many more
privations and heavier demands under very stringent Jiving condi-
tions; as well as complete subordination to the rules of this new
way of life or to their superiors.

If we take a closer view of the Syrian Asceticism and Monasti-

cism this thesis will be elucidated. The individual monk was
dependent upon his fellow-monks. In fact, development very soon
took place in just the opposite direction: he, who wanted to
become an ascetic, was first admitted into the cloister and, only
after a probationary period of a few (mostly about three) years,
he was allowed to become an ascetic or anchorite who could live
alone in a cell in the monastery or apart from all communal life.
The two terms, therefore, belong inseparably together: we can
distinguish between them but never separate the one from the other.
What we now wish to demonstrate is the fact, as we see it,
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that the Syrian Christendom lO ) evidently displayed such ascetical

and encratite notions right from the beginning and deemed the
normal community life as inferior to the dignity of the real
Christian.
But whence did these ascetical traits originate in Syrian
Christianity? Of the origin of Syrian Christianity not much is known.
Actually, the only written document known today, which professes
to deal with the origins of Christianity in Edessa is the so-called
"Doctrine of Addai".Il) Most scholars see in it a purely legendary
work. It is, however, possible to detect at least a few facts amongst
all the legendary data of the "Doctrine".
All the old Churches endeavoured to link the origin of their
Church to some or other "apostolic authority". According to the
most ancient oriental Christian literature the apostle Thomas is
clearly to be designated as .. the apostle of the Orient". It is said
that he was the apostle who brought the evangel to India. Edessa
was so sure that Thomas was responsible for the first preaching
of the Gospel in their city that they are said to have reinterred his
remains in Edessa during the early third century.I2) Edessa is the
city of the apostle Thomas.
This tradition is contained in the first part of the "Doctrine
of Addai". After the Ascension of Christ Thomas is to have fulfilled

117
 Christ's promise to Abgar Ukkama and sent Addai, one of the 70,
to him to cure him of his disease and preach the Gospel in his city.
Later on in this document we meet with an anachronism when
it is said that Paill!, the successor of Aggai who succeeded Addai
as bishop of Edessa, was not ordained by Aggai himself but by
Sera pion of Antioch, who in his turn was ordained by Zephyrinus
of Rome. This happened, according to the "Doctrine", as a result of
the sudden martyrdom of Aggai at the hands of one of Abgar's
successors.
Serapion, however, was bishop of Antioch from 189 or 192
to 209; while Zephyrinus was bishop of Rome from 202 to 218,")
so that he could not possibly have ordained Serapion. Furthermore,
according to this rendering: Addai and Aggai together mUSt have
filled the see of Edessa for approximately 170 years - which is
also an impossibility.
The simple explanation, we believe, is that Edessa and its
environs came under the sphere of the influence of the Roman
empire at just about this time and the westernisation of the Church
and that of the Christian life of Edessa commenced. Therefore the
Church had to be linked to the West as well - and no better
link could be found than the one with Rome, the seat of the
apostle Peter.
So much for the "apostolic binding" of the Church according
to Addai. I shall refrain from going into further details (and
conjectures) here as to the origin of Christianity in Edessa. 14 )
We do, however, meet with the name of Addai in so many
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different, and independent, writings of the Syrian Church that it

seems impossible just to ascribe him to legendary fiction. It is
true that the periods of his so-called evangelical work differ largely;
but his name figures so prominently that some historicity must
be attached to his person.

Here we merely wish to refer to one more written and, to

our mind, more reliable source where we meet with Addai again
and which relates a few important facts concerning the origins of
the Church in Adiabene, that is, Arbela and its surroundings.
To get the right perspective on this information we should
bear in mind that Arbela is about three hundred miles east of
Edessa on the highway from the West, through Edessa to the East.
and within the confines of the Parthian empire.
We refer here to the Miiil).a Zekha published by Mingana in
1907 with a French translation. lS ) According to this Source a convert
of Adda;, called Pl;:idha, became the first bishop of "the country
of Adiabene",16) at approximately the turn of the first century A.D.
Furthermore it is stated that Addai himself was, prior to Pl;:idha's
ordination, preaching the Gospel in "the villages of the mountains".")
A third relevant fact mentioned here is that after Pl;:idha's death,
in approximately 120 A.D., Mezra, the bishop of Beth-Zabdai, visited

118
 the country of Adiabene in the company of a caravan of merchants.
In Arbela he found that these Christians were without a "chef"
for the past six yearsY~) This last statement, and especially the
report that Mezra on their request consecrated the deacon Samson
as bishop, gives the impression that the Church of Beth-Zabdai,
or at least its episcopate, was firmly established by this time and
recognised as such.
Especially noteworthy of the Church of Adiabene is also the fact
that most of the first bishops of this see bear purely Old Testament
or Jewish names such as Samson, Isaac, Abraham, Noah and
Abel.")
At this stage it is interesting to note the fact told us by Josephus
in the twentieth book of Antiquities, namely that King Izates of
Adiabene, as well as his mother Helena, publicly adopted the Jewish
religion at approximately 40 A.D.lO) For how long this dynasty reo
mained Judaists cannot be determined with certainty, although it
must have lasted some decades.
All these facts definitely point towards a Jewish-Christian origin
for this congregation and shows us the important role played in
these Churches by the travelling merchants and their co-travellers.
If Christianity had penetrated thus far to the East at the end
of the first century and to such an extent, we deem it not inappro-
priate to infer from it the right to conclude that Christianity wa.'i
by this time already firmly established in Edessa. And if Christianity
here, as in Arbela, was of Jewish-Christian origin, then it's ascetic,
encratitic character also becomes obvious.
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We must then try to find traces of it in the Jewish-Christian

mode or life and in the early documents originating from that source.
We have already referred to the Ebionites and Elkesaites_ According
to Scripture and contemporary sources there were, even during the
life-time of the apostles - actually right from the beginning -
influential Judaising currents in the early Christian Church. 21 ) This
is only natural because most of the first Christians came from the
ranks of the Jewish nation and it is impossible to expect of them
to discard every vestige of their earlier way of life.
In the West the apostle Paul, especially, contended with these
forces and combated them successfully. Amongst the Syriac-speaking
Churches these ideas seem to have had free access and some of
them developed and were embedded with them to such an extent
that even the later westernising process could not eliminate them
completely_ In the following discussion we shall limit ourselves to
only a few documents out of the vast literature displaying these
tendencies; and then specifically documents of Syriac and/or
Oriental origin.
The first document to be discussed here is "The odes at Solo-
mon". The writer and specific place of origin of this document
is unknown. Harris and MinganalZ ) dates it before the end of the

119
 first century with a possible Antiochean origin. D ) De Zwaan24 )
has quite convincing arguInents for the Edessene origin of these
Odes. Klijn,") to mention only a third authority, also gives pre-
ference to Antioch as the place of origin of these Odes, but
immediately adds: " ... in ieder geval blijkt dat deze Oden al
zeer v\ug in Edessa zijn bekend geworden. Ze zijn daar van harte
geaccepteerd en in het Syrisch vertaald. Ze vertegenwoordigen dan
ook zeker een Christendom, zoals dat in Edessa werd beleden".26)
We seem to be on safe ground if we assume that these Odes were
known in Edessa at approximately 125 A.D. if they did not actually
originate there at a still earJier time.
In these "Odes of Solomon" there are many statements that
can be traced to Jewish traditions. We pass over these, however,
and merely quote a few instances where the nature of this worJd
(or life) is described, the "salvation" expected from Christ is
elucidated and where virginity is mentioned - all aspects bearing
on our theme.
Although much attention is given to the work of Christ one
gets the feeling that the "salvation" that is expected of Him is limited
to a matter of "aid" or "assistance" or, literally, the "opening of
the duor to salvation". His advent (first coming) is seen as a
descent to hell and the earth regarded as part of the realm of the
dead, because it (the earth) is the place of transitoriness. These
ideas are lucidly expressed in Ode XLII: 10-20, which reads:")

"10. I was not rejected, though I was reckoned to be so;

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And I did not perish though they thought it of me.

11. Shea! saw me and was in distress;

Death cast me up and many along with me:

12. I have been gall and bitterness to it,

And I went down with it to the extreme of its depth.

13. And the feet and the head let it go,

For it was not able to endure my face;
14. And I made a congregation of living men amongst his dead men;
And I spoke with them by living lips:
In order that my word may not be void.
IS. And those who had died ran towards me;
And they cried and said, Son of God, have pity on us;
16. And do with us according to thy kindness;
And bring us out from the bonds of darkness:
17. And open to us the door
By which we shall come out to thee;
For we perceive that our death does not touch thee.

120
 18. Let us also be saved with thee;
For thou art our Saviour.
19. And I heard their voice,
And I laid up their faith in my heart;
20. And I set my name upon their heads:
For they are free men and they are mine.
Hallelujah." 28)
In Ode XIX : 9 and 10 the singer undoubtedly sings of the
virginal birth of Christ. Regarding a midwife however, he says:
"9. And she had not required a midwife,
For He delivered her.
10. And she brought forth, as a man, of her ownl9 ) will".30)
This idea very definitely brings us to the realm of the Judaeo-
Christian world where the so-called Protevangelium of James l1 )
originated. This document actually deals with the virginal birth
of Mary but also propounds the preservation of her virginity with
the birth of Jesus. In fact, the midwife and also Salome (according
to this specific recension in Hennecke) must only become witnesses
of the preservation of her virginity directly after the birth of Jesus
(19: 2-20: I).")
What is of special importance in these Odes, in regard also to
the date of its composition, is the fact that the creation of the
earth is still regarded as an act of God, XVI: 12 and 18-19:
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"12. And He fixed the creation and set it up:

And He rested from his works.
18. And there is nothing that is without the Lord;
For He was before anything came into being.
19. And the Worlds were made by his Word,
And by the thought of His heart".")
The gnostics and other sects of this era ascribe the creation
of the world not to God but to the devil. In this way the ideal
of being freed from this world could be better stressed - an ideal
shared by these Christians with the sectarians. But as yet the
composer(s) of the Odes did not yield to the temptation!

Concerning the Odes of Solomon we must, in conclusion, point

out that the redeemed bard sometimes equalises himself with the
Saviour to such an extent that it even becomes impossible to
distinguish who has the say, the Saviour or the saved; see Ode X,
especially verse 4: "I was strenghtened and made mighty and took
the world captive'?')
The next and most important document for this part of our
lecture is "The Gospel of (or, according to) Thomas".35)

121
 In the past tht:; name of this document was known (because
some of the Church fathers mentioned it); also very short quotations
from it survived in patristic and other writings. Parts of it have
been found earlier,36) but could not have been recognised as such
Wltil recently. The epoch·making discovery at Nag Harnmadi in
1945 also brought to light a full text (in a Coptic version) of this
"Gospel of Thomas" consisting of 114 Logia (Words or Sayings)
of Jesus.
Some of these Sayings more or less (some even literally) cor·
respond to Words of Jesus in the canonical (especially the sinoptic)
Gospels. Others are altogether new - as far as they are supposed
to be Words of Jesus.
Guillaumont, etc. dated this Coptic translation in the 4th-5th
century A.D., with a Greek original (according to them), which
must be dated at approximately 140 A.D., "and which was based
on even more ancient sources".J7) Unfortunately I have not yet had
access to the more extensive and complete work of these scholars
as envisaged in the introduction of the above-mentioned book. I
have, however, been informed that this publication does draw
attention to the many Semitisms in this Gospel, which points
towards a Semitic, or more precisely, a Syriac original.
C. E. Puech, one of the collaborators in the above-mentioned
publication, wrote the introduction to the Gospel of Thomas for
the "New Testament Apocrypha" lS) and, regarding the date of its
origin, he says on p. 305: "At most one will be inclined to place the
earliest redaction of our gospel about 140, ... This question is,
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however, secondary. More important than the dating of the collection

itself is that of its constituent elements ..." On the dating of these
"constituent parts" Puech did not venture to express him in this
introduction.

Grant and Freedman (of whose publication I could as yet only

acquire the Dutch translation) say: "in de tweede helft van de
tweede eeuw had de christelijke Kerk zulke apokriefe evangelien
a]s dat van Thomas reeds in principe verworpen",39) which implies
that the Gospe], in its original form, must have appeared some
time previously. On page 15 they explicitly state: "Het Evangelie van
Thomas ... stamt uit het milieu van het oudste Christendom".
Klijn is very outspoken about the Gospel"') originating in
Syriac during the second century; also Baarda, who speaks of
" ... the Coptic Gospel of Thomas, of which the Syriac origin seem'
to me beyond doubt".") There are mainly tw<- arguments for this
hypothesis. The first is the name of Thomas according to this
document. It calls him: "Didymus Judas Thomas (Didymus is the
Greek word for twin while Thauma means exactly the same in
Aramaic/Syriac). Klijn's conclusion in this respect is: de
II • • •

naam Judas Thomas wijst onmiskenbaar naar SyrH! als plaats van
herkomst van het Evangelie van Thomas, omdat hier en oak aIleen

122
 hier Thomas als Judas Thomas bekend was".") (Compare also
Puech, New Testament Apocrypha, p. 286).
The second argument is based on the marked resemblance
between the Gospel of Thomas and the Diatessaron. Many of the
divergencies of the Gospel of Thomas, from canonical Gospel-ren-
derings, coincide exactly with the Diatessaron.43 ) Schippers deemed
this resemblance of such great importance that a whole chapter
of his book is devoted to this theme.")
Klijn concludes his argumentation with: "om deze twee redenen
zal het moeilijk zijn om te ontkennen dat dit werk uit Syrie
stamt".")
We have treated the origin of this newly·found Gospel of
Thomas in detail because it is of decisive importance to this lecture.
If the Gospel cannot be traced to a Syrian/Syriac original of the
early 2nd century A.D. it has .no relevance for our purpose.
On the other hand, if it is of Judaeo·Christian origin and has
found its scriptural fixation in Syria/Syriac in the second century,
then it is of the utmost importance. Because in this Gospel of
Thomas the a-sexual evasion of the world is given as explicitly as
in all the other writings ascribed to or called by the name of
Thomas 46 ) as well as the so-called Gospel of the Hebrews. The
ludaeo-Christian origin cf the last-named work is, as far as I
could check, recognized by all.
Regarding the motives for an ascetic life, this Gospel of
Thomas is very positive and clear in its teachings. We quote only a
few examples.
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He speaks of "single ones" (Afrikaans: eenlinge):")

23. Jesus said: I shall choose you, one out of a thousand, and two
out of ten thousand, and they shall stand as a single one.")
49. Jesus said: Blessed are the solitary and elect, for you shall
find the Kingdom; because you come from it (and) you shall
go there again.")
75. Jesus said: Many are standing at the door, but the solitary
are the ones who will enter the bridal chamber.")
What does this wore! "single one" or "solitary" mean? I do nut
think we can go as far as to understand it in the full sense of it's
later technical meaning: JLovaxo,> = monk, ascetic.
Although this is where it wants to lead us. "De eenling is de
ongetrouwde en a-sexuele mens" says Klijn. 51 ) And not only Klijn,
but the Gospel itself:
22. . .. Jesus said to them: When. you make the two one, ... and
when you make the male and the female into a single one,
so that the male not be male and the female (not) be female ...
then shall you enter (the Kingdom).")

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 106. Jesus said: When you make the two one, you shall become
sons of Man. 53 )
And in the last Logion.
114. Simon Peter said to them: Let Mary go out from among us,
because women are not worthy of the Life. Jesus said: See,
I shall lead her, so that I will make her male, that she too
may become a living spirit, resembling you males. For every
woman who makes herself male will enter the Kingdom of
Heaven.54 )
In a dexterous way the writer combines different texts to give
it a new meaning. In Luke 11 : 27-28 we read: "And it came to pass,
as he spoke these things, a certain woman of the company lifted
up her voice, and said unto him, Blessed (is) the womb that bare
thee, and the paps which thou hast sucked.
But he said, Yea rather, blessed (are) they that hear the word
of God, and keep it".
In these words the mother of Jesus is blessed in a typical
oriental way because of the conduct of her son. Jesus, however,
points out to her that not the earthly blood·relationship but the
relationship or attitude towards the word of God is of decisive
importance.
In Luke 23 : 29 He says: "For, behold, the days are coming,
in which they shall say, Blessed (are) the barren, and the wombs
that never bare, and the paps which never gave suck" - because
without the consequent earthly relationships such women will
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find "the days to come" easier to endure than, for instance, a

mother with a few small children.
These two texts are combined to:
79. A woman from the multitude said to Him: Blessed is the womb
which bare Thee and the breasts which nourished Thee.
He said to (her): Blessed are those who have heard the word
of the Father (and) have kept it in truth. For there will be
days when you will say: Blessed is the womb which has not
conceived and the breasts which have not suckled. 55 )
Instead of the blessing of the mother of Jesus by the woman,
etc. Jesus is here made to declare a beatification over the women
who have not conceived, in other words, those who have not had
sexual intercourse!
The a-sexual person is also compared with a child:
37. His disciples said: When wilt Thou be revealed to us and
when will we see Thee? Jesus said: When you take off your
clothing without being ashamed, and take your clothes and
put them under your feet as the little children and tread on
them, then (shall you behold) the Son of the Living (One)
and you shall not fear. 56 )

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 Thus the responsibility of man to become a partaker of the
salvation consists of a strenuous exertion of himself to live an
a-sexual life as a "solitary" or "single one", and Jesus Christ as
Saviour is of minor importance. He is only a preacher who
preaches to man how we must live to earn the Kingdom of God -
and this way of life that He proclaims is a-sexuality!
The Diatessaron of Tatian, that we have already mentioned,
is the next document to have had an immense influence on the
Syriac speaking Christianity.")
Tatian called himself an "Assyrian".") He was converted to
Christianity under the influence of Justin Martyr. Bishop Soter
(± 166-175) excommunicated him as an heretic and he returned
to Syria in 172 A.D. It is generally accepted that he wrote the Diates-
saron while still a member of the Church in Rome. The age-old
dispute as to what the original language of the Diatessaron was -
whether Latin, Greek or Syriac 59 ) - has, to my mind, been brought
to a definite conclusion by Baumstark. Two fragments of the
Greek version were found some years ago. This was immediately
hailed as proof of the Greek origin of the Diatessaron. Baumstark's
study of these fragments 60 ) convinced him (and apparently every-
body else) that the original Diatessaron must have been written in
Syriac. Unfortunately there are no extant Syriac or Greek versions
of this document. Why no Syriac versions survived will presently
become evident. Translations have, however, survived in Annenian,
Latin, Italian, German and Dutch.
The Diatessaron (in Syriac: Evangelion da-Mehallete = the
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evangel of the mixed) is a skillful combination of the four canonical

versions of the Gospel, with some deviations corresponding to the
Gospel according to Thomas (as we have said earlier)61) and
to some other apocryphal writings.
Because there is no uncertainty about the dating or the original
language of the Diatessaron, Tatian's views in this document re-
garding marriage, sexuality, etc. are of especial importance for our
purpose.

Irenaeus has already pointed out that Tatian regarded marriage

as ¢8opa Kat 7ropvna. 62 ) Just like the Gospel of Thomas, or in
imitation of it (see note 61), Tatian introduced many encratitic
ideas") into his Gospel harmony. Of these divergencies Voobus says
i.a.: "It is interesting to notice that it did not demand very much
from a capable man like Tatian to impart certain implications
to his Gospel text. We are often surprised how very simple means
were employed to the greatest effect: here a gloss, there a little
change in word-order, sufficed to remind the reader that the carnal
link between husband and wife is sin, merely a human invention,
not intended by God, and to make it unmistakably plain that the
prize of eternal life demands virginity".")
We refrain from giving examples here because they are similar

125
 to those of the Gospel of Thomas.
According to Quispel") it is "wellicht onder zijn invloed" that
the apocryphal acts of Thomas. John. Andrew, Peter and Paul
taught "dat het Christendom de vcrbreking van de huwelijksband
medebrengt". And then Quispel continues: "Dit loopt uit op het
Manichelsme, dat uit een enkratitische sckte is ontstaan en bij-
zonder tegen de geslachtelijkc begeerlijkheid was".
Voobus 66 ) says: " ... the introduction of this work constituted
(I would like to change it to: perpetuated) a major event in the
growth and development of Syrian Christianity".
The main reason for this is surely the fact that Tatian's views,
as given in the Diatessaron. coincided with the views that the
Syrian Christians already had - at least a large portion of them.
It spoke the language of their heart and was a reproduction of
their interpretation of the Christian faith and way of life.
For this reason it was used by them for many generations.
Ephraem Syrus. who wrote his works until the year 373 near
Edessa, still wrote a commentary on the Diatessaron. A little later,
]lowever, the Diatessaron seems to have become discredited. The
biographer of Rabbula. bishop of Edessa during the years 411--435
A.D., tells us that Rabbula commanded that the Diatessaron should
be replaced by the Evangelion da·Mepharreshe (= the Gospel
of the Separated or the four canonical Gospels).67) Theodoret.
bishop of Cyrus (Cyrrhus) from 423 to 457 A.D .• confiscated more
than 200 copies of the Diatessaron within his diocese "and intro·
duced in their place the Gospels of the four Evangelists".")
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It has already been mentioned in the quotation from Quispel

that these ascetic, encratite notions or way of life of the Syrians
(as exhibited in the above·mentioned writings) led to Manicheism.
There are, however, also other and earlier Christian and Gnostic
sects which are of major importance for our lecture. In addition
to Manicheism only two of men will be briefly mentioned here.
The first is the Montanism. Of this sect even Tertullian (150-
222 A.D.) was a member for a number of years. This sect flourished
by the middle of the second century A.D. and "imposed a rigorous
asceticism upon its adherents".69)
Also the Marcionites gained many adherents in Syria by the
middle of the second century A.D. It is true that Marcion himself
never went to Syria. However, the fact that the Chronicle of Edessa
mentions that he left the Church in 137/8 while it does not mention
anything about the early Christianity in Edessa shows us that
Marcion's influence in Syria must have been very great.
We shall not go into the details of the doctrines of Marcion.70 )
We only wish to remind you that he drew a sharp distinction between
the Old and the New Testaments and between (what he called) the
Creator-God of the Old Testament and the loving· kindness of the
"Foreign·God" of Jesus Christ. Of the mode of life that he preached,

126
 the following
the following is is important
important for for our
our purpose:
purpose: "Deze
"Deze levenswijze
levenswijze is is
streng ascetisch,
streng ascetisch, omdat
omdat alal het
het aardse,
aardse, in
in het
het bijzonder
bijzonder het
het huwelijk,
huwelijk,
behoort tot
behoort tot het
het domein
domein vanvan dede God
God vanvan het
het Oude
Oude Testament".7l)
Testament".7l)
Regarding Marcion's
Regarding Marcion's influence
influence in
in Syria
Syria Voobus
Voobus says,
says, inter
inter alia:
alia:
"It was
"It was just
just that
that area
area where
where Syrian
Syrian Christianity
Christianity had
had first
first begun
begun
to develop
to develop which
which very
very early
early became
became the the field
field of
of operation
operation forfor
Marcionite Christianity... it found particularly fertile
Marcionite Christianity... it found particularly fertile ground in ground in
the Syrian Orient where its seed grew up exuberantly
the Syrian Orient where its seed grew up exuberantly and very and very
soon itit could
soon could reap
reap aa rich
rich harvest".'l)
harvest".'l)
Mani (216-277
Mani (216-277 A.D.)
A.D.) founded
founded aa newnew sincretistic
sincretistic religion
religion com·
com·
prising of
prising of elements
elements of of Christianity,
Christianity, of
of Buddhism
Buddhism andand ofof Zoroastria·
Zoroastria·
nism by means of which he wished to replace all these religions
and let it become the one and only universal religion.
Mani's father joined one of the encratite Christian sects and
he, consequently, grew up in this kind of religious environment.
In his own "church", which he formed later, these ideas still play
a very important part. The following characterisation of Mani's
Church and comparison of it with the Christian Churches of Syria,
by Danielou and Marrou, is of the utmost importance for our whole
theme; actually it is a summary of all that we have tried to elucidate
from the writings of the Syriac·speaking Church. Therefore we cite
them at length: "The Manichean Church was divided into those
who are perfect, the ascetics, who alone make up the Church in
the strict sense, and those who are imperfect, the listeners or
catechumens" .
.. Manichaeism is in one sense foreign to Christianity and so is
Reproduced by Sabinet Gateway under licence granted by the Publisher (dated 2010)

really a new religion ... But at the same time this new religion can
be considered a development of the original Syriac Christianity,
whose tendencies it carries to their furthest extreme: a cosmological
dualism, which results in a complete condemnation of the material
world; and moral Encratism, whi£h forbids marriage and the use
of certain food. Manichaean monasticism developed in parallel
with Christian monasticism".73)
We are now nearing the date of the origin of the Egyptian
Asceticism and Monasticism. And we hope that, with what has
been said so far, this one fact stands out clearly, namely that the
Syrian Christianity of the previous century or two (actually right
from the beginning) not only displays ascetical traits but is essen-
tially of an ascetic and encratite character.
As a result of occidental influence after the end of the second
century A.D. this characteristic of the oriental Christianity was
moderated but never radically changed.

There are, unfortunately, insufficient reliable documents eluci-

dating the factual position of the Asceticism or Monasticism of
the Syrians of this early period above all uncertainty.
One document, the history of Mar Awgin,'4) purports to give
the origin of Syrian Monasticism and relates how Mar Awgin

127
 "imported" it to Syria from Egypt. Lahourt,75) however, has con-
vincingly proved that this document is not older than the 11 th
century so that it cannot be accepted as authentic proof of the
origin of Ascetism in Syria.
Sufficient evidence to show that Monasticism in Syria originated
independantIy from the Egyptian model does, however, seem to
be available if we piece it together.
In his Vita Hilarionis Jerome states that when Hilarion came
from Egypt to Majuma (in the vicinity of the hiblical Gaza) in
306 A.D. to live an ascetic life there, he found no monasteries in
Syria.") From this we conclude: a) that Egyptian Monasticism only
reached the uttermost south-western part of Syria by this time (306
A.D.); and b) that at this time the western part of greater Syria
does not seem to have had any monasteries or ascetics of renown.
On the other hand we must draw the attention to Jacob of
Nisibis. According to the Msiha Zekha Jacob lived during the
episcopate of Srica and it says that Srica often visited Jacob, who
was a famous monk in the vicinity of Nisibis, to receive his
blessing." )

According to this source Srica was bishop of Adiahene from

291-317 (actually 316 A.D., hecause the date is given as 627 of
the Greeks).") Sachau dated Sri'a's episcopate from 304-316.79 )
According to Brooks 80 ) Jacob became bishop of Nisibis in 308 A.D.'l)
From this we may deduce that at approximately 300 A.D. - or
even a number of years earlier - Jacob lived as an ascetic in the
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vicinity of Nisibis in the north-eastern part of Syria while the

Egyptian monasticism only started penetrating into Palestine at
approximately 306 A.D.
But from these sources, including Theodoret's description of
tbe life of Jacob of Nisibis,82) even more can be deduced: they relate
these facts (Theodoret even in great detail) without giving the
impression that it is something new or extraordinary. On the con-
trary, it is related in such a matter of fact way that it is quite
possible that there were many generations of ascetics such as
these, before Jacob of Nisibis.
Supra we have mentioned Theodoret's detailed rendering of
Jacob's way of life. Actually this is the characteristic trait of the
Syrian Monasticism that, despite the influences of western Christia-
nity, it retained such a totally different character from that of the
West right through all the ages of its existence. We shall not elabo-
rate on it here, but must at least mention the fact that quite a
few of the Greek Churchfathers elaborate on this otherness ("an-
dersheid") of the Syrian monks.
Ephraem of Edessa,") a disciple of Jacob, also speaks of the
"wild" way of life practised by his teacher and other (contempo-
rary?) monks. From these sources the following picture of their
way of life can be reconstructed:

128
 They lived like and amongst the wild animals; naked, dirty,
with long unkempt hair and nails. They ate only fruit and herbs.
Their abode in summer was in the open, the heaven being their
roof, while in winter they might sleep overnight in caves. They
fasted for long periods on end and abstained from the use of
clothing and fire, from doing manual labour, etc. while their mam
task was praying.
In all this we recognise no reproduction of the Egyptian
Monasticism or even Anchoretism, but rather the influences of
the abo,ementioned Old Testament examples and New Testament
apocryphal writings that were widely read and adhered to in the
Syriac-speaking Churches.
Even in later ages when we reach the fully historical or docu·
menta ted period, on which we have ample written sources that
describe these phenomena. the Syrian Asceticism and Monasticism
differ so entirely from that of Egypt and of the West that we
cannot but come to the conclusion that we are dealing here with a
movement that developed totally independently from the Egyptian
model.

NOTES

1) Cf. N. Zernov: Eastern Christendom, London, 1961, p. 77 sqq.

2) Jean Danielou & Henri Marrou: The Christian Centuries, vol. I, The First
Six Hundred Years, London, 1964, p. 270; d. La. also J. H. Landwehr:
Handhoek der Kerkgeschiedenis, Kampen, 1922, vol. 1, p. 139-140; cf.
Wallis Budge: The Book of Governors: The Historia Monastica of Thomas,
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Bishop of Marga, A.D. 840, London 1893, vol. 1, p. cxxi et sqq, and J. van
der Ploeg: Oud-Syri!>ch Monniksleven, Leiden, 1942, p. 10.
3) Op. cit .• p. 77.
4) Cf. Zernov: op. cit., p. 78 as well as the other books quoted above,
especially Landwehr: op. cit., p. 140.
5) Op. cit, pp. 10 and 11.
6) Karl Heussi: Der Ursprung des M6nchtums, Tilbingen, 1936, p. 13.
7) Cf. La the Ebionites and the Elkesaites.
8) The Nazarenes (Numbers 6, etc.); also to a certain extent the Rechabites
(Icr. 35. cf. II Kings 10 : 15 and 16).
9) Zernov: op. cit., p. 77.
10) In this lecture the term "Syrian Christendom/Christianity" is used to
denote those Christians of northern and eastern Syria whose liturgical
language was Syriac.
11) G. Philipps: The Doctrine of Addai, the Apostle, London, 1876, and other
editions.
12) Cf. i.a. P. E. Kahle: The Cairo Geniza, Oxford, 19592 , p. 281.
13) Cf. F. C. Burkitt: Early Eastern Christianity, London, 1904, p. 17 sqq.
14) In my doctoral thesis "Rabbula, the Bishop of Edessa" this problem is
dealt with exhaustively.
15) A. Mingana: Suurces Syriaques, vol. I, Msiha Zekha, Leipzig, ]907.
16) Op. dt., p. 2 (French translation, p. 77/8).
17) Op. cit., p. 3 (translation, p. 78).
18) Op. cit., p. 4 (translation, p. 79).
19) Op. cit., see especially the summary of bishops on p. 157/8.
20) For more particulars see La. P. E. Kahle: op. cit., p. 270 et sqq.
21) Cf. Acts IS, Gal. 2, etc.

129
 22) Rendel Harris and A. Mingana: The Odes a'ld Psalms of Solomon, Vol, I
and II, London, 1916, 1920.
23) Cf. op. cit., p. 67: "If the parallels which we brought forward are valid,
then it is hardly possible to refer the Odes to any other time than
the first century, or to any other district than Antioch",
24) J. de Zwaan: The Edessene Origins of the Odes of Solomon, Ouantulacum~
que, Studies presented to Kirsopp Lake by pupils, colleagues and friends,
London, 1937.
25) A. F. J. Klijn: Edessa de Stad van de Apostel Thomas, Baarn, 1%2.
26) Gp. cit., p. 44.
27) Citations from the Odes of Solomon are taken from Harris and Mingana,
op, cit., vol. II.
28) Gp. cit., pp. 404 and 405.
29) HarrisjMingana actua11y translate this clause "by (God's) wi1l", while
in a footnote they say: "Or, of her own will". The original Syriac reads
literal1y: "Like a man she brought forth (or, gave birth) with a will".
Klijn: op. cit., p. 61 translates: "Zij baarde als een man met een (vaste)
v.'il" ,
30) Gp cit., p. 299.
31) For text and introduction d. E. Hennecke: New Testament Apocrypha,
ed. by W. SchneemeJcher (English translation edited by R MeL. Wilson),
vol. I, London, 1963, pp. 37<1-388.
32) Gp, cit., pp. 384 and 385.
33) Op. cit., pp. 283 and 284, cf. also verses to and 11.
34) Gp. cit, p. 263.
35) A. Gui11aumont, H.-Ch. Puech, G, Quispel, W. Ti11 and Yasah cAbd Al
Masib: The Gospel according to Thomas, LeidenjLondon, 1959; also: R.
Schippers; Het Evangelie van Thomas, Kampen, 1960; R. M Grant and
D. N. Freedman: The Secret Sayings of Jesus, New York, 1960, (Dutch
translation: Het Thomas Evangelie, UtrechtjAntwerpen, 1962), etc.
4

36) Papyri Oxyrhynchus, Nos.!, 654 and 655.

37) Op. cit., p. vi.
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38) Gp. cit, vol. I, pp. 278-307.

39) Gp. cit., p. 92.
40) Op. cit., p. 65 et sqq.
41) Tj. Baarda: The Gospel Text in the Biography of Rabbula, in Virgiliae
Christianae, XIV, 1960, p. 112.
42) Gp cit., p. 67.
43) Klijn: op. cit., p. 67.
44) Op. cit" Chapter 6 "Thomas en Tatianus", pp. 135-155.
45) Gp. cit., p. 67.
46) The other works are weU4known Acts of Thomas; and The Book of Thomas
the Athlete. Of this book Puech (New Testament Apochrypha, vol. I, p.
308) says: "The style is rather Gnostic and the theme Encratite: condem4
nation of the flesh, of womanhood, of sexuality; promise of a future rest in
the Kingdom of heaven, an ava7TaV<1L~' which wiI1 be Ck7Ta(JeUf., impassibility".
47) Quotations are from: A. Guillaumont, H.-Ch. Puech, G. Quispel. W. Till and
Yassah cAbd Al Masil): The Gospel According to Thomas, LeidenjLondon,
1959.
48) Gp. cit., p. 19.
49) Gp. cit., p. 29.
50) Gp. cit., p. 41.
51) Gp. cit., p. 75.
52) Gp. cit., pp. 17 and 19.
53) Gp. cit., p, 53.
54) Gp. cit., p. 57.
55) Gp. cit., pp. 43 and 45.
56) Gp. cit, p. 23.

130
 57) Cf. La. A. Voobus: Early Versions of the New Testament, Stockholm,
1954, p. 22 et sqq. (In later citations we refer to this book merely as
"Early Versions").
58) Cf. Patrologia Graeca VI, coL 888 ytv7)Oe, .. ILeV ev T7) TWV Auuvpuuv Yl1
(Tatian's, Oralio adversus Graecos).
59) Cf. Early Versions, pp. 3--6.
60) A. Baumstark: Das griechische Diatessaronfragment von Dura Europos,
in Oriens Christianus, XXXII, Leipzig, 1935, pp. 244-252 and: Ein wei teres
Bruchstiick griechischer Diatessarontexte. Oriens Christianus XXXVI. Leip-
zig 1939, p. 111 et sqq.
61) Owing to the unprocurability of the material in South Africa it was im-
possible for the present writer (at this stage) to ascertain the exact
relationship between the Gospel according to Thomas and the Diatessaron.
There are, however, only two possibilities: the Gospe] of Thomas is
manifestly of an earlier date than the Diatessaron so that either the
Diatessaron is dependant upon the Gospel of Thomas or both have a
common older source from which they quote.
62) In: Adversus haeresis I. 28, I (edition of Stieren, I. p. 259).
63) With the name Encratites especially those Christians of the second century
are designated for whom it was a matter of principle to refrain from eating
meat, drinking intoxicating drinks and having sexual intercourse.
64) Early Versions, p. 17; cf. also A. Voobus: Celibacy, a Requirement for
Admission to Baptism in the Early Syrian Church, Stockholm, 1951,
p. 17 et sqq.
65) G. Quispel: Enkratieten, ChristeUjke Encyclopedie, 19572, vol. 2, p. 608,
66) Early Versions. p. 24.
67) J. J. Overbeck: Ephraerni Syri, Rabulae, Balaei alioriumque opera selecta,
Oxford, 1865, p. 220.
68) Cf. i.a. P. Kahle: The Cairo GenilA Oxford, 19591, p. 297, and F. C. Burkitt:
Evangelion Da-Mepharreshe, Cambridge, 1904, vol. II, p. 176.
69) Zernov: op cit., p. 31.
70) Those inerested in the doctrines of Marcion are referred to i a. A. von
Reproduced by Sabinet Gateway under licence granted by the Publisher (dated 2010)

Harnack: Marcion, in Texte und Untersuchungen, 45, 19242 or: E. C.

Blackman: Marcion and his Influence, London, 1948.
71) Klijn, op. cit., p. 102.
72) Early Versions, p. 28.
73) Op. cit., p. 194.
74) Cf. P. Bedjan: Acta Martyrum et Sanctorum, Paris, 1892, vol. III, pp.
376--480; d. also E. A. W. Budge, op. cit., voL. I, pp. IX and CXXV ct sqq.
75) L Labourt: Le christianisme dans l'Empire perse sous la dynastie
Sassanide 224-632, Paris, 1904, p. 314.
76) Migne: Patrologia Latina, XXIII, col. 34 et sqq.
77) Op. cit., pp. 45 and 46; Translation pp. 123 and 124: "En ce temps etait
connu dans la ville des frontieres )'homme craignant Dieu, Jacques ...
Notre Sri'a, qui, a son tour, brfrlait du zele de l'amour de Dieu, alIa
plusieurs foils Ie trouver pour etre beni par lui et s'entretenir ensemble".
78) Op. cit., p. 158.
79) E. Sachau: Die Chronik von Arbela, Ein Beitrag zur Kenntnis des iiltestell
Christentums im Orient, Berlin, 1915, p. 15.
80) E. W. Brooks: Opus Chronologicum, Paris, 1910, p. 98.
81) See however Sources Syriaques, note 2 on pp. 123 and 124.
82) Migne: Patrologia graeca, part. LXXXII, 3, col. 1293 f.
83) Cf. F. C. Burkitt: S. Ephraem's Quotations from the Gospel, (Texts and
Studies VII, 2), Cambridge, 1901.

131