`

16 AND PREGNANT:
THE SOCIAL DISCRIMINATION EXPERIENCED
BY TEENAGE MOTHERS IN
KALUMPANG, MARIKINA CITY, PHILIPPINES

A Research Paper
Submitted to:

DR. CORAZON T. TORALBA

Faculty, Department of Philosophy

In partial fulfillment
Of the requirements for
PH101: Philosophy of the Family

BY

MEJIA, NOEMI
PULHIN, JONATHAN MAURICE
SARASUA, MICHELLE ANNE
May 12, 2017
 ABSTRACT

Teenage pregnancy is a phenomenon that is becoming prevalent in the Philippines.

Several factors, like a teenager's socio-economic condition, academic achievement, social factors
such as quality of relationship with her parents, and peers may influence her likelihood of
becoming a mother at an early age.
In terms of education, teenage mothers are expected to leave school to focus on
motherhood. In terms of physical health, teenage mothers and their children are more at risk of
complications than their adult counterparts Regarding their emotional aspect, teenage mothers
might feel out of place in the community they belong to and experience fear from the new
responsibilities they’re facing. In terms of the teenage mother's relationship with others, she may
experience poor relationships with people around her, including her own family, her friends, and
the father of her child.
The researchers have used key informant interviews with eight (8) teenage mothers,
whose ages range between 16 and 19, who are all living in Barangay Kalumpang, Marikina City
to gather information. Majority have admitted that they were not ready for motherhood, although
the support they receive from their own families and their peers have helped them get through
the process. Regarding education, none of them have been asked by the school administration to
drop out. Some of them have intentionally stopped studying because of financial problems and
because they want to focus on taking care of their newborn child. None of the respondents have
been treated differently by their teachers and schoolmates after learning about their pregnancy.
 Table of Contents

Chapter 1: The Problem and A Review of Related Literature..................................................1

Background of the Study..............................................................................................................2
Significance of the Study.............................................................................................................3
Review of Related Literature.......................................................................................................3
Statement of the Problem.............................................................................................................3
Scope and Limitations..................................................................................................................3
Chapter 2: Methodology................................................................................................................4
Research Design...........................................................................................................................5
Research Participants...................................................................................................................6
Research Instruments...................................................................................................................5
Data Gathering Procedure............................................................................................................5
Treatment of Data.........................................................................................................................5
Chapter 3: Presentation and Interpretation of Findings...........................................................4
Chapter 4: Summary, Conclusion, and Recommendation........................................................4
Summary......................................................................................................................................5
Conclusion....................................................................................................................................5
Recommendation..........................................................................................................................5
Bibliography...................................................................................................................................4
Appendix.........................................................................................................................................4
 Chapter 1
THE PROBLEM AND A REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY

Teenage pregnancy is becoming prevalent. Most of these cases happen outside marriage,
especially in societies where it is uncommon for people to marry at an early age (Berthoud &
Robson, 2001). The Philippines ranks third among countries with the highest rates of teenage
pregnancy (United Nations, 2008 in Aguinaldo, Bautista, Bonifacio, Mariano & Parungao,
2014). Births to women under 20 years of age have increased from 126,024 in 2000 to 207,857
in 2010. These cases account for 11.7% of the total births for the year 2010 (Talan-Reolalas,
2014). A survey done in 2013 shows that the percentage of teenage pregnancy has climbed to
13.6% (Demographic Research and Development Foundation, Inc., 2014). In 2014, the rate of
pregnancy among women aged 15 to 19 has increased to 14%, a 6% rise from 8% in 2002 (Au-
Yeung, 2014 in Alvarez, Rosario, Salvador & Sauce, 2016). To put simply, one out of ten
Filipino women aged 15 to 19 is already a mother, or pregnant with a child (Philippine Statistics
Authority, 2014). In a society like the Philippines, where the latest trends in the community are
easily shared through the different forms of media and are adopted by almost everyone, teenage
pregnancy is becoming the norm (Aguinaldo et al., 2014).
According to James, cases of teenage pregnancy have only occurred when the previously
stable concepts of marriage, childbearing, and socialization began to undergo changes (1992).
Several factors also induce or reduce the prevalence of teenage pregnancy.

Teenage pregnancy is associated with a poor socio-economic condition. The prevalence

of this phenomenon is high among low-income families (Meneses & Saratan, 2015; Natividad,
2013; Dulita, Nalika, Upul, Crishantha & De Alwis, 2013 in Alvarez et al., 2016; Minnis et al.,
2013 in Alvarez et al., 2016; Aguinaldo et al., 2014; Tsai and Wong, 2003 in Agustino et al.,
2014) where the teenage mother came from. In a study conducted by Castillo, more than half
(55.5%) of the teenage mothers are poor (2015). A low income is defined by Aguinaldo et al. as
below the minimum wage (2014), and in the study conducted by Agustino et al., the respondents’
parents have a monthly income that ranges from Php 2,400 to Php 15,000 (2014). Most of the
participants in the study of Meneses and Saratan come from semi-squatter dwelling type of
residence. The fathers of these teenagers are commonly jeepney drivers, who do not earn enough
1
to provide their families’ necessities (2015). Santelli explains that teenage pregnancy is common
among the poorest in society because they have lost hope regarding their employment, marriage,
home ownership, and income prospects, and therefore see less reasons why they should delay
parenthood (2009 in Aguinaldo et al., 2014). Additionally, teenagers only see parenting as their
next goal if they lack ambition, have limited career and educational opportunities, and are unsure
of their purpose in life (Quinlivan, 2003 in Agustino et al., 2014; Quinlivan, 2004 in Agustino et
al., 2014).
Teenagers who have high academic achievement are less likely to become teenage
mothers (Danziger, 1995 in Alvarez et al., 2016; Natividad, 2013; Stewart, 2003 in Agustino,
Coming, Pogoy & Verzosa, 2014; Ehlers, 2003 in Agustino, Coming, Pogoy & Verzosa, 2014),
which means that educational attainment is also a factor that either induces or reduces the
incidence of teenage pregnancy. Among the participants in the study of Castillo, only 8.4% of
the teenage mothers have gone beyond high school. From their partners, only 12.8% have gone
beyond the same educational attainment. Their partners are mostly engaged in an agricultural
occupation (2015).
The quality of the children’s relationship with their parents is another factor. Most
teenage mothers have come from broken families, and they have had limited parental guidance
(Meneses & Saratan, 2015). Parents usually avoid talking to their children about sex. When they
do, however, they provide false information in hopes of discouraging their children from
engaging in premarital sex (Agustino et al., 2014). Lack of knowledge about sexual matters that
children should learn from their parents leads to "sexual ignorance and teenage pregnancy"
(Mokgalabone, 1999 in Dlamini, 2002). In a study conducted by McLean, 28% of teenagers
who are sexually active "have never talked with their parents about sex" while 42% of them feel
nervous to breach the subject of sex with their parents. Many parents feel that they need outside
help when talking to their children and teaching them about sexual matters (1991, in Dlamini,
2002). Adolescents who receive a strong sense of supervision from their parents are more likely
to delay their first sexual intercourse and avoid teenage pregnancy (Danziger, 1995 in Lock &
Spear, 2003; Kim, 2008 in Alvarez et al., 2016; Agustino et al., 2014). This is because it is the
parents’ job to guide, nurture, and support their children (American College of Pediatricians,
2013 in Alvarez et al., 2016). Kim states that strong deterrents to premarital sex are the

2
teenagers’ perceived disapproval of parents towards premarital sex, and a strong parent-child
relationship, especially between the mother and the child (2008 in Alvarez et al., 2016).
According to Aguinaldo et al., hanging out with friends consists most of these teenagers’
time. Through these friends, the teenage mothers are able to meet their boyfriends (2014).
However, mingling with the wrong kind of friends affects the teens’ behavior by influencing
them to drink alcohol, and causing them to change their behavior and attitude (Meneses &
Saratan, 2015). James adds that alcohol consumption is related to teenage pregnancy in that
teenagers engage in sexual encounters due to drunkenness. Drunkenness also increases the
likelihood that teenagers engaging in sexual activity will forget to use contraception (1992).
Even socially isolated teens are at risk of teenage pregnancy because they have limited options
and decisions for the future (Ivey, 1999 in Lock & Spear, 2003). It should be made clear,
however, that peer pressure does not directly cause teenage pregnancy. Peer pressure instead
causes teenagers to engage in activities like drinking that may lead to sexual encounters and
eventually pregnancy (James, 1992).
Furthermore, Gumban, Martos, Rico, Bernarte, and Tuason state that based on past
research, a good and strong family relationship decreases the possibility of a child being engaged
in sexual activities. These families, having a strong relationship and being comfortable around
each other, are more open to talk about sexual topics. However, having a conservative culture
because of the dominant religion, which is Catholicism, Filipinos consider sexual discussions as
unacceptable to talk about (2016; Nadal, 2011 as quoted by Gumban et al., 2016). According to
de Irala, Osorio, del Burgo, Belen, de Guzman, Calatrava, and Torralba, parents are protective of
their children against early sex especially for their daughters. Parents should be the main source
of information regarding sexual activities, but most of the parents do not discuss sexual matters
with their children (2009; Gumbal et al., 2016; Huebner & Howell, 2003 as quoted by
Upadhyay, 2006).
According to Natividad, there is a trend for younger people to change the norms and
practices regarding premarital sexual activities in which premarital sex is becoming more
acceptable and there are less societal pressure to get marry (2013). YASF4 agrees by saying that
the increasing number of teenage pregnancy is a result of the new age of social media, wherein
the new generations are becoming more active and curious, leading them to explore sexual
activities. Moreover, sexual behaviors of teeenagers are shifting from traditional to new media in

3
which 25% of teenagers receive or send sex videos through their mobile phones or through the
internet (as quoted by Gumban et al., 2016).
Furthermore, according to Dlamini, there are social factors which are associated to
teenage pregnancy. The first social factor is the community. Gorospe says that since social
acceptance is one of the Filipino values, teenagers conform to what is acceptable in the society
because they want to be accepted in general (as quoted by Dy, 1994). Filipino women are
expected to preserve their virginity until marriage to become fully prepared for pregnancy. Yet,
because of the increasing number of cases of teenage pregnancy, the status of teenage mothers
changes from them being dependent members of society to them being responsible for
themselves, their actions, and their children. Because of the added responsibility, the teenage
mothers may have problems of adapting and accepting all the responsibilities of motherhood
(2002).
Interpersonal relationships are the second factor. Being in a conservative country which
is influenced by the dominant religion, Filipino teenagers rarely have sexual discussions with
their parents so they mostly get information about love and sexuality from their friends (de Irala
et al., 2009). Thus, Gulld (1992) says that teenage girls often lack the knowledge and skills
needed to handle difficult interpersonal cases such as saying “no” to boys (as quoted by Dlamini,
2002).
The third factor is the teenagers’ peers. Dlamini says that peers are important support
system of the teenagers since they are more comfortable being with people who experience
similar changes. Yet, it has been found that peers of teenage mothers are the ones who supported
expulsion of unintended pregnancies from school since they believe that the school environment
should be free from pregnant schoolgirls (2002).
The fourth factor is the role of the parents. At present, teenagers do not experience strict
parental control and guidance unlike before, and they are no longer given traditional sanctions to
regulate their behavior (Dlamini, 2002). This could possibly result to teenage pregnancy because
teenagers have more freedom and less parental guidance. Yet, Dlamini further adds that parents
should support and understand their children by giving emotional support during and after
pregnancy (2002).
Lastly, the child is the fifth factor. The teenage mother, being unprepared for
motherhood, may face problems that could affect her child. The child may be prone to problems

4
of “prematurity, low birth weight and poor mothering”. Also, it is found out that children from
teenage parents tend to have academic problems such as having low IQ, performing poorly in
school, and having behavioral problems (Dlamini, 2002).
Since they are not prepared for motherhood, teenage mothers experience difficulties with
the educational, physical, emotional, and social aspects of life.
Being teenagers who should be studying in high school or college, teenage mothers
experience educational problems. Karra and Lee (2012) and Dietrich (2003) say that teenage
mothers may no longer complete their studies and may have difficulties in finding a proper job,
which means they may have to rely on government grant or support from parents or relatives (as
quoted by Sibeko, 2012; Dlamini, 2002; Osulah, 2007; Gyan, 2013; Barmao-Kiptanui, Kindiki &
Kelan, 2015). Moreover, girls who dropped out of school because of pregnancy usually do not
return to school to complete their education (Osulah, 2007). Dietrich (2003, as quoted by Sibeko,
2012) concludes that pregnancy usually results to poor academic results, failure, and repeat of
subjects. In relation to this, according to Berthoud and Robson, teenage mothers have the
likelihood of being a single parent because of their low educational attainment. This is because
women with high educational attainment are more likely to have a partner than women who have
low educational attainment (2001).
Additionally, Bhana et al. (2008) have enumerated reasons why it is difficult for teenage
mothers to complete their education. They are unable to balance their time between caring for
their baby and doing the requirements for school. There is little to no support from the school,
and they are being discriminated in school for having a child at an early age (as quoted by
Sibeko, 2012).
Another educational problem is absenteeism. According to Bezuidenhout (2008), when a
pregnant schoolgirl is not feeling well or is having her morning sickness, she may choose not to
go to school, thus missing her classes. There are many other school days that a pregnant
schoolgirl may miss, such as when she needs to go to the doctor, when she delivers the child, and
after giving birth to her baby (as quoted by Sibeko, 2012; Barmao-Kiptanui et al., 2015).
Teenage mothers also face a variety of physical problems. Teenage mothers can
experience complications such as eclampsia or pregnancy induced hypertension (Dlamini, 2002).
Teenage mothers who are 16 and below experience longer labours due to their underdeveloped
pelvic structure (WHO, 2007 in Aguinaldo et al., 2014). They also gain more weight during their

5
pregnancy (McAnarney, 1993, as cited by Dlamini, 2002), and if they have poor eating habits,
they are prone to nutritional deficiencies (Meneses & Saratan, 2015). They are at a higher risk of
contracting sexually transmitted diseases (Dlamini, 2002) and both the teenage mother and her
child are likely to contract HIV.
Teenage mothers also experience sleeping problems (Muhammad, Tohid & Omar, 2014).
A high rate of infant and neonatal mortality for mothers who gave birth before the age of twenty
is present (Natividad, 2013; Amoran, 2012 in Alvarez, et al., 2016; World Health Organization,
2012 in Aguinaldo et al., 2014; NSO, 2009 in Aguinaldo et al., 2014; Agustino et al., 2014).
According to Castillo, who compared the data between teenage and adult mothers, children of
teenage mothers are twice more likely to die before turning one, and three times more likely to
die between the ages 1 and 5 than the children of adult mothers (2015).
There are various emotional problems for teenage mothers as well. Teenage mothers
experience loneliness and discomfort with other members of the community, which force them to
isolate themselves from everyone at home (Hawkins, 1998 in Dlamini, 2002). Fear is present
among teenage mothers because of the epiphanies they have regarding what happens to them
during labor and their own future, as well as their children’s. They feel despair and devastation
because they have no one to turn to that would understand or help them. They feel shame and
humiliation because of their want to hide their pregnancy from the community. Teenage mothers
also feel rebellious towards those who could have warned them or taught them right from wrong.
They also feel frustrated from feeling “too young and too old simultaneously” because of going
through adolescence while being a mother. Teenage mothers also have low self-esteem since
they feel that they lost a lot in life due to being pregnant early on in their life. On the other hand,
they feel relieved that their child is alive after giving birth (Dlamini, 2002). Teenage mothers feel
acceptance from their new family and because of the unconditional love they receive from their
child (Brown, et. al, 1998 in Dlamini, 2002).
A social problem that a teenage mother can encounter is poor relationships with the
people around her. Teenagers may see pregnancy as a means to be independent and to escape the
authority of their parents, thus causing a strain in the relationship between the teenager and her
parents (James, 1992). Teenage mothers, in general, have bad relationships with their parents.
For those who have come from financially stable, educated families, as soon as the parents
learned of their pregnancy, they have reacted by beating, scolding, or ignoring their children.

6
These parents could not accept the situation of their children. Their embarrassment has led them
not to take their children to the clinic for antenatal care and to hide their pregnant children from
the community. For those who came from poor families, however, the parents have been able to
accept the fact of the pregnancy easier and faster (Dlamini, 2002).
With regard to the relationship between the teenage mother and her partner, teenage
mothers are twice more likely to be married or to be in a union more than once, and they have
more children than their adult counterparts (Castillo, 2015). Boult and Cunningham (1992) have
found out that teenage marriages tend not to last when it is linked to premarital pregnancy. Most
teenage mothers do not get married with the father of their children, and they are left with the
responsibility of caring for their children (Alvarez et al., 2016). From Dlamini’s research, none
of the teenage mothers has had meaningful relationships nor has gotten married with the father of
their children (2002).
When teenage mothers receive support from her female siblings, it is only correlated with
higher levels of stress and distress (Thompson, 1986 in Dlamini, 2002). For the teenage mothers’
peers, on the other hand, these friends have abandoned the mother as soon as they learn of her
pregnancy. These teenage mothers have also become the topic of gossips among the community,
since these members of the community feel that the teenage mothers are a bad example for their
children (Dlamini, 2002).
Among European countries, single teenage mothers experience several issues regarding
employment. First, they have to fight against the traditional view of women being limited
domestically, and the belief that women should have minimal participation in the workforce.
Second, they are pressured to provide not only for themselves but also for their children because
of the absence of their partners. However, teenage mothers are less likely to be employed than
other mothers. The reason is not their early pregnancy but their low educational attainment, and
therefore their lacking qualifications (Berthoud & Robson, 2001).
Teenage mothers are financially dependent on their parents, NGOs, or government
agencies who provide assistance (Alvarez et al., 2016; Meneses & Saratan, 2015). They are no
longer able to go back to school, which means they lack certain qualifications that would get
them a high-paying job (Agustino et al., 2014; Alvarez et al., 2016), meaning they are more
likely to live in poverty than other mothers (Berthoud & Robson, 2001).

7
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

This research will benefit teenage mothers by showing them how they are not the only
ones experiencing discrimination in education, and that there are also others who are unjustly
deprived of their rights and privileges in their education. Teenage mothers will also be able to
learn the coping mechanisms that the respondents utilized in order to maintain a positive outlook
in life and overcome their difficulties despite the social difficulties they experience.
Teachers and fellow students, in general, will be provided with a deeper understanding of
the difficulties that teenage mothers face in school through this research. Since this research is
limited only to the social dimension of teenage motherhood, it involves the school community in
which the teenage mothers belong. Teachers and fellow students who are part of the teenage
mothers day-to-day life will then be better informed of how these mothers experience
discrimination, which will hopefully lead to tolerance, if not acceptance, of teenage mothers in
their school community.
Policymakers and school administrations will be able to efficiently and effectively craft
laws or resolutions that specifically target the discrimination that teenage mothers experience. If
there are existing policies regarding discrimination against teenage mothers, policymakers will
be able to extend them to the unknown dimensions that this research will provide from the data
gathered from the respondents. Additionally, existing laws will be further strengthened in case
they are not properly implemented. Lastly, policymakers can also create laws that cater to the
needs of teenage mothers such as financial assistance for their children or livelihood programs
for unemployed teenage mothers. School administrations can also adapt their school systems so
teenage mothers can still continue their studies without interruptions.

REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

Darisi has stated that people usually have a negative perception of teenage pregnancy,
which leads to an equally negative perception of teenage mothers. The teenage mother becomes
a "statistic", and people begin to make assumptions of her "character, intelligence, and maturity
(2007, in Agustino et al., 2014). Due to this negative perception, teenage mothers experience
discrimination from their teachers and peers in school.
Grant and Hallman (2009) identify discriminating practices by the teachers such as not
allowing the pregnant schoolgirls to go to class or even to perform school activities. They do not
8
give make-up tests or assignments to let the student catch up on what she missed when she was
absent (in Sibeko, 2012). Additionally, teachers are not approachable and they could not even
give support, guidance, counselling or sympathy to the teenage mothers (Dlamini, 2002; Sibeko,
2012). Bhana et al. add that teachers object pregnant girls to be in school because their presence
may encourage other girls to do the same (2010 in Sibeko, 2012)..
Bezuidenhout (2004) further states that pregnant school girls are called whores and other
humiliating names by their peers and they are excluded from group activities such as birthday
parties (2004, in Sibeko, 2012). Beesham (2002) further emphasizes this by giving evidence of
discrimination against pregnant school girls wherein they are avoided by their peers because they
associate teenage mothers with low morals and they even do not want to use the same toilet as
what the pregnant girl uses because of the fear of contracting sexual transmitted disease (as
quoted by Sibeko, 2012).
Masuku (1998) finds that in South Africa, 21 out of 63 students claim that pregnant
school girls should not be allowed to go to school. Male students have agreed that pregnant
school girls must be punished with corresponding measures, and they believe that the education
of the respective partners of the teenage mothers must not be affected by the pregnancy. This is
because the male respondents believe that the partners of the teenage mothers have no
responsibility over the pregnancy, and that the pregnancy is solely a "girls' issue", and a result of
the "girls' foolishness and promiscuity" (in Dlamini, 2002).
Barmao-Kiptanui, Kindiki, and Lelan have conducted a study in Kenya regarding the
impact of teenage motherhood on their academic performance. They have interviewed teachers
of those teenage mothers who said that teenage mothers are bad examples to other students so
they should not return to school. They quote Pillow (2004) who said that teenage mothers are
described in school as incapable or low performing students (2015).
In Uromi’s study on the increase of teenage pregnancy in Tanzania, he quotes Maluli
(2014) who said that even if the Constitution of Tanzania allows everyone the right to education,
there are still some instances where this right is not applicable such as in the cases of teenage
mothers. They are not allowed to attend classes because they are pregnant or have children
outside of marriage (2014).
Tjombonde (2003, as cited by Uromi, 2014) agrees by saying that even if there is already
a government authorization, school administrations still do not want teenage mothers to be in

9
their school because having teenage mothers at school would seem to show that the school
encourages teenage pregnancy. Uromi additionally states that it is believed that it is the fault of
the girls to be pregnant at a young age. In school, there is “mostly gender-biased socialization”
since the school administration encourages the boys to be self-confident and assertive while the
girls are taught only to be passive that the girls are even asked to perform “domestic duties” for
the teachers (2014).
Onyeka, Miettola, Llika and Vaskilampi conducted a study regarding unintended
pregnancy and termination of students in Anambra State, Nigeria. They found out that pregnancy
is common to second year in secondary school. When the school administration discovers that
their student is pregnant, either they suspend the student or expel her. Yet, most of the students
from public schools drop out of school before the school administration found out that they are
pregnant while most of the students from private schools are expelled. Yet, private schools ask
their students to continue their education in the same school but public schools do practice
calling their students to return to the same school. Also, most of the time, counselling is not
provided to pregnant schoolgirls. Yet, there are rare instances when the school provides
counselling to the pregnant schoolgirls about consequences of teenage pregnancy and abortion,
“abstinence from premarital sex and having a good company and joining religious groups.” Even
if most of the schools expel or suspend their students for being pregnant, Most of them do not
have a written policy regarding unintended pregnancy (2011).
Matlala, Nolte and Temane also conducted a study regarding the experiences of school
teachers in teaching pregnant students in Limpopo Province, South Africa. Teachers are aware
that pregnant schoolgirls have the right to study (South Africa, 1996). Based from the interview
they conducted, they found out that some teachers believed that pregnant school girls should be
allowed to attend school before her delivery if the student will not experience any health
problems. Yet, most of the schools expel or suspend pregnant schoolgirls because they see them
as a threat to other students inside the classroom and they do not want to promote pregnancy at a
young age. Also, being pregnant disrupts the studies of the students. This is supported as cited by
Matlala et al. (2014) by Basch, (2011), Bhana et al., (2010), James et al., (2011), Macleod &
Tracey, (2010), Maholo et al., (2009), Mchunu, Peltzer, Tutshana & Seutlwadi, (2012), Panday
et al., (2009). Also, one of the reasons why school administration usually expel or suspend
pregnant schoolgirls is because of their health if they continue to attend school because being a

10
student is being active physically such as coming to class using the stairs and making movements
(2014).
Eloudou-Enyegue (2004) says that teenage mothers from developing countries are not
allowed to continue studying (as quoted by Barmao-Kiptanui et al., 2015). Barmao-Kiptanui et
al. quote Chilisa (2002) who says that there are three possible outcomes for a pregnant
schoolgirl: she may be expelled from school, may re-enter after pregnancy, or may continue
studying. It is said that expelling a teenage mother from school is insensitive to the needs of the
girls. Re-entry is considered discriminatory to the pregnant schoolgirls since the schoolboys who
are fathers of those babies are not asked to leave school until their child is born. On the other
hand, even if the decision of the pregnant schoolgirl to continue her studies is in line with her
human rights, she may fail to notice her other rights such as the right of being comfortable during
and after her pregnancy because she has to attend classes and do schoolworks at the same time
(2015).
The Ministry of Education (2002, as quoted by Chigona & Chetty, 2008) say that they
receive complaints from teenage mothers, and Wolpe et al. (1997, as quoted by Barmao-
Kiptanui, 2015) argue that these teenage mothers are not allowed to attend classes and continue
their schooling just because they are mothers. Because of this, the Forum for African Women
Educationalists have fought for the education of all through their advocacy, so most of the
African countries have changed their policies regarding the exclusion of teenage mothers from
returning to school. However, there are some reports that the process of readmission of teenage
mothers to return to school takes too long; thus, they rather focus on their children and get
married than to go back to school.
Chauke (2003, as quoted by Kosgey, 2008), Horowiz (1995, in SmithBattle, 2013), Silver
(2008, in SmithBattle, 2013), and Chigona and Chetty say that even if the teenage mothers
continue to attend classes, teachers and peers around them would be rude towards them,
intimidate, reject and discriminate them which would discourage the teenage mothers from
attending classes (2008). Gregson further adds that the treatment of teachers between the teenage
mothers and nonparenting students is different. Even if the differences in treatment has a good
intention, it is still seen as discriminatory. It is also considered discriminatory to ask the teenage
mothers to attend and participate in programs that would help them to adjust as a mother (2009,
as quoted by SmithBattle, 2013).

11
 Magsino has cited Ward (2007), who reported regarding a legal case of discrimination by
Central Dauphin School district against a sixteen year-old mother. As a reaction to this, the
American Civil Liberties Union of Pennsylvania, on behalf of the teenage mother, has filed a
complaint against the said school. The teenage mother and her mother want to bar the
administration because of preventing the student to attend school. Ward further reports that the
district officials have recommended the teenage mother to have homeschooling or to start
transferring to Dauphin County vocational technical school which has a day care. However, the
case is still pending in court (2008).
Bayubay, Liongson, Manalang say that getting pregnant outside of marriage in the
Philippines is one of the reasons for expulsion, especially for Catholic schools. According to
Msgr. Gerry Santos, president of the Catholic Educational Association of the Philippines
(CEAP), Catholic schools are committed to the teachings of the Catholic Church, that is why
they do not allow students to stay in school if she is pregnant since they give high value to the
sacrament of marriage (2015).
However, it is now illegal to keep unmarried teenage mothers from attending school
because of the Republic Act No. 9710 or the Magna Carta of Women, Art. IV, Sec. 13. This law,
also known as the Equal Access and Elimination of Discrimination in Education, Scholarships,
and Training, states that there should be no school that would refuse re-admission of a female
student just because of her getting pregnant outside of marriage during her term in school
(GOVPH, 2009; Reyes, 2010). It is also stated that all public and private schools, including
Catholic schools, should follow the provision stated by this law (Reyes, 2010). This is opposed
to the ideas of CEAP but the CEAP still seeks for an exception of that law. CEAP believes that
unmarried pregnant women, who went against the moral teachings of the Catholic Church,
should be expelled from school. Yet, there are instances when pregnant women are only being
suspended or required to take a leave of absence (Bayubay et al., 2015). On the other hand,
fathers of those babies of pregnant schoolgirls are not expelled from school and are only
criticized mildly unlike the women (David, 2014).
Living in a conservative country, Ramiro (2014) says that it is unusual for Filipino
women to get pregnant at a young age so they are sometimes disowned by their family. He
further adds that some schools do not accept them back after being pregnant which results to
women being unable to continue or finish their studies (as quoted by Bayubay et al., 2015).

12
Bayubay et al. cites Flores (2009), who said that there is a report regarding a pregnant schoolgirl
being called and asked by the school administration as to why her stomach is getting bigger. As a
result, the student has decided to stop studying because she feels that the school administrators
are criticizing her, and that they believe that accepting pregnant women in schools would
influence other students to do the same (2015).
Dizon-Luna has conducted a study investigating the reasons why female adolescents drop
out of school, in which she interviewed 10 female adolescents who are residing in San Pablo
City, Philippines. From the data she gathered, two out of ten female high school students say that
they did not know the consequences of engaging in premarital sex. When they get pregnant, they
leave school because the school administration asked them to drop out (2013).

STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

The study aims to answer this question: How is education a social discrimination for
teenage mothers in Kalumpang, Marikina City?
Specifically, this study will answer the following questions:
1. What can be improved or removed from the social discrimination you
experience in education?
2. How do the teenage mothers respond to social discrimination in education?

SCOPE AND LIMITATIONS

Stigma can easily be confused with discrimination, since teenage mothers experience
both (Muhammad, Omar & Tohid, 2014; Meneses & Saratan, 2015). Stigma is a term that refers
to "attitudes and beliefs that lead people to reject, avoid, or fear those they perceive as being
different". Discrimination, on the other hand, is a result of stigma. People who are discriminated
are unjustly deprived of "their rights and life opportunities due to stigma" (Disability Rights
California, n.d.). From the review of related literature, it can be observed that teenage mothers
experience discrimination in schools. The research then focuses on the other aspects of their
social life where teenage mothers experience discrimination, both during and after their
pregnancy.
The study is also limited to teenage mothers whose ages range from 16 to 19 years old
when they first get pregnant, and are residents of Brgy. Kalumpang, Marikina City.

13
 Chapter 2
METHODOLOGY

RESEARCH DESIGN

The researchers conducted an exploratory research in order to explore the other ways in
which teenage mothers from Brgy. Kalumpang in Marikina experience discrimination. An
exploratory research clarifies and defines the nature of the research problem. It produces
qualitative and textual data, on which statistical analysis cannot be used (Sparks, n.d.), and
explores relatively unknown areas of the research problem in order to gain new insights and
understanding (Newman, 1997 in Dlamini, 2002).

RESEARCH PARTICIPANTS

The researchers conducted interviews with eight (8) teenage mothers aged sixteen (16) to
nineteen (19). These mothers are residents of Barangay Kalumpang, Marikina City. They were
previously asked regarding their biographical information, such as the number of teenage
pregnancies they have experienced, their educational attainment, their employment status, their
living arrangements with the father of their child, the educational attainment, and the
employment status of the father of their child.

RESEARCH INSTRUMENT

Key informant interviews (KII) are used to a specific group of people who are
knowledgeable and experts regarding the particular subject. KIIs are conducted among a small
number of individuals. These individuals are selected because they can provide the necessary
information, ideas, and insights regarding the topic of concern. Key informants are usually
around fifteen (15) to thirty-five (35) people. Interviews with key informants are qualitative, and
the researcher/s is/are the one to prepare the list of questions, topics, and issues to be discussed
during the interview. In order to get the necessary information from the informants, interviewers
usually conduct the interview in an informal manner (Kumar, 1989).
The researchers used KIIs for eight (8) teenage mothers in Brgy. Kalumpang, Marikina
City. The list of questions asked during the interview are listed below together with the
corresponding Filipino translation. The researchers asked the eight respondents a minimum of 25

14
questions to a maximum of 31 questions out of the possible 32 questions because of follow-up
questions in person through a structured interview or through Facebook messenger. The
interview was conducted in Filipino so that the respondents could understand the question better
and express themselves better.
The questions asked had five (5) categories. The first category asked questions about the
teenage mother herself which accounted for six (6) of the possible questions asked. The second
category asked questions about the teenage mother’s family which accounted for two (2) of the
possible questions asked. The third category had questions about the schoolmates of the teenage
mother which accounted for five (5) of the possible questions asked. The fourth category asked
questions about the father of the teenage mother’s child which accounted for six (6) of the
possible questions asked. The fifth and last category asked questions about the school of the
teenage mother and accounted for thirteen (13) of the possible questions asked.
1. How is your experience of being a teenage mother? (Kumusta naman ang
experience mo bilang teenage mother?)
a. When was your first pregnancy? (Kailan 'yung unang pagbubuntis mo?)
b. How old are you when you gave birth with your first child? (Ilang taon ka
noon?)
c. Are you prepared for being a mother? Why or why not? (Handa ka bang
maging nanay noon? Bakit o bakit hindi?)
d. Are you still with the father of your child? Why or why not? (asama mo pa
rin ba 'yung tatay nung anak mo? Bakit o bakit hindi?)
2. What are the challenges you experience from being a teenage mother in relation
to your education? (Ano 'yung mga naexperience mong challenges or pagsubok
noong nagbubuntis ka or after mong mabuntis habang nag-aaral ka?)
a. Family
i. How did you tell to your parents and relatives that you are
pregnant? (Paano mo sinabi sa family mo na buntis ka?)
ii. What are their reaction when they knew that you are pregnant?
(Ano 'yung naging reaksyon nila?)
b. Schoolmates

15
 i. Did you tell your friends that you are pregnant? (Sinabi mo ba sa
mga kaibigan mo na buntis ka?)
1. If yes,
a. How did you tell them? (Kung oo, paano mo
sinabi?)
b. What are their reaction when they knew that you are
pregnant? (Ano ang naging reaksyon nila?)
2. If no, why? (Kung hindi, bakit hindi mo sinabi?)
ii. Did the way they treat you change when they knew that you are
pregnant? (Nagbago ba 'yung pakikitungo nila sa ‘yo? Paano?)
c. Father of the child
i. How did you tell him that you are pregnant? (Paano mo sinabi sa
kanyang buntis ka?)
ii. What was his reaction when he knew that he will become a father
soon? (Ano ang naging reaksyon niya?)
iii. If he was studying before you got pregnant, did he stop studying to
help you with pregnancy? (Kung nag-aaral siya bago ka mabuntis,
tumigil ba siya sa pag-aaral para alagaan ka?)
iv. Did he stay with you during and after your pregnancy? (Nanatili ba
siya sa tabi mo habang at pagkatapos mo magbuntis?)
v. Does he provide financial support for your child? (Nagbigay ba
siya ng financial support?)
vi. Did the way he treat you change? (Nagbago ba ang pakikitungo
niya sa ‘yo?)
d. School
i. Did you tell your classmates and teachers that you are pregnant?
(Sinabi mo ba sa mga classmates at teachers mo na buntis ka?)
1. If yes,
a. How did you tell them? (Kung oo, paano mo
sinabi?)

16
 b. What are their reactions? (Ano ang naging reaksyon
nila?)
2. If no, why? (Kung hindi, bakit hindi mo sinabi?)
ii. Did the way your classmates and teachers treat you change?
(Nagbago ba ang pakikitungo nila sa ‘yo?)
1. How did you cope with how they treated you?
2. Does this treatment still persist to this day?
iii. Did you continue studying during your pregnancy? (Nagpatuloy ka
ba sa pagaaral mo kahit buntis ka?)
1. If yes, why?
a. Did your parents support your studies during and
after pregnancy? (Kung oo, sinuportahan ka pa rin
ba ng magulang mo sa pag-aaral habang at
pagkatapos mong magbuntis?)
b. How did you balance being a student as well as
being a teenage mother? (Paano mo naipagsabay
'yung pagiging nanay at pagiging student?)
2. If no, why?
a. When did you stop studying?
b. Are you asked by the school administration to drop
out of school? (Kung hindi, 'yung school ba mismo
ang nagsabi na mag-drop out ka or tumigil ka muna
sa pag-aaral habang nagbubuntis ka?)
i. If yes, what did they say was the reason why you
needed to drop out? (Kung oo, ano ang sinabi nilang rason para
mag-drop out ka?)
ii. If no, what made you drop out of school? (Kung
hindi, bakit ka nag-drop out or tumigil sa pag-aaral?)
iv. How did your teachers and classmates react when they knew that
you are pregnant? (Ano ang naging reaksyon ng teachers at classmates mo nung
nalaman nilang buntis ka?)

17
DATA-GATHERING PROCEDURE

The researchers started interviewing the eight participants from April 22, 2017 to April
29, 2017. The list of questions was sent to six (6) of the participants through Facebook
messenger. Only one of the respondents was interviewed personally, while the other respondent
was interviewed through a written correspondence.

TREATMENT OF DATA

After gathering the necessary data, the researchers then analyzed the information using
content analysis. Since data gathered from the KIIs are textual and qualitative, no statistical tool
can be used to analyze the data. Content analysis will be used to systematically categorize the
data into themes. These themes are exhaustive, such that every information belongs to a theme;
mutually exclusive, which means that a detail or information cannot belong to more than one
theme; and clearly specified, in such a way that the readers can easily understand why data are
classified under the same theme (Tobacco Control Evaluation Center, n.d.).

18
 Chapter 3
PRESENTATION AND INTERPRETATION OF FINDINGS

The average age of the respondents is 17.375. Out of the eight (8) respondents, only three
(3) have answered that they are still living with the father of their child. Three (3) of them are left
behind as soon as the father knew of the pregnancy, while the other two (2) have lived with the
father of their child first but then separated eventually. Only one out of the eight is a college
graduate, and she is also the only one who is employed like how the father of her child is
employed. Another mother is a vocational graduate of ALS. Another respondent is unemployed
while the father of the child is employed. Three are unemployed, while the respective fathers of
their children are also unemployed. The two other respondents have unknown employment
statuses.
Majority of them say that they were not prepared for teenage motherhood, but they say
that they feel happy whenever they see their child.

Hindi pa. Kasi bata pa ko nun di ko pa alam kung ano ang mga dapat gawin
bilang ina (J. Pelingo, personal communication, April 23, 2017).
(Not yet [ready] because I was still young then, and I did not know what I was
supposed to do as a mother.)

Halo halo ang emosyon ko mula nung ipinanganak ko na ang baby ko. Minsan
malungkot, minsan nakaka depress na, minsan nakakapagod pero tuwing
makikitang mong anak mong nakangiti at tumatawa at habang tinititigan mong
tulog nawawala lahat at napapalitan ng saya (R. Pangan, personal
communication, April 22, 2017).
(I had mixed emotions when I gave birth to my baby. Sometimes [I'm] sad,
sometimes it's depressing, sometimes it's tiring, but everytime I see my baby
smiling, laughing, or sleeping, everything becomes replaced by happiness.)

On the other hand, one mother said that she and her partner are prepared for her teenage
motherhood.

Oo kasi plinano namin ‘yun… tuwang tuwa kasi nagsisimba nga kami (para
magkaanak). Gusto talaga naming mabuntis ako (C. Javier, personal
communication, April 27, 2017).
(Yes [we are ready] because we planned it… [We] were really happy because
we go to church to have a baby. We really want to get pregnant.)

19
 The mothers have expressed that they were able to get through motherhood because of
the support and help from their own parents and, for some, the father of the child.

Actually hindi pa ako handa, pero dahil anjan [sic] mga magulang ko kaya
nakayanan ko naman (I. V. Javier, personal communication, April 22, 2017).
(Actually I was not ready, but because my parents were there, I was able to
handle it.)

Hmm actually hindi pa kasi pero di ko pinagsisihang na may nabuong baby sa

tyan ko kasi alam kong hindi naman ako papabayaan ng partner ko nun (M.
Panaguiton, personal communication, April 25, 2017).
(Actually not yet [ready] but I do not regret having my baby because I know my
partner would take care of me.)

Yet, even if the teenage mothers receive support from their parents after pregnancy, most
of their parents still got mad and disappointed with them when they knew that they are pregnant.

Galit na disappoint kc [sic] panganay ako tpos [sic] ganon [sic] nangyari pero
wala na sla [sic] mgawa [sic] andon [sic] na e tanggapin nalang matuto sa mga
kabiguan (M. G. Reyes, personal communication April 27).
([They got] mad and disappointed because I am the eldest then that happened,
but they cannot do anything about it anymore, just accept it and learn from
mistakes.)

Nagalit syempre lalo na’t nag iisang anak ako sobrang disappointed sila sakin
that time (I. G. Javier, personal communication, April 22, 2017).
([They got] mad of course specially since I am only child. [They were] really
disappointed with me that time.)

Their friends have not treated them differently even after learning about their pregnancy.
They even offer support and help for the mothers.

Hindi naman, sinuportahan pa rin nila ako sa kabila ng nangyari sa akin (J.
Pornobe, written correspondence, April 27, 2017).
(Not really, because they continued to support me even after what happened.)

Hindi nagbago walang nagbago sobrang alaga nila ako tska [sic] mas nakilala
ko talaga sino ung kaibigang hindi ako iiwanan sa oras ng pangangailangan (M.
Panaguiton, personal communication, April 25, 2017).

20
 (Nothing changed. They took care of me, and I was able to know who my true
friends are, those who would not leave me in times of need.)

Two of them are still living with the father of the child. The other two have lived with
their respective partners but eventually separated, while the rest have been left behind by the
father of their child as soon as they learned of the pregnancy.

Kasama pa rin kasi nandun sa house nila (C. Javier, personal communication,
April 27, 2017).
(Still together [with the father of the child] because we live in their house.)

HINDI. TINALIKURAN NYA KAMI (L. Mabida, Facebook messenger, April

24, 2017).
(No. He turned his back on us.)

Hindi na simula pa nung buntis pa ko. Kasi hindi pa daw siya handa (J.
Pelingo, personal communication, April 23, 2017).
(Not anymore [with the father of the child] since I got pregnant, because he
said he was not ready yet.)

Regarding their studying, the respondents say that their classmates and teachers did not
treat them differently after knowing about their pregnancy.

Hindi mas pinursige nila ako sa pagaaral ko tinulungan at inalagaan (M.

Panaguiton, personal communication, April 25, 2017).
(No, they even motivated me to study. They helped and took care of me.)

Because of the support they receive, some of the mothers have continued studying even
while they were pregnant. One mother has received support even from the school administrators,
since she was a varsity scholar.

OO naman super supportive sakin ung pamilya ko pero dahil varsity scholar
ako nun at tinulungan padin ako ng coach ko mascholar kahit buntis ako wala
silang binayaran ng tuition fee ko. Sa tulong ng pamilya ko at pamilya ng
partner ko nabalance ko ung pagaaral ko. Aral sa umaga nanay sa gabi madali
pero masaya nga sabi ko kasi nakakawala talaga ng pagod kapag nasa harap mo
si baby (M. Panaguiton, personal communication, April 25, 2017).

21
 (Yes, my family was super supportive of me. Since I was a varsity scholar that
time, my coach helped me maintain my scholarship. Even if I was pregnant, I
did not pay my tuition fee [sic]. With the help of my family and my partner’s
family, I was able to balance being a mother and being a student. Student by
day and mother at night. It was easy and fun because all my stress goes away
when I see my baby.)

One mother, on the other hand, has continued studying but has hidden her pregnancy
because she was almost graduating.

Hindi pa rin naman kasi nila alam na buntis na ako kaya nagpatuloy pa rin ako
ng pag-aaral ko. Syempre after nun nagsariling sikap ako para sa baby ko.
Ayaw ko kasi ng pati sa anak ko ay sila pa rin ang susuporta. Mahirap
ipagsabay yung buntis ka at nagaaral ka kasi kasabay nun yung morning
sickness, sobrang hirap kasi akala ko hindi ko matatapos yung pag aaral ko
kahit na buntis ako. Hindi naman nalaman sa school namin yung sitwasyon ko
kasi hindi ko talaga ipinaalam dahil alam ko hindi talaga pwede sa school ang
buntis na ggraduate . Tinago ko yun sa kanila, kahit na maraming nakakahalata,
dinedeny ko na lang (J. Pornobe, personal communication, April 27, 2017).
(They [parents] did not know that I was pregnant so I continued studying. After
that, I worked hard for my baby. I did not want them [parents] to be the one to
support my child. It was hard studying and being a mother at the same time
because there was my morning sickness. It was really hard because I thought I
would not be able to finish my studies while I was pregnant. It [pregnancy] was
not known in our school because I really did not tell anyone because I know
pregnant students would not be allowed to graduate. I kept it a secret from
them [school] even if many people noticed it. I just denied it.)

Furthermore, even if one of the mothers decided to stop studying while she is pregnant,
she still continued her studies after giving birth.

Yes, nagtuloy ako sa ALS aa [sic] mariscie [sic] nakagraduate ako kasi hnd
[sic] ko na kaya mag school kc [sic] busy sa pag aalaga e ang pasok non [sic]
kasi MWF. Nakapasa naman kc [sic] may inspirasyon (M. G. Reyes, personal
communication, April 27, 2017).
(Yes I continued [studying] in ALS at Marikina Science High School. I
graduated [there] but I couldn’t go to school [when I was pregnant] because I
was busy taking care [of the child] since the class that time is MWF. I passed
because I have inspiration.)

According to the respondents, they have not been expelled nor told by the school
administrators to drop out because of their pregnancy. Some of the mothers have deliberately

22
decided not to continue their studies because they experienced financial problems and because
they want to focus on taking care of their child.

Nope. Di na ko nag aaral nun. Naka stop talaga ako sa pag aaral nun. Financial
problem sabay kasi kami ng ate ko nun that time kaya nag stop ako (J. Pelingo,
personal communication, April 23, 2017).
(Nope, I wasn’t studying then. I really stopped studying at uthat time. [Because
of] financial problems because my older sister and I were studying at the same
time so I stopped.)

magstop [sic] muna ako nun para makapagfocus muna kay baby. pag okay na
at kaya ng mag aral ulit bakit hindi (I. G. Javier, personal communication,
April 22, 2017).
(I stopped [studying] then to focus on my baby. If everything is okay and I can
do it, why not?)

Overall, despite the respondents having difficulties, support from the people around them
plays a huge role in overcoming these difficulties. They show gratefulness and appreciation
towards the support they have received and the people that gave this support to them. While the
context of their situation can contribute to the different reasons the respondents have towards
their difficulties and successes, it is still common for them to crave the support from their
parents, friends and community. It can be said that no matter what situation or context a teenage
mother comes from, support for the mother be it financial or emotional, is important for the
successful acceptance of being a teenage mother.

23
 Chapter 4
SUMMARY, CONCLUSION, AND RECOMMENDATIONS

SUMMARY
The study aims to determine how the eight (8) teenage mothers living in Barangay
Kalumpang, Marikina City experience education as a social discrimination. The researchers
conducted eigt key informant interviews (KII) in which six are through Facebook messenger, one
is through a written correspondence, and the other one is through face-to-face interview. The
researchers found out that most of the teenage mothers no longer experience discrimination in
school because teenage pregnancy is becoming prevalent. It is becoming a norm, which leads to
the acceptance of teenage mothers in society as a whole.
These mothers are aged between 16 and 19. Most of them are only high school graduates
and only one of them has finished college. Majority have admitted that they were not ready for
motherhood, although the support they receive from their own families and their peers have
helped them get through the process. Regarding education, none of them have been asked by the
school administration to drop out. Some of them have intentionally stopped studying because of
financial problems and because they want to focus on taking care of their newborn child. One of
them, however, has stated that she hid her pregnancy from her teachers and schoolmates because
she knew that she would not be allowed to graduate. None of the respondents have been treated
differently by their teachers and schoolmates after learning about their pregnancy.

CONCLUSION
The researchers therefore conclude that the teenage mothers in Barangay Kalumpang,
Marikina City do not experience educational discrimination. One respondent provides her own
explanation that this is because it is not a "big deal" among people nowadays. Discrimination is
defined as the unjust deprivation of rights and life opportunities. None of the respondents have
been unjustly deprived of the opportunity to study. Although not all of the respondents have been
able to finish their studying at the tertiary level, their decision to stop studying is not due to
pressure from their teachers, schoolmates, or school administrators. Rather, it has been a
deliberate decision by the mothers themselves because either they experience financial problems
or they want to focus on motherhood instead of studying.

24
RECOMMENDATIONS

For future studies, the researchers recommend to have a wider research locale like a
whole city and not just a barangay with more respondents to have more accurate research
findings. Also, it is recommended to formulate more intelligent and probing questions that would
help the research participants to easily share their experiences. Aside from the teenage mothers as
the research participants, it is also recommended to add more research participants which are
related to the teenage mother’s education such as the teachers, classmates, and the school
administration as a whole to determine the different point of views regarding education as a
social discrimination. Additionally, parents of the teenage mothers can also be research
participants to know their view on education as a social discrimination to their children and the
importance of education to them.

25
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Osulah, W. (2007). The impact of teenage pregnancy on school dropout among secondary school
girls in Embu municipality. Diploma Thesis. Retrieved from
http://www.grin.com/en/e-book/199931/the-impact-of-teenage-pregnancy-on-school-
dropout-among-secondary-school

Republic Act No. 9710. (2009). Official Gazette, GOVPH. Retrieved from
http://www.gov.ph/2009/08/14/republic-act-no-9710/

Reyes, L. (2010). Expelling unwed mothers banned in Philippines. Retrieved from

http://newsdesk.org/2010/07/29/expelling-unwed-mothers-banned-in-philippines/

Richardson, V. (n.d.) Children as mothers. Retrieved from

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Sibeko, P. G. (2012). The effect of pregnancy on a schoolgirl’s education. Retrieved from

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gnancy%20on%20a%20schoolgirl.pdf?sequence=1

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Talan-Reolalas, A. (2014) Teenage Pregnancy in the Philippines: Evidence from the vital
registration system. Philippine Population Association.

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=pdf

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 APPENDIX

Mother #1: Ivy Grace Javier

Date Interviewed: April 22, 2017

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Mother #2: Rayziel Pangan
Date Interviewed: April 22, 2017

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Mother #3: Joanna Pelingo
Date Interviewed: April 23, 2017

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Mother #4: McLiezl Mabida
Date Interviewed: April 24, 2017

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Mother #5: Maryrose Sunga Panaguiton
Date Interviewed: April 25, 2017

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Mother #6: Jessa Marie Pornobe
Date Interviewed: April 27, 2017

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Mother #7

Interviewer: Michelle Sarasua (M)

Interviewee: Chuchay Javier (C)

M: So, kumusta naman ang experience mo bilang teenage mother?

C: Okay naman
M: Oh, kalian ‘yung unang pagbubuntis mo?
C: Noong September 2015. Ay 2016. Ay hindi 2015.
M: Ilang taon ka noon nung nabuntis ka?
C: 17
M: Handa ka bang maging nanay noon? Bakit?
C: Oo kasi plinano talaga namin ‘yun. Pumunta pa kaming simbahan ni Anjo para magdasal
noon.
M: Oh, gusto niyo talagang magkaanak
no? C: Oo, gusto talaga naming.
M: Oh kasama mo pa rin si Anjo ngayon kasi doon ka nakatira sa
kanila? C: Oo.
M: So, ‘yung next naman is ‘yung mga naexperience mong challenges or pagsubok nung
nagbubuntis ka or pagkatapos mong magbuntis habang nag-aaral ka. Una muna sa family. Paano
mo sinabi sa family mon a buntis ka?
C: Wala okay lang naman sa kanila. Tanggap nila na buntis kahit na magstop mag-aral.
M: Oh, ano naging reaksyon nila?
C: Nagbago pakikitungo ng parents ko noon. Kasi nag-iisa lang akong babae. Nung nanganak
ako, nanganak din ‘yung mother ko noon na babae rin. Kasi dati lahat ng gusto ko binibigay nila
kasi nag iisang babae lang ako tas dalawang lalaki tapos simula nung dumating ‘yung isa, parang
wala na, balewala na ako. Dati pag nanghihingi ako ng pera, binibigay nila agad pero ngayon
wala na.
M: Ah nanganak din ‘yung mother mo noon? Babae rin ba ‘yung pinanganak ng nanay mo?
C: Oo.
M: Doon naman sa father of the child, paano mo sinabi kay Anjo na buntis ka?
C: Ayun tuwang tuwa kasi nagsisimba nga kami (para magkaanak). Gusto talaga naming
mabuntis ako.
M: Ah oo nga pala, noong nagbuntis ka, nag-aaral rin ba siya o nagttrabaho na?
C: Nagttrabaho na.
M: Nagbibigay ba siya ng financial support?
C: Oo.
M: Nagbago ba pakikitungo niya nung sa’yo?
C: Noong nanganak na ako, nagiba pero noong buntis pa ako lahat binibigay niya.
M: Oh, eh sa mga teachers naman, sinabi mob a sa mga classmates at teachers mon a buntis ka?

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C: Hindi. Hindi ko sinabi sa mga classmates ko eh. Nalaman nalang nila na buntis na pala ako.
M: Oh, ano naging reaksyon nila?
C: Pinapabalik ako mag-aral kasi may bagsak pang isang subject. Gusto nila akong grumaduate
pero ayaw ko na bumalik.
M: Oh, pero noong buntis ka, nagtuloy ka bas a pag-aaral mo noon?
C: Hindi na, nagstop na.
M: Bakit ka tumigil sa pag-aaral noon?
C: Para alagaan ‘yung magiging anak ko.
M: Oh. Maraming salamat! Pasensya ka na ha hehe.

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Mother #8: Ma Gracia Reyes
Date Interviewed: April 27, 2017

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