A

Reaction Paper

For

EDSA I “ISANG PAGLALARAWAN”

AN INQUIRER DOCUMENTARY

I. Introduction

“A non-violent revolution is not a program of seizure of power. It is a program

of transformation relationships, ending in a peaceful transfer of power.” –

Mahatma Gandhi

This documentary talks about the men and women behind the world-

renowned bloodless revolution, the 1986 People Power EDSA Revolution.

During this time, what they thought was the best way for the country to end

the 12 years of dictatorship from the government since the Martial Law was

declared. The people from all walks of life united as one to fight the

government through prayers and non-violence revolution. But what is 1986

People Power EDSA Revolution? What led to 1986 People Power EDSA

Revolution?

The People Power Revolution (also known as the EDSA Revolution,

the Philippine Revolution of 1986, EDSA 1986, EDSA I and EDSA

People Power) was a series of popular demonstrations in the Philippines,

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mostly in Metro Manila from February 22–25, 1986. There was a sustained

campaign of civil resistance against regime violence and alleged electoral

fraud. The nonviolent revolution led to the departure of Ferdinand Marcos,

the end of his 21-year presidential rule, and the restoration of democracy in

the Philippines.

It is also referred to as the Yellow Revolution due to the presence of yellow

ribbons during demonstrations following the assassination of Filipino senator

Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino, Jr. in August 21, 1983. It was widely seen as a

victory of the people against two decades of presidential rule by President

Marcos, and made news headlines as "the revolution that surprised the

world".

The majority of the demonstrations took place on a long stretch of Epifanio

de los Santos Avenue, more commonly known by its acronym EDSA, in Metro

Manila from February 22–25, 1986. They involved over two million Filipino

civilians, as well as several political and military groups, and religious groups

led by Cardinal Jaime Sin, the Archbishop of Manila, along with Catholic

Bishops' Conference of the Philippines President Cardinal Ricardo Vidal,

the Archbishop of Cebu. The protests, fueled by the resistance and

opposition from years of governance by President Marcos and his cronies,

culminated with the absolute ruler and his family fleeing Malacañang

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Palace to exile in Hawaii. Ninoy Aquino's widow, Corazon Aquino, was

immediately installed as the eleventh President as a result of the revolution.

The Philippines was praised worldwide in 1986, when the so-called bloodless

revolution erupted, called EDSA People Power’s Revolution. February 25,

1986 marked a significant national event that has been engraved in the

hearts and minds of every Filipino. This part of Philippine history gives us a

strong sense of pride especially that other nations had attempted to emulate

what we have shown the world of the true power of democracy. The true

empowerment of democracy was exhibited in EDSA by its successful efforts

to oust a tyrant by a demonstration without tolerance for violence and

bloodshed. Prayers and rosaries strengthened by faith were the only

weapons that the Filipinos used to recover their freedom from President

Ferdinand Marcos’s iron hands. The Epifanio de los Santos Avenue (EDSA)

stretches 54 kilometers, where the peaceful demonstration was held on that

fateful day. It was a day that gathered all Filipinos in unity with courage and

faith to prevail democracy in the country. It was the power of the people, who

assembled in EDSA that restored the democratic Philippines, ending the

oppressive Marcos regime. Hence, it came to be known as the EDSA People

Power’s Revolution. The revolution was a result of the long

oppressed freedom and the life threatening abuses executed by the Marcos

government to cite several events like human rights violation since the

tyrannical Martial Law Proclamation in 1972. In the years that followed

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Martial Law started the suppressive and abusive years–incidents of

assassination were rampant, particularly those who opposed the

government, individuals and companies alike were subdued. The Filipinos

reached the height of their patience when former Senator Benigno "Ninoy"

Aquino, Sr. was shot and killed at the airport in August 21, 1983, upon his

return to the Philippines from exile in the United States. Aquino’s death

marked the day that Filipinos learned to fight. His grieving wife, Corazon

Cojuangco-Aquino showed the Filipinos and the world the strength and

courage to claim back the democracy that Ferdinand Marcos arrested for his

personal caprice. Considering the depressing economy of the country,

Ninoy’s death further intensified the contained resentment of the Filipinos. In

the efforts to win back his popularity among the people, Marcos held a snap

presidential election in February 7, 1986, where he was confronted with a

strong and potent opposition, Corazon Aquino. It was the most corrupt and

deceitful election held in the Philippine history. There was an evident trace of

electoral fraud as the tally of votes was declared with discrepancy between

the official count by the COMELEC (Commission on Elections) and the count

of NAMFREL (National Movement for Free Elections). Such blatant corruption

in that election was the final straw of tolerance by the Filipinos of the Marcos

regime. The demonstration started to break in the cry for democracy and the

demand to oust Marcos from his seat at Malacañang Palace. The revolt

commenced when Marcos' Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile and the Armed

Forces Vice-Chief of Staff command of Fidel V. Ramos, both withdrew their

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support from the government and called upon the resignation of then

President Marcos. They responsibly barricaded Camp Crame and Camp

Aguinaldo and had their troops ready to combat against possible armed

attack organized by Marcos and his troops. The Catholic Church represented

by Archbishop Jaime Cardinal Sin along with the priests and nuns called for

the support of all Filipinos who believed in democracy. Radyo Veritas aired

the message of Cardinal Sin that summoned thousands of Filipinos to march

the street of EDSA. It was an empowering demonstration that aimed to

succeed peacefully with the intervention of faith. Nuns kneeled in front of

tanks with rosaries in their hands and uttering their prayers.

With the power of prayers, the armed marine troops under the command of

Marcos withdrew from the site. Celebrities expressed their support putting up

a presentation to showcase the injustices and the anomalies carried out by

the Marcos administration. Finally, in the morning of February 25, 1986,

Corazon Aquino took the presidential oath of office, administered by

the Supreme Court Associate Justice Claudio Teehankee at Club Filipino

located in San Juan. Aquino was proclaimed as the 11th President of the

Republic of the Philippines. She was the first lady president of the country.

People rejoiced over their victory proving the success of the EDSA People’s

Power Revolution, the historic peaceful demonstration. Although in 2001,

there was an attempt to revive People Power in the efforts to oust then

President Joseph Estrada, it was not as strong as the

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glorifying demonstration in 1986. The bloodless, People Power Revolution in

EDSA renewed the power of the people, strengthened the meaning of

democracy and restored the democratic institutions of government.

What happened before the People Power Revolution?

The revolution was a result of the long-oppressed freedom and the life-

threatening abuses executed by the Marcos government to several events

like human rights violation since the tyrannical Martial Law Proclamation in

1972. What led to the declaration of Martial Law?

Around 1970, student activism had intensified and many student activists

joined communist movements. Kabataang Makabayan (Patriotic Youth, or

'KM') a political organization founded by José María Sison intended to be a

nationwide extension of the Student Cultural Association of the University of

the Philippines, carried out study sessions on Marxism–Leninism and

intensified the deployment of urban activists in rural areas to prepare

for people's war. The line between leftist activists and communists became

increasingly blurred, as a significant number of KM advanced activists joined

the party of the Communist Party also founded by Sison. Earlier, during the

campaign period for the 1969 elections, students called promoted a mock

campaign called the Dante-for-President movement, likely referring to New

People's Army founder Bernabe 'Kumander Dante' Buscayno. KM members

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protested in front of Congress, throwing a coffin, a stuffed alligator, and

stones at Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos after his State of the Nation Address.

On the presidential palace, activists rammed the gate with a fire truck and

once the gate broke and gave way, the activists charged into the Palace

grounds tossing rocks, pillboxes, and Molotov cocktails. In front of the US

embassy, protesters vandalized, arsoned and damaged the embassy lobby

resulting to a strong protest from the U.S. Ambassador. The KM protests

ranged from 50,000 to 100,000 in number per weekly mass action. In the

aftermath of the January 1970 riots, at least two activists were confirmed

dead and several were injured by the police. The Mayor of Manila at the

time, Antonio Villegas, commended the Manila Police District for their

"exemplary behavior and courage" and protecting the First Couple long after

they have left. The death of the activists was seized by the López-controlled

Manila Times and Manila Chronicle, blaming Marcos and added fire to the

weekly protests. Students declared a week-long boycott of classes and

instead met to organize protest rallies. In Marcos' diary, he wrote that the

whole crisis has been utilized by communism to create a revolutionary

situation. He lamented that the powerful Lopez family, which controlled

Manila Times and Manila Chronicle, blamed him for the riots thus raising the

ire of demonstrators. He mentioned that he was informed by his mother of a

planned assassination paid for by the powerful oligarch, Eugenio Lopez Sr

(Iñing Lopez). He narrated how he dissuaded his supporters from the

Northern Philippines in infiltrating the demonstration in Manila and inflicting

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harm on the protesters, and how he showed to the UP professors that the

Collegian was carrying the communist party articles and that he was

disappointed in the faculty of his alma mater for becoming a spawning

ground of communism. He also added that he asked Ernesto Rufino, Vicente

Rufino and Carlos Palanca to withdraw advertisements from the Manila Times

which was openly supporting revolution and the communist cause, and they

agreed to do so.

Rumors of coup d’etat were also brewing. A report of the U.S. Senate Foreign

Relations Committee said that shortly after the 1969 Philippine presidential

election, a group composed mostly of retired colonels and generals

organized a revolutionary junta with the aim of first discrediting President

Marcos and then killing him. The group was headed by Eleuterio Adevoso, an

official of the opposition Liberal party. As described in a document given to

the committee by Philippine Government official, key figures in the plot were

Vice President Fernando Lopez and Sergio Osmena Jr., whom Marcos

defeated in the 1969 election. Marcos even went to the U.S. embassy to

dispel rumors that the U.S. embassy is supporting a coup d’etat which the

opposition liberal party was spreading. While the report obtained by the NY

Times speculated saying that story could be used by Marcos to justify Martial

Law, as early as December 1969 in a message from the U.S. Ambassador to

the U.S. Assistant Secretary of State, the U.S. Ambassador said that most of

the talk about revolution and even assassination has been coming from the

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defeated opposition, of which Adevoso (of the Liberal Party) is a leading

activist. He also said that the information he has on the assassination plans

are 'hard' or well-sourced and he has to make sure that it reached President

Marcos.

In light of the crisis, Marcos wrote an entry in his diary in January 1970: "I

have several options. One of them is to abort the subversive plan now by the

sudden arrest of the plotters. But this would not be accepted by the people.

Nor could we get the Huks (Communists), their legal cadres and support. Nor

the MIM (Maoist International Movement) and other subversive [or front]

organizations, nor those underground. We could allow the situation to

develop naturally then after massive terrorism, wanton killings and an

attempt at my assassination and a coup d’etat, then declare martial law or

suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus – and arrest all including

the legal cadres. Right now I am inclined towards the latter."

At the height of armed communist insurgency in the Philippines, Philippine

Military Academy instructor Lt. Victor Corpuz led New People's Army rebels in

a raid on the PMA armory, capturing rifles, machine guns, grenade launchers,

a bazooka and thousands of rounds of ammunition in 1970. In 1972, China,

which was then actively supporting and arming communist insurgencies in

Asia as part of Mao Zedong's People's War Doctrine,[16] transported 1,200 M-

14 and AK-47 rifles for the NPA to speed up NPA's campaign to defeat the

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government. Prior to the 1975, the Philippine government maintained a close

relationship with the Kuomintang-ruled Chinese government which fled

to Taiwan (Republic of China), despite the Chinese Communist Victory in

1949, and saw Communist China (People's Republic of China) as a security

threat due to China's financial and military support of Communist rebels in

the country. In a speech in February 2017 at the Methodist Protestants’

Cosmopolitan Church in Manila, Enrile said: “The most significant event that

made President Marcos decide to declare martial law was the MV Karagatan

incident in July 1972. It was the turning point. The MV Karagatan involved the

infiltration of high powered rifles, ammunition, 40-millimeter rocket

launchers, rocket projectiles, communications equipment, and other assorted

war materials by the CPP-NPA-NDF on the Pacific side of Isabela in Cagayan

Valley. The CPP-NPA-NDF attempted a second effort – their MV Andrea project

– but they failed. The MV Andrea sank in the West Philippine Sea on its way

to the country.” Those who opposed President Marcos, including The

Conjugal Dictatorship author Primitivo Mijares, the Liberal Party, as well as

the Lópezes’ Manila Chronicle, called the MV Karagatan incident as "show' or

“a hoax”.

In a speech before Senate, Benigno Aquino, Jr. warned the public of the

possible establishment of a “garrison state” by President Ferdinand Marcos.

President Marcos imposed martial law on the nation from 1972 to 1981 to

suppress increasing civil strife and the threat of a communist takeover

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following a series of bombings in Manila. Aquino himself had contact with

leaders of Communist Party of the Philippines — first with founder Jose Maria

Sison, and later with Rodolfo Salas, CPP chair at the height of Martial Law. In

an interview with Ateneo De Manila University Professor Lisandro Claudio,

Salas said not only did he bring wounded New People's Army (NPA) soldiers

to Aquino’s houses, but he received guns and cash from Aquino himself. In

another communication to the State Department dated September 21, the

US Embassy sheds further light on what Ninoy told the American officials. On

September 12, Ninoy had a “lengthy luncheon conversation" with two

embassy officers about the “growing strength of Communist dissidence in

the Philippines." In this luncheon, the senator “readily admitted his past ties

with the several Communist factions in the Philippines." He claimed that

maintaining links with Huk rebels was a “fact of life" for a Tarlac politician.

In the 1978 Philippine parliamentary election, the first parliamentary

election during Martial Law, Ninoy fielded in his Lakas ng Bayan party Alex

Boncayao, who was associated with Filipino communist death squad Alex

Boncayao Brigade. All of the party's 21 candidates, including Ninoy, lost in

the election.

On 21 August 1971, while the opposition (Liberal Party) was having

their miting de avance in Plaza Miranda, 2 fragmentation grenades

exploded. It took 9 lives and left more than 100 people seriously wounded.

Some Liberal Party candidates were seriously injured including Jovito

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Salonga, who nearly died and was visually impaired. Suspicion of

responsibility for the blast initially fell upon Marcos, whom the Liberals

blamed for the bombing; however, in later years, prominent personalities

associated with the event have laid the blame on the Communist Party of the

Philippines under José María Sison. In his autobiography, Salonga states his

belief that Sison and the CPP were responsible. Based on interviews of The

Washington Post with former Communist Party of the Philippines Officials, it

was revealed that "the (Communist) party leadership planned -- and three

operatives carried out -- the attack in an attempt to provoke government

repression and push the country to the brink of revolution... (Communist

Party Leader) Sison had calculated that Marcos could be provoked into

cracking down on his opponents, thereby driving thousands of political

activists into the underground, the former party officials said. Recruits were

urgently needed, they said, to make use of a large influx of weapons and

financial aid that China had already agreed to provide."

A month of "terrorist bombings" of public facilities in Manila and Quezon City

culminated on 22 September with a staged assassination attempt on

Defense Secretary Juan Ponce Enrile.

Six hours after the alleged assassination attempt against Enrile and citing

more than 15 bombing incidences, chaos and lawlessness, Marcos issued

Proclamation No. 1081, declaring and imposing martial law in the entire

country. By declaring martial law, Marcos suspended the writ of habeas

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corpus and also the 1935 Constitution, dissolved Congress and padlocked the

doors to the Batasang Pambansa, and assuming both legislative and

executive powers. Proclamation No. 1081 was dated 21 September 1972 but

it was actually signed on 17 September. The formal announcement or

promulgation of the proclamation was made only at seven-thirty in the

evening of 25 September, evidencing the plan to declare martial law even

before the supposed ambush against Enrile. He had also commanded his

military collaborators to start arresting his political opponents and close

down all media and retail (fashion, food, religious, sports) establishments

about twenty-two hours before the announcement. The Proclamation read in

part

“ My countrymen, as of the twenty-first of this month, I signed

Proclamation № 1081 placing the entire Philippines under Martial

Law... ”
— Ferdinand Marcos, September 21, 1972

The declaration of Martial Law was criticized as a planned precursor to

extending Marcos' term in office, which under the 1935 Constitution is

limited to two terms of four years each or a maximum of eight

years. Rigoberto Tiglao, former press secretary and a former communist

incarcerated during the martial law, countered by arguing that the liberal

and communist parties provoked martial law imposition.

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Under martial law there were widespread excesses and human rights abuses,

even while the regime reduced violent urban crime, collect unregistered

firearms, and suppress communist insurgency in some areas; Liliosa Hilao

was the first murder victim under Martial Law. There were over 70,000 filed

cases of human rights abuses today from this period. Torture methods

employed by the army on their victims were extremely inhumane, which

included beating, rape, electrocution, animal treatment, and mutilation

among others. Many private establishments particularly media companies

critical of the government were closed, and the arrest of activists were made

through the Philippine Constabulary; many of the abuses were attributed to

the latter, which was then headed by future president Fidel Ramos. In total,

there were 3,257 extrajudicial killings, 35,000 individual tortures, and 70,000

were incarcerated. Of the 3,257 killed, some 2,520, or 77 percent of all

victims, were salvaged—that is, tortured, mutilated, and dumped on a

roadside for public display. It is also reported that 737 Filipinos disappeared

between 1975 and 1985. The Civilian Home Defense Force, a precursor of

Civilian Armed Forces Geographical Unit (CAFGU), was organized by

President Marcos to battle with the communist and Islamic insurgency

problem, has particularly been accused of notoriously inflicting human right

violations on leftists, the NPA, Muslim insurgents, and rebels against the

Marcos government.

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After martial law was declared, critics of the government were arrested, led

by then Senators Benigno Aquino Jr. and Ramon Diokno, and Manila

journalists—Manila Times publisher Chino Roces and columnist, Max Soliven;

Manila Chronicle publisher Eugenio Lopez Jr. and his editor Amando Doronila;

Philippines Free publisher-editor Teddy Boy Locsin and his staff writer,

Napoleon Rama; and Press Foundation of Asia joint executive Juan L.

Mercado. Many of those who were arrested were later freed without charges,

but Benigno Aquino Jr. was charged and convicted guilty along with his two

co-accused, NPA leaders Bernabe Buscayno (Commander Dante) and Lt.

Victor Corpuz, guilty for illegal possession of fire arms, subversion, and

murder, and was sentenced them to death by firing squad by a Military

Court. The death sentence was never carried out by the Marcos government.

In the years that followed Martial Law started the suppressive and abusive

years–incidents of assassination were rampant, particularly those who

opposed the government, individuals and companies alike were subdued.

The Filipinos reached the height of their patience when former

Senator Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino, Sr. was shot and killed at the airport in

August 21, 1983, upon his return to the Philippines from exile in the United

States. Aquino’s death marked the day that Filipinos learned to fight. That

incident served as a wakeup call to all Filipinos that gave them courage and

faith to conquer Goliath through unity.

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 What happened after the People Power Revolution of 1986?

With the victory of the People Power Revolution, President Marcos was ousted

from his presidency. But what happened after the People Power

Revolution? Are we enjoying now the democracy that they have fought under

Marcos regime? Are our nation free from corrupt political leaders as what

they have accused Ferdinand Marcos of? What have we gained after the

revolution? What are the significant changes in our nation after revolution?

Are we become a better nation now?

The triumph of the peaceful People Power Revolution and the ascension of

Corazon Aquino to the Philippine presidency signaled the end of authoritarian

rule in the Philippines and the dawning of a new era for the nation. The

relatively peaceful manner by which Aquino came into power drew

international acclaim and admiration not only for her but for the Filipino

people, as well.

During the first months of Aquino's presidency, the country experienced

radical changes and sweeping democratic reforms. One of Aquino's first and

boldest moves was the creation of the Presidential Commission on Good

Government (PCGG), which was tasked to go after the Marcos ill-gotten

wealth; however, after her presidency, the PCGG itself was also implicated by

corruption scandals when it was alleged that officials wanted a cut of the

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Marcos assets and officials were "milking" sequestered assets. Aquino, being

a revolutionary president by virtue of people power, repealed & abolished

repressive laws under her predecessor, restored civil liberties, abolished the

1973 "Marcos Constitution" and dissolved the Marcos allies, loyalists,

supporters-dominated Batasang Pambansa, despite the advice of her vice-

president and only prime minister Salvador Laurel. She also immediately

created a Constitutional Commission, which she directed for the drafting of a

new constitution for the nation.

On the over-all, the Aquino administration made important gains in the

aspects of bringing back democracy, restoring investor confidence in the

economy and enacting legal and constitutional reforms. Despite these

achievements, her presidency faced several threats from both right-wing

military elements and extreme left-wing communist rebels. Further, her

administration dealt with numerous problems such as major natural disasters

which struck the country and severe power shortages which took a toll on

doing business in the Philippines. It was also during her tenure that the

United States finally ended its military bases and presence in the country.

In the midst of celebrating peaceful change and soaking up the world’s

admiration for our courage, the serious business of managing change had to

happen. The Revolution became the model of peaceful change in Eastern

Europe, Taiwan, and South Korea, among other places. But the mess left

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behind by Marcos required that we “move on” in the genuine sense, and not

the cosmetic “move on” that would have us forget the atrocities that had led

to EDSA in order perhaps to clear the path back to power for discredited

parties. People had to see the positive impact of the People Power Revolution

on their daily lives, or at least be made aware that the foundations for these

benefits were being laid down by sincere governors.

The first order of the day for the Corazon Aquino administration was to

restore the freedom of the press. Cory knew that freedom of expression and

choice was indispensable to real, sustainable democracy.

Next was the drafting of a new Constitution, the document that contains the

vision, the mission, and the aspirations of a country and is therefore the

foundation of its governance.

The restoration of both Houses of Congress was a step towards providing

substance to the principle of enlightened checks and balances, of sharing the

burdens of power and failure and not just the glory of success. The next focal

point was therefore the third branch of government, the judiciary,

exemplified by the Supreme Court, whose credibility was restored by the

appointment of competent judges with integrity and independent minds.

Key to the change process was deregulating the economy and getting rid of

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government monopolistic practices. During Martial Law, whenever a problem

in a sector cropped up, the solution was more government involvement and

intervention through Presidential Decrees signed without public consultation.

Perhaps the most important ingredient in the change process was providing

opportunities for new leaders to emerge notwithstanding the fact that a

number of brilliant, patriotic youth leaders had been murdered during Martial

Law.

If the People Power Revolution had not occurred, the same family would be

reigning to this day. Would a Fidel Ramos, a Joseph Estrada, a Gloria Arroyo, a

Noynoy Aquino, or a Rodrigo Duterte have been allowed to vie for the

presidency with one family treating the presidency as an heirloom? Would

presidential hopefuls like Manny Villar, Dick Gordon, Mar Roxas, Grace Poe,

and Jojo Binay have been allowed to present themselves as successors?

Would Alan Cayetano, Leni Robredo, Bayani Fernando, and a couple of other

leaders have been allowed to run for the vice-presidency, which is a

heartbeat away from the presidency that had already been co-opted by one

family?

The People Power Revolution saw the emergence of new leaders and created

the environment for their development. EDSA 1 was like popping a bottle

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that had remained tightly sealed during Martial Law but had emerging

leaders waiting for their chance to contribute to national prosperity.

As a nation, we only redeemed our democratic freedom, but we are not

moving forward due to rampant graft and corruption in every branch of

government. Many things happened and still, we are a nation struggling to

get our acts together. The spirit of EDSA is now just for the sake of

celebration and the alleged former corrupt regime is replaced by more and

more regimes that are alleged to be more corrupt.

The End.

Submitted to:

Dr. Bonifer B. Nacorda, LDSS

Professor, Masters in Public Administration

MPA 513 - Ethics and Accountability in Public Service

Submitted by:

Jibemae O. Sumagang

Student, Masters in Public Administration

MPA 513 - Ethics and Accountability in Public Service

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