Constitutionalism in Zambia, Past, Present & Future

Constitutionalism in Zambia: Past, Present and Future
Author(s): Muna B. Ndulo and Robert B. Kent

Source: Journal of African Law , 1996, Vol. 40, No. 2, Liber Amicorum for Professor
James S. Read (1996), pp. 256-278
Published by: School of Oriental and African Studies
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/745746
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CONSTITUTIONALISM IN ZAMBIA: PAST,
PRESENT AND FUTURE
MUNA B. NDULO* AND ROBERT B. KENT**
Writing about any constitution is tricky business and that of Zambia is no exception.
Four constitutions in 32 years hardly represents a settled state of affairs, and an end,
or even a stopping place of long duration, does not appear in sight.' This is, however,
an interesting, even exciting period in Zambia's brief constitutional history. The
subject cries out for an examination of where the country has been, where it is, and
where, at least in the opinion of these observers, it ought to be heading.
We are happy to undertake this brief assessment in the context of recognition of
the career of ProfessorJ.S. Read. This able, patient, effective, and thoughtful scholar
has been a mentor to generations of African lawyers, including Zambians. To both
of us Jim Read has been a warm and generous friend, from time to time a wise
counsellor who has contributed much to our own efforts.
INTRODUCTION: THE CHARACTERISTICS OF A CONSTITUTION
In its broadest sense a constitution represents the basic structure of any organized
society. Formal or informal, written or unwritten, its existence is inevitable. One
may or may not be able to touch it as a document or to read it as a series of
documents, but as societal structure it is there. When one speaks of a modern
constitution, however, notions of formality emerge, and in post-colonial Africa this
has come down to a single document, a charter for the exercise of political power
called a constitution. Some have questioned the suitability of Western models for
use in sub-Saharan Africa, but the impact of history seems clear; one may interpret
or reinterpret history, but one cannot repeal it. As elsewhere, the basic assumption
in Zambia is that there is and shall be a written constitution. Despite the frequency
of constitutional changes, some common characteristics appear. Commitment to
constitutional principles is expressed by political leaders, although the extent to which
those principles are observed in action is open to serious debate.
With all the difficulties of definition and determination of detail, there is a stated
commitment to democracy and to government with the consent of the governed.
The aim of the constitution-making process is the achievement of a constitution that
is legitimate, credible and enduring, that guarantees rights and freedoms perceived
to be fundamental, and that provides a structure for the effective conduct of the
nation's business, for the achievement of its economic development and for the
* Visiting Professor of Law, Cornell Law School.

** Professor of Law Emeritus, Cornell Law School.
Since Zambia gained independence from Great Britain on 24 October, 1964, it has had the
following Constitutions: 1964 Constitution provided for in Schedule 2 to the Zambia Independence
Order, 1964, promulgated by Her Majesty in Council under the provisions of the ForeignJurisdiction
Act, 1890; The Constitution of Zambia Act, 1973; The Constitution of Zambia Act, 1991, and The
Constitution of Zambia (Amendment) Act, 1996, which, even though it did not repeal the whole of
the 1991 Constitution, introduced such significant changes as to render the resulting document a
new Constitution.
256

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Vol. 40, No. 2 Constitutionalism in Zambia 257
welfare of its citizens. Vital to such a constitution is the recognitio

condition of free elections at established intervals with the guara
ticipation by all parts of the pluralistic society that is Zambia, in sh
for the orderly transfer of political power. Vital also are the prot
rights, an independent judiciary and the accountability of politic
basis of openness, probity and honesty.2
The process of constitution-making is crucial. The constitution is
to be modified or replaced by ordinary legislation. It must be p
higher law, authorizing and governing ordinary law and command
constitutional precepts. While ordinary law may be adopted and alter
majorities of whatever size, the adoption of a constitution and its am
much more, widespread participation by the citizenry and the ac
broad-based consensus. The process must take place in the full view
and the international community of which it is a part.3
It is submitted that the foregoing are widely accepted in principle.
is another matter and the gap between articulated goals and thei
wide. There are many reasons for this, and they are worth exploring, m
through an examination of the making, alteration and unmakin
constitutions since the achievement of independence and the fou
Republic in 1964. This examination is timely. Constitutional sto
gathered in Zambia, and not for the first time. There is compelli
the constitutional process is under great stress, that constitutional
effected without widespread participation of the people, and that th
and are intended to serve the short-range political interests of thos
article focuses particularly upon the methodology of change and the
that methodology has served the aspirations of democracy.
THE COLONIAL PERIOD
Since the advent of colonialism Zambian society has undergone profound economic,
social and political change. From self-sufficient subsistence communities dependent
on agriculture, Zambia has become dependent substantially upon a money economy
and a capitalistic system. The security of communities once dependent upon various
tribal organizations is now provided largely by a unitary government. What co-
lonialism initiated independence has consummated, a disruption of tribal organization
and tribal life and the unification of ethnic communities under the umbrella of one
2 See James C.N. Paul, "Developing constitutional orders in Sub Saharan Africa: an unofficial
report", Third World Legal Studies, 1988, 1. In this article Professor Paul maps out the scope and
content of developing constitutional order in Africa. See also Kwamena Bentsi-Enchill, "Civitas Dei
Afiicana: realizing the African political dream", [1969] Zambia Law Journal 65; and also S.A. de Smith,
The New Commonwealth and its Constitutions, London, 1964.
3 International Round Table on Democratic Constitutional Development, Commonwealth Secretariat, 1995,
22.
4 A recent report of the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative which went to examine the
political situation after the May 1996 amendments to the Constitution concluded: "The political
situation in Zambia merits urgent attention from its friends and from the international community
at large as a fragile experiment in democracy is under threat in a situation where the shortage of
time is a critical factor", The Post, 24 September, 1996.

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258 Constitutionalism in Zambia [1996] J.A.L.
sovereign state with overriding power over the entire country.5 The national coat of
arms symbolizes this: "One Zambia, One Nation".
A synopsis of colonial history

Although European contact with what is now Zambia dates from the 15th century
with the coming of Portuguese traders, the colonial period had its effective beginning
with the 19th-century journeys of European explorers: missionaries, visionaries,
adventurers. Through them Europe became aware and interested in Central Africa.6
Dr David Livingstone was the most important of these; he opened the way for the
first Christian missionary settlements.7
In constitutional terms the first significant development was the charter in-
corporating the British South Africa Company and according it broad fiscal and
administrative power in Central Africa.8 This was the product of pressure upon the
British government from the missionaries on the one hand to put an end to the slave
trade, and imperialists on the other, most significantly Cecil John Rhodes, ruler of
a gold and diamond empire in Southern Africa. The missionaries wanted a pro-
tectorate; the British were reluctant to become directly involved. Rhodes wanted
indicia of power in aid of the struggle with Portugal over trade and influence. The
charter to Rhodes's company was the way out for the British government for over
30 years from its granting in 1889. Through African treaties and concessions obtained
from African chiefs the Company extended its sway over most of what is now
Zambia.9
Acquisition of power followed somewhat different routes in different parts of what
is now Zambia, but by 190010 British rule had been formalized by two orders, the
North-Western Rhodesia-Barotseland Order-in-Council of 1899 and the North-
Eastern Rhodesia Order-in-Council of 1900. Rhodes's name had been affixed by
1897. The territories were joined in 1911 as Northern Rhodesia." Barotseland,
however, enjoyed a different constitution position. In 1899 it was granted British
protection on its conceding to the British South African Company a monopoly over
mining and trading rights in the territory.'2
5 K. Mann and R. Roberts (eds.), Law in ColonialAfrica, London, 1991, 3-23 andJ.B. Ojwang, "Rural
settlement in Kenya", (1975-78) 7-10 Zambia Law Journal, 63-83; and T. Nhlapo, "Accommodating
traditional forms of governance", International Round Table on Democratic Constitutional Development, above,
168.
6 The Portuguese had by the 15th century established themselves on the east coast of Africa and
carried on a gold trade particularly around Sofala. See E.V. Exelson, The Portuguese in South-East
Africa 1600-1700, London, 1960 and AJ. Wills, An Introduction to the History of Central Africa, London,
1973.
7 H.M. Hole, The Making of Rhodesia, London, 1926.
8 Royal Charter of Incorporation of the British South Africa Company, 29 October, 1889. As
originally drawn the Charter covered the area south of the Zambezi River. On 5 March, 1891, it
was amended to include the area north of the Zambezi.
9 L.H. Gann, The Birth of a Plural Society: the Development of Northern Rhodesia under the British South
Africa Company, 1894-1914, Manchester, 1958.
10 L.H. Gann, History of Northern Rhodesia: Early Days to 1953, London, 1964.
11 Northern Rhodesia Proclamation No. 1 of 1911.
12 This was later reflected in the 1964 constitutional arrangements. At the time of independence
Britain concluded what is known as the Barotse Agreement of 1964. The status of Barotseland has
continued to be a matter of political dispute. See Report of the Constitutional Review, 1995, Chapter 29,
65.

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Company rule lasted until 1 February, 1924.'3 The Order-in

established colonial office rule under a Governor. The Centra
comprising Northern Rhodesia, Southern Rhodesia and Nyasa
in 195314 and was seen by the British as a means of disentan
responsibility.15 Viewed by Europeans as a step towards white s
amalgamation of the three territories, the Federation only inc
African nationalism, which caused its collapse in 1963.'6 On
Northern Rhodesia became the independent Republic of Zam
The colonial "Constitutions"
Until the very end of the colonial history of Northern Rhodesia democr
government did not exist. In a meaningful sense there was no constitu
than that of Westminster. There was, however, a series of structural arran
decreed by the British government, loosely termed "Constitutions".'8 Enacte
Orders-in-Council, these arrangements were designed to promote govern
the active co-operation of the white settlers and acceptance by the Afric
such acceptance declining sharply, particularly during the period of the Fe
The flexibility of these "Constitutions" lay in the ease in which they
amended in response to pressures and crises.'9 Although limited African
appeared in 1958, becoming substantial in 1962, full suffrage only arrived
1964. The elections of that year brought an overwhelming victory for t
National Independence Party (UNIP) and the emergence of its leader, K
David Kaunda, as the prime minister of the last Government of Northern R
THE 1964 INDEPENDENCE CONSTITUTION
The final Order-in-Council came later in 1964 following negotiations i

in May. Accompanied by an Act of Independence by the British Parliam
Order's Schedule II set forth the Constitution of Zambia.21 Chapter I is
"The Republic". Section 1 simply reads "Zambia is a sovereign Republic
effective date is 24 October, 1964.22 Like its colonial forbears this 1964
details the structure of government so minutely that it has about it th
ordinary legislation, which being a constitution it is not. But with an ex
be discussed, it was a very flexible document, providing for its own amend
processes similar to the enactment of ordinary legislation, even with its req
13 Northern Rhodesia Order in Council, 1924.

14 Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland Order in Council, 1953.
15 A. Roberts, A History of Zambia, London, 1976.
16 See R. Hall, Northern Rhodesia, London, 1964 and R.I. Rotberg, The Rise of Nationalism
Africa, Cambridge, 1965.
17 Zambia Independence Order, 1964, and Zambia Independence Act, 1964.
18 The Northern Rhodesia Order in Council, 24 February, 1924, set up Legislative and
Councils; in 1959 a ministerial system was introduced; Northern Rhodesia Constitution p
on 11 December, 1962.
19 S. Mubako, "Zambia's single-party constitution-a search for unity and developme
5 Zambia Law Journal, 67.
20 Hall, above andJ.M. Mwanakatwe, The End of the Kaunda Era, Lusaka, 1994.
21 See n. 17.
22 Constitution of Zambia, 1964.

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of a two-thirds majority.23 This sowed the seeds of future changes sufficiently frequent
and drastic as to undermine a needed constitutional stability and to negate a broadly-
based participation by citizens in the alteration of their fundamental law.
Commonly, independence constitutions in British Colonial Africa have borne the
imprint of the Westminster model of representative parliamentary government. There
are differences among them. In some a non-executive president substituted for the
Queen as head of state. In others, including Zambia, the President became in
addition the chief executive. The tri-partite structure had in some ways the look of
Washington rather than Westminster, but its degree of detail reflected its colonial
ancestry. The powers of the colonial Governor passed largely intact to the executive
President.
Section 32 of the Constitution stated that "the first President shall be Kenneth
David Kaunda". From this must not be drawn the inference that Kaunda was simply
the hand-picked choice of British government. On the contrary, the final Constitution
of Northern Rhodesia had conferred effective self-government upon the colony with
an election machinery based on universal suffrage. The elevation of Kaunda to the
post of Prime Minister was a result of his party's triumph at the polls.24 All political
parties saw no need for another election later in the same year, and agreement was
reached that the Independence Order should name him as the first President.
The executive presidency

The qualifications for the presidency were straightforward: Zambian citizenship,
attainment of the age of 30 and qualification as a voter in elections to the National
Assembly.25 Subsequent presidential elections were part of the process of election of
members to the National Assembly. Every parliamentary candidate was required to
declare which of the presidential candidates he or she supported.26 Every vote cast
in favour of a parliamentary candidate was considered a vote for the candidate for
the presidency which that parliamentary candidate supported.27 The tenure of office
of the President corresponded with that of Parliament, that is five years unless the
President sooner dissolved Parliament. The President could be removed from office
on the grounds of mental or physical incapacity, for violation of the Constitution or
gross misconduct.28
The Constitution vested broad executive power in the President.29 While ministries
were created by Parliament, appointment of ministers from among members of the
National Assembly was vested in the President, and ministers were to serve at the
President's pleasure. The ministers constituted the Cabinet.30 Its role was to advise
23 Provisions concerning the alteration of the Constitution were contained in section 72. It
provided in section 72(1), (2)(a)(b) that a bill amending the Constitution shall not be passed unless
"the bill is supported on second and third reading by the votes of not less than two-thirds of all the
members of the Assembly". In so far as the amendment concerned Chapter III and Chapter VII of
the Constitution, section 72(3)(a)(b)(c) required the amendment to be approved by a national
referendum.
24 R. Hall, Zambia, London, 1964.
25 Art. 33(1) (2)(a)(b)(c).
26 Art. 33(4)(b).
27 Art. 33(4)(e).
28 Art. 36(1)(a)(b) (2) (3)(a)(b)(c) (4) (5).
29 Art. 48(1) (2) (3).
30 Art. 44(1) (2) (3)(a)(b)(c).

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the President on government policy and such matters as were re

President. Throughout the first 26 years of independence the
stature at the expense of the other organs of the state-the Na
the judiciary. The Cabinet in particular increasingly appeared
the decisions of the President. Further, the President develo
appointing Special Assistants on various subjects of governance, e
"ministers". These individuals appeared more important and clo
than the Cabinet members.3'
It is no exaggeration to describe the powers of the President under the 1964
Constitution as enormous. A detailed recitation is beyond the present scope. However,
in addition to those powers already discussed, the Constitution empowered the
President to appoint the Vice-President from among the members of the National
Assembly, including from among the five members of that body which the Constitution
empowered the President to name.32 Thus the President controlled succession to the
presidency in the event of death, disability or removal. He acquired great power as
commander-in-chief of the armed forces.33 His veto power over legislation was
considerable. Even if a measure was re-passed by a two-thirds majority of Parliament,
the President could prevent its becoming law by dissolving Parliament. The President's
powers of detention had great impact on the protection of fundamental rights. His
defacto powers were enhanced greatly by his personal popularity and his control over
the apparatus of UNIP, which held decisive majorities in Parliament.34
Parliament
The 1964 Constitution vested all legislative powers in Parliament,35 which co

of the President and the National Assembly, the latter having 75 elected m
plus up to five members nominated by the President.36 To be elected to Parl
a person had to be a Zambian citizen and have attained the age of 21. Parl
was presided over by a Speaker elected by the National Assembly from its mem
or from those qualified to be elected to that body.37 The legislative pow
Parliament was exercised through bills passed by the National Assembly and
to by the President.38 In most circumstances the President could withhold as
a bill, thereby in effect vetoing it. When, as noted, the President withheld a
a bill, under most circumstances the bill could be returned to the National A
and re-enacted, provided that it had the support of two-thirds of the mem
Parliament. If such bill was again presented to the President, the Const
required the President to sign it or dissolve Parliament.39
31 Mwanakatwe, above, 107. B.C. Chikulo also made this observation in "Decentralizat
centralism: an analysis of the Zambian experience (1964-1981)", in K. Osei-Hwedie and
(eds.), Issues in Zambian Development, Lusaka, 1985, 340.
32 Art. 41(1).
33 Art. 49(1).
34 The President was also the President of the ruling party, UNIP.
35 Art. 57.
36 Art. 58.
37 Art. 63(1).
38 Art. 71(1).
39 Art. 71(5) (6).

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Seven or more Members of Parliament could challenge a bill on the grounds that
it violated provisions of the Constitution which protected the fundamental rights of
an individual by asking the Speaker to refer the matter to a tribunal. Thereupon the
ChiefJustice was empowered to appoint a tribunal to report whether, in the opinion
of the tribunal, any or all provisions of the bill were inconsistent with the Constitution.40
This procedure was never used throughout the life of the 1964 Constitution.
The Constitution provided for a House of Chiefs, mainly a deliberative body.41 It
could consider and discuss any bill introduced or proposed to be introduced in the
National Assembly or any other matter referred to the House by the President. It
had no legislative powers and, as such, could not enact or block legislation. Parliament
retained its essentially British characteristics until the introduction of the one-party
state in 1973. There was throughout a vibrant opposition present in Parliament. The
presence of such opposition consolidated democracy in Zambia and enhanced the
prestige and reputation of the Zambian Parliament. The African National Congress
played an important role in making parliamentary business effective under the multi-
party system. Its members kept ministers alert and accountable to the public for
ministerial actions.42
The judiciary
The judiciary consisted of the Court of Appeal and the High Court. Both were
established as courts of superior record. The Court of Appeal was the highest court
in the land, with sweeping appellate jurisdiction.43 The High Court had unlimited
original jurisdiction to hear and determine any civil or criminal proceedings under
any law.4 The High Court also had jurisdiction to supervise any civil or criminal
proceedings before a subordinate court or any court-martial. It could make orders,
issue writs or give directions as it might consider appropriate for the purpose of
ensuring that justice was duly administered by any court.45 The Chief Justice was
appointed by the President.46 The judges of the Court of Appeal and of the High
Court were appointed by the President, acting in accordance with the advice of the
Judicial Service Commission.47 The judges had security of tenure and could be
removed only for infirmity of body or mind or for misbehaviour, and even then they
could be removed only in accordance with the constitutionally prescribed procedure.48
On the whole these judges remained reasonably independent, though there were
some incidents of executive interference. In 1969 the President questioned a decision
of a High Court judge reducing the sentence of two Portuguese soldiers who had
been convicted by a subordinate court of illegal entry into Zambia. This led to the
resignation of the Chief Justice who led other judges in support of the judge so
criticized.49 Perhaps more serious than this isolated incident was the President's
40 Art. 27(1)(a)(b) (2)(a)(b).

41 Arts. 85 and 86.
42 Mwanakatwe, above, 85.
43 Arts. 97 and 98.
44 Art. 98(1).
45 Ibid.
46 Art. 99(1).
47 Art. 99(2).
48 Art. 100(1) (2) (3)(a)(b)(c) (4) (5).
49 R. Hall, High Price of Principles, Harmondsworth, 1969.

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practice of appointing sitting judges to other, non-judicial, go

This meant resignation from the bench. Generally perceived as a
had rendered decisions unsatisfactory to the President or whom
would render such decisions, this practice undermined the in
judiciary.
The subordinate courts (magistrates courts) and local courts were the creatures of
statute. The former closely resembled their colonial predecessors. The Local Court
Ordinance supplanted the colonial Native Courts Ordinance. The local courts
primarily administered customary law.50
The Bill of Rights

The 1964 Constitution contained an extensive Bill of Rights.51 Under it every
person in Zambia, regardless of race, place of origin, political opinions, colour, creed
or sex, was entitled to fundamental rights and freedoms of the individual. The rights
enumerated in the Constitution were: life, liberty, security of the person and the
protection of law, freedom of conscience, expression and assembly and association,
freedom for the privacy of the home and other property, and freedom from deprivation
of property without compensation.52 The rights, however, were by no means absolute.
They were subject to detailed limitations, popularly referred to as "savings provisions",
contained in the very sections granting the individual rights. Designed to ensure that
the enjoyment of the rights and freedoms by any individual did not prejudice the
rights and freedoms of others or the public interest, in practice these limitations were
used by government to tamper with individual rights. A significant limitation applied
to provisions outlawing discrimination on grounds of race, sex and place of origin.
Whereas the Constitution outlawed any provisions of a law that was discriminatory,
either on its face or in its effect, it also provided that the protection would not govern
applications of customary law to members of a particular race or tribe.53 This in
effect exempted from the Bill of Rights the root cause of much of the discrimination
suffered by women in Zambian society.
Subject to these substantial limitations, the fundamental rights were judicially
enforceable. Any person who alleged that any of his or her rights as protected by
the Constitution were being infringed could apply to the High Court for redress54
and that court could issue orders or writs and give directions appropriate for the
purpose of enforcing any of the provisions protecting fundamental rights.55 Many
applications found their way into the courts, and the courts were generally responsive
to the complaints of individuals concerning the violation of their rights.56 Quite
clearly, however, they trod very carefully in cases with political overtones. This was
unfortunate, for it is in precisely such cases that the rights of individuals are most
50 For a detailed study of the lower courts see F.O. Spalding et al., "One nation, one judiciary:
the lower courts of Zambia", (1970) 1 Zambia Law Journal 1.
51 Chapter III of the Constitution of 1964.
52 Arts. 13-25.
53 Art. 25(4)(c)(d)(e).
54 Art. 28(1).
55 Art. 28(2)(a)(b).
56 E.g. Kachasu v. Attorney-General (1964) ZR 145; Attorney-General v. Mumba (1974) ZR 218; Chimba
& Others v. Attorny-General (1972) ZR 165 and Patel v. Attorney-General (1968) ZR 99.

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likely to be violated. The limitations took a particularly heavy toll

detention without trial, that is detentions on the basis of an exe
state of emergency. Nevertheless, this period did establish the pr
review with a potential for later, more effective protection of fund
The process of amendment

The 1964 Constitution contained stricter procedures to be fol
alteration of the Constitution than for the enactment of ordinary
to amend the Constitution required the votes of not less than two-th
members of the National Assembly.57 Further, insofar as it altered
Constitution relating to fundamental rights, such a bill could not
until submitted to a national referendum and approved thereby.58
it difficult to alter provisions of the Constitution protecting rights of
provision was unfortunately targeted for repeal early in the life of
It was eliminated by a 1969 amendment and referendum billed as
to end all referenda".59 This repeal was aimed specifically at facilitat
to the rights to property, but its implications were far broader. In 196
had embarked on economic reforms designed to enhance African
the economy.60 The government desired to take over substantial se
businesses through large-scale nationalizations. The property clause
seen as an impediment to these measures. The removal of the re
was later to facilitate the adoption of a one-party system of govern
the need for a referendum to do so and left the entire Constit
amendment if those in control possessed a majority of two-thirds i
THE 1973 CONSTITUTION-THE SECOND REPUBLIC, THE ONE

STATE
In 1972 the government announced that it had decided to turn

one-party state.6' This was stated to be in the interest of unit
development, but the context of the decision strongly suggests that
a response to mounting divisions within the ruling party perceived
hold on power.62 At independence there was remarkable unity amo
Zambia. After independence sectionalism appeared. In 1971 UNIP
most serious internal strife. In August of that year a splinter grou
political party which appeared to be tribally motivated. Called the U
Party (UPP), the group was led by the then Vice-President of the
57 Art. 72(1).
58 Art. 72(3)(a)(b)(c).
59 Constitutional (Amendment) (No. 3) Act of 1969 amended the Constitution so that, after it
became law, it would no longer be necessary to submit to a referendum any Act of Parliament
which provided for the alteration of Chapters III and VII and arts. 71(2), 72 and 73 of the
Constitution.
60 See B. Turok, Development in Zambia: A Reader, London, 1979, 71.
62 Mubako, above, 67-68. Mubako supports the view that the decision to introduce the "One
Party Democracy" at the time and in the manner it was introduced was largely influenced by
political developments in the ruling party UNIP.

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Kapwepwe. The response from UNIP members was a demand fo

In the by-elections held in 1971 the leader of UPP won a par
suggesting the potential capability of the newly formed part
challenge to UNIP in a general election.63 Shortly afterwards it
Zambia was to become a one-party state. The concept was no
indeed neighbouring Tanzania had already so proceeded. In 19
Commission was appointed to recommend the form and details
system. Its work is worth summarizing. Chaired by Vice-Pres
the Commission travelled widely throughout Zambia, holding
evidence on the framework and features people desired in the op
type of government. The Commission received a large volume
submissions, deliberated the same, and presented its report in
thoroughness, balance and thoughtfulness of this report have
and some of its proposals had an impact on what came later.
The recommended preamble incorporated the philosophy o
ideological commitment long expounded by Kaunda. Differing fr
its respect for the integrity and dignity of the individual, t
with it heavy overtones of socialism. The Chona Commission
recommendations in the area of human rights. It recommende
tailment of the President's powers of detention. Concerned about
term concentrations of power, the Commission recommended
permitted to serve no more than two consecutive five-year t
executive powers was proposed between the President and a P
would have the authority to appoint the other ministers. With r
the Commission advanced a proposal whereby the Party would pl
candidates before the electorate. The Commission recommende
a device to impose conditions of financial probity on nationa
example to the nation and a control upon use of official power
of private wealth.
The government's response was mixed.65 Of course the ba
one-party state was accepted. Significantly, however, the gove
recommendation for limitation of a President to two consecutive
that the party present three candidates to the electorate was
favour of the naming of a single candidate for the people to acc
the position of Prime Minister was accepted, the powers of that off
reduced in favour of the preservation of the powers of the Pres
detention, used against the leaders of UPP in 1972, were to r
intact.
The Second Republic came into being on 25 August, 19

Constitution being enacted by the National Assembly and as
President.66 There was no debate over the Constitution outside w
before the Chona Commission. The Zambian Independence A

64 Report of the National Commission on the Establishment of a One-Pary Participat
Government Printer, Lusaka, 1971.
65 Government White Paper No. 1 of 1972.
66 The Constitution of Zambia Act, 1973.

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Zambia Independence Order, 1964, were repealed. In that sense the Constitution
was truly a Zambian document as opposed to its predecessor which was legislated
into being by the British Parliament as part of the Act that severed Zambia's
connection to the British Crown and granted it independence. The preamble declared
Zambia a "One-Party Participatory Democracy under the Philosophy of Humanism".
It declared the right of all men freely to determine and build their own political,
economic and social system by ways and means of their own free choice. It recognized
"the protection of life, liberty and property, freedom of conscience, expression and
association within the context of our National Constitution"67 (emphasis added). The
provisions of the Constitution relating to the executive, the judiciary and Parliament
remained substantially the same as those contained in the 1964 Constitution.68 The
executive arrangement changed in that the Secretary-General of the Party, in line
with the new political order, became the deputy leader of the nation and acted in
the absence of the President.69 The Constitution also created the office of the Prime
Minister to be leader of government business in Parliament.70
By far the most significant feature of the 1973 Constitution was the declaration
of Zambia as a one-party state. Enacted at a low point in the country's economic
fortunes with attendant unhappiness of the populace and against the background of
recent political turmoil within the ruling party, this Constitution was set forth as a
better model for the management of political conflict in a country in dire need of
stability and rapid economic development. The Constitution declared the United
National Independence Party as the one and only political party allowed to exist
and to operate in the country.71 It became illegal to form or attempt to form any
other political party or organization, and illegal to belong to any political party other
than UNIP. This far-reaching change completely altered the democratic character
of Zambia. Like the 1964 Constitution, it contained a Bill of Rights, guaranteeing
those fundamental personal interests set forth in the preamble. These rights, however,
were rendered practically meaningless in the context of a one-party state with
sweeping executive powers. Freedom of speech and assembly could be exercised only
within the United National Independence Party. The presidential power of detention
without trial was continued in certain situations.72 The Constitution provided for the
application of the Emergency Powers Act and the Public Security Regulations when
a state of emergency was declared to exist. For most of its existence Zambia had
been under such a state of emergency, first as a result of a pre-independence religious
rebellion and later because of the liberation wars in southern Africa. The police were
given extensive powers in the case of emergency. A high ranking police officer was
empowered to arrest and detain any person in respect of whom he or she had reason
to believe that there were grounds justifying such detention. No warrant was required.
The law required the state within 14 days of detention to give reasons in detail
therefor,73 and also provided for a review by a tribunal at the request of the detainee,
67 Ibid.
68 Arts. 107-116-Judiciary; 63-94-Parliament; 37-62-Executive.
69 The Constitution of Zambia Act, 1973, art. 42(1) (2).
70 Ibid., art. 48.
71 Ibid., art. 4(1) (2).
72 Ibid., art. 26.
73 Ibid., art. 27(1)(a).

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but not sooner than one year after detention.74 The tribunal, appointed by the Chief
Justice, submitted recommendations to the President, but these were not binding
upon him.75
Through the life of the Second Republic the power to detain was misused to reach
political opponents. Cases found their way to the courts on writs of habeas corpus,
but the courts, especially in political cases, routinely upheld the state's power to
detain individuals without trial. Courts refused to examine the facts on which
government had determined that an individual was a threat to national security. In
some cases without political overtones the courts used their independence to protect
citizens through ordering their release.
One notable improvement in the 1973 Constitution over its predecessor was the
introduction of the Office of the Investigator General.76 Analogous to that of an
ombudsman, the Investigator General had jurisdiction to inquire into the conduct
of any person in the public service with respect to the exercise of authority or abuse
thereof. This useful tool had its limits. The Investigator General had no power to
discipline public servants or to effectuate change. The powers were to submit findings
and recommendations to the President, who was not required to implement them
or even to disclose the findings and recommendations received. On the whole the
President followed the recommendations, which significantly were not political in
character.
The introduction of the one-party system of government greatly strengthened the

executive President. In Zambia since independence UNIP leaders had always
proclaimed their wish to strike a balance between popular participation and central
control in the development process. The desired goal was found difficult to achieve
in a multi-party system. The one-party system was perceived as a way to achieve
that balance regarded as prerequisite for development. Subsequent experience in
Zambia showed otherwise. There never was any decentralization of power. An
example was the concentration of power in the manner in which elections to
Parliament were organized and conducted. There were two stages for election of
members of the National Assembly. The first consisted of primaries in each of the
constituencies in which voting was by an electoral college of party officials, officials
elected by party members only. This primary provided an opportunity for party
officials to eliminate candidates they did not like. The next stage was the vetting of
candidates by the Central Committee of UNIP. Its power was to eliminate a candidate
considered "inimical to the interests of the State". This test was never defined and
remained a subjective test in the mind of the executive branch. In practice the system
was used to eliminate potential political rivals.77 With respect to elections of a
President, the Party adopted one candidate, and voters were enabled only to vote
yes or no.78
74 Ibid., art. 27(1)(c).

75 Ibid., art. 27(2).
76 Ibid., art. 117.
77 B.C. Chikulo, "Elections in a one-party participatory democracy", in Turok, above, 201; see
also C. Gertzel et al., The Dynamics of the One-Party State in Zambia, Manchester, 1984, 29.
78 This was based on the philosophy that the party was supreme. The supremacy of the party
was recognized in the Constitution of Zambia (Amendment) Act No. 22 of 1975. For a discussion
of this amendment see L.S. Zimba, "The Constitution of Zambia (Amendment) Act No. 22 of 1975:

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The 1973 Constitution laid the groundwork for a Leadership Code. Recommended
by the Chona Commission and championed by President Kaunda, the Code had as
its purpose the imposition of strict financial standards upon all in leadership posts
from the President to the civil service, including employees of parastal bodies.
Provision for such a Code was contained in the 1973 Constitution,79 but implementing
regulations did not appear until 1976.80 The much debated proposal included
restrictions on ownership of land, prohibition on the receipt of gifts and the publication
of personal assets. It was designed to prevent the transformation of political power
into personal wealth, but was not successful. Once implemented, its enforcement
was spotty; presidential exemptions were granted, and evasions were frequent.81 The
expressed hostility of government to capitalism and the ambivalence of its actions in
this regard created a situation in which many political leaders failed to invest
effectively for the futures of themselves and their families. The result was the
development of untoward zeal on the part of political leaders to retain power at all
costs. The rewards, monetary and otherwise, of holding office were substantial; their
loss in many instances became devastating. The bad fruits of this lie in the manipulation
of the Constitution for the purpose of retaining power.
THE 1991 CONSTITUTION: THE THIRD REPUBLIC
The years of the Second Republic and the one-party state were difficult for
Zambia. Throughout the period from 1973 to 1991 the economy of the country
continued to stagnate with attendant unhappiness of many segments of society.82
"The Party and Its Government" became increasingly unpopular. The trade union
movement (never captured by the Party), the business community, the churches,
scholars and students at the University, the legal profession: all from time to time
expressed increasing hostility. These were groups difficult for the government to
control. Attempts at coups, while unsuccessful, contributed to the unsettled quality
of the political atmosphere.83
As the decade of the 1980s drew to a close, demands for an end to the one-party
state became more insistent. Pro-democracy groups, initially spurred by the trade
union movement, formed the Movement for Multi-party Democracy (MMD).84 The
"winds of change" in Eastern Europe came to Africa in general and to Zambia in
the legal recognition of the principle of 'party supremacy' in Zambia", (1982) 14 Zambia Law Joumal,
82.
79 The Constitution of Zambia Act, 1973, Art. 32.
80 The Leadership Code Act, 1976.
81 The 1991 Constitutional Commission recommended the abolition of the Leadership Code on
the grounds that "although well intended, it had failed to achieve its objectives": Report of the
Constitution Commission, 1991, 187.
82 There are several accounts of the economic situation during this period. See, for example,
Mwanakatwe, above, 113; "Sub-Saharan Africa: from crisis to sustainable growth", World Bank
Report, 1989; "African economies: African alternative framework for structural adjustment pro-
grammes for social economic recovery and transformation (AAF-SAF)", United Nations Economic
Commission for Africa (E/ECA/CM.15/6/Rev.3).
83 There were two significant coup attempts, in 1980 and 1990. The 1990 attempt followed food
riots to protest against the rising cost of food, particularly maize meal. See Mwanakatwe, above,
165.
84 The MMD was formed at a meeting held at the Garden Motel in Lusaka in July 1990. It was
largely an initiative of intellectuals, students and unions.

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particular. At first resistant, the government then announced a referendum on

whether to continue the one-party state. Subsequently, in September 1990, it
changed its mind and abandoned the referendum. Rather it promptly amended the
Constitution to permit formation of other parties and announced an undertaking to
introduce comprehensive amendments to the Constitution. It also promised to hold
elections by the end of 1991, two years before the scheduled end of the government's
five-year term.85
The government appointed a Constitutional Commission chaired by M.P. Mvunga,
then Solicitor-General. Known as the Mvunga Commission, this body toured the
country extensively and obtained the views of a broad range of people on a future
constitution for Zambia.86 MMD opposed the creation of this commission; it advocated
the re-introduction of the 1964 British enacted Independence Constitution, with
necessary amendments to reflect the changed circumstances. The Commission
produced recommendations, some of which were rejected by both the government and
the opposition parties.87 The government picked the recommendations it preferred,
rejected the others, and prepared a constitution for adoption by Parliament. Though
it provided for multi-party elections, the document was rejected by MMD, not only
for its contents but because the Commission was perceived as dominated by UNIP
and its product was, to the extent approved by UNIP, to be enacted by a Parliament
overwhelmingly controlled by that party.88 A serious stalemate ensued, softened
though not ended by a conference organized by students at the University.89 The
solution came when the churches organized a national conference and mediated the
dispute. This led to agreement to reformulate the 1973 Constitution in order to
facilitate the re-introduction of multi-party politics.90
The 1991 Constitution was agreed upon by all political parties, enacted by
Parliament on 2 August and approved by the President on 29 August. The provision
establishing UNIP as the sole political party was removed, article 21 providing for
the "right to assemble freely and associate with other persons and in particular to
form or belong to any political party ...". There was no reference in the preamble
to the "Philosophy of Humanism" or the gloss of socialism which it had acquired.
Significantly, article 1 declared, "this Constitution is the Supreme Law of Zambia
and if any other law is inconsistent with this Constitution, that other law shall, to
the extent of the inconsistency, be void".91 This emphasized the end to notions of
party supremacy. It also carried significant implications regarding the power of
judicial review of the constitutionality of legislation.
The 1991 Constitution, like its predecessor, provided for the protection of fun-
damental rights and freedoms of the individual, but retained the limitations contained
85 In 1990 a Referendum Commission was established. A provision in the Referendum Act

allowed the Commission to issue instructions "to any public authority, public individual, public
office". The Commission interpreted this provision freely and liberally and was able to use it to
override government power over the media and police in its efforts to ensure a level playing field.
86 The Commission was appointed on 8 October, 1990, by Statutory Instrument No. 135, 1990.
87 Report of the Constitution Commission, April 1991.
89 Ibid., 218.
90 Ibid., 219.
91 The Constitution of Zambia Act, 1991, art. 1(2).

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in the 1973 Constitution.92 For example, the provisions outlawing discrimination

continued to be subject to the application of customary law, thus continuing the
disadvantaging of women.93 Freedom of movement remained subject to detention
laws,94 the only improvement being that a declaration of a state of emergency was
made subject to parliamentary approval.
Most importantly, provisions relating to the election of a President changed. Under
the 1991 Constitution a President was to be elected by direct universal adult suffrage,
and elections for the presidency were to be held whenever the National Assembly
was dissolved.95 The normal life of a National Assembly remained at five years. To
be President, a person had to be a Zambian citizen, to have attained the age of 35
years and to belong to a political party.9 The President was required to obtain 50
per cent or more of the votes in order to be elected. If at the initial poll no candidate
received more than 50 per cent of the valid votes cast, the candidates having the
highest and next highest number of votes were to be submitted to the National
Assembly which would elect a President on a simple majority. The Constitution
provided that every President shall hold office for five years.97 It also limited a
President to two terms, providing for computation of such terms only from the date
of the Constitution.98
This Constitution also introduced the requirement of parliamentary ratification of
appointments of judges, the Attorney-General and the Solicitor General.99 The
requirement that cabinet ministers be drawn from Parliament was retained, as was
the power of the President to nominate up to eight members of the National
Assembly, excluding unsuccessful candidates in the last preceding election.100 The
1991 Constitution provided for its amendment by a two-thirds vote of the members
of the Assembly.'10 The requirement of the Independence Constitution that amend-
ments to Part III, Protection of Fundamental Rights and Freedoms of the Individual,
could not be effected without approval in a national referendum, was re-introduced.'02
Barely two months after the enactment of the 1991 Constitution elections were
held on 31 October. The results represented an overwhelming victory for MMD.
Frederick Chiluba was elected President by a wide margin over Kenneth Kaunda,
who had served uninterruptedly as President since 1964, the entire life of the
Republic. MMD captured 125 of 150 seats in the National Assembly. With only 25
members, UNIP lacked the numbers to create an effective opposition in Parliament.
The leadership of the new government was broadly based; all sections of the country
were represented. Kaunda relinquished power graciously.
92 Part III of the Constitution. For the limitations on the rights see arts. 16(2); 17(2)(a)(b); 19(5);
20(3)(a)(b); 21(2)(a)(b); and 25.
93 The Constitution of Zambia Act, 1991, art. 23(4)(d)(e).
94 Ibid., arts. 22(3)(a)(b) and 26(1).
95 Ibid., art. 34(1) (2).
96 Ibid., art. 34(3)(a)(b)(c)(d).
97 Ibid., art. 34(6) (7) (8) (11).
98 Ibid., art. 35(2).
99 Ibid., arts. 93(1) (2); 95(1); 54(1); 55(1) and 56(1).
100 Ibid., art. 68.
'01 Ibid., art. 79(1)(a)(b).
102 Ibid., art. 79(3).

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This Zambian exercise in democracy met with unstinting praise from the inter-
national community.103 After decades of turbulence in much of the continent, this
episode was greeted hopefully as a harbinger of better days in other places. One
concern lingered: the size of the turnout on 31 October was disappointing. Reasons
advanced for this included a hasty determination of constituencies, inefficient man-
agement of the registration process, distances of polling stations from many people,
and fears (which turned out to be unfounded) that violence would attend the voting
process.'04 This negative factor was overshadowed by the twin accomplishments of
1991: the return of multi-party democracy and the orderly transfer of political power.
There is much to be said for the Constitution of 1991. Although enacted by
Parliament, it was, as Constitutions in their nature must be, the product of compromise.
It maintained, indeed strengthened, the separation of legislative, executive and judicial
powers. It reduced the domination of the executive. It strengthened the power of
a largely independent judiciary by its direct assertion of the supremacy of the
Constitution.
THE 1996 CONSTITUTION
A thoughtful observer perceived the 1991 Constitution as one "that can serve the
interests of the people for a long time".'05 As a part of the compromise on which
that Constitution was based, however, representatives of political parties, especially
MMD, undertook to promote constitutional debates once multi-party politics became
firmly re-established in the country. Specifically, MMD campaigned in the 1991
elections on the platform that if elected to power it would change the 1991 Constitution
and replace it with one which would be above partisan considerations and would
strengthen democracy and the protection of human rights. A year after the government
acquired power, the Minister of Legal Affairs created a task force to review the
Constitution. Comprising seven members, it was chaired by the Attorney-General.
Subsequently, the government was persuaded that it was unwise to leave a task of
this magnitude in the hands of a few under the chairmanship of the principal legal
advisor to the government. For the third time, and for the second within three years,
the government appointed a Constitutional Review Commission. Popularly known
as the Mwanakatwe Commission (after its chairman), this body received terms of
reference far wider than those accorded any previous Constitutional Commission.106
It was directed to recommend a system that will "ensure that Zambia is governed
in a manner that will promote the democratic principles of regular and fair elections,
transparency and accountability, and that will guard against the re-emergence of a
dictatorial form of government; ... appropriate arrangements for the entrenchment
and protection of human rights, the rule of law and good governance; ... the
103 Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative Report, The Post, 24 September, 1996; Michael
Bratton, "Zambia starts over", (1992) 3 Journal ofDemocracy, 81;John Milimo, "Multiparty democracy
in Africa: lessons from Zambia", (1993) 10 International Journal of World Peace, 35; and National
Democratic Institute for International Affairs, Uneven Paths: Advancing Democracy in Southern Africa,
Windhoek, 1993, 37.
105 Ibid., 223.
'06 The Commission was appointed on 22 November, 1993, under Statutory Instrument No. 151
of 1993 as amended by Statutory Instrument No. 173 of 1993.

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competence, impartiality and independence of the judiciary, ...".107 It was directed

to recommend "whether the Constitution should be adopted by the National Assembly
or by a Constituent Assembly, by a National Referendum or by any other method;
... [and] a suitable method of amending any part of the Constitution ...,.108 This
Commission toured the country and collected a large volume of views of the
populace. Many of its recommendations, had they been adopted, would have greatly
strengthened democracy in Zambia. It recommended that to achieve maximum
consensus the Constitution should be adopted through a Constituent Assembly
attended by representatives of all political parties and by those drawn from many
segments of Zambian society: the professions, the labour movement, employers,
churches, women's groups, the universities and their students, and others on a very
detailed list.'09 It recommended that a referendum be required for subsequent
amendments."L0 It decried the long-standing practice by which Zambian Constitutions
have appeared as schedules to Acts of Parliament, noting that this is a heritage of
the colonial era when even the Independence Constitution was a schedule to a
British Order-in-Council. The Commission observed that many were anxious that
future constitutional amendments not be enacted like ordinary pieces of legislation.
"A Constitution meant to stand the test of time should not be subject to wilful
amendments.""'
In terms of substance a number of recommendations are noteworthy. The
Commission's rejection of requests that the preamble recite that Zambia is a Christian
nation was significant."2 Following the preamble the Commission's draft included a
chapter on "Directive Principles of State Policy", an aspirational list of principles for
the guidance of all branches of government in lawmaking, administration and
adjudication, all in the interest of establishment of a just and democratic society.
The principles covered a wide range of policy areas. They were, however, expressly
made non-enforceable in court proceedings."3 In the field of fundamental rights the
draft recommended strengthening some rights and adding others. Those added
referred to residence, human dignity and reputation, culture, marriage, a clean
environment and equal pay for equal work.l4 Freedom of the press and related
rights of journalists were strengthened."5 Academic and intellectual freedom and the
right to strike and lock out were scheduled for protection."l6 Most notable was a
drastic increase in the protection of rights of women and the prohibition of laws,
customary practices and stereotypes which worked against the dignity of women.1"7
Economic protections of women, including maternity leave, were included, as was a
107 Terms of Reference of the Commission (1), (2), (3), (4). The terms of reference are contained
in Statutory Instrument No. 151 of 1993.
108 Ibid., term of reference (9).
109 Report of the Constittional Review Commission, 1995, Chapter 27 of the Report, recommendation
27 and 27(1).
"0 Ibid., Chapter 28 of the Report.
1l Ibid., 64.
112 Ibid., Chapter 3, paragraph 3.6, 10.
13 Ibid., Chapter 4, paragraphs 4.0-4.3.7.
115 Ibid., Chapter 7, paragraph 7.2.15 and paragraph 7.2.16, 18.
116 Ibid., Chapter 7, paragraphs 7.2.17 and 7.2.20, 18 and 19.
117 Ibid., Chapter 7, paragraph 7.2.21, 19.

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comprehensive article on children's rights.118 In terms of the enforcement of fun-

damental rights, the draft extended the range of entities that could bring actions to
enforce in a court of law any of the enumerated rights."l9 It partially removed the
qualifications that derogated from the rights in previous constitutions.
While progressive on many fronts, the Mwanakatwe Commission inexplicably
recommended discriminatory restrictions on who could stand for the office of
President. A person to be qualified as a candidate for election as President had to
be a citizen of Zambia, born in Zambia, of parents who are Zambian citizens and
also born in Zambia.'20 The draft also provided that "no person who has twice been
elected as President shall be eligible for re-election to that office".'12 The corresponding
provision in the 1991 Constitution specifically provided that it should apply only to
a person twice elected President after the date of the Constitution of 1991.'22
Elimination of this proviso by the Mwanakatwe Commission, together with the
hitherto non-existent requirement that a presidential candidate's parents must be
born in Zambia, represent a transparent attempt to bar former President Kaunda
from again becoming a candidate for President. His parents were born in what is
now Malawi, and he had served as President for more than two five-year terms.
Given the composition of the Commission, these recommendations are surprising
and can only reflect pressure from those desiring the retention in power of MMD.
The Commission also included a novel recommendation that upon becoming a
candidate in any election or accepting appointment to any office in any political
party, a chief shall give up the chieftainship.123 The appointment of Cabinet Ministers
from persons outside Parliament was recommended, and that appointment to the
Cabinet of a member of the National Assembly would operate to vacate the seat in
Parliament.124 The only other significant change recommended with respect to the
National Assembly was the right of a constituency to recall a representative on the
petition of a prescribed number of registered voters.'25
With respect to the judiciary, the draft advocated the creation of a Constitutional
Court to exercise jurisdiction over any alleged violation or threatened violation of
any right guaranteed by the Constitution and any matter relating to the interpretation
of that document.126 For the first time the draft recommended provisions on the

"19 Ibid., Chapter 7, paragraph 7.6, 21.
120 Ibid., Chapter 11, paragraph 11.4.1.
121 Ibid., Chapter 11, paragraph 11.5, 29. This has been implemented in the Constitution of
Zambia (Amendment) Act No. 18 of 1996, art. 35(2).
122 Art. 35(2) of the Constitution of Zambia Act, 1991, read "... after the commencement of this
Constitution no person who holds or has held office as President for two terms of five years each,
shall be eligible for re-election to that office".
123 The Constitution of Zambia Act (Amendment) Act No. 18, 1996, provides that "a Chief shall
not be qualified for election as a member of the National Assembly" and art. 65(4) provides that "a
Chief who intends to stand for election to the National Assembly shall abdicate his Chieftaincy
before lodging his nomination". The Commission version would have only required the Chief to
resign upon being elected to Parliament. See Report of the Constitutional Review Commission, 1995,
Chapter 12, paragraph 12.6, 36.
124 Report of the Constitutional Review Commission, 1995, Chapter 11, paragraph 11.9, 32.

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Bank of Zambia,127 local government,l28 the army and.police,129 thus further involving
the Constitution in the details of governmental structure. The Report further
recommended the creation of a human rights commission to investigate on its own
initiative'30 or on a complaint made by one or more persons, any human rights
violations, and to promote programmes aimed at enhancing respect for human rights.
It further sought to restrict declarations of emergencies to situations involving threats
to the security of the country by invasion, general insurrection, or at a time of
national disaster. It also provided a check in that the declaration of an emergency
was made subject to judicial review by the Constitutional Court.3"
The government, in a white paper, rejected most of the progressive re-
commendations of the Mwanakatwe Report.132 It rejected the introduction of several
new personal rights, the introduction of a Constitutional Court, the recommendations
on rights of women and a recommendation for the establishment of an independent
Electorial Commission to conduct elections in Zambia.l33 It clearly departed from
its original promise in 1991 to introduce in Zambia a Constitution that strengthened
individual rights and freedoms and lessened the power of the executive. It rejected
the Mwanakatwe Report's recommendation that there should be separation of
Church and State, instead deciding that the preamble would contain a provision
declaring Zambia a Christian state.'34 Significantly, the government did accept the
recommendation that a presidential candidate must be born of parents both of whom
are Zambians by birth or descent,'35 and the retroactive application of the two-term
amendment.'36 The government also accepted the banning of chiefs from political
activity by requiring them to refrain from such activity or give up their chieftainships.137
Contrary to the recommendation of the Commission, the government determined
to restrict the appointment of ministers to members of the National Assembly.'38 It
did accept the recommendation to create a human rights commission and the
inclusion of legally non-enforceable principles of state policy in the Constitution.'39
The most telling of the government responses to the Mwanakatwe Report was the
rejection of the Commission's call for a broadly-based Constituent Assembly to ratify
proposed constitutional changes.'4 Rather, the government determined to amend
the 1991 Constitution by Act of Parliament, staying away from those provisions
relating to fundamental rights, amendments to which would require a referendum.
The government white paper was widely condemned by opposition parties,
churches, scholars and students at the universities, members of trade unions, and a
127 Ibid., Chapter 25, 59.

130 Ibid., Chapter 8, paragraphs 8.1-8.5, 22.
131 Ibid., Chapter 10, paragraphs 10.0-10.10.
132 Republic of Zambia, Government White Paper, No. 1 of 1995.
133 Ibid., paragraph 13.6.1, 55 (Constitutional Court) and paragraph 12.22, 51 (Electoral Com-
mission).
134 Ibid., paragraph 3.6, 11.
135 Ibid., paragraph 11.4.9, 38.
137 Ibid. The Government White Paper added the proviso that "such Chiefs should abdicate their
Chieftaincy before lodging their nomination", paragraph 12.6, 46.
'40 Ibid., paragraph 27.0, 71-73.

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broad section of the Zambian population. Non-governmental organizations and the

churches organized what was termed a "citizens' conference" to raise public awareness
and elicit public resistance to the government's proposed measures.'4 Despite the
widespread criticism the government proceeded to amend substantially the 1991
Constitution through the enactment of the Constitution of Zambia (Amendment)
Act, 1996.142 Every Part of the 1991 Constitution was repealed and replaced, except
Part III, which governs Protection of Fundamental Rights and Freedom of the
Individual. Having rejected the Mwanakatwe Commission's recommendation for
ratification by a Constituent Assembly, the government in effect created a new
Constitution through an Act of Parliament made possible by its overwhelming
majority obtained nearly five years earlier and not renewed since that time.
CONCLUSION: THE 1996 CONSTITUTION AND BUILDING DEMOCRATIC

ORDER
In 1994 Mwanakatwe wrote of the failure of the MMD to carry through promptly
on its 1991 pledge to promote constitutional debate once multi-party politics were
firmly re-established. He assigned two reasons for this change in priorities. First was
the stark necessity of facing the country's devastating economic problems. Second
came the suggestion that "frequent constitutional changes have inevitably a de-
stabilizing effect.... A constitution by its nature is always a product of compromise."143
He suggested a number of basic constitutional principles which should characterize
a modern democracy: the clear separation of legislative, executive and judicial power;
the absence of domination of the legislature by the executive; power in an independent
judiciary to determine authoritatively the constitutionality of legislative and executive
action; and a charter of fundamental rights, constitutionally protected and legally
enforceable through individual access to the courts. He concluded:
"In Zambia the new Constitution adopted in 1991 incorporates most of these
principles. It is a constitution that can serve the interests of the people for a long
time. However, a constitution works efficaciously when it is widely accepted by
the people to whom it gives protection. Therefore, a constitution that is not widely
accepted cannot serve any useful purpose. Often it is not even worth the paper on
which it is written."'44
That change came early to the 1991 Constitution is not surprising. Indeed that
document, a compromise between UNIP and MMD mediated by the churches, was
by that compromise destined for early re-examination. The Mwanakatwe Commission
represented that re-examination. Its product and the government's reaction to it
have been the subject of vigorous debate, such debate only heightening in its intensity
following the government's substantial amendment of the Constitution by an Act of
141 Citizens' "Green Paper" Summary of Resolutions by the Citizens' Convention on the draft
Constitution, 1-10 March, Lusaka, 1996. The conference was an initiative of church organizations
and NGOs. The convention was attended by over 257 participants from a cross-section of the
Zambian population.
142 The Constitution of Zambia was amended under Act No. 18 of 1996. The constitutional
amendments were adopted without the participation of the major opposition party in Parliament,
UNIP, whose members walked out of Parliament in protest at the amendments.
144 Ibid., 223.

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Parliament without any attempt to achieve consensus or compro

involves both the substance of the changes and the method of their
the latter, the Mwanakatwe Commission had strongly recommend
new constitution by means of a broadly based constituent assembly a
amendment only with approval by the people through a national re
Resistance to enactment by Parliament of a Constitution in 1991
the Mvunga Commission's report stemmed directly from the Comm
with the government in power and a widespread belief that the C
be a document of consensus. The Mvunga Commission Report rec
return of multi-party democracy. Opposition to its unilateral en
ernment was led by the MMD.'45 There is irony in the actions
actually doing in 1996 what its opposition had prevented being d
1991, opposition grounded in democratic principle.
There are powerful arguments that the substance of the Constit
(Amendment) Act, 1996, is destructive of democratic principles, th
method of their adoption even more objectionable. The amendme
participation of Zambians in the electoral process in two ways. First
of the participation of chiefs in politics.'46 Second, it is apparent bo
throughout the international community that the process of constit
dominated by a desire to bar former President Kaunda from st
presidency in the 1996 elections. The requirement that a candid
born in Zambia (at a time when there was no Zambia)'47 w
promulgated in the light of common knowledge that Kaunda's pa
in the territory that is now Malawi, though he was born in what
The two-term limitation on service as President introduced in the 1991 Constitution
contained a carefully drawn provision that its application was to be only prospective.
Elimination of that provision in 1996 is quite evidently aimed at preventing Kaunda
from running again. This article is not a brief for the return of Kenneth Kaunda to
the office of President. However, it is submitted that manipulation of the nation's
basic charter to advance the ambitions of the party in power runs counter to the
democratic principles so effectively espoused by MMD in 1991 and which brought
legitimacy to its accession to power and world-wide praise of the Zambian achieve-
ment.
From independence every Zambian Constitution has provided for a strong e

ecutive, a President wielding substantial power. The need for such a presidency h
not been challenged effectively. Transformation of the economic life of the count
and continuance of the quest for national unity demand no less. Checks on ab
of necessary power, however, are essential if dictatorship is to be avoided. T
Constitution must contain those checks, and they must not be removable simply
the action of a Parliament subservient to the wishes of the incumbent President.
Nothing is as destructive of public confidence in the process of government than
manipulation of the Constitution for transparently partisan political purposes. Essential
145 Ibid., 215-222.

146 The Constitution of Zambia (as amended by Act No. 18 of 1996), art. 65(3) (4).
147 Citizenship of Zambia was created by article 3(1) in the 1964 Constitution in these terms:
"Every person who having been born in the former Protectorate of Northern Rhodesia, is on 23rd
October, 1964, a British Protected person shall become a citizen of Zambia on 24 October, 1994".

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too is the fairness of the electoral process itself. From independence every Constitution
of Zambia has contained provisions for an Electoral Commission detailed by act of
Parliament and appointed by the President.'48 The 1996 Constitution describes this
Commission as "autonomous".149 Its autonomy and impartiality must exist and must
be seen to exist. Again, manipulation for partisan purposes strikes a severe blow
to the Constitution itself. The Mwanakatwe Commission recommended that the
presidential appointment of members of the Commission be subject to ratificatio
by a two-thirds vote of the National Assembly and that the tenure of members o
the Commission be seven years, all in the interests of that necessary independence.'5
The rejection of those recommendations by government is ominous.
A constitution conferring great powers needs express limitations on the exercise
thereof: hence the necessity for a Bill of Rights enforceable by an independent
judiciary. The Constitutions of Zambia have contained detailed provisions relativ
to "Protection of Fundamental Rights and Freedoms of the Individual". These hav
been and remain flawed through the presence of "savings clauses", exceptions to
each of the enumerated rights, exceptions conferring wide executive and legislative
discretion.
Two fundamental rights need emphasis: freedom of the press and freedom from
discrimination, particularly against women. Although the present Constitution make
reference to freedom of the press, the powers to derogate therefrom are sweeping.'5
Constitutional provisions proscribing sex discrimination are confined to enumerated
areas and do not address the injustices inflicted through application of aspects o
customary law.'52 It is significant that the government rejected recommendations o
the Mwanakatwe Commission dealing with the rights of women. It also rejected the
moderate reductions recommended in the exceptions to other fundamental rights.
One additional flaw in the 1996 Constitution should be noted. Against the
recommendation of the Mwanakatwe Commission and over the objections of man
of the churches, the government inserted in the preamble a provision to "declar
the Republic a Christian Nation while upholding the right of every person to enjoy
that person's freedom of conscience or religion". The concept of a preferred religio
is antithetical to the equality of the people regarding their religious beliefs.
To some the lesson to be drawn from the current constitutional troubles is that
Zambia is not ready for a democratic form of government, or perhaps better put
that Western-style democracy is not suitable for the people of that part of Afric
called Zambia. We subscribe to neither. One can only begin to make progress from
where one is; the past is indeed the prologue. As stated earlier, history cannot b
repealed. Whatever the accomplishments, the mistakes, the experiences along the
148 See Constitution of Zambia, 1964, art. 67; Constitution of Zambia, 1973, art. 73(1); Constitution
of Zambia, 1991, art. 76.
149 The Constitution of Zambia (as amended by Act No. 18 of 1996), art. 76.
150 Report of the Constitutional Review Commission, above, Chapter 12, paragraph 12.21.1, 39.
15' The Constitution of Zambia (as amended by Act No. 18 of 1996), art. 20(3)(a)(b)(c).
152 Art. 23 makes exceptions to which the prohibition against discrimination does not apply. As
a result it does not apply to matters relating to taxation; it is inapplicable to non-citizens and with
respect to matters relating to adoption, marriage, divorce, burial, devolution of property on death
or other matters of personal law. Most importantly, it is inapplicable in the case of members of a
particular race or tribe, to customary law "with respect to any matter to the exclusion of any law
with respect to that matter which is applicable in the case of other persons".

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way, after 32 years Zambia remains committed to a republican form of government,

to government based on the consent of the governed, in short to democracy.
A constitution should set forth the basic postulates of a free society. This means
establishing the basic structure of government, its divisions of powers and limitations
on the exercise of those powers. It is a legacy of the colonial period that Zambia's
Constitutions have been far too detailed. The British orders-in-council, readily
amended to meet problems of the moment, were designed for the conduct of a
protectorate, not as structures of an independent sovereign nation. That there are
provisions in the Zambian Constitution which ought to be alterable by ordinary
legislation means that they do not belong there. We hope that the next constitutional
exercise will take this into account. If the contents of the Constitution are truly
fundamental, the unalterability of their provisions by ordinary legislation becomes
easier to defend. And defended it must be.
The enactment of a constitution, or the making of sweeping amendments in one
already in place, involves a number of stages. Thrice Zambia has turned to the
Constitutional Commission as the originating device. A salutary aspect in each
instance has been a thorough canvassing of views throughout Zambia and a detailed
summation of the views expressed. A danger lies in the actual or perceived domination
of such commissions by the party in power. Since the "referendum to end referenda"
in 1969, every constitutional change in Zambia has been effected by an Act of
Parliament. It is here that change is imperative. Whether the initial proposal comes
from a constitutional review commission, a constituent assembly or a convention
adequately staffed with experts, however the process is originated, its execution must
be through a procedure which maximizes the achievement of as broad a national
consensus as possible. Action by an extraordinary majority in Parliament is one
appropriate step. If it teaches nothing else, painful experience demonstrates that it
cannot be the only step. The constituent assembly and the referendum are devices
which can be neglected no longer.

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Constitutionalism in Zambia, Past, Present & Future

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Constitutionalism in Zambia: Past, Present and Future

Author(s): Muna B. Ndulo and Robert B. Kent

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/745746

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MUNA B. NDULO* AND ROBERT B. KENT**

INTRODUCTION: THE CHARACTERISTICS OF A CONSTITUTION

* Visiting Professor of Law, Cornell Law School.

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welfare of its citizens. Vital to such a constitution is the recognitio

THE COLONIAL PERIOD

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A synopsis of colonial history

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Company rule lasted until 1 February, 1924.'3 The Order-in

The colonial "Constitutions"

THE 1964 INDEPENDENCE CONSTITUTION

The final Order-in-Council came later in 1964 following negotiations i

13 Northern Rhodesia Order in Council, 1924.

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The executive presidency

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the President on government policy and such matters as were re

The 1964 Constitution vested all legislative powers in Parliament,35 which co

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40 Art. 27(1)(a)(b) (2)(a)(b).

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practice of appointing sitting judges to other, non-judicial, go

The Bill of Rights

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likely to be violated. The limitations took a particularly heavy toll

The process of amendment

THE 1973 CONSTITUTION-THE SECOND REPUBLIC, THE ONE

In 1972 the government announced that it had decided to turn

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Kapwepwe. The response from UNIP members was a demand fo

The Second Republic came into being on 25 August, 19

63 Mwanakatwe, above, 86.

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The introduction of the one-party system of government greatly strengthened the

74 Ibid., art. 27(1)(c).

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THE 1991 CONSTITUTION: THE THIRD REPUBLIC

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particular. At first resistant, the government then announced a referendum on

85 In 1990 a Referendum Commission was established. A provision in the Referendum Act

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in the 1973 Constitution.92 For example, the provisions outlawing discrimination

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THE 1996 CONSTITUTION

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competence, impartiality and independence of the judiciary, ...".107 It was directed

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comprehensive article on children's rights.118 In terms of the enforcement of fun-

118 Ibid., Chapter 7, paragraph 7.2.23, 19.

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127 Ibid., Chapter 25, 59.

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broad section of the Zambian population. Non-governmental organizations and the

CONCLUSION: THE 1996 CONSTITUTION AND BUILDING DEMOCRATIC