11 GARFINKEL Ethnomethodology

Studies of the Routine Grounds of Everyday Activities
Author(s): Harold Garfinkel

Source: Social Problems, Vol. 11, No. 3 (Winter, 1964), pp. 225-250
Published by: University of California Press on behalf of the Society for the Study of Social Problems
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The SocialProblemsoftheSociologist 225
sources,the trapsof thepost civiliza- to increasein intensityas the dis-

tionperiod.3) We mustacceptwith ciplinemovesalongits unevencourse
equanimity thevariedrolesof teacher, in becominga profession and as it at-
researcher,consultant,administrator,temptsto use wiselyits new power
and othersyetto emerge,utilizingall andtomeetitsconcomitant obligations
of theseopportunitiesto advancethe and expectations. The new-found pow-
growthof thediscipline,its worksys- er will confound, and mislead
confuse,
tem,and its professional
collectivities,someof us. Thereare twoold sayings:
and to promotea morejust societyas thatone can swellwithpoweror grow
well. Finally,we mustrecognizethat withpower,and thata dyingfishbe-
norminconsistenciesarepeculiarto all gins to swell in the head. I believe
social systems.Ambivalenceand am- that sociologistswill choose to grow
biguityforthesociologist
willcontinue withpower.
STUDIES OF THE ROUTINE GROUNDS OF EVERYDAY

ACTIVITIES
HAROLD GARFINKEL
Los Angeles
of California,
University
THE PROBLEM treatedby membersas the "natural

For Kant the moralorder"within" factsof life,"are massivefactsof the
was an awesome mystery;for sociolo- members' dailyexistence bothas a real
gists the moral order"without"is a worldand as theproductof activities
technicalmystery. Fromthe point of in a real world. They furnishthe
view of sociologicaltheorythe moral "fix,"the "this is it" to which the
orderconsistsof therulegovernedac- wakingstatereturnsone, and are the
tivitiesof everydaylife. A society's points of departureand returnfor
membersencounterand know the everymodification of the world of
moral order as perceivedlynormal daily life that is achievedin play,
coursesof action-familiarscenesof dreaming,trance,theatre,scientific
everydayaffairs,the world of daily theorizing, or high ceremony.
life known in commonwith others In everydiscipline,humanisticor
and withotherstakenforgranted. scientific, the familiarcommonsense
They referto this world as the worldof everyday life is a matterof
"naturalfactsof life"which,formem- abidinginterest. In thesocialsciences,
bers,are throughand throughmoral and in sociologyparticularly, it is a
factsof life. For membersnot only matterof essentialpreoccupation. It
are mattersso about familiarscenes, makesup sociology's problematic sub-
but theyare so becauseit is morally ject matter,entersthe veryconstitu-
rightor wrongthattheyare so. Fa- tion of the sociologicalattitude,and
miliar scenes of everydayactivities, exercisesan odd and obstinatesov-
This investigationwas supported by a
ereigntyover sociologists'claims to
Senior ResearchFellowship,SF-81 fromthe adequateexplanation.
U. S. Public Health Service. I am indebted Despite the topic's centrality, an
to Egon Bittner, Craig MacAndrew, Ed- immenseliterature containslittledata
ward Rose, Harvey Sacks,and Eleanor Shel-
don for their many criticisms and sug- and fewmethodswithwhichthe es-
gestions. sentialfeaturesof sociallyrecognized

226 SOCIAL PROBLEMS
"familiarscenes" may be detectedand him about them he has little or noth-

related to dimensionsof social organ- ing to say.
ization. Although sociologiststake so- For these background expectancies
ciallystructuredscenesof everydaylife to come into view one must eitherbe
as a point of departuretheyrarelysee1 a strangerto the "life as usual" char-
as a task of sociological inquiryin its acterof everydayscenes,or become es-
own rightthe generalquestion of how tranged from them. As Alfred Schutz
any such common sense world is pos- pointed out, a "special motive" is re-
sible. Instead, the possibility of the quired to make them problematic.In
everyday world is either settled by the sociologist'scase this "special mo-
theoreticalrepresentation or merelyas- tive" consistsin the programmatictask
sumed. As a topic and methodological of treatinga societalmember'spractical
ground for sociological inquiries, the circumstances, which include fromthe
definitionof the common sense world member's point of view the morally
of everyday life, though it is ap- necessary character of many of its
propriatelya project of sociologicalin- backgroundfeatures,as mattersof the-
quiry,has been neglected.My purposes oreticinterest.The seen but unnoticed
in this paper are to demonstratethe backgrounds of everyday activities
essential relevance to the program of are made visible and are described
sociological inquires of a concern for from a perspective in which persons
common sense activitiesas a topic of live out the lives they do, have the
inquiry in its own right and, by re- children they do, feel the feelings,
portinga series of studies,to urge its thinkthe thoughts,enterthe relation-
"rediscovery." ships they do, all in order to permit
the sociologistto solve his theoretical
MAKING COMMONPLACE SCENES
problems.
VISIBLE Almost alone among sociological
In accountingforthe stable features theorists,the late Alfred Schutz, in a
of everydayactivitiessociologistscom- series of classical studies2of the con-
monly select familiarsettingssuch as
familialhouseholdsor workplaces and 2 Schutz, Alfred,Der SinnhafteAufbau
ask for the variables that contribute Der Sozialen Welt, Wein: Verlag von
to their stable features.Just as com- Julius Springer, 1932; "The Problem of
Rationality in the Social World," Econ-
monly, one set of considerationsare omica, 10 (May, 1943), pp. 130-149;
unexamined: the socially standardized "Some Leading Concepts in Phenomenol-
and standardizing,"seen but unnotic- ogy," Social Research,12 (1945), pp. 77-
ed", expected,backgroundfeaturesof 97; "On Multiple Realities," Philosophy
and PhenomenologicalResearch, 4 (June,
everydayscenes. The member of the 1945), pp. 533-575; "Choosing Among
society uses background expectancies Projects of Action," Philosophy and Phe-
as a scheme of interpretation. In their nomenological Research, 12 (December,
terms,actual appearances are for him 1951), pp. 161-184; "Common Sense and
Scientific
Interpretation of Human Action,"
recognizable and intelligible as the Philosophyand PhenomenologicalResearch,
appearances of familiarevents. Dem- 14 (September, 1953), pp.1-37; "Concept
onstrably he is responsive to this and Theory Formation in the Social Sci-
American of Philosophy,51
background.At the same time he is at ences," 1954), Journal 257-274;
(April, pp.
a loss to tell us what specificallythe Reality and Society,"Symbols and"Symbol,
Society,
expectanciesconsist of. When we ask FourteenthSymposium of the Conference
on Science,Philosophy,and Religion,edited
1 The workof AlfredSchutz,cited in by Lyman Brysonand others,New York:
footnote2, is a magnificent Read- Harper and Brothers,1955, pp. 135-202;
exception.
ers who are acquaintedwith his writings Collected Papers: I. The Problem of Social
will recognizehow heavilythis paper is Reality,edited by Maurice Natanson, The
indebtedto him. Hague; MartinusNijhoff,1962.

The Routine Grounds of EverydayActivities 227
stitutive phenomenology of the world tellus something abouthow thestruc-

of everydaylife, describedmany of turesof everydayactivitiesare ordi-
theseseen but unnoticedbackground narilyand routinelyproduced and
expectancies. He called themthe "at- maintained.3
titudeof daily life." He referredto A wordofreservation. Despitetheir
theirscenicattributions as the "world proceduralemphasis,my studiesare
known in commonand taken for not properlyspeakingexperimental.
granted."Schutz' fundamental work Theyare demonstrations, designed,in
makesit possibleto pursuefurther the HerbertSpiegelberg's phrase,as "aids
tasksof clarifying theirnatureand op- to a sluggishimagination."I have
eration,of relatingthemto theproc- found that they produce reflections
essesof concerted actions,and assign- throughwhichthe strangeness of an
ing themtheirplace in an empirically obstinately familiarworldcan be de-
imaginablesociety. tected.
The studiesreportedin thispaper
SOME ESSENTIAL FEATURES OF
attemptto detectsome expectancies COMMON UNDERSTANDINGS
that lend commonplacescenes their
familiar, life-as-usual character, and to Variousconsiderations dictatethat
relatetheseto the stablesocial struc- commonunderstandings cannotpos-
turesof everyday activities. Procedur- siblyconsistof a measuredamountof
ally it is mypreference to startwith sharedagreementamong personson
familiarscenesand ask what can be certaintopics.Even if the topicsare
done to maketrouble.The operations limitedin numberor scopeand every
that one would have to performin practicaldifficulty of assessmentis
orderto multiply thesenselessfeatures forgiven, thenotionthatwe are deal-
of perceivedenvironments; to produce ing withan amountof sharedagree-
and sustainbewilderment, consterna- ment remains essentiallyincorrect.
tion, and confusion;to producethe This maybe demonstrated as follows.
sociallystructured affectsof anxiety, Studentswereaskedto reportcom-
shame,guilt,and indignation; and to mon conversations by writingon the
produce disorganized interaction should left side of a sheetwhat the parties
actuallysaid and on the rightside
3 Obversely,a knowledgeof how thestruc- what
theyand theirpartnersunder-
turesof everydayactivitiesare routinelypro- stoodthat
duced should permit us to tell how we theyweretalkingabout.A
might proceed for the effectiveproduction
student reportedthe followingcol-
of desired disturbances. loquy betweenhimselfand his wife.
Husband: Dana succeeded in putting a This afternoonas I was bringingDana, our

penny in a parkingmetertoday four year old son, home from the nursery
without being picked up. school, he succeeded in reaching high
enough to put a penny in a parkingmeter
when we parked in a meterparking zone,
whereas before he has always had to be
picked up to reach that high.
Wife: Did you take him to the record Since he put a penny in a meter that
store? means that you stopped while he was with
you. I know thatyou stopped at the record
store either on the way to get him or on
the way back. Was it on the way back, so
that he was with you or did you stop
there on the way to get him and some-
where else on the way back?

228 SOCIAL PROBLEMS
Husband: No, to the shoe repair shop. No, I stoppedat the recordstoreon the
way to get him and stoppedat the shoe
repairshopon thewayhomewhenhe was
withme.
Wife: What for? I knowof one reasonwhyyoumighthave
stoppedat the shoe repairshop.Why did
you in fact?
Husband: I got some new shoe laces for As youwill remember I brokea shoe lace
my shoes. on one of my brownoxfordsthe other
dayso I stoppedto get somenew laces.
Wife: Your loafers need new heels Something else youcouldhavegottenthat
badly. I wasthinkingof.You couldhavetakenin
yourblackloaferswhichneed heelsbadly.
You'd bettergetthemtakencareof pretty
soon.
An examinationof the colloquy re- present interactionwhich each used

veals the following. (a) There were and attributedto the other as a com-
many mattersthat the partnersunder- mon scheme of interpretation and ex-
stood theywere talkingabout thatthey pression. (f) Each waited for some-
did not mention. (b) Many matters thingmore to be said in orderto hear
that the partnersunderstoodwere un- what had previouslybeen talkedabout,
derstoodon the basis not only of what and each seemed willingto wait.
was actually said but what was left Common understandings would con-
unspoken. (c) Many matterswere un- sist of a measured amount of shared
derstood througha process of attend- agreementif the common understand-
to the temporal series of utterances ings consisted of events coordinated
as documentaryevidences of a de- with the successive positions of the
veloping conversationratherthan as a hands of the clock, i.e., of events in
stringof terms. (d) Matters that the standard time. The foregoingresults,
two understoodin common were un- because they deal with the exchanges
derstoodonly in and througha course of the colloquyas events-in-a-conversa-
of understandingwork that consisted tion, urge that one more time para-
of treatingan actual linguistic event meter, at least, is required: the role
as "the documentof,"as "pointingto," of time as it is constitutiveof "the
as standingon behalfof an underlying mattertalked about" as a developing
pattern of matters that each already and developed event over the course
supposed to be the matters that the of action thatproduced it, as both the
person,by his speaking,could be tell- processand productwere knownfrom
ing the other about. The underlying within this development by both
patternwas not only derived from a 4 Karl Mannheim, in his essay "On the
course of individual documentaryevi- Interpretation of Weltanschauung,"Essays
dences but the documentaryevidences on the Sociology of Knowledge, translated
in their turn were interpretedon the and edited by Paul Kecskemeti,New York:
basis of "what was known" and antici- Oxford University Press, 1952, pp. 33-83,
referredto this work as the "documentary
patorily knowable about the underly- method of interpretation."Its featuresare
ing patterns.4Each was used to elabo- detailed in my article, "Common Sense
rate the other. (e) In attending to Knowledge of Social Structures:the Docu-
the utterancesas events-in-the-conver-mentaryMethod of Interpretation," in To-
wards a Definitionof Mind, edited by Jor-
sation each party made referenceto dan M. Scher, Glencoe: The Free Press,
the biography and prospects of the 1962, pp. 689-712.

parties,each for himselfas well as on ed their temporallyconstitutedchar-

behalf of the other. acter and treatedthem instead as pre-
The colloquy reveals additional fea- coded entrieson a memorydrum, to
tures. (1) Many of its expressionsare be consulted as a definite set of al-
such thattheirsense cannotbe decided ternativemeaningsfromamong which
one was to select, under pre-decided
by an auditor unless he knows or as-
sumes somethingabout the biography conditions that specified in which of
and the purposes of the speaker, the some set of alternativeways one was
circumstancesof the utterance, the to understandthe situation upon the
occasion that the necessityfor a de-
previouscourse of the conversation,or cision arose. The latterpropertiesare
the particular relationship of actual
or potential interactionthat exists be- those of strict rational discourse as
tween user and auditor. The expres- these are idealized in the rules that
sions do not have a sense thatremains definean adequate logical proof.
identical throughthe changing occas- For thepurposesof conductingtheir
ions of theiruse. (2) The eventsthat everydayaffairspersonsrefuseto per-
were talked about were specifically mit each other to understand"what
vague. Not only do they not frame they are really talking about" in this
a clearlyrestrictedset of possible de- way. The anticipationthatpersonswill
terminationsbut the depicted events understand,the occasionality of ex-
include as their essentially intended pressions,the specificvaguenessof ref-
and sanctionedfeaturesan accompany- erences, the retrospective-prospective
ing "fringe"of determinations thatare sense of a presentoccurrence,waiting
open with respectto internalrelation- for something later in order to see
ships,relationshipsto otherevents,and what was meant before,are sanctioned
relationshipsto retrospectiveand pros- propertiesof common discourse.They
pectivepossibilities.(3) Forthesensible furnisha backgroundof seen but un-
characterof an expression,upon its oc- noticed featuresof common discourse
currenceeach of the conversationalists whereby actual utterancesare recog-
as auditor of his own as well as the nized as eventsof common,reasonable,
other's productionshad to assume as understandable,plain talk. Persons re-
of any present accomplished point quire these propertiesof discourse as
in the exchange that by waiting for conditionsunder which theyare them-
what he or the other person might selves entitled and entitle others to
have said at a later time the present claim that they know what they are
significanceof what had alreadybeen talking about, and that what they are
said would have been clarified.Thus saying is understandableand ought
many expressionshad the propertyof to be understood.In short,their seen
being progressivelyrealized and realiz- but unnoticedpresence is used to en-
able throughthe furthercourse of the titlepersons to conduct theircommon
conversation. (4) It hardlyneeds to be conversational affairs without inter-
pointed out that the sense of the ex- ference.Departures from such usages
pressions depended upon where the call forth immediate attemptsto re-
expressionoccurredin serial order,the store a rightstate of affairs.
expressivecharacterof the termsthat The sanctioned character of these
comprised it, and the importance to propertiesis demonstrableas follows.
the conversationalistsof the eventsde- Students were instructed to engage
picted. an acquaintance or a friend in an
These propertiesof common under- ordinary conversation and, without
standingsstand in contrastto the fea- indicating that what the expermenter
turestheywould have if we disregard- was asking was in any way unusual,

230 SOCIAL PROBLEMS
to insist that the person clarifythe scene and what will he see in it if we
sense of his commonplace remarks. require of him that he do no more
Twenty-three studentsreportedtwenty- than look at it as somethingthat for
five instancesof such encounters.The him it "obviously"and "really"is not.
followingare typicalexcerptsfrom Undergraduate students were as-
their accounts. signed the task of spending from fif-
teen minutesto an hour in theirhomes
Case 1. viewing its activities while assuming
(S) Hi, Ray. How is your girl friend that theywere boarders in the house-
feeling? hold. They were instructednot to act
(E) What do you mean, how is she feel-
ing? Do you mean physical or out the assumption.Thirty-threestu-
mental? dents reportedtheir experiences.
(S) I mean how is she feeling?What's In theirwrittenreportsstudents"be-
the matterwith you? (He looked haviorized"the householdscenes.Here
peeved.)
(E) Nothing. Justexplain a little clear- is an excerpt fromone account to il-
er what do you mean? lustratemy meaning.
(S) Skip it. How are your Med School
applicationscoming? A short,stoutmanenteredthehouse,
(E) What do you mean,'How are they?' kissedme on thecheekand asked,"How
(S) You know what I mean. was school?" I answeredpolitely.He
(E) I really don't. walked into the kitchen,kissed the
(S) What's the matterwith you? Are youngerof two women,and said hello
you sick? to theother.The younger womanasked
me "What do you want for dinner,
Case 2. honey?" I answered,"Nothing."She
On Fridaynightmy husband and I were shrugged hershouldersandsaidno more.
watchingtelevision.My husband remarked The older womanshuffledaroundthe
that he was tired. I asked, "How are you kitchenmuttering.The man washedhis
tired? Physically,mentally,or just bored? hands,sat downat thetable,and picked
(S) I don't know, I guess physically, up the paper. He read until the two
mainly. womenhad finished putting the foodon
(E) You mean that your muscles ache, the table.The threesat down.Theyex-
or your bones? changed idle chatterabout the day's
(S) I guess so. Don't be so technical. events.The olderwomansaid something
(After more watching) in a foreignlanguagewhichmade the
(S) All these old movies have the same otherslaugh.
kind of old iron bedstead in them.
(E) What do you mean? Do you mean Persons,relationships,and activities
all old movies,or some of them,or were described without respect for
just the ones you have seen? theirhistory,forthe place of the scene
(S) What's the matterwith you? You
know what I mean. in a set of developing life circum-
(E) I wish you would be more specific. stances,or for the scenes as textureof
(S) You know what I mean! Drop dead! relevant events for the parties them-
selves. References to motives, pro-
BACKGROUND UNDERSTANDINGS AND priety,subjectivitygenerally,and the
"ADEQUATE" RECOGNITION OF socially standardizedcharacterof the
COMMONPLACE EVENTS events were omitted. Descriptions
mightbe thoughtof as thoseof a key-
What kinds of expectancies make hole observerwho puts aside much of
up a "seen but unnoticed"background what he knows in common with sub-
of common understandings,and how jects about the scenes he is looking at,
are theyrelatedto persons'recognition as if the writer had witnessed the
of and stable courses of interpersonal scenes under a mild amnesia for com-
transactions?Some informationcan be mon sense knowledge of social struc-
obtained if we firstask how a person tures.
will look at an ordinaryand familiar Students were surprisedto see the

Activities
The RoutineGroundsof Everyday 231
ways in which members'treatmentsof hour was up and I could returnto the

each otherwere personal.The business real me."
of one was treatedas the business of Students were convinced that the
the others. A person being criticized view from the boarder's attitudewas
was unable to standon dignityand was not theirreal home environment.The
prevented by the others from taking boarder's attitude produced appear-
offense.One studentreportedher sur- ances which they discounted as inter-
prise at how freelyshe had the run of esting incongruitiesof little and mis-
the house. Displays of conduct and leading practicalimport.How had the
feelingoccurredwithoutapparentcon- familiarways of looking at theirhome
cern for the management of impres- environmentsbeen altered? How did
sions. Table manners were bad, and theirlooking differfromusual?
familymembersshowed each otherlit- Several contraststo the "usual" and
tle politeness.An earlycasualtyin the
"required" way of looking are de-
scene was the familynews of the day tectable from their accounts. (1) In
which turnedinto trivialtalk.
looking at theirhome scenes as board-
Students reported that this way of ers they replaced the mutuallyrecog-
looking was difficultto sustain. Fa- nized textureof events with a rule of
miliar objects-persons obviously,but interpretation which requiredthatthis
furnitureand room arrangementsas mutual texture be temporarilydisre-
well-resisted students'effortsto think garded. (2) The mutuallyrecognized
of themselvesas strangers.Many be- texturewas broughtunderthe jurisdic-
came uncomfortablyaware of how tion of the new attitudeas a definition
habitualmovementswere being made: of the essentialstructuresof this text-
of how one was handling the silver- ure. (3) This was done by engaging
ware, or how one opened a door or in interactionwith otherswith an at-
greetedanothermember.Many report- titude whose natureand purpose only
ed that the attitude was difficultto the user knew about,thatremainedun-
sustain because with it quarreling, disclosed,that could be eitheradopted
bickering,and hostile motivationsbe- or put aside at a time of the user'sown
came discomfitingly visible. Frequent- choosing,and was a matterof willful
ly an account that recited newly vis- election. (4) The attitudeas an inten-
ible troubleswas accompanied by the tion was sustainedas a matterof per-
student'sassertionthat his account of sonal and willed compliance with an
familyproblemswas not a "true" pic- explicitand single rule, (5) in which,
ture;the familywas reallya veryhappy like a game, the goal of the intention
one. Several studentsreporteda mildly was identical with looking at things
oppressivefeelingof "conformingto a under the auspices of the single rule
part." Several students attempted to itself. (6) Above all, looking was not
formulatethe "real me" as activities bound by any necessity for gearing
governedby rules of conductbut gave one's interestswithin the attitude to
it up as a bad job. They foundit more the actions of others.These were the
convincing to think of themselvesin mattersthat studentsfound strange.
"usual" circumstancesas "being one's When students used these back-
real self."Neverthelessone studentwas ground expectanciesnot only as ways
intrigued with how deliberatelyand of looking at familial scenes but as
successfullyhe could predictthe others' groundsfor acting in them,the scenes
responses to his actions. He was not exploded with the bewildermentand
troubledby this feeling. anger of familymembers.
Many accounts reporteda variation Students were required to spend
on the theme: "I was glad when the from fifteenminutes to an hour in

232 SOCIALPROBLEMS
theirhomes imaginingthat theywere What's gotteninto you?" One mother,

boardersand actingoutthisassumption. infuriatedwhen her daughter spoke
They were instructedto conductthem- to her only when she was spoken to,
selves in a circumspectand polite fash- began to shriekin angrydenunciation
ion. They were to avoid gettingper- of the daughterfor her disrespectand
sonal, to use formaladdress,to speak insubordination and refused to be
only when spoken to. calmed by the student'ssister.A father
berated his daughterfor being insuf-
In nine of forty-nine cases students
concernedfor the welfareof
either refused to do the assignment ficiently
others and of acting like a spoiled
(five cases) or the trywas "unsuccess-
ful" (four cases). Four of the "no try" child.
studentssaid theywere afraidto do it; Occasionally familymemberswould
a fifthsaid she preferredto avoid the firsttreatthe student'saction as a cue
risk of excitingher motherwho had a for a joint comedy routinewhich was
heartcondition.In two of the "unsuc- soon replaced by irritationand exas-
cessful"cases the familytreatedit as a perated anger at the student for not
joke from the beginning and refused knowing when enough was enough.
despite the continuingactions of the Family members mocked the "polite-
studentto change. A thirdfamilytook ness' of the students--Certainly,Mr.
the view that something undisclosed Herzberg!"-or charged the student
was the matter,but what it mightbe with acting like a wise guy and gen-
was of no concern to them. In the erally reproved the 'politeness" with
fourthfamily the fatherand mother sarcasm.
remarkedthat the daughterwas being
Explanations were sought in previ-
"extra nice" and undoubtedlywanted ous, understandablemotivesof the stu-
somethingthat she would shortlyre- dent: the studentwas workingtoo hard
veal. in school; the student was ill; there
In the remainingfour-fifths of the had been "anotherfight"witha fiancee.
cases familymembers were stupified. When offeredexplanationsby family
They vigorouslysought to make the memberswent unacknowledged,there
strange actions intelligibleand to re- followed withdrawalby the offended
store the situation to normal appear- member,attemptedisolationof thecul-
ances.Reportswerefilledwithaccounts prit, retaliation, and denunciation.
of astonishment,bewilderment,shock, "Don't botherwith him,he's in one of
anxiety,embarrassment, and anger and his moods again"; "Pay no attention
with charges by various familymem- but just wait until he asks me for
bers thatthe studentwas mean, incon- something";"You're cuttingme, okay
siderate, selfish, nasty, or impolite. I'll cut you and then some"; "Why
Family members demanded explana- must you always create frictionin our
tions: What's the matter?What's got- familyharmony?"Many accounts re-
ten into you? Did you get fired?Are ported versionsof the followingcon-
you sick? What are you being so su- frontation.A fatherfollowed his son
perior about? Why are you mad? Are into the bedroom. "Your mother is
you out of your mind or are you just right.You don't look well and you're
stupid? One student acutely embar- not talking sense. You had betterget
rassed his mother in front of her another job that doesn't require such
friendsby asking if she minded if he late hours."To thisthe studentreplied
had a snack from the refrigerator. that he appreciated the consideration,
"Mind if you have a little snack? but that he felt fine and only wanted
You've been eatinglittlesnacksaround a little privacy.The fatherresponded
here for years without asking me. in a high rage,"I don't want any more

Activities
of that out of you and if you can't BACKGROUND UNDERSTANDINGS AND

treat your motherdecentlyyou'd bet- SOCIAL AFFECTS
termove out!"
There were no cases in which the Despite the interestin social affects
situation was not restorableupon the thatprevailsin the social sciences,and
student'sexplanation.Nevertheless,for despite the extensive concern that
the most part family members were clinical psychiatrypays them, surpris-
not amused and only rarelydid they inglylittlehas been writtenon the so-
find the experience instructiveas the cially structuredconditions for their
studentargued thatit was supposed to production,while the role thata back-
have been. Afterhearing the explana- ground of common understandings
tion a sister replied coldly on behalf plays in theirproduction,control,and
of a familyof four,"Please, no more recognitionis almost terra incognita.
of these experiments.We're not rats, This lack of attention from experi-
mentalinvestigatorsis all the more re-
you know." Occasionally an explana-
tion was accepted but still it added of- markableif one considersthatit is pre-
fense.In severalcases studentsreported cisely this relationship that persons
that the explanation left them, their are concerned with in their common
sense portrayalsof how to conduct
families,or both wonderinghow much
of what the studenthad said was "in one's daily affairsso as to solicit en-
character"and how much the student thusiasm and friendliness or avoid
really meant." anxiety,guilt,shame,or boredom.The
relationship between the common un-
Students found the assignmentdif- and social affectsmay be
ficult to complete. But in contrast derstandings
illustratedby thinkingof the acting
with on-lookers' accounts students
out student-boarders'procedureas one
were likely to report that difficulties
that involved the productionof bewil-
consisted in not being treated as if
dermentand anger by treatingan im-
they were in the role that they were
portant state of affairsas something
attemptingto play, and of being con- that it
frontedwith situationsbut not know- "obviously," "naturally,"and
"really" is not.
ing how a boarder would respond. The existence of a definite and
There were several entirelyunex-
strong relationshipbetween common
pected findings. (1) Although many understandingsand social affectscan
studentsreportedextensive rehearsals be demonstratedand some of its fea-
in imagination,very few mentioned tures
explored by the deliberate dis-
anticipatoryfears or embarrassment. play of distrust,a procedure that for
(2) On the other hand, although un- us produced highly standardized ef-
anticipatedand nastydevelopmentsfre- fects.The rationale was as follows.
quentlyoccurred,in only one case did One of the backgroundexpectancies
a student report serious regrets. (3) Schutz described concerns the sanc-
Very few students reported heartfelt tioned use of doubt as a constituent
relief when the hour was over. They featureof a world that is
being un-
weremuch morelikelyto reportpartial derstoodin common. Schutz
proposed
relief. They frequentlyreported that thatfor the conductof his
in response to the anger of others
everyday
affairsthe personassumes,assumesthe
they became angry in return and other person assumes as well, and as-
slipped easily into subjectivelyrecog- sumes that as he assumes it of the
nizable feelings and actions. otherperson the otherperson assumes
In contrast to the reports of the it of him that a relationshipof un-
on-looking"boarders"veryfew reports doubted correspondenceis the sanc-
"behaviorized"the scene. tioned relationshipbetween the actual

234 SOCIAL PROBLEMS
appearances of an object and the in- not claim.

tended object that appears in a par- Like Santayana'sclock,this formula-
ticularway. For the person conducting tion was neitherrightnor wrong. Al-
his everydayaffairs,objects, for him though the procedure produced what
as he expectsforothers,are as theyap- we anticipated,it also furnishedus and
pear to be. To treat this relationship the experimenterswith more than we
undera rule of doubt requiresthatthe had bargained for.
necessityand motivation for such a Studentswere instructedto engage
rule be justified. someone in conversationand to im-
We anticipatedthat because of the
agine and act on the assumptionthat
differingrelationshipof an exhibited what the otherperson was sayingwas
rule of doubt (distrust)5 thatthe other directedby hiddenmotiveswhichwere
person was as he appeared to be to the his real ones. They were to assume
legitimate textureof common expec- that the other person was tryingto
tancies,thereshould be different affec- trick them or mislead them.
tive states for the doubter and the
In only two of thirty-five accounts
doubted. On the part of the person
did students attempt the assignment
distrustedthereshould be the demand
with strangers.Most students were
for justificationand when it was not
afraid that such a situationwould get
forthcoming,as "anyone could see" out of hand so they selected friends,
it could not be, anger. For the ex-
roommates,siblings,and familymem-
perimenterwe expectedembarrassment bers. Even so they reportedconsider-
to result from the disparitythat the
able rehearsalin imagination,much re-
distrustingprocedurewould createbe- view of possible consequences,and de-
tween the lesser thingthat the experi-
liberate selectionsamong eligible per-
menter's challenges of "what anyone
sons.
could see" made him out to be under
the gaze of his victim,and the com- The attitudewas difficultto sustain
and carry through.Students reported
petent person he with others knew
himself "after all" to be but which acute awareness of being "in an arti-
the procedure required that he could ficial game," of being unable "to live
the part,"and of frequentlybeing "at
5 The conceptsof "trust"and "distrust" a loss as to what to do next." In the
are elaborated in mypaper,"A Conception course of listeningto the otherperson
of and Experiments with'Trust'as a Con- experimenterswould lose sight of the
dition of Stable Concerted Actions," student spoke for
in Motivation and SocialInteraction, edited assignment. One
by O. J. Harvey,New York: The Ronald several when she said she was unable
Press,1963,pp. 187-238.The term"trust" to get any resultsbecause so much of
is usedthereto referto a person'scompli- her effortwas directedto maintaining
ancewiththeexpectancies of theattitudeof an attitude of distrustthat she was
dailylife as a morality. Actingin accord-
ance witha rule of doubtdirectedto the unable to follow the conversation.She
correspondence between appearancesandthe said she was unable to imagine how
objectsthatappearances are appearancesof her fellow conversationalists might be
is only one way of specifying "distrust." her because were talk-
Modifications of each of the otherexpec- deceiving they
tanciesthatmakeup theattitude of every- ing about such inconsequentialmatters.
day life,as well as theirvarioussub-sets, With many studentsthe assumption
furnish variations on the centralthemeof thatthe other
treatinga worldthatone is requiredto person was not what he
knowin commonand takeforgrantedas appeared to be and was to be distrusted
a problematic matter.See footnote2 for was the same as the attributionthatthe
referencesto Schutz'discussions of the at- other was angrywith themand
titudeof dailylife.The attitude's constitu- hatedperson
them. On the other hand many
entexpectancies are brieflyenumerated be-
low,pp. 237-238. victims,althoughtheycomplainedthat

The RoutineGroundsof Everyday
Activities 235
the studenthad no reason to be angry sarcastically,"You seem to be uneasy

withthem,offeredunsolicitedattempts about something.Do you know what
at explanationand conciliation.When it might be? This conversationwould
this was of no avail there followed no doubt make more sense if I knew
frankdisplays of anger and "disgust." too." She accused him of deliberately
Anticipated and acute embarrass- avoiding the subject,althoughthe sub-
ment swiftlymaterializedfor the two ject had not been mentioned.He in-
studentswho attemptedthe procedure sistedthatshe tell him what the subject
with strangers.Afterbadgering a bus was. When she did not say, he asked
driver for assurances that the bus directly,"Okay, what's the joke?" In-
would pass the streetthat she wanted steadof replying"I gave hima longhurt
and receivingseveral assurancesin re- look." He became visiblyupset,became
turn that indeed the bus did pass the very solicitous,gentle,and persuasive.
street,the exasperatedbus drivershout- In response she acknowledgedthe ex-
ed so that all passengers overheard, periment.He stalkedoffobviouslyun-
"Look lady, I told you once, didn't I? happy and for the remainderof the
How many times do I have to tell eveningwas sullen and suspicious.She,
you!" She reported,"I shrank to the in the meanwhile, remained at the
back of the bus to sink as low as I table piqued and unsettledabout the
could in the seat. I had gottena good remarksthather statementshad drawn
case of cold feet,a flamingface, and forth about his not being bored at
a strongdislike formy assignment." work "with all the insinuations it
There were very few reports of mightor could mean," particularlythe
shame or embarrassment fromstudents insinuation that he was not bored at
who tried it with friendsand family. work but he was bored with her and
Instead they were surprised,and so at home. She wrote, "I was actually
were we, to findas one studentreport- botheredby his remarks... I feltmore
ed that "once I startedacting the role upset and worriedthanhe did through-
of a hated person I actually came to out the experiment . . . about how
feel somewhathated and by the time imperturbable he seemed to be."
I left the table I was quite angry." Neither one attemptednor wanted to
Even more surprisingto us, many re- discuss the matterfurther.The follow-
ported that they found the procedure ing day the husband confessedthathe
had been considerablydisturbed and
enjoyable and this included the real had the followingreactionsin this or-
anger not only of othersbut theirown.
der: determinationto remain calm;
Although students' explanations shock at his wife's "suspiciousnature";
easily restored most situations,some surpriseto find that cheating on her
episodes "turned serious" and left a was liable to be hard; a determination
residue of disturbancefor one or both to make her figure out her own an-
parties that offered explanation did swers to her questions without any
not resolve. This can be illustratedin denial or help fromhim; extremere-
the reportof a studenthousewifewho lief when the encounterwas revealedto
at the conclusion of dinner,and with have been experimentallycontrived;
some trepidation,questioned her hus- but finallya residue of uneasy
feelings
band about his having workedlate the which he characterizedas "his shaken
night before and raised a question ideas of my (the wife's) naturewhich
about his actuallyhaving played poker remained for the rest of the
evening."
as he claimed on an evening of the
week before.Without askinghim what BACKGROUND UNDERSTANDINGS
he had actuallydone she indicated an AND BEWILDERMENT
explanationwas called for.He replied Earlier the argumentwas made that

236 SOCIAL PROBLEMS
the possibilityof commonunderstand- play, i.e., as somethingother than the

ing does not consist in demonstrated one known according to the attitude
measures of shared knowledge of so- of everydaylife as a matterof enforce-
cial structurebut consistsinstead and able moralityand action, (b) making
entirelyin the enforceablecharacterof it necessary that he reconstructthe
actions in compliance with the expec- "natural facts" but giving him insuf-
tancies of everydaylife as a morality. ficienttime to manage the reconstruc-
Common sense knowledgeof the facts tion with respect to required mastery
of social life for the members of the of practical circumstancesfor which
society is institutionalizedknowledge he must call upon his knowledge of
of the real world. Not only does com- the "naturalfacts,"and (c) requiring
mon sense knowledge portraya real that he manage the reconstructionof
society for members but in the man- the naturalfactsby himselfand with-
ner of a self fulfillingprophecy the out consensualvalidation.
featuresof the real society are pro-
duced by persons' motivated com- Presumablyhe should have no al-
pliance with these background ex- ternativebut to try to normalize the
pectancies. Hence the stability of resultantincongruitieswithintheorder
concerted actions that occur under of events of everydaylife. Under the
the auspices of this compliance as developing effortitself,events should
well as the extent and severity lose their perceivedly normal char-
of disturbancesin concerted actions acter. The member should be unable
should vary directlywith whatsoever to recognize an event's status as typi-
are the real conditionsof social organ- cal. Judgmentsof likelihood should
ization that guarantee persons' moti- fail him. He should be unable to as-
vated compliancewiththisbackground sign present occurrences to similar
textureof relevancesas a legitimateor- ordersof events he has known in the
der of beliefsabout life in societyseen past. He should be unable to assign,
"from within" the society.Seen from let alone to "see at a glance," the con-
the person's point of view, his com- ditionsunder which the eventscan be
mitmentsto motivatedcompliancecon- reproduced.He should be unable to
sist of his grasp of and subscription order these events to means-endsrela-
to the "naturalfactsof life in society." tionships. The conviction should be
underminedthat the moral authority
Such considerationssuggestthat the of the familiar society compels their
firmera societal member's grasp of occurrence. Stable and "realistic"
What Anyone Like Us Necessarily matchings of intentions and objects
Knows, the more severe should be his should dissolve,by which I mean that
disturbancewhen "naturalfactsof life" the ways, otherwise familiar to him,
are impugned for him as a depiction in which the objective perceived en-
of his real circumstances.To test this vironmentservesas both the motivat-
suggestiona procedurewould need to ing grounds of feelings and is moti-
modifythe objective structureof the vated by feelingsdirectedto it, should
familiar, known-in-commonenviron- become obscure. In short,the mem-
ment by renderingthe backgroundex- bers' real perceived environmenton
pectancies inoperative. Specifically, losing its known in common back-
thismodificationwould consistof sub- ground should become "specifically
jecting a person to a breach of the senseless."6Ideally speaking,behaviors
background expectancies of everyday directed to such a senseless environ-
life while (a) making it difficultfor mentshould be thoseof bewilderment,
the person to interprethis situationas uncertainty,internal conflict,psycho-
a game, an experiment,a deception,a social isolation, acute and nameless

Activities 237
anxiety along with various symptoms tionshipbetweenthe-presented-appear-

of acute depersonalization.Structures ance-of-the-object and the-intended-ob-
of interactionshould be correspond- -perspec-
ject-that-presents-itself-in-the
ingly disorganized. tive-of-the-particular-appearance.
This is expecting quite a lot of a 3. That the event that is known in
breachof the backgroundexpectancies. the manner that it is known can ac-
Obviously we would settle for less if tually and potentiallyaffectthe wit-
the results of a procedure for their ness and can be affectedby his action.
breach was at all encouraging about 4. That the meanings of events are
this formulation.As it happens, the products of a socially standardized
procedure produced convincing and process of naming, reification,and
easily detectedbewildermentand anx- idealization of the user's stream of
iety. experience,i.e., are the products of a
To begin with, it is necessaryto language.
specifyjust what expectancieswe are 5. That presentdeterminations of an
dealing with. Schutz reportedthat the event, whatsoever these may be, are
feature of a scene, "known in com- determinationsthat were intended on
mon with others,"was compound and previous occasions and that may be
consisted of several constituents.Be- again intendedin identical fashionon
cause they have been discussed else- an indefinitenumber of futureoccas-
where' I shall restrictdiscussion to ions.
briefenumeration. 6. That the intended event is re-
According to Schutz,the person as- tained as the temporallyidenticalevent
sumes, assumes that the other person throughoutthe stream of experience.
assumes as well, and assumes that as 7. That the event has as its context
he assumes it of the otherperson the of interpretation:(a) a commonlyen-
otherpersonassumesthe same forhim: tertainedschemeof interpretation con-
1. That the determinationsassigned
sistingof a standardizedsystemof sig-
to an eventby the witnessare required nals and coding rules,and (b) "What
mattersthathold on groundsthatspe- anyone knows," i.e., a preestablished
cificallydisregardpersonal opinion or corpus of socially warranted knowl-
socially structured circumstances of edge.
particularwitnesses,i.e., that the de- 8. That the actual determinations
terminationsare required as matters that the event exhibitsfor the witness
of "objective necessity" or "facts of
are the potential determinationsthat
nature." it would exhibit for the other person
2. That a relationshipof undoubted
were they to exchange positions.
correspondenceis the sanctionedrela-
9. That to each event there corre-
6 The termis borrowed fromMax Web- sponds its determinationsthat origi-
er's essay,"The Social Psychology of the nate in the witness'sand in the other
World Religions,"in FromMax Weber: person's particular biography. From
Essaysin Sociology,translated by H. H. the witness's point of view such de-
Gerthand C. WrightMills, New York:
OxfordUniversity Press,1946, pp. 267- terminations are irrelevant for the
301. I have adaptedits meaning. purposes at hand of either and both
70 p. cit.,Schutz,"On MultipleReali- he and the otherhave selectedand in-
ties,"and "CommonSense and Scientific terpretedthe actual and potential de-
Interpretationof HumanAction."Op. cit.,
Garfinkel, "A Conceptionof and Experi- terminations of events in an im-
mentswith'Trust'. .. . " and "Common piricallyidentical manner that is suf-
Sense Knowledgeof Social Structures,"ficientfor all theirpracticalpurposes.
Transactionsof theFourthWorldCongress
of Sociology,Milan,1959, Vol. 4, pp. 51- 10. That thereis a characteristicdis-
65. parity between the publicly acknowl-

238 SOCIAL PROBLEMS
edgeddeterminations andthepersonal, Since each of the expectancies that

withheld determinations of events,and makeup the attitudeof dailylifeas-
thisprivateknowledgeis held in re- signs an expectedfeatureto the ac-
serve,i.e., that the eventmeans for tor's environment, it shouldbe pos-
both the witnessand the othermore sible to breachtheseexpectancies by
thanthewitnesscan say. deliberately modifying sceniceventsso
11. That alterationsof this char- as to disappointtheseattributions. By
acteristic disparity remainwithinthe definition,surpriseis possible with
witness'autonomouscontrol. respectto each of theseexpectedfea-
tures.The nastiness of surprise should
It is notthecase thatwhatan event withtheextentto which
exhibitsas a distinctive determinationthevary directly
is a conditionof its membership in personas a matterof moralneces-
a known-in-the -manner -of-common- sity complieswith their use as a
scheme for assigningwitnessedap-
sense-environment. Insteadthe condi- theirstatusas eventsin a
tions of its membership are the at- pearances normalenvironment. In
tributionsthat its determinations, perceivedly
short, the realisticgraspby a collec-
whatever theymightsubstantively con- memberof the naturalfactsof
sistof,couldbe seenbytheotherper- tivity and his commitment to a knowl-
son if theirpositionswereexchanged, life,
of them as a condition of self-
or thatits features are notassignedas edge
esteemas a bona-fideand competent
matters of personalpreference butare is the condition
to be seenbyanyone, collectivity member,s
i.e.,theprevious- thatwe require in orderto maximize
lyenumerated features.Theseandonly his confusion
theseenumerated features upon the occasionthat
irrespectivethegroundsof thisgraspare made a
of any other determinations of an sourceof irreducible
eventdefinethe commonsensechar- incongruity.
I designeda procedureto breach
acterof an event.Whateverotherde- these whilesatisfying the
terminations an eventof everyday life threeexpectancies
conditionsunder which their
may exhibit-whetherits determina- breachwouldpresumably producecon-
tions are those of persons'motives, thatthe personcould not
theirlifehistories, thedistributions of fusion, i.e.,
incomein thepopulation, kinshipob-
ligations,the organization of an in- 8 use the term "competence"to mean
dustry, or what ghosts do when night the claim that a collectivitymember is en-
he is capable of man-
falls-if and onlyif theeventhas for titledtohisexercisethataffairs
everyday without inter-
thewitnesstheenumerated determina-aging
ference.That memberscan take such claims
tionsis it an event in an environmentforgrantedI referto by speakingof a per-
"knownin commonwithothers." son as a "bona-fide" collectivitymember.
More extensive discussion of the relation-
Suchattributions arefeatures ofwit- ships between"competence"and "common
nessedeventsthat are seen without sense knowledge of social structures"will
be found in the Ph.D. dissertationby
beingnoticed.Theyare demonstrablyEgon Bittner, "Popular Interestsin Psy-
relevantto the commonsense that chiatric Remedies: A Study in Social Con-
the actormakesof whatis goingon trol," University of California, Los An-
about him. They informthe witness geles, 1961.
The concepts of "collectivity"and "col-
aboutanyparticular appearanceof an lectivity membership"are intendedin strict
interpersonal environment. They in- accord with Talcott Parsons' usage in The
formthewitnessas to therealobjects Social System, Glencoe: The Free Press,
thatactualappearances aretheappear- 1951, and in the general introductionto
ancesof,but withouttheseattributedTheories of Society, by Talcottand Parsons,
Edward Shils, Kaspar D. Naegele, Jesse
featuresnecessarily being recognized R. Pitts, New York: The Free Press of
in a deliberate or consciousfashion. Glencoe, 1961.

Activities
turn the situationinto a play, a joke, and an "applicant."The applicant was

an experiment,a deception and the a boor, his language was ungram-
like, or, in Lewinian terminology, that matical and filled with colloquialisms,
he could not "leave the field"; that he he was evasive,he contradictedthe in-
have insufficient time to work through terviewer,he bragged, he ran down
a redefinitionof his real circumstances; other schools and professions,he in-
and that he be deprived of consensual sistedon knowinghow he had done in
supportforan alternativedefinitionof the interview.Detailed assessmentsby
social reality. the studentof the recorded applicant
were obtained immediatelyafter the
Twenty-eightpre-medical students
were run individuallythrougha three recordingwas finished.
hour experimentalinterview.As part The studentwas then given infor-
of the solicitationof subjects as well mation from the applicant's "official
as at the beginning of the interview, record."Performanceinformation, and
the experimenteridentifiedhimselfas characterologicalinformation was fur-
a representativeof an Easternmedical nished in that order. Performancein-
school who was attemptingto learn formationdealt with the applicant's
why the medical school intake inter- activities,grades, family background,
view was such a stressfulsituation.It courses, charity work and the like.
was hoped thatidentifyingthe experi- Characterologicalinformationconsist-
menteras a personwithmedical school ed of character assessmentsby "Dr.
ties would make it difficultfor stu- Gardner,the medical school interview-
dents to "leave the field"once the ex- er," "six psychiatricallytrained mem-
pectancy breaching procedure began. bers of the admissionscommitteewho
How the other two conditionsof (a) had heardonlythe recordedinterview,"
managinga redefinitionin insufficient and "other students."
time and (b) not being able to count The information was deliberately
on consensual support for an alterna- contrived to contradictthe principal
tive definitionof social reality were
met will be apparent in the following points in the student'sassessment.For
example, if the student said that the
description. applicant must have come from a
During the firsthour of the inter- lower class family,he was told that
view the student furnished to the the applicant's fatherwas vice presi-
"medical school representative" the dent of a firm that manufactured
medical interview facts-of-life by an- pneumatic doors for trainsand buses.
swering for the representativesuch Was the applicant ignorant?Then he
questions as "what sourcesof informa- had excelled in courses like The
tion about a candidate are available to Poetry of Milton and Dramas of
medical schools?","What kind of man Shakespeare. If the student said the
are the medical schools looking for?", applicant did not know how to get
"What should a good candidate do in along with people, then the applicant
the interview?", "What should he had workedas a voluntarysolicitorfor
avoid?" With thismuch completedthe SydenhamHospital in New York City
studentwas told that the representa- and had raised $32,000 from 30 "big
tive's researchinterestshad been satis- givers."That the applicant was stupid
fied.The studentwas then asked if he and would not do well in a scientific
would care to hear a recordingof an fieldwas met by citing A's in organic
actual interview.All studentswanted and physical chemistryand graduate
very much to hear the recording. level performancein an undergraduate
The recordingwas a faked one be- researchcourse.
tween a "medical school interviewer" Studentswantedverymuch to know

240 SOCIAL PROBLEMS
what "the others" thoughtof the ap- one possibleway-now I maybe all wet
but thisis the way I look at that.He
plicant and had he been admitted?
The studentwas told thatthe applicant probablysufferedfrom an inferiority
complexand that'san overcompensation
had been admittedand was living up for his inferiority complex.His great
to the promisethat the medical school marks-hisgood marksare a compensa-
interviewerand the "six psychiatrists" tion for his failure-in social dealings
had found and expressed in a strong perhaps,I don'tknow."
recommendation of the applicant's Attemptsto resolvethe incongruities
characterological fitness which was produced by the characterassessment
read to the student.As for the views of "Gardner"and "theothersix judges"
of otherstudents,the studentwas told were verymuch less frequentthannor-
(for example) that thirtyother stu- malizing attempts with performance
dents had been seen, thattwenty-eight information.Open expressionsof be-
were in entire agreement with the wilderment and anxiety interspersed
medical school interviewer's assess- with silentruminationswere character-
ment,and the remainingtwo had been istic:
slightlyuncertainbut at the firstbit
of informationhad seen him just as (Whistles.)I-I don'tthinkhe sound-
ed well bredat all. That wholetoneof
the others had. voice!! -I- Perhaps you noticed
Following this the studentwas in- though,whenhe said "You shouldhave
vited to listen to the record a second said in the firstplace," beforehe (the
recorded medicalschoolexaminer)took
time, after which he was asked to it witha smile.- But evenso! No, no
assess the applicant again. I can'tsee that."You shouldhave said
Results. Twenty-fiveof the twenty- thatbefore."Maybehe was beingfunny
though.Exercising a - No! To me it
eight studentswere taken in. The fol- soundedimpertinent!
lowing does not apply to the threewho
were convincedtherewas a deception. Soon aftertheperformancedata pro-
Two of these are discussedat the con- duced its consternation,students oc-
clusion of this section. casionally asked what the other stu-
Students managed incongruitiesof dents made of him. Only after they
performancedata with vigorous at- were given "Dr. Gardner's"assessment,
temptsto make it factuallycompatible and their responses to it had been
with theiroriginaland veryderogatory made, were the opinions of "the other
assessments.For example, many said students" given. In some cases the
that the applicant sounded like or was subject was told "Thirty-fourout of
a lower class person. When theywere thirty-five beforeyou agreed with Dr.
told that his fatherwas vice president Gardner,"sometimesforty-three out of
of a nationalcorporationwhich manu- forty-five, nineteenout of twenty,fifty-
factured pneumatic doors for trains one out of fifty-two. All the numbers
and buses,theyrepliedlike this: were large.For eighteenof the twenty-
five studentsthe deliveryhardlyvaried
"That explainswhy he said he had
to work.Probablyhis fathermade him fromthe followingprotocol:
work.That would make a lot of his
moansunjustifiedin thesensethatthings (36 out of 37) I wouldgo back on
were reallynot so bad." my formeropinionbut I wouldn'tgo
backtoo far.I justdon'tsee it.- Why
When told he had a straightA aver- shouldI have thesedifferent standards?
in science stu- Weremyopinionsmoreor lessin agree-
age physical courses, ment?(No.) Thatleadsme to think.-
dents began to acknowledgebewilder- That's funny.Unlessyou got thirty-six
ment openly. unusualpeople. I can't understand it.
Maybe it's my personality.(Does it
"Well! I thinkyou can analyze it make any difference?) It does make a
thisway.In psychological terms.See- difference if I assumethey'recorrect.

What I consideris proper,theydon't. preciation of the way the medical ex-

- It's myattitude - Stillin all a man aminer had been
of thatsortwould alienateme, a wise listening.They saw,
guy type to be avoided. Of courseyou for example, that the examiner was
can talk like thatwithotherfellows- smilingwhen the applicanthad forgot-
butin an interview? ... Now I'm more ten to offerhim a cigarette.
confused thanI was at thebeginning of
the entireinterview.I thinkI oughtto Three more subjectswere convinced
go home and look in the mirrowand that there was a deception and acted
talkto myself. Do you have any ideas? on the conviction
(Why? Does it disturbyou?) Yes it through the inter-
does disturb me! It makes me thinkmy view. They showed no disturbance.
abilitiesto judgepeople and valuesare Two of them showed acute suffering
wayofffromnormal.It's nota healthy as soon as it appeared that the inter-
situation. (What differencedoes it view was
make?) If I act the wayI act it seems finished,and theywere being
to me thatI'm justputtingmyhead in dismissedwith no acknowledgementof
the lion'smouth.I did have preconcep- a deception.
tions but they'reshattered all to hell.
It makesme wonderaboutmyself. Why Three others,by sufferingin silence,
shouldI have thesedifferent standards. confoundedthe experimenter. Without
It all pointsto me. giving any indication to the experi-
menter, they regarded the interview
Of the twenty-five subjectsthatwere as an experimentalone in which they
taken in, seven were unable to resolve were required to solve some problems
the incongruityof having been wrong and thoughtthereforetheywere being
about such an obvious matterand were asked to do as well as possible and
unable to "see" the alternative.Their to make no changes in theiropinions
sufferingwas dramaticand unrelieved. for only then would they be con-
Five more resolved it with the view tributingto the study.They were dif-
thatthe medical school had accepted a ficult for the experimenterto under-
good man; five others with the view stand during the interview because
that it had accepted a boor. Although theydisplayedmarkedanxietyyettheir
theychanged theyneverthelessdid not remarkswere bland and were not ad-
abandon theirformerviews. For them dressed to the mattersthat were pro-
Gardner'sview could be seen "in gen- voking it. Finally three more subjects
eral" but it was a grasp withoutcon- contrasted with the others. One of
viction. When their attention was these insistedthat the characterassess-
drawn to particularsthe general pic- ments were semantically ambiguous
ture would evaporate. These subjects and because therewas insufficientin-
were willing to entertainand use the formationa "high correlationopinion"
"general" picture but they suffered was not possible. A second, the only
whenever indigestible particulars of one in the series,accordingto his ac-
the same portraitcame into view. Sub- count found the second portrait as
scriptionto the "general" picture was convincingas the original one. When
accompanied by a recitationof char- the deceptionwas revealedhe was dis-
acteristicsthat were not only the op- turbedthathe could have been as con-
posite of those in the subject's ori- vinced as he was. The thirdone in the
ginal assessmentbut were intensified face of everythingshowed only slight
by superlativeadjectivesso thatwhere disturbance of very short duration.
previouslythe candidate was gauche, However, he alone among the subjects
he was now "supremely"poised; where had alreadybeen interviewedformedi-
he had been boorish, he was "very" cal school and had excellent medical
natural; where he had been hysterical, school contacts.Despite a grade point
he was "very"calm. Further,theysaw average of less than C, he estimated
the new featuresthrough a new ap- his chances of admission as fair and

242 SOCIAL PROBLEMS
FIGURE 1
CORRELATIONOF THE EXTENTOF SUBJECT'S SUBSCRIPTIONTO THE "NATURALFACTS"

AS ANINSTITUTIONALIZEDORDEROF KNhOWLEDGEABOUTPRE-MEDICAL CIRCUESTAiSCES
ANDINITIAL ANXIETYSCORE
(r = .026)
0 35
34
o 33
315
o03o
? 29
28 28
27-
24
23
S
22
6 21 -Legend:
2-2*-
20 Nubeedpoitsaesubjecte
Numbered points are subjects
0 who suspected or saw through
19 the deception.
.0 n= 28
(a 17
X -.o -.5 o .5 '.o 1.5 2.0 2.5 3.0 3.5 4.0 4.55.0 5.5 6.0 6.5 7.0 7.5
Anxiety score after initial hearing of recorded candidate
had expressedhis preferencefor a izationalconditions of motivated com-

careerin the diplomaticserviceover pliancefordifferent collectivitymem-
a careerin medicine. bers would consistof members'dif-
As a finalobservation, twenty-twoferential graspof and subscription to
of thetwenty-eight subjectsexpressed the "natural facts of life." Hence
markedrelief-tenof themwithex- the severityof the effectsdescrib-
plosiveexpressions-when the decep- ed above should vary directlywith
tion was disclosed.Unanimously they theenforceable commitments of mem-
said thatthe news of the deception bers to a grasp of the naturalfacts
permittedthem to return to their of life. Further,because of the ob-
formerviews.Seven subjectshad to jectivecharacter of the graspedcom-
be convincedthat therehad been a mon moralorderof the factsof col-
deception.When the deceptionwas lectivity life,the severity shouldvary
revealedtheyasked what theywere with theircommittedgrasp of the
to believe.Was theexperimenter tell- naturalfacts of life and independ-
ing themthat therehad been a de- entlyof "personality characteristics."
ceptionin orderto make themfeel By personality characteristics I mean
better? No pains were spared and all characteristics of persons that
whatevertruthor lies thathad to be investigators use methodologically to
toldweretoldin orderto establishthe accountfora person'scoursesofaction
truththattherehad been a deception. by referring theseactionsto moreor
Because motivatedcomplianceto less systematically conceivedmotiva-
theexpectancies thatmakeup theat- tionaland "innerlife"variableswhile
titudeof dailylife consistsfromthe disregarding socialand culturalsystem
person'spoint of view of his grasp effects. The resultsofmostconvention-
of and subscription to the "natural al personalityassessment devicesand
in theorgan- clinicalpsychiatric
factsof life,"variations proceduressatisfy

Activities 243
FIGURE2
CORRELATIONOF THE EXTENTOF SUBJECT'S SUBSCRIPTIONTO THE "NATURALFACTS"

AS ANINSTITUTIONALIZEDORDEROF KNOWLEDGE ABOUTPRE-MEDICAL CIRCUMSTA.CES
oAND RELATIVEANXIETYSCORE
o (r..751)
37L
236
the decepto
o 1
33
- 32
a 30
S29 ?
- 282
28
27
26
125
Sbreached24
31
23 -
-
22 Legend:
"
- Numbered points are subjects
20
19 2 who suspected or saw through
- the deception.
19 - indicates
the direction of change.
17 . 28
16
-.5 0 .5 1.0 1.5 2.0 2.5 3.0 4.0 4.5 5.0 5.5 6.0 6-5 7.0 7.5
-1.0 3.5
Amount of change in anxiety score after expectancies were breached
this condition. thestudyofthetwenty-eight pre-medi-

Thereby, thefollowing phenomenon cal studentsreportedabove. Priorto
shouldbe discoverable. Imaginea pro- the introduction of incongruous ma-
cedurewherebya convincingassess- terial,theextentof students' subscrip-
mentcan be made of theextentof a tionto a commonmoralorderof facts
person'scommitted graspof the "nat- of pre-medical schoollifeand thestu-
ural factsof sociallife."Imaginean- dents'anxietycorrelated -.026. After
otherprocedure whereby theextentof theincongruous materialhad been in-
a person'sconfusioncan be assessed troducedand unsuccessfully normaliz-
rangingthroughthe variousdegrees ed, and beforethe deceptionwas re-
and mixtures of thebehaviorsdescrib- vealed,the correlation was .751. Be-
ed before.For a setof unselected per- cause assessment procedures were ex-
sons,and independently of personality tremelycrude,becauseofseriouserrors
determinations,theinitialrelationship in designand procedure, and because
betweenthecommitted "graspof nat- of the post hoc argument, thesere-
ural facts"and "confusion" shouldbe sultsdo no morethanillustrate what
random.Underthe breachof the ex- I am talkingabout.Underno circum-
pectanciesof everyday life,giventhe stancesshouldtheybe consideredas
conditions forthe optimalproduction findings.
of disturbance,personsshouldshiftin THE RELEVANCE OF COMMON UN-
exhibitedconfusion in an amountthat
is coordinatewiththe originalextent DERSTANDINGS TO THE FACT THAT
of theirgraspof the "naturalfactsof MODELS OF MAN IN SOCIETYPOR-
life." TRAYHIM AS A JUDGMENTAL
The typeofphenomenon thatI pro- DOPE
pose is discoverableis portrayed in Many studieshave documented the
Figures1 and 2 whichare based on findingthatthe socialstandardization

244 SOCIAL PROBLEMS
of commonunderstandings, irrespec- of social structures overthe temporal

tiveof whatit is thatis standardized,"succession"of here and now situa-
orients persons' actions to scenic tionsare treatedas epiphenomenal.
events, and furnishespersons the The misleading character of theuse
groundsupon whichdepartures from of thejudgmental dope to portray the
perceivedly normalcoursesof affairs relationship betweenstandardized ex-
aredetectable, is made,and pectanciesand coursesof actiongoes
restoration
effortfulactionis mobilized. to theproblemofadequateexplanation
Social sciencetheorists-most as thecontrolling consideration in the
par- decision to either con-
ticularlysocialpsychiatrists,
socialpsy- investigator's
and sociol- sider or disregard the common sense
chologists,anthropologists, rationalities whendecidingthe neces-
ogists-haveusedthefactof standard- betweencoursesof
izationto conceivethe character and saryrelationships
action, given such problematic consid-
consequencesof actionsthat comply erationsas choice,subjec-
withstandardized expectancies.Gener- perspectival
butother- tivity, and innertime.A favoredsolu-
allytheyhaveacknowledged to whatthe member's
wise neglectedthe factthatby these tion is portray
actions will have come to by using
same actionspersonsdiscover,create,
and sustainthis standardization. An the stablestructures-what theycame
and prevalentconsequence to-as a point of theoretical departure
important
of thisneglectis thatof beingmisled fromwhichto portraythe necessary
character of thepathways whereby the
about the natureand conditionsof
end result is assembled. Hierarchies of
stableactions.This occursby making
out thememberof thesocietyto be a need dispositions, and common culture
as enforced rulesof actionare favored
judgmental dope of a culturaland/or devicesfor
sortwiththeresultthat bringingthe problemof
psychological inference to terms,although
the unpublishedresultsof any ac- necessary
of the at thecostof makingout theperson-
complishedstudy relationship to be a judgmental
betweenactionsand standardized ex- in-society dope.
will contain How is an investigator doing itwhen
pectations invariably he is out the member of a
enoughincongruous materialto invite making
essentialrevision. societyto be a judgmental dope? Sev-
eral exampleswill furnishsome spe-
By "culturaldope" I referto the cificsand consequences.
man- in-the-sociologist's-society who I assignedstudents the taskof bar-
producesthestablefeatures of theso- forstandardpricedmerchan-
gaining
cietybyactingin compliance withpre- dise.The relevantstandardized
expec-
established and legitimatealternatives is the"institutionalized oneprice
ofactionthatthecommonculture tancy
pro- rule,"a constituent element, according
vides.The "psychological dope" is the to Parsons,10 of theinstitution of con-
man-in-the-psychologist's-society who tract.Becauseofits"internalized" char-
producesthestablefeatures of theso-
ciety by choices among alternative 9 Common sense rationalitiesare discuss-
coursesof actionthat are compelled ed at lengthin Schutz,op. cit.,Economica,
on the groundsof psychiatric biog- and in my article,"The Rational Properties
raphy,conditioning history,and the of Scientificand CommonSense Activities,"
Science, 5 (January,1960), pp.
variablesof mentalfunctioning. The Behavioral
72-83. The commonsense rationalitieswere
commonfeaturein the use of these made the basis of a radical criticismand
"modelsof man" is the fact that reconstructionof sociological interestsin
coursesof commonsenserationalities9mental illness in Egon Bittner,op. cit.
10 Parsons, Talcott, "Economy, Polity,
of judgmentwhichinvolvethe per- Money, and Power," dittoed manuscript,
son'suse of commonsenseknowledge 1959.

acter the student-customersshould outcome and planned to do so in the

have been fearfuland shamed by the future,particularlyforcostlymerchan-
prospective assignment,and shamed dise.
by having done it. Reciprocally,anx- Such findingssuggest that one can
iety and anger should have been com- make the member of the society out
monly reported for sales persons. to be a culturaldope (a) by portray-
Sixty-eightstudentswere requiredto ing a member of the society as one
accomplishone trial only forany item who operatesby the rules when one is
costing no more than two dollars,and actuallytalkingabout the anticipatory
were to offermuch less thanthe asking anxietythatpreventshim frompermit-
price. Another sixty-seven students ting a situation to develop, let alone
were required to accomplish a series confrontinga situation in which he
of six trials: three for items costing has the alternativeof acting or not
two dollars or less, and threeforitems with respectto a rule; or (b) by over-
costing fiftydollars or more. looking the practical and theoretical
importance of the mastery of fears.
Findings. (a) Sales persons can be (c) If upon the arousal of troubled
dismissed as eitherhaving been dopes
feelingspersons avoid tinkeringwith
in differentways than currenttheories these "standardized"expectancies,the
of standardizedexpectancies provide, standardizationcould consistof an at-
or not dopes enough. A few showed tributed standardizationthat is sup-
some anxiety; occasionally one got
ported by the fact that persons avoid
angry. (b) Twenty percent of the the verysituationsin which theymight
single tries refusedto try or aborted learn about them.
the effort,as comparedwith threeper-
cent of those who had been assigned Lay as well as professionalknowl-
the series of six trials. (c) When the edge of the nature of rule governed
actionsand the consequencesof breach-
bargaining episode was analyzed as
consistingof a series of steps-antici- ing the rules is prominentlybased on
pation of the trial, approaching the just such procedure.Indeed, the more
sales person, actually making the of- importantthe rule, the greateris the
likelihood that knowledge is based on
fer,the ensuing interaction,terminat-
avoided tests. Strange findingsmust
ing the episode, and afterwards-it
was foundthat fearsoccurredwith the certainlyawait anyone who examines
the expectanciesthatmake up routine
greatest frequencyin both groups in
anticipating the assignment and ap- backgrounds of common place acti-
vities for theyhave rarelybeen expos-
proachingthe sales personforthe first ed by investigatorseven to as much
try.Among the single trials the num- revision as an imaginative rehearsal
ber of persons who reporteddiscom-
fortdeclined with each successivestep of their breach would produce.
in the sequence. Most of the students Anotherway in which the member
who bargained in two or more trials of the society can be made a judg-
reportedthatby the thirdepisode they mental dope is by using any of the
were enjoying the assignment. (d) available theoriesof the formalprop-
Most studentsreportedless discomfort erties of signs and symbolsto portray
in bargaining for high priced than the way persons construe environ-
low priced merchandise. (e) Follow- mentaldisplaysas significantones. The
ing the six episodes many studentsre- dope is made out in several ways. I
ported that they had learned to their shall mentiontwo.
"surprise" that one could bargain in formalinves-
(a) Characteristically,
standard priced settings with some tigations have been concerned either
realistic chance of an advantageous with devising normative theories of

246 SOCIAL PROBLEMS
symbolicusagesor,whileseekingde- thepairingof "sign"and "referrent"-

scriptive theories,havesettledfornor- as an association. In each case a pro-
mativeones.In eithercase it is nec- ceduraldescription of such symbolic
essaryto instruct theconstruing mem- usagesis precludedby neglecting the
ber to act in accordancewiththe in- judgmental workof theuser.
vestigator's instructions in order to
will be Precisely this judgmentalwork,
guaranteethattheinvestigator along with its relianceupon and its
able to studytheirusagesas instances reference to commonsenseknowledge
of the usagesthe investigator has in of social forceditselfupon
mind. But, followingWittgenstein,11 structures,
our attention in everycase wherein-
person'sactualusagesare rationalus- congruities were induced.Out atten-
agesin some"languagegame."Whatis tion was forcedbecauseour subjects
theirgame?As long as thisprogram- had workand
maticquestionis neglected, it is in- commonexactlytheirjudgmental
senseknowledgeto contend
evitablethatperson'susageswill fall withas matters whichtheincongruities
short.The more will this be so the to themas practicalprob-
moreare subjects'interests presented
in usages lems.
Everyprocedurethat involved
dictatedby different practicalconsid- departures froman anticipated course
erationsthanthoseof investigators. of ofwheth-
ordinary affairs,
regardless
(b) Availabletheorieshave many er the departurewas grossor slight,
importantthingsto say about such arousedrecognition in subjectsthatthe
sign functionsas marksand indica- experimenter was engagedin double
tions,buttheyare silenton suchover- talk,irony, glosses,euphemism, or lies.
whelmingly more commonfunctions This occurred in departures
asglosses,synecdoche, documented repeatedly
rep- fromordinary game play.
resentation,euphemism,irony,and
double entendre.Referencesto com- Students were instructed to playtick-
mon senseknowledgeof ordinary af- tacktoeand to mix theirsubjectsby
fairsmaybe safelydisregarded in de- age, sex, and degreeof acquaintance.
and
tecting analyzing marks and indi- Afterdrawingthe ticktacktoe matrix
cationsas signfunctions becauseusers theyinvitedthe subjectto movefirst.
disregard themas well.The analysisof Afterthe subjectmade his move the
irony,double entendre,glosses,and experimenter erasedthesubject'smark,
the like, however,imposesdifferentmovedit to anothersquareand made
requirements. Any attemptto consid- his ownmarkbut withoutgivingany
er the relatedcharacter of utterances,indicationsthat anythingabout the
meanings, perspectives, ordersnec- playwas unusual.In halfof 247 trials
and
essarilyrequiresreference to common students reported thatsubjectstreated
senseknowledgeof ordinary affairs. the move as a gesturewith hidden
Although investigatorshaveneglect- butdefinite significance. Subjectswere
ed these"complex"usages,theyhave convincedthatthe experimenter was
notputtheirproblematic character en- "aftersomething" thathe was notsay-
tirelyaside.Instead,theyhave glossed ing and whateverhe "really"was do-
themby portraying the usagesof the inghad nothing to do withticktacktoe.
memberof a languagecommunity as He was makinga sexualpass; he was
eithercultureboundor need compell- commenting on thesubject'sstupidity;
ed, or by construing the pairingof he was makinga slurring or an impu-
appearancesand intendedobjects-- dentgesture. Identicaleffects occurred
when students bargainedforstandard
11Wittgenstein, Ludwig, Philosophical pricedmerchandise, or askedtheother
Investigations, Oxford; Basil Blackwell,
to clarifyhis commonplace remarks,
1959. or joinedwithoutinvitation a strange

group of conversationalists,
or used a acteristically,experimenterswere un-
gaze thatduringan ordinary
conversa- able to restorethe situation.Subjects
tion wandered "randomly"by time to were only partially accepting of the
various objects in the scene. experimenter'sexplanation that it has
Still another way of making the been done "as an experiment for a
course in Sociology."They oftencom-
person out for a cultural dope is to
plained, "All right,it was an experi-
simplifythe communicativetextureof
his behavioral environment.For ex- ment,but why did you have to choose
me?" Characteristically,subjectand ex-
ample,by givingphysicaleventspre-
ferredstatus one can theorize out of perimenterwanted some furtherreso-
lution than the explanation furnished
existence the way the person's scene,
as a texture of potential and actual but were uncertainabout what it could
or should consistof.
events, contains not only appearances
and attributionsbut the person's own Finally, the member may be made
lively inner states as well. We en- out to be a judgmentaldope by por-
countered this in the following pro- trayingroutine actions as those gov-
cedure. erned by prior agreements,and by
Students were instructedto select making the likelihood that a member
will recognize deviance depend upon
someone other than a familymember
and in the course of an ordinarycon- the existenceof prioragreements.That
versationand, without indicatingthat this is a matter of mere theoretical
whose use theorizesessen-
anythingunusual was happening, to preference
tial out of existence can
bring their faces up to the subject's be seenphenomena
until their noses were almost touch- by consideringthe common-
place fact that persons will hold each
ing. According to most of the 79 ac- other to whose termsthey
counts,regardless of whether the pairs never agreements
were the same or different sexes, actually stipulated.This neglect-
whether they were acquaintances or ed propertyof common understand-
close friends(strangerswere prohibit- ings has far reaching consequences
when it is explicitlybroughtinto the
ed), and regardlessof age differences
portrayal of the nature of "agree-
except where children were involved, ments.
the proceduremotivatedin bothexperi-
menter and subject attributionsof a Apparentlyno matterhow specific
sexual intenton the part of the other the terms of common understandings
thoughconfirmationof this intentwas may be-a contractmay be considered
withheldby the very characterof the the prototype-they attain the status
procedure. Such attributions to the of an agreementforpersonsonly inso-
other were accompanied by the per- far as the stipulatedconditions carry
son's own impulses which themselves along an unspoken but understoodet
became part of the scene as their not ceteral2 clause. Specific stipulations
only being desired but their desiring. are formulatedunder the rule of an
The unconfirmedinvitationto choose agreementby being broughtunder the
had its accompanyingconflictfulhes- jurisdictionof the et ceteraclause. This
itancyabout acknowledgingthe choice does not occur once and for all, but is
and having been chosen. Attempted essentially bound to both the inner
avoidance, bewilderment,acute em- and outer temporalcourse of activities
barrassment,furtiveness, and above all and therebyto theprogressivedevelop-
uncertaintiesof these as well as un- ment of circumstancesand their con-
certainties of fear, hope, and anger tingencies.Therefore it is both mis-
were characteristic.These effectswere leading and incorrectto think of an
mostpronouncedbetweenmales. Char- agreementas an actuarialdevice where-

248 SOCIAL PROBLEMS
by personsare enabled as of any Here der the rule of previouslyagreed ac-

and Now to predicteach other'sfuture tivity is sometimes contested should
activities. More accurately,common not be permittedto mask its pervasive
understandingsthat have been form- and routineuse as an ongoing and es-
ulated under the rule of an agreement sential feature of "actions in accord
are used by personsto normalizewhat- withcommonunderstandings."
ever their actual activitiesturn out to This process, which I shall call a
be. Not only can contingenciesarise, method of discoveringagreementsby
but persons know as of any Here and elicitingor imposing a respectfor the
Now that contingenciescan material- rule of practical circumstances,is a
ize or be invented at any time that versionof practicalethics.Althoughit
it must be decided whether or not has received little if any attentionby
what the parties actuallydid satisfied social scientists,it is a matterof the
theagreement.The et ceteraclause pro- most abiding and commonplace con-
vides for the certaintythat unknown cern in everydayaffairsand common
conditionsare at everyhand in terms sense theoriesof these affairs.Adept-
of which an agreement,as of any par- ness in the deliberatemanipulationof
ticularmoment,can be retrospectively et ceteraconsiderationsforthe further-
reread to find out in light of present ance of specific advantages is an oc-
practicalcircumstanceswhat the agree- cupational talent of lawyers and is
ment "really"consistedof "in the first specificallytaught to law school stu-
place" and "all along." That the work dents. One should not suppose, how-
of bringingpresentcircumstancesun- ever, thatbecause it is a lawyer'sskill,
that only lawyersare skilled at it, or
12 The et cetera
clause,its properties,and thatonlythosewhodo so deliberately,do
the consequences of its use have been so at all. The methodis to the
prevailing topics of study and discussion
general
among the membersof the Conferenceson phenomenon
of the society as a sys-
Ethnomethodology that have been in prog- tem of rule governed activities.13It
ress at the Universityof California, Los is available as one of the mechanisms
Angeles, and the Universityof Colorado whereby
since February,1962, with the aid of a potentialand actual successes
grant from the U. S. Air Force Office of and windfalls,on the one hand, and
Scientific Research. Conference members the disappointments,frustrations, and
are Egon Bittner,Harold Garfinkel,Craig failures, on the other, that
persons
MacAndrew, Edward Rose, and Harvey must
Sacks. Published discussionsof et cetra by inevitablyencounter by reason
conferenceparticipantswill be found in of seekingto complywith agreements,
Egon Bittner,"Radicalism: A Study of the can be managed while retaining the
Sociology of Knowledge," American Soci- perceived reasonablenessof actual so-
ological Review (in press); Harvey Sacks, activities.
"On Sociological Description," Berkeley cially organized
Journalof Sociology,8 (1963), pp. 1-16; A small scale but accurate instance
Harold Garfinkel,"A Conceptionand Some of this phenomenon was consistently
ExperimentsWith Trust . . . ," op. cit. produced by a
Extended studies dealing with coding pro- procedurein which the
cedures,methods of interrogation, lawyers' experimenter engaged others in con-
work, translation,model construction,his- versationwhile he had a wire recorder
toricalreconstruction,"social bookkeeping," hiddenunderhiscoat.In thecourseofthe
counting,and personalitydiagnosis will be
found in unpublished papers by Bittner,
Garfinkel,MacAndrew, Rose, and Sacks; 13 Insofar as this is true, it establishes
in transcribedtalks given by Bittner,Gar- the programmatictask of reconstructing the
finkel,and Sacks on "Reasonable Accounts" problem of social order as it is currently
at the Sixteenth Annual Conference on formulatedin sociological theories,and of
World Affairs,University of Colorado, criticizingcurrentlypreferredsolutions.At
Boulder, April 11-12, 1963; and in Con- the heart of the reconstructionis the
ferencetranscriptions.Publication of these empirical problem of demonstratingthe
materialsis planned by the group for 1964. definitivefeaturesof "et cetera" thinking.

Activities
conversationthe experimenteropened play, theatre going, high ceremony,

his jacket to reveal the recorder,say- religious conversion, convention go-
ing, "See what I have?" An initial ing, and scientificinquiry. A second
pause was almost invariablyfollowed modificationconsists of instrumental
by the question,"What are you going transformationsof environmentsof
to do with it?" Subjects claimed the real objects such as occur in experi-
breach of the expectancythat the con- mentally induced psychosis, extreme
versationwas "between us." The fact fatigue, acute sensory deprivation,
that the conversationwas revealed to brain injuries, prefrontallobotomies,
have been recordedmotivatednew pos- and the use of hallucinogenicdrugs.A
sibilitieswhich the partiesthen sought thirdtransformation consistsofneonate
to bring under the jurisdictionof an learning which quite literallyentails
agreement that they had never spe- the growthof a world and is directed
cifically mentioned, and that indeed to the productionof objective features
did not previouslyexist. The conver- of the persons' environmentthat "any
sation,now seen to have been recorded, competent member can see." The
therebyacquired fresh and problem- growthof the world is necessarilyac-
atic import in view of unknown uses companied by the progressivelyen-
to which it mightbe turned.An agreed forced and enforceablecompliance of
privacy was thereupon treated as the developing member to the atti-
thoughit had operatedall along. tude of daily life as a competentso-
cietal member's way of "looking at
CONCLUDING REMARKS things."A fourthset of modifications
are involved in adult socialization,dis-
The expectanciesthat make up the tinguishablefromneonate learningby
attitudeof everydaylife are constitu- the absence of radically naive expec-
tive of the institutionalizedcommon tancies. Other modificationsare those
understandingsof the practical every- of estrangement,which must include
day organizationand workingsof so- the various phenomena intended un-
cietyas it is seen "fromwithin."Modi- der the currentlypopular theme of
fication of these expectancies must "alienation,"as well as the phenomena
therebymodifythe real environments of the cultural stranger,of the major
of the societies' members.Such modi- and minor formsof mental illness,of
ficationstransformone perceived en- the degradation that accompanies
vironmentof real objects into another chargesof criminalityand the fatesof
environmentof real objects. social incompetencefound in mental
Each of manykinds of modifications retardationand old age. Modifications
of the backgroundof everydayexpec- occur through mischief,playful and
tancies furnishan area of needed fur- serious; through the subtle psycho-
ther work. Each modificationhas as pathic effectsof aging as one comes
its counterparttransformedobjective to learn thatone may sin, cause others
structuresof the behavioral environ- harm,and not "pay"; and throughthe
mentsthateach modificationproduces.
discovery that the common societal
It is disconcertingto find how little orderswhich in adolescence appear so
we know about these differentsets
massive and homogeneous not only
of background expectancies and the
have their intersticesbut depend for
differentobjective environmentsthat
their massiveness upon persons' con-
they constitute.
One such modification consists of tinual improvisations.Finally,there is
the ceremonial transformation of one the modificationthat consists in the
environmentof real objects into an- discovery and rationalization of the
other. Such modifications occur in common sense world through the

250 SOCIAL PROBLEMS
growth of social science as a social treatingas problemmaticphenomena

movement. the actual methods wherebymembers
I have been arguing that a concern of a society,doing sociology, lay or
for the nature,production,and recog- professional,make the social structures
nition of reasonable,realistic,and an- of everydayactivitiesobservable.The
alyzable actions is not the monopoly "rediscovery"of common sense is pos-
of philosophersand professionalsociol- sible perhaps because professionalso-
ogists. Members of a societyare con- ciologists,like members,have had too
cerned as a matterof course and nec- much to do withcommonsenseknowl-
essarily with these matters both as edge of social structuresas both a
featuresand for the socially managed topic and a resourcefortheirinquiries
production of their everydayaffairs. and not enough to do with it only and
The studyof commonsense knowledge exclusively as sociology's program-
and commonsense activitiesconsistsof matic topic.
ON MAINTAINING DEVIANT BELIEF SYSTEMS:

A CASE STUDY
J. L. SIMMONS
Universityof Illinois
The present paper explores some vs. unconscious,or Parsons' distinction

selected aspects of a belief system among cognitive,expressive,and evalu-
shared by a small group of "mystics" ative symbols1 will be made here
located in southeasternUnited States. since it is neither feasible nor nec-
Its major concernis the means through essary for the purposes of this paper.
which these divergent beliefs are The term "system" will call the
maintainedin the face of a disbeliev- reader'satentionto the importantfact
ing largersociety. that beliefs do not exist as a heap of
Data for the report were gathered disconnecteditems,but are related in-
from intimate association and many to some kind of "coherent"and "con-
lengthy conversationswith a promi- sistent"pattern.
nent member of the group and from
much brieferconversationswith four THE ESPERS
other members.Pamphlets and news- The group, which we will call Es-
lettersof the group were also exam- per, has its headquartersin a semi-
ined. Observationsfrom a number of isolated mountainousarea of Georgia.
other fringe groups have also been This location was picked partly for
drawn upon. its relative seclusion and for the
The concept "belief system"is here natural protectionit would afford in
defined as the set of notions with the event of a nuclear war. Several
which individualsand groups interpret membershave sold theirbusiness and
the physical and social realityaround propertiesin other locations to settle
them and within themselves. No here permanently.The buildings and
classification of these notions, such groundsare extensive,includinghous-
as the psychoanalyticone of conscious ing for perhaps two hundred peo-
ple, ample garden space, springs,and
I am indebted to George J. McCall for
many of the ideas implicit in this article 1 Talcott Parsons, The Social System,
and to Daniel Glaser for help in revision. Glencoe; Free Press, 1951, pp. 326-383.


11 GARFINKEL Ethnomethodology

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Studies of the Routine Grounds of Everyday Activities

Author(s): Harold Garfinkel

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sources,the trapsof thepost civiliza- to increasein intensityas the dis-

STUDIES OF THE ROUTINE GROUNDS OF EVERYDAY

THE PROBLEM treatedby membersas the "natural

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"familiarscenes" may be detectedand him about them he has little or noth-

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stitutive phenomenology of the world tellus something abouthow thestruc-

Husband: Dana succeeded in putting a This afternoonas I was bringingDana, our

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An examinationof the colloquy re- present interactionwhich each used

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parties,each for himselfas well as on ed their temporallyconstitutedchar-

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This content downloaded from 129.68.65.223 on Tue, 16 Apr 2013 16:28:48 PM

ways in which members'treatmentsof hour was up and I could returnto the

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theirhomes imaginingthat theywere What's gotteninto you?" One mother,

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of that out of you and if you can't BACKGROUND UNDERSTANDINGS AND

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appearances of an object and the in- not claim.

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the studenthad no reason to be angry sarcastically,"You seem to be uneasy

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the possibilityof commonunderstand- play, i.e., as somethingother than the

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anxiety along with various symptoms tionshipbetweenthe-presented-appear-

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edgeddeterminations andthepersonal, Since each of the expectancies that

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turn the situationinto a play, a joke, and an "applicant."The applicant was

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This content downloaded from 129.68.65.223 on Tue, 16 Apr 2013 16:28:48 PM

What I consideris proper,theydon't. preciation of the way the medical ex-

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CORRELATIONOF THE EXTENTOF SUBJECT'S SUBSCRIPTIONTO THE "NATURALFACTS"

had expressedhis preferencefor a izationalconditions of motivated com-

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CORRELATIONOF THE EXTENTOF SUBJECT'S SUBSCRIPTIONTO THE "NATURALFACTS"

this condition. thestudyofthetwenty-eight pre-medi-

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of commonunderstandings, irrespec- of social structures overthe temporal

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acter the student-customersshould outcome and planned to do so in the

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symbolicusagesor,whileseekingde- thepairingof "sign"and "referrent"-

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by personsare enabled as of any Here der the rule of previouslyagreed ac-

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conversationthe experimenteropened play, theatre going, high ceremony,

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growth of social science as a social treatingas problemmaticphenomena

ON MAINTAINING DEVIANT BELIEF SYSTEMS:

The present paper explores some vs. unconscious,or Parsons' distinction

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