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 Appalachian Mountain Men-of-Action: Nascar at Bristol
Elizabeth Hirschman, Rutgers University, USA
Ayalla Ruvio, Temple University, USA
Russell W. Belk, York University, Canada

Abstract SETTING AND METHOD

Southern white masculinity is often said to be distinctive. The setting for our study is the area in and around Bristol VA/TN
Scholarly treatments of the subject attribute the characteristics of -- a location referred to by MSNBC commentator Andrea Mitchell as
conservatism, patriotism, independence, racism, a disdain for cen- the “Redneck Capital of the World” during the 2008 US presidential
tralized authority and a tendency toward violence to southern white campaign (statement made on-air June 5, 2008). Bristol TN/VA was
men (see e.g., Friend 2009; Watts 2008). The crucible for these traits founded in the late 1800s as a railroad terminal for the Norfolk and
is usually said to be the Civil War and Reconstruction which (par- Southern Railway. It was during this period of time that coal mining
tially) emancipated black males, while shattering the foundation of became central to the economy of the Southern Appalachian region
white southern masculinity, leading to a “crisis in gender” (Whites and a freight train system was established linking Kentucky, Ten-
1992; Wyatt-Brown 1982). As Friend (2009, p. viii) observes “the nessee, Virginia and West Virginia in order to transport coal to the
war’s outcome did not eradicate mastery and honor as the primary steel manufacturing centers of western Pennsylvania and the Great
axes about which white southern manhood formed, but it did force a Lakes region (LaLone, 1997;Solomon and Yough 2009;). The entry
reconfiguration of how those ideals could be met.” of large-scale industrialization, organized labor and corporate busi-
Both E. Anthony Rotundo’s (1994) American Manhood and nesses dramatically impacted the social ecology of the region, shift-
Michael Kimmel’s Manhood in America (1996) largely ignored ing men and machinery from working on the land to working in the
or disparaged white southern men as suitable cultural models of mine and on the railroad (Bensel 2000; LaLone 1997 Solomon and
American masculinity, as did Gail Bederman’s (1995) Manliness Yough 2009).
and Civilization. Across these treatises, white southern men are de- For many men in the region, personal independence and self-
scribed as drinkers, brawlers and racists who are most comfortable reliance – which had sprung from their independent yeoman status
hunting, fishing, and driving around in pick-up trucks. We are not -- became more difficult to maintain, as jobs and skills were increas-
going to quibble with this characterization, as in broad form, aspects ingly dependent upon distant factories and external sources of capi-
of it are accurate. Even southern white male scholars describe their tal (Lalone 1997; Williams 2002). As a result, personal expertise at
own regional masculine culture as one which is “beholden to a code activities such as hunting, fishing, carpentry, engine maintenance,
of honor that... encouraged violence – martial, retributive or vigi- sports and other outdoor activities became increasingly relied upon
lante – gambling, blood sports, sowing wild oats, hunting and…by as signals of masculine competency (Watts 2008; Williams 2002;
the early twentieth century, organized sports “(Creech, p. 25). What Wilson and Ferris 1989).
we do intend to argue, however, is that this same template has served Despite its remote Appalachian location, Bristol VA/TN is the
as a model for masculinity since the region’s origins, well prior to the origin point for two significant events in Southeastern regional his-
Civil War, and indeed prior to the Revolutionary War. tory. The first is that Bristol was the site of some of the earliest com-
Just as whiteness is typically positioned in opposition to “eth- mercial country music recordings. The so-called “Bristol Sessions”
nicity” in scholarly treatises (see Burton 2009 a, b) and masculinity recordings of the Carter Family were produced there in 1927; Jim-
is positioned as counter to femininity (see e.g., Martin, Schouten and mie Rodgers also made early recordings in Bristol during the 1920s,
McAlexander 2006), southern white male culture is positioned in op- as did Tennessee Ernie Ford during the 1950s (Williams 2002). The
position to that of the southern white female (Watts 2008; Whites entrepreneurism and willingness of the local people to re-shape their
1992; Wilson and Ferris 1989), though both are said to be grounded production activities to match external commercial and technologi-
in Fundamentalist Christianity. Indeed, the Bible is often cited as cal opportunities demonstrated by the country music business are
an authoritative source justifying the secondary status of women also characteristic of the primary research site of our study; the Bris-
within southern white culture, generally (Cash 1941; McPherson tol Motor Speedway.
1982). Southern white masculinity is also said to be strongly linked Bristol Motor Speedway As Belk (2004, p. 273) writes, “love
to activities evidencing independence and self-sufficiency (see e.g., of automobiles, motorcycles and trucks is an overwhelmingly male
Littlefield and Ozanne 2011 for a discussion of hunting in the rural preoccupation [due to] … the association of such vehicles with pow-
south). According to Watts (2009, p. 10). “The ideal of independent, er, danger, mobility, status competition, and industrial dominance
performative white manhood … continues in real and fictional vari- over nature…” Belk (2004) further observes that male car enthu-
eties such as the rough frontiersman…moonshiners, many NASCAR siasts will often undertake long distance pilgrimages to seek com-
drivers and fans, and pickup truck enthusiasts displaying gun racks munitas with like-minded males in order to celebrate the power and
and the Confederate flag”. glory that is the automobile. Perhaps no destination on Earth is more
To date, there have been two detailed studies of American mas- revered in these annual pilgrimages than the trio of August NASCAR
culinity put forward in consumer research – that of the Mountain races at Bristol Motor Speedway (BMS).
Man, as developed by Belk and Costa (1998) and that of the Action- The week of August 16-21, 2010 was the fiftieth anniversary
Hero Man, developed by Holt and Thompson (2004).Our intention of the Bristol Motor Speedway and the 100th running of the NAS-
is to compare the white southern masculine ideology, as described CAR Sprint Cup Race. Thus it served as an ideal venue at which
above, with these two prior models in order to identify similarities to observe southern white male culture in full flower. The primary
and discontinuities among these three different perspectives on mas- researcher attended the three NASCAR-sponsored races during that
culinity. Further, our study will also survey boundary conditions for week, taking photographs, making field notes, and collecting written
the more recent of these two studies (Holt and Thompson 2004). materials available at the track and in the surrounding communities
relevant to the races. A three person interpretive team with multi-

Advances in Consumer Research

327 Volume 40, ©2012
328 / Appalachian Mountain Men-of-Action: Nascar at Bristol

year ethnographic research experience was responsible for develop- term the Rebel Model. This ideology of masculinity “harkens back
ing the collected materials into a comparative structure using socio- to the settling of the American West….Hunters and trappers were
semiotic analysis (see Schroeder and Zwick, 2004, for a discussion represented as uncivilized, anarchic and fiercely independent men
of this method using advertising images of masculinity). Each docu- who survived through courage, physical skills and cunning… (p.
ment, individually, and the set as a whole was subjected to close 428).” The negative aspect of the Rebel Model is that such men can
reading by the three researchers using the two models of masculinity be viewed as “immature boys…men who refuse to grow up, taking
proposed in the consumer behavior literature (e.g., Belk and Costa flight from adult responsibility” (p. 428).
1998; Holt and Thompson 2004) and the southern white masculinity In contrast to this, Holt and Thompson describe the Breadwin-
model described earlier. Thus, the methodology used in the present ner Model which is “grounded in the American myth of success…
study is consistent with that of Belk and Costa (1998), but extends That America is a land of boundless opportunity…” (p. 427). As
beyond ethnography to incorporate socio-semiotics (Schroeder and the country became professionalized and industrialized, men had
Zwick 2005). The present methodology differs from that of Holt and to “soften the combative edges of individual achievement….[and]
Thompson (2004). The latter study utilized experiential-phenome- peaceably coexist within an ethos of teamwork and the rules of hier-
nological interviews – a method which has received recent criticism archy…In the breadwinner model, men work hard and are depend-
for its lack of cultural grounding (see e.g., Moisander, Valtonen and able collaborators in a corporate environment…They are reserved,
Hirsto 2009). We turn now to a detailed discussion of the two prior dependable, and devoid of self-aggrandizing flamboyance…” Holt
models of masculinity against which a comparison of the present and Thompson propose that “the most celebrated men in American
data will be made. culture are neither breadwinners nor rebels. Instead they draw from
the best of both models…[They] embody the rugged individualism
Mountain Man Masculinity of the rebel, while maintaining their allegiance to collective inter-
The Belk and Costa (1998) study focused upon modern-day ests… (p. 429).”
mountain men who “adopt grooming, clothing and manners that ap- The sample Holt and Thompson used to construct their man-
pear strikingly countercultural, rustic and unique. They live for a of-action hero model was “15 [heterosexual] white men from both
time in … teepees or tents at a variety of remote locations near sites working- and middle-class backgrounds…recruited from a Midwest-
of original [mountain men] rendezvous. Clothing and conveniences ern city of 250,000 and a small eastern city of 60,000 (p. 430).” Each
that did not exist in 1840 are banished, including cars, plastics, pre- respondent was interviewed in-depth using the existential-phenome-
pared foods, flashlights, radios… (pp. 218-219).” nological method. Ultimately, two men, Robert and Donney, served
In their study, the authors found a form of white male mascu- as the middle-class and working class exemplars of how this model
linity intended to “invoke a mythic and heroicized past” (p. 219). of masculinity is enacted in everyday consumption behavior. A
“The original mountain men they seek to emulate engaged in dan- shortcoming of this method is that, when used without supplemental
gerous, often violent, activities, struggling against wild animals and cultural data, E-P interviews may render an overly mentalistic view
hostile Indians. Their present-day imitators desire to partake of this of the subject of the inquiry (see Moisander, Valtonen and Hirsto
mythology, while also merry-making, trading, and consuming large 2009 for a review of these criticisms). We now turn to a historically-
quantities of alcohol.” Notably though most of Belk and Costa’s par- grounded evaluation of these models of masculinity vis a vis that of
ticipants were working class, some were middle class. Yet external white southern manhood.
social status hierarchies were abandoned at the campsite to “form a
communal, homogeneous social structure….” CONTINUITY, PERMEABILITY AND WHITE
Belk and Costa found that most mountain men participants SOUTHERN MASCULINITY
have atypical personal appearances including long hair, pierced ears, The region surrounding Bristol TN/VA has a significant history
and full beards and/or moustaches. They propose that these signal not only with regard to the formation of southern white masculinity,
rebellion against prevailing cultural norms that continue into their but also that of American masculinity, generally. Daniel Boone and
everyday lives (Belk and Costa 1998). Meat is heavily consumed his extended family settled in the area in 1774. Violent confronta-
during the rendezvous, as is beer and liquor. Several of the men are tions with Native Americans in the Cumberland Gap area next to
overweight due to these dietary patterns. Belk and Costa (1998) in- Bristol were a frequent occurrence for Boone and the other early
terpret much of this as a “celebration of the power and passion of the settlers (Beeman 1984; Williams 2002). David Crockett, hero of the
primitive; because [the mountain men] believe these qualities have Texas militia at the Alamo, was born and raised in Limestone, TN,
disappeared from contemporary urban life (p. 230).” approximately 30 miles away. The direct descendants of these early
Man of Action Heroes The 2004 article by Holt and Thomp- settlers still live throughout the region (Kephardt 1976; Williams
son critiques contemporary scholarly writings on masculinity, e.g., 2002).
Ehrenreich (1983) and Kimmel (1996), as well as earlier work on Thus, we propose argue that this region was the primary caul-
masculinity published in the consumer behavior literature (e.g., Belk dron within which American ideals of masculinity were first formed
and Costa 1998). They propose that a central thesis in this litera- – and mythologized -- and that an undercurrent of this original mas-
ture is the social emasculation of American men during the twenti- culine ideology has been present in the area since Colonial times
eth century brought about by the industrialization of the American (Watts 2008). We also propose that this southern white masculinity
workplace and the increasing economic independence and political has existed symbiotically and comfortably with external sources of
emancipation of women. This drove American men to engage in capital and has consistently participated in the larger U.S. economy
compensatory consumption in order to reinforce their manhood. and corporate structures, as they developed (see e.g., Bensel 2000;
Holt and Thompson propose that masculine cultural models Solomon and Yough 2009).
such as the cowboy, Harley rider, and big game hunter are instan- This suggests that the out-of-bounds Rebel icon, which Holt
tiated in mass media portrayals by actors such as Clint Eastwood, and Thompson (2004) see Boone and Crockett representing as fron-
Bruce Willis and John Wayne. These circulating cultural icons are tiersman, did not exist historically. This factual discrepancy brings
used as touchstones for a romantic model of masculinity which they into question the hybridized model which they present. For example,
 Advances in Consumer Research (Volume 40) / 329

Crockett and Boone both were family men whose historic exploits an ‘entry point’ for local men to try their hand at racing. Additional
and expeditions were primarily undertaken to support their families documentation of apprenticeships enabling young local men entry
(Williams 2002). Boone was employed by the Hendersons, a region- to the sport is provided in a BMS press release (Bristol Motor Speed-
ally powerful set of brothers who engaged in trading with the Indi- way, 2010). The narrative valorizes stockcar racing as a signal of
ans and land speculation (Draper 1998). Together with other Long manhood and masculine pride in the region. Also notable is another
Hunters, Boone engaged in fur trading and land speculation (Draper article in the BMS Program about Chase Elliott, son of local NAS-
1998). The famous Wilderness Road, scouted and constructed by CAR veteran driver Bill Elliott, who is competing professionally in
Boone and 35 other early settlers though the Cumberland Gap, was an “entry-level” race at the age of 14. In order to possess a Tennes-
a commercial project whose purpose was to open up the area of see Driver’s License, one must be at least age 17. Obviously, these
Kain-tuck (Kentucky) for the lucrative fur trade and land speculation requirements are being ‘bent’ to permit boys to pursue this career.
(Draper 1998; Williams 2002). Other communications in the BMS Race Week program (Bris-
Analogously, Crockett’s stand at the Alamo was intrinsically tol Motor Speedway 2010) reiterate the message of fan/driver in-
linked to a commercial venture. The initial American settlers in terchangeability and father/son legacy. For example, an article on
central Texas had journeyed there from eastern Tennessee during rookie driver, Trevor Bayne, age 19 and from Knoxville, TN empha-
the early 1800s in search of agricultural and trading opportunities sizes his being a racing fan since childhood, having been taken from
with Mexico (Williams 2002). They arrived and settled as extended school on race days by his parents to watch the competitions. How-
families, engaging not only in agriculture, but also in trading and ever, perhaps the most iconic exemplar of the fan/driver and father/
mercantile dealings with corporations “back East” (Williams 2002). son racing legacy is Dale Earnhardt, Jr., the son of Dale Earnhardt,
Thus, the presentation of the Rebel ideal and the Family Man ideal as one of NASCAR’s most spectacular (and aggressive) drivers. A
oppositional foundations of American masculinity would seem to be print advertisement appearing in the BMS program carries the head-
factually inaccurate, at least in the Appalachian region. line “Real Men Let their Right Foot do the Talking”; it assumes the
We propose that the present day Bristol NASCAR fans readers’ knowledge of this father/son linkage and equates Earnhardt,
and drivers are cut from the same cloth as the region’s early pioneer- Jr. with authentic manhood. Only Earnhardt Jr’s face is used as an
breadwinner-entrepreneurs. We also document the fluidity and inter- identity marker, there is deemed to be no need to use text to identify
changeability between the drivers and fans/consumers. We propose who is being pictured.
that what is actually occurring is not compensatory consumption,
rather it is participatory consumption in which fans/consumers par- WARRIORS, WEAPONS AND PATRIOTISM
ticipate as drivers/producers and driver/producers participate as fans/ Historically, the region surrounding Bristol VA/TN was the ori-
consumers. A common sense of Southern white masculinity, man- gin point for the Overmountain Men (Williams 2002), a colonial-era
hood and manliness is shared between them. paramilitary force composed of farmers and longhunters who won
Stock Car Racing Origins Just as with early farming and the Battle of King’s Mountain, a critical turning point in the Revo-
hunting activities in the area, stock car racing was born of economic lutionary War (Alderman 1986). The specifics of the militia and the
necessity and entrepreneurism During Prohibition and the Great battle, itself, are valuable in creating a deeper understanding of the
Depression, the rural Southeastern U.S. region was one of the poor- current ideology of masculinity within the region and its exhibition
est areas of the country (much as it is now). Seeking to supplement in the events observed at Bristol Motor Speedway in August 2010.
their meager farming incomes, enterprising residents began turning The Overmountain Men and their families had taken up resi-
a portion of their corn crops into distilled liquor (Hirschman, Brown dence on lands west of the Appalachian Mountains in areas now
and Maclaran 2006; Howell 1997: Kellner 1971). Such activities comprising northeastern Tennessee and Southwestern Virginia. Al-
were illegal and “moonshiners” were targeted by Federal tax reve- derman (1986, p153), reports that, “they settled on land believed
nue agents (Miller 1991). To outrun these “revenuers”, farmers used to be in Virginia, but which was actually issued to Lord Granville
their ample mechanical skills to increase the speed and road handling of North Carolina…., leaving the Watauga settlers without legal
ability of their family automobiles, using them to haul gallons of claim to the land...” Thus, the Watauga settlers, who included Daniel
illicit corn liquor over the Appalachian mountains to central distri- Boone and John Crockett, the ancestor of David Crocket, had only a
bution points such as Atlanta, GA and Charlotte, NC (Hirschman, tentative hold on their lands. With the assistance of the Hendersons
Brown and Maclaran 2006; Kellner 1971; Miller 1991)). (mentioned earlier), the settlers purchased a large tract of land from
In support of the thesis that entrepeneurism and undertaking the Cherokee in 1775. Comprising a total of 20,000,000 acres, this
risky activities may form a nexus of cohering values within white was the largest land transaction in North America prior to the Revo-
southern masculinity is an advertisement appearing in the BMS race lutionary War (Alderman 1986); it was called the Watauga Settle-
program, which shows one of the “winningest” drivers at the Bristol ment. Notably, the settlers chose not to declare themselves part of the
Motor Speedway, Junior Johnson. Born in North Carolina to a farm- British colonies and similarly refused to commit their allegiance to
ing family, Johnson is (in)famous for beginning his racing career the nascent US colonial government, declaring themselves to be an
using cars that he “ran shine” in during the week. Notably, the body independent nation (Alderman 1986).
copy blends references to the authenticity and illicitness of Johnson’s In 1780, the British threatened to attack the area. The Watauga
off-track activities, as well as those of the product, a mythologizing Settlement militia organized itself and a force of 1,000 men marched
motif discussed by Tian and Thompson (2007) as characterizing the through North Carolina, picking up an additional 350 volunteers.
‘hillbilly’. Though largely untrained and completely unauthorized, the volun-
Direct entry to the sport of stock car racing is still available teer militia traveled overnight to arrive at King’s Mountain. Accord-
today, just as it was in Johnson’s era of the 1940s and 1950s. For ex- ing to an eye-witness account, they “circled the mountain and then
ample, a full page newspaper advertisement (August 18, 2010) from charged straight toward the British” (Alderson 1986, p. 217). An
the Bristol Courier invites residents to come to the Volunteer Speed- hour later, the British commander, Patrick Ferguson, and the major-
way in Bull’s Gap, TN to both watch and compete in local races. ity of his British force lay dead on the battlefield. The Watauga men
This speedway is about an hour’s drive west of Bristol and serves as then returned home. This display of colonial-era American masculin-
330 / Appalachian Mountain Men-of-Action: Nascar at Bristol

ity did become the stuff of legend, being replayed most recently in tive candidates in the 2010 elections. Regional residents remain both
Mel Gibson’s 1999 film, The Patriot. suspicious of the Federal Government and skeptical of its ability to
The commitment to patriotic sacrifice as a source of white south- improve their lives. Although the Civil War was the battleground
ern masculine pride was very visible at the Bristol Motor Speedway where the ideological divide between white southern male honor
during August race week. The opening ceremonies before each of the and the Federal government played out most vividly (Wyatt-Brown
three races included displays of American military prowess and pow- 1982), the same sense of honor and retributive justice led to decades’
er: Honor guards accompanied by veterans, often disabled, from the long feuds between men in various family groups (e.g., the Hatfields
current Iraq and Afghanistan conflicts marched onto the track and up and McCoy, see Waller 1988). In several of the documents we col-
to the ceremonial platform. The Pledge of Allegiance was recited by lected, honor was said to underlie on-track feuds between individual
the entire audience of 165,000 persons, as 3 military jet fighters flew drivers. The same sense of “giving him what’s coming to him” is
overhead. On Saturday night, the capstone of the week’s events, six felt among the fans, who boo and throw cups at drivers whom they
paratroopers were dropped by military aircraft onto the race track, as believe act unfairly on the track, e.g., by cutting off other drivers,
a giant American flag was unfurled in the stands. Fireworks went off wrecking competitors’ cars or pushing them against the wall.
and the Star Spangled Banner played. On Friday night, a man-to-man conflict occurred between two
Reinforcing this patriotic theme was an article in the BMS drivers. This is described by BMS (Bristol Motor Speedway, Au-
race program for the “Impact a Hero” public service program which gust 2010) as follows: “Sparks flew, fenders crunched …A tangle
provides financial and social support to disabled veterans. These between Brad Keselowski and Kyle Busch saw Keselowski spin off
soldiers were described as “fighting the War on Terror and keeping the nose of Busch’s machine. Busch was welcomed with a shower
Americans safe:” Because self-sacrifice is seen within this world- of boos in Victory Lane”. A discussion of the moral necessity cre-
view as one’s obligation to the community, those who are killed or ated by the underlying white southern male ideology leading to such
injured while fulfilling public service duties are considered heroes events is given below, taken from a local newspaper: “You know it
and martyrs. when you see it…the right way and wrong way to get aggressive on
The working man ethos was also given voice during the BMS the race track…Naked aggression, but done in a way that allows (the
race event through a Tradesman Challenge sponsored by Irwin other driver) to stay on the race track; it comes down to racing some-
Tools. This contest pits mechanics, welders, carpenters and other body with respect” (Dave Ongie, Kingsport Times News, “Speaking
manual workers against one another in speed and performance com- in code”, August 2010, p. B1)
petitions. The common thread across the races and these competitive
events is physical and mechanical competence, combined with speed WHITE SOUTHERN MALE STATUS: SUPREMACY
and withstanding challenges from others. A print ad for Irwin Tools OR SEPARATION?
found in the BMS race program depicts the mechanic in a heroic We turn now to considering one of the key points said to dif-
pose – competent and in control of a much larger machine. ferentiate white Southern masculinity from that found elsewhere in
the country: do white southern males set themselves in dominant
THE CONFLUENCE OF MASCULINE HONOR, positions over women and non-whites, particularly blacks? Does the
VIOLENCE AND CHRISTIANITY pre-Civil War tradition of white male supremacy continue? We pro-
We next consider a sermon to the mustered Watauga Overmoun- pose that what is currently practiced is not so much an ideology of
tain men discussed earlier. The region, then as now, is viewed as the supremacy, but rather one of separation. In the photographic materi-
Bible Belt (Williams 2002), a bedrock of fundamentalist Christian- als collected before, during and after NASCAR race week and from
ity. Consistent with this characterization, the minister invokes a observations made of the spectators who attended the races, there
clear linkage between God’s will and the right to use violence. This was clearly a predominance of white men. The local sports writers
religious justification for aggressive actions has been – and continues covering the race were white males; the BMS executives whose pho-
to be – a core element of white southern masculinity. tographs were shown in the program were white males. The CEO
of the companies, e.g. Food City, Irwin Tools, sponsoring the races
My countrymen, you are about to set out on an expedition were white males. The pit crews were composed of white males.
which is full of hardships and dangers, but one in which the Al- The race drivers – with one exception – were white males; (the sole
mighty will attend you. The Mother Country {England} has her exception being Juan Pablo Montoya, who is Hispanic).
hand upon you…and takes that for which our fathers planted However, comparing race and gender as separate bases for
their homes in the wilderness – our liberty… The enemy is classification, racial separation seemed more marked than gender
marching hither to destroy your homes. Brave men, you are not separation (and see Burton 2009 for a discussion of whiteness and
unacquainted with battle… You have wrested these beautiful social separation). For example, the spectators were virtually all
valleys of the Holston and Watauga from the savage hand… white. However, the percentage of woman ranged between 20% to
Go forth in the strength of your manhood to the aid of your 30% across the three events. Similarly, an examination of the BMS
brethren, the defense of your liberty and the protection of your employee photographs shown as a group in the race program found
homes. Oh, God of Battle, arise in Thy might. Avenge the about 30% to be female, but only one non-white person (a black
slaughter of Thy people… Help us as good soldiers to wield female) among the set of 109 BMS employees. Although the region
the sword of the Lord.” around Bristol has only a 6% presence of blacks and a 2% Latino
population, this would still suggest a lack of inter-racial representa-
We additionally glimpse in this text strong ideological support tion at the raceway.
for vigilantism and ‘taking the law into one’s hands’, even to the We believe this obvious disproportionality in race and gender
extent of waging war against an existing government, if God’s law is grows more from the desire of Southern white males to separate
believed to differ from it. This value is very much in evidence in the or distance themselves from females and non-whites, than from an
contemporary politics of the region, with the area strongly support- ideology of supremacy. Supremacy requires that the subordinate
ing John McCain in 2008 and ‘Tea Party’ libertarian and conserva- gender or race be present and publicly displayed in a subordinate
 Advances in Consumer Research (Volume 40) / 331

position to the master (Dollard 1937). Yet women and especially tain Men for items dating from the Native American cultures of the
non-whites of either gender were neither highly visible nor placed late 1800s. The Mountain Men typically construct their own cloth-
in subordinate positions. The more justifiable interpretation would ing, equipment and camp housing, and spurn modern commercial
seem to be that BMS represents a refuge, haven or ‘turf’ in which manufactured items. Almost the complete reversal is found among
southern white males can share ideological camaraderie. It is a place the male attendees, drivers and pit crews at BMS.
where “[white] boys can be [white] boys”. Technological advantage is avidly sought in the racetrack set-
ting. Male fans often wear radio-receiver headgear which permits
DISCUSSION them to listen to communications between each driver and his pit-
We now discuss the areas of agreement, disagreement and ex- crew chief. Prior to each race, a sheet of radio frequencies is distrib-
tension between the present study and the Belk and Costa (1998) and uted to the fans and those equipped with ear phone receivers (which
Holt and Thompson (2004) models of masculinity. can be purchased or rented on-site) are able to listen to drivers’ con-
Belk and Costa 1998: The Mountain Man We found three versations throughout the race. The drivers and crew also display
points of overlap with the Mountain Man study. First, the dietary a high level of technological competence, discussing turning and
habits exhibited by the modern-day Mountain Men and the Bristol banking ratios, wear levels on brakes and tires, steering stability and
Motor Speedway NASCAR race fans are virtually identical. At BMS other aspects of performance. Military/police style language is used
the commercial vendors supplied meat, especially pork, several and communications between driver and pit crew are unemotional
brands of beer, hard liquor and tobacco products, including snuff, and pragmatic. We propose that this is an outgrowth of the manual
chewing tobacco and cigarettes. These were accompanied by white labor-based entrepreneurism of the region. Men of the region are
bread, cornbread, baked beans and French fries. Fans consumed comfortable with and competent at operating machines and employ-
large quantities of these foodstuffs; approximately half of the fans ing technologies to achieve their goals (Hirschman, Brown and Ma-
observed were overweight or obese. claran 2006).
However, although copious quantities of liquor and beer were A second dissimilarity between the present study and that of
consumed, most attendees did not appear intoxicated. Drunkenness Belk and Costa is one identified as well by Holt and Thompson. The
would have made climbing up the steep concrete steps to one’s seat performance-consumption model does not appear to be compensa-
very difficult, and some who had over-imbibed did fall down in the tory, but rather woven into everyday life practice. It is a safe bet
attempt. Personal coolers and foods were allowed in the stands and that most of the men attending the BMS race can and do conduct
occasionally empty cans would be thrown toward the race track to primary maintenance on their own vehicles (Williams 2002). Ob-
express displeasure at a driver’s performance, but this behavior was servations made around the Bristol area indicate that local men can
not change oil, change tires, adjust brakes, fix headlights, tune engines,
replace spark plugs and windshield wipers, and some are capable
Typical of rebuilding entire engines. Thus it is not surprising that they may
Extending Belk and Costa’s recounting of these dietary prac- closely identify with the drivers and crew on the track. However,
tices, we suggest that they evidence a celebration of masculine food male competence at manual labor in the region extends well beyond
ways. ‘Real men’ are expected to eat large quantities of meat (i.e., automobiles. Most local men can also perform electrical, carpentry
the muscles of prey animals) in order to construct their own body and plumbing tasks, repair washers and dryers, replace gutters and
muscle mass. They are also expected in the southeastern U.S. to repair lawnmowers, motorcycles and farm equipment. It is accurate
be able to drink large amounts of alcohol, but not to lose control or to say these would be among the culturally-expected competencies
become ill while doing so. The notion that a real man can ‘hold his for a man living in or around Bristol.
liquor’ is embedded in the regional culture (see e.g., Miller 1991; Thus when these same men arrive at BMS to watch the races,
Watts 2008). Consistent with prior findings on gendered meanings they come with a mindset and skill set largely comparable to the men
of foods, virtually no green vegetables or dairy products were avail- driving the cars around the track and those re-fueling and re-tiring
able for consumption at the track. This is consistent with our inter- them when they come in for a pit-stop. It is this overlap between
pretation of the events as representing a gender-segregated site. producer and consumer competencies that enables permeability be-
A second consistency with Belk and Costa was the suspension tween these roles for individual men. Fans can and do become driv-
of status hierarchies at the race track, especially with regard to ap- ers or pit crew members; drivers and pit crew members can and do
parel display. No one was dressed in business attire or even ‘business begin their interest in the sport as fans.
casual’. There was a virtual absence of prestige brands. Instead, at-
tendees wore shorts and t-shirts, jeans and tank tops. Both men and Let the Circle be Unbroken: Holt and Thompson (2004)
women wore trucker-style caps. Footwear included sneakers, flip In “Man of Action Heroes” (2004), Holt and Thompson chal-
flops, and sandals. The only apparent status identifiers were shirts lenge the masculinity as-compensatory-consumption thesis and cri-
and jackets emblazoned with a specific driver’s image or car number. tique as inadequate two models of American manhood, labeled the
There were several men wearing Dale Earnhardt’s image on their ap- Rebel and the Breadwinner. Our study strongly supports Holt and
parel, Earnhardt being viewed as a heroic martyr to the sport Thompson’s assertion that much of contemporary American mas-
A third similarity with the work of Belk and Costa is a strong culinity does not represent compensatory consumption, but rather
sense of community and comaraderie among the BMS fans. There is participatory consumption. That is, significant aspects of masculine
a large and mobile ‘NASCAR nation’ which travels from race to race ideology are enacted daily in men’s lives. Their consumption choic-
across the country by camper as the season progresses. This ‘nation’ es and attitudes incorporate both the Rebel and Breadwinner models
was strongly in evidence at Bristol, stretching for miles along all ac- of manhood, as described by Holt and Thompson.
cess roads near the Speedway. Where our analysis differs from the Holt and Thompson study
There were two major dissimilarities between the expressions is that we present historical documentation challenging the notion
of masculinity we found, as compared to the study by Belk and Cos- that the Rebel and Breadwinner models were separate ideologies
ta. First, their study noted a consistent preference among the Moun- within the southeastern United States. In our analysis, these two
332 / Appalachian Mountain Men-of-Action: Nascar at Bristol

ways of being men were always intrinsically interwoven. When the sonal worth that serves as a significant reservoir of manhood and
ancestors of the men now living in Bristol and environs arrived in the masculinity.
mid-1700s, they were competent to hunt, shoot, fight, make liquor, We believe this sense of individual self-worth may be what men
skin animals, fell trees, build houses, cure meat, plant and harvest in many other parts of the country – whether factory workers or up-
crops, ride horses, forge iron and herd cattle and hogs (Hirschman et per middle class service professionals – are seeking.
al, 2006; Williams 2002).
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