Integrated Review Refresh 2023

Integrated Review Refresh 2023
Responding to a more
contested and volatile world
CP 811
Integrated Review Refresh 2023
Responding to a more
contested and volatile world
Presented to Parliament by the Prime Minister
by Command of His Majesty
March 2023
CP 811
Cover image: summer sun over the UK
Credit: Tim Peake/ESA/NASA
© Crown copyright 2023
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Contents
I. Foreword 2
II. Overview 5
III. IR2023: Updated Strategic Framework 15
1. Shape the international environment 19

2. Deter, defend and compete across all domains 33
3. Address vulnerabilities through resilience 44
4. Generate strategic advantage 53
1
I. Foreword from the Prime Minister
The 2021 Integrated Review of Security, Defence,
Development and Foreign Policy anticipated some but
not all of the global turbulence of the last two years.
It recognised that the intensification of competition
between states was sowing seeds of instability. It
warned of the acute threat posed by Russia; of China’s
willingness to use all the levers of state power to achieve
a dominant role in global affairs; and of the persistent
destabilising behaviour of Iran and North Korea.
As a result of this analysis, the 2021 Integrated Review

helped instigate record investment in defence and
recommended a more active and activist posture for
Britain on the world stage. It prioritised collective security
in the Euro-Atlantic and emphasised the need to forge
stronger bonds in the Indo-Pacific, the Gulf and Africa, as
© Crown copyright 2023
regions of growing importance to UK interests.
This approach has been played out in the UK’s leading contribution to the defence of
Ukraine – both in terms of the amount of defensive support we have provided and in the
leading role we have played in galvanising the international community. When the security
of our continent has been threatened, we have been at the forefront of its defence; and we
will maintain that commitment for as long as it takes. I am proud that the UK has delivered
the ambition we set for the Indo-Pacific tilt: achieving dialogue partner status with the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), deepening our bilateral political, economic
and security relations across the region, pursuing final phase negotiations on accession to
CPTPP, launching British International Investment’s Singapore hub, deploying a UK Carrier
Strike Group and two offshore patrol vessels to the region, and co-launching the Partners in
the Blue Pacific initiative. We have strengthened Atlantic-Pacific links, including through two
major defence and security partnerships in the form of AUKUS with the US and Australia and
the Global Combat Air Programme (GCAP) with Italy and Japan.
But what could not be fully foreseen in 2021 was the pace of the geopolitical change and
the extent of its impact on the UK and our people. We learned from COVID-19 just how
much impact events that begin overseas can have on our lives and livelihoods at home.
Since then, Russia’s illegal invasion of Ukraine, weaponisation of energy and food supplies
and irresponsible nuclear rhetoric, combined with China’s more aggressive stance in the
South China Sea and the Taiwan Strait, are threatening to create a world defined by danger,
disorder and division – and an international order more favourable to authoritarianism.
Long-standing threats from terrorism and serious and organised crime are enduring and
evolving, and may find new opportunities in events like the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan.
Other transnational challenges such as large-scale migration, smuggling of people, narcotics
and weapons, and illicit finance have become more acute, with grave human costs and
strain on our national resources.
The 2023 refresh therefore builds on the approach set out in the Integrated Review, setting
out the next evolutionary step in delivering on its aims, against the backdrop of a more
volatile and contested world. Its main conclusion is that unless democracies like our own
do more to build our resilience and out-cooperate and out-compete those that are driving
I. Foreword from the Prime Minister 2

instability, the global security situation will deteriorate further, to the detriment of all states
and peoples. As in 2021, it paves the way to greater integration across government in
pursuit of the four campaign priorities that will guide our national security strategy in this
changing context. And it does so with further investment in our national security.
First, we must shape the global strategic environment, working with like-minded partners
around the world and also with those who do not necessarily share our values and our
perspective. The security and prosperity of the Euro-Atlantic will remain our core priority,
bolstered by a reinvigoration of our European relationships. But that cannot be separated
from our wider neighbourhood on the periphery of our continent and a free and open
Indo-Pacific. We will deepen relationships, support sustainable development and poverty
alleviation, and tackle shared challenges including climate change.
China poses an epoch-defining challenge to the type of international order we want to see,
both in terms of security and values – and so our approach must evolve. We will work with
our partners to engage with Beijing on issues such as climate change. But where there are
attempts by the Chinese Communist Party to coerce or create dependencies, we will work
closely with others to push back against them. And we are taking new action to protect
ourselves, our democracy and our economy at home.
Second, as threats and volatility increase, we recognise the growing importance of

deterrence and defence to keep the British people safe and our alliances strong. Our
immediate and most urgent priority is supporting the self-defence and restoration of
sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine. This is not just about our values. We are
acting because Ukraine’s security is all of our security. Russia’s invasion and continuing
occupation of Georgia, invasion and occupation of Crimea, threats to the UK homeland
and attempts to destroy Ukraine are assaults on European security. That is why we have
committed at least £2.3 billion of support for Ukraine as it enters the second year of its war
of national self-defence, just as we did in 2022.
This geopolitical moment not only requires us to act now but to plan for the long-term.
As a result of the refresh of the Integrated Review, defence will receive £5 billion of
additional funding over two years – focusing on the priority areas of nuclear resilience and
conventional stockpiles. Building on the record investment announced in 2020, overall UK
defence spending is expected to reach 2.2% of GDP this year (2.29% when including our
military support to Ukraine). But we will go further still, moving away from the baseline
commitment of spending at least 2% of GDP on defence to a new aspiration to reach
2.5%. Taken together, these commitments will maintain our leading position in NATO and
continue the modernisation of our armed forces, which will be further strengthened as we
learn the lessons from the war in Ukraine. It will also allow us to invest in the next stages of
the AUKUS and GCAP programmes. We will also support efforts to renew arms control and
counter-proliferation, as it is when tensions are highest that leadership to establish clear
routes for de-escalation is most vital.
Third, the stability and resilience of our economy and society is a precondition of our
security, so we will address vulnerabilities that have been exposed in the UK and many
countries by the events of the last two years. We must preserve the huge benefits that stem
from our openness while ensuring that we are protected from the worst effects of global
disruption, transnational challenges, or to hostile interference. That means improving our
economic, health and energy security, with practical steps such as our energy support
packages or using the National Security and Investment Act to prevent high-risk investment
3 Integrated Review Refresh 2023

in critical infrastructure and sensitive technologies. A new National Protective Security
Authority will engage with businesses and institutions to protect our security and prosperity
at home.
Working more closely with others will be vital to these efforts. Over the last year, together
with the G7 and other partners, we have developed new economic tools, deploying an
unprecedented package of sanctions against Russia. We will take this further with a new
initiative to support sanctions enforcement and bolster other tools of economic statecraft,
so that we are better prepared for future challenges.
Fourth, we will invest in the UK’s unique strengths. Britain is a leading economy, but our
strength comes not only through size but specialisation. As the 2021 Integrated Review was
clear, science and technology is increasingly vital to our future. We are a top five nation in
innovation, artificial intelligence (AI) and cyber, and a major international power in science
and technology. We will increase our resilience for the long term by surging investment
into these areas. That’s why we are committing to spend £20 billion a year by 2024/25 on
research and development and why we have reorganised government to enable greater
focus and dynamism in an area that is critical for our future prosperity and security.
The most significant lesson of the last two years is not just that the world is a more
dangerous place, but that when challenged we are ready and able to respond, working
quickly and effectively with our partners. As the global context evolves further, systemic
competition continues to intensify and new challenges emerge, we must make sure that this
remains the case by taking a lead where we can make the most difference and finding new
ways to cooperate with others to maximise our collective impact.
With the UK’s unique strengths and deep partnerships, combined with our outstanding
armed services, diplomatic network, development expertise, law enforcement and
intelligence agencies, we will protect and promote our interests and play an active role in
defence of openness, freedom and the rule of law. That’s why I am looking to this difficult
and dangerous decade with pride in our country and confidence in our values and with this
Integrated Review Refresh as our blueprint.
I. Foreword from the Prime Minister 4

II. Overview
Strong foundations: building on the 2021 Integrated Review
1. The 2021 Integrated Review, Global Britain in a Competitive Age (IR2021), set the UK’s
overarching national security and international strategy, bringing together defence,
security, resilience, diplomacy, development and trade, as well as elements of economic,
and science and technology (S&T) policy. It is supported by a series of published
sub-strategies, including the 2021 Defence Command Paper, the Defence and Security
Industrial Strategy, the National Artificial Intelligence Strategy, the National Cyber
Strategy, the National Space Strategy, the Strategy for International Development, the
UK Export Strategy, the British Energy Security Strategy, the Net Zero Strategy, the Arctic
Policy Framework and the UK Government Resilience Framework.
2. The IR strategic framework established four goals to guide all related government policy
to 2025: sustaining strategic advantage through S&T; shaping an open and stable
international order in our region and beyond; strengthening collective security and
defence; and building resilience at home and overseas. The core emphasis of IR2021
was on integration – bringing together all of the UK’s levers, breaking down barriers
between domestic and international policy, and strengthening cooperation and
burden-sharing with allies and partners to better navigate a more competitive and
contested world.
3. IR2021 recommended continuity across many areas of policy, including in the UK’s
commitment to: multilateralism through the UN and other fora; collective security
through NATO; robust measures to protect the British people from terrorist groups
and serious and organised crime; and leading action at home and globally on climate
change and biodiversity loss. It was clear that the security of the homeland and the
Euro-Atlantic area remained the first-order priorities, on which our prosperity and
quality of life depended. Overall, however, it concluded that static defence of the status
quo was no longer sufficient to promote the UK’s interests and protect the British
people at a time of rapid geopolitical and technological change and a shifting balance
of global power. The IR strategic framework therefore introduced several important
shifts in the UK’s posture and policy, including:
i. Renewed investment to bolster collective defence and security, supported by the

biggest sustained uplift in defence spending since the end of the Cold War. Alongside
this, it recommended an activist and more targeted foreign policy that recognised
the intent of others to shape the international order in ways counter to the UK’s
interests, both in terms of traditional multilateralism and in areas of growing
importance such as cyberspace, the digital domain and emerging technologies. This
was therefore supported by a new emphasis on ‘regulatory diplomacy’ focused on
shaping rules, norms and standards.
ii. Strengthening the UK’s domestic resilience and international partnerships, partly
in response to the epoch-defining and systemic challenge posed by China under
the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) across almost every aspect of national life and
government policy. This included a new focus on tackling state threats to the UK’s
democracy, economy and society, and protecting our science and technological base.
iii. Moving away from a predominantly risk-management approach to national security

and engaging proactively in areas of growing importance to both global prosperity
and security. IR2021 was unambiguous in its prioritisation of the Euro-Atlantic as
the region of primary and overriding importance to UK interests, where the vast bulk
II. Overview 6
of the UK’s defence and security efforts would be focused through NATO. Equally,
however, it also stressed the need to engage more in areas of growing geopolitical
significance, such as the Indo-Pacific and the Gulf, through sustainable, enduring
and long-term commitments and partnerships in which security would be just
one dimension.
iv. Prioritisation of strength in S&T – including as a responsible and democratic cyber

power – as a national objective. Specifically, IR2021 stressed the importance of
innovation in areas such as AI, quantum computing, engineering biology, nuclear
technology, cyber and space, as vital to the future prosperity and quality of life of
the British people and as an increasingly important arena of competition between
states. IR2021 committed to supporting these priorities in areas of government
policy that went beyond traditional national security activity – such as education and
skills, investment in research and development (R&D) and the attraction of talent to
the UK.
4. The IR’s emphasis on integration also enabled clearer prioritisation of finite resources.
The decision to increase defence spending in 2020 allowed the UK to maintain our
leading role in NATO and the Euro-Atlantic region while modernising our capabilities
– with a significant share of the defence budget orientated to R&D. In parallel, the
Indo-Pacific tilt was achieved largely through non-military instruments – such as
diplomacy, trade, development, technological exchange and engagement with regional
organisations – accompanied by a modest initial increase in our regional defence
presence. We have has also adapted at pace where needed – to release new resources
in support of Ukraine (£2.3 billion in defensive support in 2022, and again in 2023),
and to seize opportunities through new partnerships such as AUKUS. We created legal
migration routes and welcomed thousands of people to this country who are fleeing the
war in Ukraine, who are British Nationals Overseas from Hong Kong, or who helped our
armed forces in Afghanistan.
What has changed since 2021?

The case for updating the Integrated Review
5. IR2021 identified four trends that would shape the international environment to
2030: shifts in the distribution of global power; inter-state, ‘systemic’ competition
over the nature of the international order; rapid technological change; and worsening
transnational challenges. Our assessment is that these remain the trends that will
dominate the decade ahead, and to which the UK national security and international
policy must respond.
6. The government’s decision to publish the IR refresh (IR2023) reflects the pace at which
these trends have accelerated over the past two years. In that time, the transition into a
multipolar, fragmented and contested world has happened more quickly and definitively
than anticipated. We are now in a period of heightened risk and volatility that is likely to
last beyond the 2030s. IR2023 updates the UK’s priorities and core tasks to reflect the
resulting changes in the global context.
7. First, IR2023 responds to Russia’s illegal invasion of Ukraine. Putin’s act of aggression
has precipitated the largest military conflict, refugee and energy crisis in Europe since
the end of the Second World War. It has brought large-scale, high intensity land
warfare back to our home region, with implications for the UK and NATO’s approach to
deterrence and defence. As IR2021 set out, Russia is the most acute threat to the UK’s

security. What has changed is that our collective security now is intrinsically linked to the
outcome of the conflict in Ukraine. We must also analyse, learn from and adapt to the
changing nature of warfare – notably in the land domain.
8. There is a growing prospect that the international security environment will further
deteriorate in the coming years, with state threats increasing and diversifying in Europe
and beyond. The risk of escalation is greater than at any time in decades, and an
increasing number of advanced weapons systems have been developed and are being
tested or adopted. The strategic stability mechanisms that helped in the 21st century
to mitigate the risks of misunderstanding, miscalculation and unintended escalation
have not developed at the pace needed to ensure that competition does not spill over
into uncontrolled conflict. Tensions in the Indo-Pacific are increasing and conflict there
could have global consequences greater than the conflict in Ukraine. The threat from
Iran has increased, as demonstrated by its advancing nuclear programme, regionally-
destabilising behaviour and its actions in the UK – including 15 credible threats by
the Iranian regime to kill or kidnap British or UK-based individuals since 2022. The
Democratic People’s Republic of Korea is also seeking to develop its nuclear capabilities
while pursuing regionally destabilising activity through missile tests that threaten
its neighbours.
9. At the same time, transnational security challenges still pose a considerable risk to
the UK, remaining a major focus for the law enforcement and intelligence agencies,
and adding to the complexity of the threat picture. Illegal migration is one of the major
challenges of our time, and has become particularly acute across Europe. Islamist
terrorist groups maintain an aspiration to conduct attacks against the UK and our
overseas interests: the threat originating in the Middle East is enduring and groups
are expanding in unstable regions including Afghanistan and the Sahel, and so we
cannot rule out the possibility of a significant resurgence. At home, the threat from
self-radicalised individuals with a variety of ideologies remains high. Meanwhile,
organised crime groups are increasing in scale and complexity, taking particular
advantage of advances in technology to develop new operating models and hide their
identities and activity. Coordination and cooperation between state and non-state actors
is likely to continue increasing.
10. Second, IR2023 responds to the intensification of systemic competition, which is now
the dominant geopolitical trend and the main driver of the deteriorating security
environment. A growing convergence of authoritarian states are challenging the basic
conditions for an open, stable and peaceful international order, working together to
undermine the international system or remake it in their image. The CCP is increasingly
explicit in its aim to shape a China-centric international order more favourable to its
authoritarian system, and pursuing this ambition through a wide-ranging strategy –
shaping global governance, in ways that undermine individual rights and freedoms,
and pursuing coercive practices. China’s deepening partnership with Russia and
Russia’s growing cooperation with Iran in the wake of the invasion of Ukraine are two
developments of particular concern.
11. A more positive consequence of the acceleration of systemic competition – and an

important factor in IR2023 – is renewed purpose and cooperation among the UK’s
core network of allies and partners. In 2021, the fall of Kabul led many to question the
resolve and ability of the UK and our allies to deal with international challenges. But
the strength of our collective response in support of Ukraine has demonstrated that we
remain willing and able to act decisively in defence of our security, an open international
II. Overview 8
order, international law and the fundamental principles of the United Nations (UN)
Charter. The bedrock of our security, NATO, has increased in political importance and in
overall military strength. The enduring strength of the European family of nations, and
of the UK’s ties within it, has been reaffirmed. The European Political Community (EPC)
is a notable and welcome new forum for continent-wide cooperation. Equally, the US’s
deep and abiding commitment to European security has been proved once again. The
depth of the UK’s relationship with the US – from intelligence to military and diplomatic
coordination – remains an absolutely essential pillar of our security. It has been further
strengthened through our response to the war in Ukraine and other measures such
as the New Atlantic Charter. In turn, we understand that allies of the US need to step
up our collective contribution to burden-sharing both in the Euro-Atlantic and across
geopolitical hotspots including the Gulf and Indo-Pacific, as the UK is doing
through IR2023.
12. The growing coalescence amongst our like-minded allies and partners is also translating
into a new network of ‘Atlantic-Pacific’ partnerships, based on a shared view that the
prosperity and security of the Euro-Atlantic and Indo-Pacific are inextricably linked. This
is seen in the growing importance of the G7, closer cooperation of countries such as
Australia, the Republic of Korea and India with G7 countries, and the commitment of
many Indo-Pacific countries to supporting Ukraine’s self-defence. It is also seen in the
investment of the UK in deeper defensive ties and new frameworks such as AUKUS and
GCAP with Italy and Japan. These enable the UK and its partners to develop capabilities
that not only reinforce NATO but help allies in the Indo-Pacific bolster their own security.
S&T, trade and economic connectivity are also vital to these Atlantic-Pacific ties, which
will continue growing in importance over the rest of the decade. In this context, the
well-established Five Eyes grouping will continue to play a critical role, both in its core
mission of intelligence sharing, and in the broader defence and security cooperation it
now supports.
13. Importantly, however, systemic competition is developing into a highly complex

phenomenon that we must navigate with an understanding that not everyone’s values
or interests consistently align with our own. Today’s international system cannot simply
be reduced to ‘democracy versus autocracy’, or divided into binary, Cold War-style blocs.
As IR2021 identified, an expanding group of ‘middle-ground powers’ are of growing
importance to UK interests as well as global affairs more generally, and do not want
to be drawn into zero-sum competition any more than the UK does. We will need to
work with these countries to protect our shared higher interest in an open and stable
international order, accepting that we may not share all of the same values and
national interests.
14. Third, IR2023 responds to the way systemic competition is playing out across
overlapping ‘strategic arenas’, in which there is constant and dynamic competition
above and below the threshold of armed conflict – over the military, economic and
political balance of power, rules and norms, and institutional architectures. In particular
since IR2021:
• In some areas – such as AI – technology has advanced and become more widely
available. As well as driving societal and economic change, these advances are
leading to an increased ability to threaten, harm and damage countries, societies
and individuals remotely and in some cases anonymously. The use of commercial
spyware, ransomware and offensive cyber capabilities by state and non-state
actors has proliferated, highlighting the importance of engaging with technology

companies and shaping responsible norms of behaviour with respect to cyberspace
and new and emerging technology areas.
• At the same time, technological competition has accelerated. More actors are
pursuing technological advantage or autonomy through multi-year, multi-billion
pound investments in their domestic sectors - such as the US CHIPS and Science Act
and the European Chips Act, greater use of export controls, and trends towards data
localisation. In the context of Ukraine, technology, digital and information warfare
have helped to hold back a larger aggressor by providing an asymmetric advantage.
• The global economic and trade order is also changing and showing signs of
fragmenting. More countries are tending towards protectionism through ‘onshoring’
and ‘friendshoring’, the primacy of the Bretton Woods institutions is being eroded,
and the use of economic coercion is growing. In the decades ahead, we can expect
further pressures as the net zero transition drives a major restructuring of the global
economy with a massive redeployment of capital, presenting both opportunities and
challenges for open, innovating and trading economies such as the UK.
• There has been a sharp increase in geopolitical tensions over sources of energy,
following the severe disruption to global energy markets and conflict in Ukraine.
This may be compounded by the transition to clean energy: the need for assured
access to key technologies, raw materials and critical minerals will create new
challenges that we must start to address now, including through effective global
governance that can support an equitable transition for all countries. IR2021
identified the transition to clean energy and net zero as a core element of global
action on climate change; IR2023 also recognises that this is a geostrategic issue.
15. Fourth, IR2023 responds to the multiplying effects of overlapping transnational

challenges, which are compounding wider global instability. Of the challenges identified
in IR2021, climate change and biodiversity loss are important multipliers of other global
threats, and are guaranteed to continue to worsen over the next decade: six of the
top ten risks for the decade ahead identified by the World Economic Forum relate to
climate, the environment and nature. The consequences are both acute and chronic,
resulting in a sharp increase in global migration and the number of people in need of
immediate humanitarian assistance, as well as significant set-backs to progress towards
the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). At home, these transnational challenges test
the UK’s own resilience, as well as driving new or evolving security challenges, as seen in
the numbers of people seeking to cross the Channel in small boats.
16. Finally, IR2023 responds to the growing impact of global volatility on the daily lives of
the British people. As in many other countries, the consequences of Russia’s invasion
of Ukraine for the British people have been far-reaching. It has contributed to a
huge rise in energy prices and serious burdens on families, leading to unprecedented
government intervention through the Energy Price Guarantee and other support
schemes. More widely, geopolitical instability is manifesting itself in: the greater
volume and variety of attacks by both state actors and organised crime groups on UK
institutions, organisations and people; the growing issue of illegal migration via small
boats; interrupted supply chains and rising prices for basic goods; and the proliferation
of disinformation and cyber scams. Consequently, the UK’s ability to shape the global
environment – and to identify, address and confront threats – is of growing importance
to domestic policy, and to our national wellbeing.
II. Overview 10
Integrated Review 2023: headline conclusions
17. To produce this IR Refresh, the government has drawn on:
• A range of assessment and horizon-scanning products, including Joint Intelligence

Committee assessments, the National Security Risk Assessment, Defence Intelligence,
Government Office for Science (GO-Science) and Foreign, Commonwealth and
Development Office (FCDO) analyses of future trends. We have also consulted
external experts.
• Lessons from policy and strategy over two decades of UK engagement in

Afghanistan, from the Manchester Arena Inquiry, and from cross-government work
on wider geopolitical implications of the conflict in Ukraine. We continue to draw
lessons on an ongoing basis, including from Ukraine, and this will be essential to
future plans for the armed forces, particularly in the land domain.
• Red-teaming and other challenge activity, in line with the Chilcot principles.
• The recommendations of Parliamentary reports, including those produced
by the Foreign Affairs Committee, Defence Committee, Intelligence and Security
Committee, and the Lords International Relations and Defence Committee.
• Consultations with allies and partners undergoing a similar process of reappraisal,

including: Five Eyes partners; nations of NATO and the Joint Expeditionary Force
(JEF); other key European partners including France, Germany, Poland and Italy;
and partners across the Gulf, Indo-Pacific and Africa. In particular, IR2023 is closely
aligned with the new NATO Strategic Concept and places high importance on the
future role of the JEF and the Combined Joint Expeditionary Force (CJEF) with France.
18. The government’s overarching assessment is that the broad direction set by IR2021
was right, but that further investment and a greater proportion of national resource
will be needed in defence and national security – now and in the future – to deliver its
objectives. IR2023 therefore maintains significant continuity across most policy, such
as the high priority given to S&T and cyber, homeland security, and tackling the climate
and nature crises. However, in other areas the UK’s policy has evolved since IR2021, or
needs to be updated to respond to the changes in the context set out above.
19. The headline strategic conclusions (and associated commitments) of IR2023 are that:

i. The most pressing national security and foreign policy priority in the short-to-
medium term is to address the threat posed by Russia to European security. A
vital part of this is supporting Ukraine to reassert its sovereignty and denying
Russia any strategic benefit from its invasion. As we update our Russia strategy,
the UK’s objective will be to contain and challenge Russia’s ability and intent to
disrupt the security of the UK, the Euro-Atlantic and the wider international order.
We have already weakened the Russian war machine with hundreds of targeted
sanctions, coordinated with our allies, and set in motion international justice for
Moscow’s egregious war crimes. In 2022/23, we provided £2.3 billion in military and
humanitarian aid to Ukraine and we will maintain at least the same level of support
in 2023/24. We will also work with partners to ensure Ukraine has the support it
needs in the future as it looks towards reconstruction.

ii. Although IR2023 stands outside a spending review, there are urgent and immediate
pressures brought about by the deteriorating security situation. Defence will
receive £5 billion of additional funding over the next two years, further to the £560
million of new investment made in autumn 2022. This will be prioritised towards:
replenishing and increasing our stockpiles and investing in the resilience of the
UK’s munitions infrastructure; and the continued modernisation of the nuclear
enterprise, including investment in infrastructure, skills, and support to in-service
submarines. This means that UK spending on defence is expected to reach 2.2% of
GDP this year (2.29% including support to Ukraine), having increased in cash terms
every year since the record settlement provided at Spending Review 2020.

iii. The UK will maintain our leading position in NATO in the decade ahead, in reflection
of its growing importance. We will lead a new conversation in NATO on burden-
sharing and future defence spending commitments beginning at the 2023 NATO
Leaders Summit in Vilnius – just as we did after the Newport NATO Summit in
2014. In recognition of a more contested and insecure world, we will move away
from the baseline commitment to spend 2% of GDP on defence as a floor. Instead,
IR2023 states for the first time that it is the UK’s aspiration to invest 2.5% of GDP on
defence over time, as fiscal and economic circumstances allow.

iv. We will further strengthen the UK’s ability to tackle state and non-state threats
below the threshold for armed conflict. This means improving UK resilience in key
areas, including through our Defending Democracy Taskforce and enhanced cyber
security measures. The National Security Bill will create a more challenging operating
environment for states and other actors who seek to undermine UK interests, and
we will make use of the full range of powers available to us – including considering
proscription – to tackle the threats we face from organisations such as Wagner. We
will also continue to develop our broader deterrence and defence toolkit, including
information operations and offensive cyber tools, and make greater use of open
source information alongside our intelligence capabilities.

v. We will develop more robust measures to bolster the UK’s economic security. We
will step up work to protect the capabilities, supply chains and technologies of
strategic importance to the UK and our allies and partners, with the new National
Protective Security Authority providing a source of expertise and interface between
government and UK businesses. We will publish a new strategy on supply chains
and imports and refresh our approach to delivering the Critical Minerals Strategy.
A new Semiconductor Strategy will set out plans to grow the UK semiconductors
sector and improve resilience of semiconductor supply chains at home and overseas.

vi. We will launch a new Economic Deterrence Initiative to strengthen our diplomatic
and economic tools to respond and deter to hostile acts by current and future
aggressors. With up to £50 million of funding over two years, the initiative will
improve our sanctions implementation and enforcement. This will maximise the
impact of our trade, transport and financial sanctions, including by cracking down
on sanctions evasion. It will also be used to prepare HMG for future scenarios where
the UK may need to deter or respond to hostile acts and bolster the type of work
we have done with the G7 in response to the invasion of Ukraine.

vii. We will update the UK’s approach to China to keep pace with the evolving and
epoch-defining challenge it poses to the international order. First, we will increase
our national security protections in those areas where Chinese Communist Party
II. Overview 12
actions pose a threat to our people, prosperity and security. Second, we will deepen
our cooperation and increase alignment with both our core allies and a wider group
of partners. Third, we will engage directly with China bilaterally and in international
fora so that we leave room for open, constructive and predictable relations:
diplomacy is a normal part of state-to-state business, and supports the national
interest. We will double funding to build China capabilities across government
to better understand China and allow us to engage confidently where it is in our
interests to do so.

viii. While the UK will be prepared to address contestation and confrontation in the
international environment, our goal is to see better cooperation and well-managed
competition. As part of IR2023 we will introduce a new long-term goal to manage
the risks of miscalculation and escalation between major powers, upholding
strategic stability through strategic-level dialogue and an updated approach to arms
control and counter-proliferation. We will also foster a strategic affairs specialism to
build the expertise needed to navigate the changing international environment.

ix. We will build on the Trade and Cooperation Agreement and the Windsor Framework
to enter a new phase in our post-Brexit relationships in Europe. The UK is committed
to playing a leading role in upholding the stability, security and prosperity of
our continent and the Euro-Atlantic as a whole. We will address the full range of
challenges facing the region, providing leadership where we are best placed to do
so. Related to this, our ambition is to build even stronger relationships with our
European allies and partners based on values, reciprocity and cooperation across our
shared interests. This includes the EU, with which we seek to work closely in areas of
mutual benefit, as we have done in response to Ukraine. The UK will host the next
meeting of the European Political Community (EPC) in 2024.

x. We will continue to enhance our relationships in the Indo-Pacific, as a theatre of
growing geopolitical and economic importance, pursuing the final stages of CPTPP
accession as a priority. The UK has delivered on the IR2021 ambition for a tilt; the
target we now have is to make this increased engagement stronger and enduring,
and a permanent pillar of the UK’s international policy. We will put our approach to
the region on a long-term strategic footing, working with others and ensuring that
we are respectful to and guided by regional perspectives. We will do this through a
combination of bilateral, minilateral and institutional relationships across the region
and our support for the concept of a free and open Indo-Pacific. Through the March
2023 UK-France Summit we have strengthened our cooperation with France in the
Indo-Pacific, including by establishing the basis of a permanent European maritime
presence in the region through coordinated carrier deployments.

xi. Beyond our traditional allies and partners, the UK will continue to deepen
relationships with a wide range of influential actors across the Indo-Pacific, Gulf,
Africa, and beyond. We seek to build long-term ties across our shared interests,
looking for new opportunities to collaborate across a broader range of issues, and
without forcing zero-sum choices or encouraging bipolarity in the international
system. We recognise that the multilateral system needs to change to accommodate
new realities, and the UK will support reform of the United Nations Security Council
(UNSC) to welcome additional permanent members. We will host the next UK-
African Investment Summit in April 2024.

xii. The Government will seek to maximise UK soft power, including by working with
the British Council and BBC World Service. In a world in which disinformation
is proliferating, we have established a new directorate in the FCDO to build our
capability to assess and respond to the hostile manipulation of information. We
will also work to provide trusted sources of news. As an outcome of IR2023, we
will provide £20 million of additional funding to the BBC World Service over the
next two years to protect all 42 World Service language services it provides, support
English language broadcasting and counter disinformation.

xiii. The UK will work to reinvigorate its position as a global leader on international
development, pursuing patient, long-term partnerships tailored to the needs of the
countries we work with, going beyond our Official Development Assistance (ODA)
offer to draw on the full range of UK strengths and expertise. In 2023, we will
pursue seven priority campaigns under the International Development Strategy, and
ensure FCDO’s structures can effectively deliver on those priorities.
We will take forward work to maximise the benefits of the merger of diplomacy and
development in one department. The Minister for International Development will
have a permanent place on the National Security Council, a new second Permanent
Secretary in the FCDO will oversee our development priorities, and a new FCDO-HM
Treasury governance structure will improve oversight of all aid spending.

xiv. We will build on IR2021’s prioritisation of strategic advantage in science
and technology as a core national priority. The new Department for Science,
Innovation and Technology (DSIT) will take responsibility for coordinating work
to achieve a durable competitive edge in S&T. Under the new S&T Framework,
the Government will create the right ecosystem for S&T to flourish in the UK and
keep pace with strategic competitors, including in five priority areas of technology:
AI, semiconductors, quantum technologies, future telecommunications and
engineering biology. We will establish a new government-industry taskforce to build
the UK’s capability in foundation models – a rapidly-advancing type of AI that will
have far-reaching implications for the UK’s security and prosperity.

xv. The Government will establish a new UK Integrated Security Fund (UKISF) by
combining the existing Conflict, Stability and Security Fund (CSSF) and a range
of smaller government funds to support delivery of IR objectives, raising overall
funding to £1 billion. We will also commit £4 million over the next two years to
embed the College for National Security – which was launched through IR2021 –
in our national security architecture.
20. These conclusions and commitments are reflected in the 2023 IR strategic framework
which expands on – and in some of the areas set out above supersedes – the goals set
out in the IR2021 strategic framework.
II. Overview 14
III. IR2023:
Updated Strategic Framework
1. At home and abroad, the government’s first duty is to promote and protect the United
Kingdom’s core national interests: the sovereignty, security and prosperity of the British
people, ensuring that our borders are secure and that the UK and its Overseas Territories
and Crown Dependencies are free from coercion, protected from harm, and able to
maximise our economic and social wellbeing.
2. The UK also has a higher interest in an open and stable international order of enhanced
cooperation and well-managed competition based on respect for the UN Charter and
international law. An open and stable international order recognises the legitimate self
interest and aspirations of all countries. It creates the optimum conditions in which the
UK can secure its interests, and in which we and others can prosper. It is the foundation
for meaningful cooperation on global challenges, not least the existential threats
posed by climate change and biodiversity loss. And it helps us deal with challenges
like migration that affect us at home. Working towards the higher goal of an open
and stable international order is therefore an ‘end’ of UK strategy, alongside our core
national interests.
3. The four pillars of this updated IR strategic framework set the ‘ways’ through which
the UK will pursue these ‘ends’. The framework will guide all relevant areas of national
security, international and domestic policy and resource decisions until the next general
election. Given the interconnected nature of the challenges we face and the breadth
of the policy agenda sitting under the IR, the pillars do not cover policy in exhaustive
detail. However, each pillar highlights the particularly important areas of policy that
will be essential to delivering the overall intent, and indicates prioritisation where this is
possible. They are designed to support a sustained, campaigning approach that keeps
pace with the changing international environment, with the emphasis on ‘think long-
term; act now’.
Shape the international environment. This pillar commits the UK to shaping,

i.
balancing, competing and cooperating across the main arenas of systemic
competition, working with all who support an open and stable international order
and the protection of global public goods.
Deter, defend and compete across all domains. This pillar reinforces the ongoing
ii.
shift to an integrated approach to deterrence and defence, to counter both state
threats and transnational security challenges. It reaffirms that NATO is at the core of
this effort, but is clear that – given the changing threat picture – effective deterrence
will mean working through other groupings and beyond the Euro-Atlantic theatre.
It also introduces a renewed emphasis on the concept of strategic stability –
establishing new frameworks and building a new international security architecture
to manage systemic competition and escalation in a multipolar environment.
iii. A
ddress vulnerabilities through resilience. This pillar develops the UK’s approach
to resilience, shifting to a long-term campaign to address the vulnerabilities that
leave the UK exposed to crises and hostile actors. This will strengthen the UK’s
deterrence by denial, and ensure that operational activity under pillar two can be
focused where it has the greatest impact.
Generate strategic advantage. This pillar reinforces and extends IR2021’s focus
iv.
on strategic advantage – the UK’s relative ability to achieve our objectives compared
to our competitors. In a more contested environment, this is indispensable to
maintaining the UK’s freedom of action, freedom from coercion and our ability
to cooperate with others, and is the underpinning for the other pillars of the
strategic framework.

4. To deliver this campaigning approach, the National Security Council (NSC) will
oversee a ‘strategic cycle’ that drives delivery of the IR2023 strategic framework. This
will emphasise: greater integration of IR2023 into the Government Planning and
Performance Framework (GPPF) through departmental Outcome Delivery Plans and
cross-cutting Priority Outcomes; regular horizon-scanning underpinned by products
including the NSRA; ongoing monitoring and evaluation of delivery progress; more
frequent opportunities to consider cross-cutting issues such as strategic advantage
in the round; and greater agility in responding to the intent and actions of our
competitors. As set out in IR2021, this requires long-term cultural change so the
Government is able to navigate a much more challenging operating environment. The
IR strategic cycle will therefore require ongoing commitment from senior leaders across
the national security community to strengthening culture, diversity and inclusion.
5. The Government will also align the IR2023 with the resources and levers it needs to
succeed. One component will be a new UK Integrated Security Fund (UKISF) to support
the implementation of key IR objectives, in the UK and overseas, formed by combining
the existing Conflict, Stability and Security Fund (CSSF) and a range of smaller
government funds to integrate cross-government effort and ensure that resources are
prioritised in line with IR2023 as effectively as possible.
IR2023 Strategic Framework
1. Shape the international 2. Deter, defend and compete

environment across all domains
Shape, balance, compete Protect UK and wider

and cooperate to create the international security against
conditions for an open and state and non-state threats, and
stable international order. manage the risk of escalation.
3. Address vulnerabilities 4. Generate strategic

through resilience advantage
Strengthen the strategic Cultivate the UK’s strengths

vulnerabilities that leave and update our approach to
the UK exposed to coercion statecraft to maximise our
and global crises. influence and freedom of action.

UK-aid funded project run by the charity
Hello World, creating community-led
solar-powered internet hubs in rural Nepal.
The hubs support connectivity, education,
training and employment, bridging the
digital divide. Credit: Johnny Fenn and
Hello World
Pillar 1: Shape the
international environment
1. In order to pursue our core national interests, and in support of broader international
goals, the UK must be able to shape the environment in which it operates. As a
permanent member of the Security Council of the United Nations (UN), member of
the G7, one of the biggest defence and development spenders, and one of the largest
economies in the world, the UK will always retain a global perspective – and this is
becoming more, not less, important in a more contested and multipolar world.
2. The UK will work to shape an open and stable international order of well-managed
cooperation and competition between sovereign states on the basis of reciprocity,
norms of responsible behaviour and respect for the fundamental principles of the UN
Charter and international law. We will act with consistency and predictability in line with
these principles, while actively balancing against and contesting efforts to undermine
them through force or other coercive means.
3. IR2021 set out an approach to shaping the international order organised around open
societies and economies. A determination to preserve that openness as a collective
good remains the thread running through the UK’s action, in particular in our
commitment to protecting global public goods. But we will sharpen the UK’s posture,
shaping, balancing, cooperating and competing wherever we are active internationally
to create the conditions, structures and incentives necessary for an open and stable
international order.
4. The UK’s long-standing commitment to multilateralism remains the foundation of this

approach. The creation of the UN was a historic shared achievement that continues
to provide huge global benefits, and the UK will support the Secretary General in his
call for reinvigorated multilateralism. In particular, we recognise that the multilateral
system needs to change to accommodate new realities. Moving beyond IR2021, the
UK will support reform of the UN Security Council (UNSC) – and would welcome Brazil,
India, Japan and Germany as permanent members. We will also support permanent
African representation in the UNSC, as well as further representation in other multilateral
institutions including the G20.
5. However, as IR2021 emphasised, traditional multilateral approaches and defending the

post-Cold War ‘rules-based international system’ are no longer sufficient on their own.
The UK will prioritise shaping activity across the strategic arenas where developments
will be most consequential for our core national interests and international order:
geographically, the Euro-Atlantic, the Indo-Pacific, and our wider neighbourhood;
thematically, energy, climate and nature, sustainable development, the global economic
order, the emerging digital and tech order, and the cyberspace, space and maritime
domains. In each, we will calibrate our action based on an appreciation of geography,
the allocation of resources, regional and international architectures, rules and norms,
and the relative balance of economic, military, diplomatic and cultural power.
6. Across this agenda, the UK will partner with all who are willing to work with us on the
basis of respect, reciprocity, the UN Charter and international law. This commitment
extends to our systemic competitors, as there can be no stable international order
without dialogue. The UK therefore particularly values the role of the G20, as a critical
forum in which the major geopolitical players are represented.

7. The UK’s closest collaboration will nevertheless always be with our core network
of democratic allies and partners, with whom our interests and values are most
consistently aligned. The US in particular remains the UK’s most important ally and
partner, and our revitalised Atlantic Charter reflects the breadth and depth of our shared
global vision. As another substantive step beyond IR2021, the UK will make it a priority
to build closer alignment of purpose and action among our most like-minded partners
in the Euro-Atlantic and Indo-Pacific, recognising the high degree of shared interests
that transcend regional concerns. We have a natural foundation for this in groupings
such as the Five Eyes and the G7.
8. Beyond this core, we also recognise the importance of deeper, enduring partnerships
with the other influential actors that will shape the geopolitical environment in the years
ahead. The UK places significant value on all of these partnerships – whether they are in
our areas of geographical priority or in wider regions where we have strong ties, such
as Latin America – and will seek to build long-term ties across our shared interests. We
recognise that these partners may share different views on major international issues
and we seek neither to force them into zero-sum choices nor to encourage bipolarity in
the international system.
9. The UK will also seek to strengthen the Commonwealth, as an organisation that

accounts for over a quarter of the membership of the UN and a champion of values
at the heart of an open international order. We will deepen cooperation with
Commonwealth partners and institutions to enhance the benefits of membership for
all 2.5 billion Commonwealth citizens, further strengthen intra-Commonwealth trade,
support members facing challenges in attracting inward investment, and strengthen
the resilience of the most vulnerable members to climate change, nature loss and
environmental degradation.
Geographic priorities
10. The UK’s overriding priority remains the Euro-Atlantic, which is essential to the defence
of our homeland and to our prosperity as a nation. Although we have left the European
Union, the UK retains a significant role and stake in the future of our home region – as
a G7 economy, permanent (P5) member of the UNSC, founding member of NATO, and
framework nation for the Joint Expeditionary Force (JEF).
11. The UK will work to ensure that Europe, and the broader Euro-Atlantic, is stable, secure
and able to prosper politically and economically in the years ahead. We will play a role
across the full range of challenges facing the region – from Russian aggression and
the systemic challenge posed by China, to energy security, migration and revitalising
economic growth. As a regional actor, we will seek to lead and galvanise where
we have most value to add, giving particular priority – as set out in pillar two – to
the contribution we can make in northern Europe as a security actor. We have also
appointed our first envoy to the Western Balkans, in recognition of its vital importance
to regional stability.
12. The UK welcomes the positive evolution of our post-Brexit relationships with the EU
and our European partners. Our bilateral ties with some European nations – such as
Ukraine, Poland and the Baltic states – are now closer than they have been at any point
for decades, and we have valued close cooperation with the EU, France, Germany and
Italy in the G7 on sanctions, reconstruction and diplomatic support for Ukraine. We will
sustain this positive trajectory, building strong relationships with our European allies
and partners based on values, reciprocity and cooperation across our shared interests.

Revitalising the UK’s ties in Europe since Brexit
Revitalising the UK's ties in Europe since Brexit
Non-exhaustive list. Entries correct as of 1 March 2023
Non-exhaustive list. Entries correct as of 1 March 2023
15
14 10
27 35
09
19
08
21
16 25
28
12
02
07 38
32
11 20 23
36
33 05 30
17
03 31
24 04
18
34 26
29
01
Map key
Joint Expeditionary Force 13
Bilateral agreements signed (JEF)
Bilateral agreements
37
under negotiation Calais Group
Bilateral agreements signed B3 Agreement
and under negotiation
North Sea Energy Western Balkans
Cooperation group (EU) Trade Envoy 22
06
Global Combat Air Programme
01. Albania 13. Greece 26. North Macedonia 36. Switzerland

Partnerships, Trade and Strategic Bilateral Framework Partnership, Trade and Cooperation Agreement
Cooperation Agreement Joint Vision Statement Cooperation Agreement Joint Statement and Joint Declaration
02. Belgium 14. Greenland MOU on Defence Cooperation on Strategic Cooperation
Joint Declaration on Bilateral Cooperation Free Trade Agreement 27. Norway Services Mobility Agreement
03. Bosnia and Herzegovina 15. Iceland Free Trade Agreement between Enhanced FTA and Financial Services
Partnership, Trade and Cooperation Joint Vision the UK, Norway, Iceland, MoU on Science and Innovation
Agreement Free Trade Agreement between the UK, and Liechtenstein Mutual Recognition Agreement
04. Bulgaria Norway, Iceland, and Liechtenstein Joint Declaration on Statement of Intent on Defence
Strategic Partnership Agreement 16. Republic of Ireland Strategic Cooperation and Security
05. Croatia Collaborative Research Centres (GB,NI,RoI) 28. Poland 37. Turkey
Strategic Partnership Commitment MoU on Education Statement of Intent on Free Trade Agreement
Joint Statement on Strategic Cooperation 17. Italy Defence Cooperation Statement of Intent on
06. Cyprus Export and Investment MoUs on defence cooperation Strategic Cooperation
MoU on Strategic Cooperation Promotion Dialogue and logistics 38. Ukraine
Information-Sharing Agreement Statement of Intent on Space 29. Portugal Political, Free Trade and Strategic
07. Czech Republic and Cyber Cooperation Joint Declaration on Partnership Agreement
Statement of Intent Bilateral Cooperation Agreement Bilateral Cooperation
Declaration of Intent 18. Kosovo Defence Cooperation Treaty
08. Denmark MoU on Defence Cooperation 30. Romania
Joint Declaration on Enhanced 19. Latvia Strategic Partnership
Defence Cooperation Joint Declaration on 31. Serbia Groupings
Statement of Intent Strategic Cooperation Partnership, Trade and Calais Group: European Commission,
09. Estonia 20. Liechtenstein Cooperation Agreement France, Belgium, Germany, and the
Statement of Intent on Foreign Free Trade Agreement between the UK, Defence Cooperation Agreement Netherlands | Global Combat Air
Policy Cooperation Norway, Iceland, and Liechtenstein 32. Slovakia Programme: Italy, Japan | JEF:
Technology Partnership 21. Lithuania Joint Declaration on Denmark, Finland, Estonia, Iceland,
10. Finland Bilateral Statement of Intent on Strategic Cooperation Latvia, Lithuania, the Netherlands,
Joint Declaration of Political Solidarity Strategic Cooperation 33. Slovenia Sweden and Norway | North Sea
Framework Agreement on Enhanced 22. Malta Joint Statement of Intent on Strategic Energy Cooperation group: Belgium,
Bilateral Defence Cooperation Bilateral Cooperation Framework Cooperation Denmark, European Commission,
11. France 23. Moldova 34. Spain France, Germany, Ireland, Luxembourg,
Maritime Security Agreement Partnership, Trade and Bilateral Framework on Cooperation the Netherlands, Norway and Sweden |
Cooperation Protocol Cooperation Agreement MoU on Defence B3 Agreement: Estonia, Latvia and
12. Germany 24. Montenegro 35. Sweden Lithuania
Joint Declaration on Foreign Partnership, Trade and Joint Declaration of
and Security Policy Cooperation Agreement Political Solidarity
25. Netherlands MoU on Life Sciences
Joint Statement on Foreign, Development
and Security Bilateral Cooperation

13. This will include reinvigorating the UK’s most important historical bilateral ties
across Europe, building on the March 2023 UK-France summit with a range of further
Prime Ministerial and ministerial engagement. Within this, our relationship with Ireland
is particularly important, as a co-guarantor of the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement and
due to the Common Travel Area and other shared interests. We will also seek to extend
practical cooperation through bilateral and minilateral formats – for example, working
through the Transatlantic Quad and Quint (the UK, US, France, Germany, joined in the
latter grouping by Italy) on foreign policy issues, through the Calais Group on migration,
and with Benelux, France, Germany, Ireland and the Nordic countries through the North
Seas Energy Cooperation group.
14. Through the UK-France Summit we have fortified the structures of our alliance with
France and reaffirmed our long-standing friendship. We have: committed to a new
partnership on energy security; agreed to cooperate on the shared issue of illegal
migration; affirmed our commitment to European security, including through the
training of Ukrainian marines and the supply of ammunitions; agreed to further enhance
military interoperability, including by scoping the co-development of next generation
deep precision strike weaponry; and strengthened our cooperation in support of a free
and open Indo-Pacific; including through a new strategic dialogue and by establishing
the basis of a permanent European maritime presence in the Indo-Pacific through
coordinated carrier deployments.
15. The UK’s relationship with the EU, governed by the Trade and Cooperation Agreement
(TCA), provides the right balance between access to our biggest market and autonomy
to set rules in our best interest. The new Windsor Framework strengthens Northern
Ireland’s place in the Union, first and foremost, as well as creating a foundation for
stronger UK-EU relations. The UK will seek to use the new momentum in the relationship
to maximise the potential of the TCA, including furthering engagement through
the Partnership Council, Committees and other collaborations. We will also develop
new forms of cooperation on issues of shared interest – through direct cooperation
(including on defence through PESCO) and in the G7 and other fora.
16. The UK will also continue to invest in the regional institutions and organisations of
which it is a member, including NATO (the highest priority), the Organization for
Security and Co-operation in Europe and the Council of Europe. This includes supporting
the development of new initiatives such as the European Political Community (EPC),
which brings together the whole European continent. The UK will host the fourth EPC
summit in 2024.
17. The UK will also prioritise the Indo-Pacific, a region critical to the UK’s economy,
security and our interest in an open and stable international order. Developments there
will have disproportionate influence on the global economy, supply chains, strategic
stability and norms of state behaviour. Having delivered the original IR ambition for
a ‘tilt’, we will put our approach to the Indo-Pacific on a long-term strategic footing,
making the region a permanent pillar of the UK’s international policy.
18. A core tenet of the UK’s approach in the Indo-Pacific will be to support the vision for a
free and open Indo-Pacific shared by many regional partners. The UK believes that a free
and open Indo-Pacific is one where a regional balance of power ensures no single power
dominates, and where a rich tapestry of institutions and partnerships shape a stable
but adaptable regional order in which: states can make choices free from coercion,
disinformation and interference; territorial integrity is respected and disputes resolved

Delivering
Delivering thethe Indo-Pacifi
Indo-Pacific c tiltIR2021
tilt since since IR2021
Non-exhaustive
Non-exhaustive list.list. Entries
Entries correct
correct as of 1asMarch
of 1 2023
March 2023
Across the Indo-Pacific the UK has:

• Become an ASEAN Dialogue Partner, agreed a
five-year Plan of Action and applied to join the
ASEAN Regional Forum.
• Deployed two Royal Navy Offshore Patrol Vessels 10
supporting operations across the Indo-Pacific. 05
• Launched a new Singapore hub for British
international investment.
The UK is also:
• Pursuing final-phase negotiations on the
Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement
for Trans-Pacific Partnership.
• Supporting the Pacific’s 2050 Strategy for the
03 02 Blue Pacific Continent, including through being
a co-founding member of Partners in the
12 Blue Pacific.
• Driving the green transition to net zero
through the Climate Action for a Resilient
Asia programme.
09
07 06
11
04
Map key
Agreements signed
Agreements under negotiation

01
Agreements signed and under negotiation
ASEAN member
CPTPP member 08
Commonwealth member
Overseas territories
Global Combat Air Programme
Pacific Island Forum members
UK Carrier Strike Group 2021 route

outward leg through the Indo-Pacific
01. Australia 05. Japan 10. Republic of Korea

AUKUS partnership Reciprocal Access Agreement UK-ROK Bilateral Framework
Agreed FTA Digital partnership agreement Agreed FTA and upgraded FTA
02. Bangladesh Agreed FTA under negotiation
Climate Accord signed 06. Malaysia Agreement to strengthen supply
03. India MoU on cooperation on climate action chain resilience
UK-India Roadmap to 2030 agreed 07. Maldives Terms of reference for space
Comprehensive Strategic Partnership agreed MoU on Ocean Country Partnership Programme cooperation signed
FTA negotiations 08. New Zealand MoU on clean energy signed
Pillar lead on Indian-led Indo-Pacific Agreed FTA 11. Singapore
Oceans Initiative 09. Philippines Digital economy agreement
04. Indonesia MoU signed on healthcare cooperation Agreed FTA
Just Energy Transition Partnership Agreed Green Economy Framework
UK Indonesia Roadmap agreed 12. Vietnam
MoU on cooperation on forestry Just Energy Transition Partnership
and other land use Agreed FTA
MoU on maritime cooperation

in line with international law; international rules and norms govern the sea, land and
air as well as international trade; shipping lanes remain secure and open; action is taken
against illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing; and countries are resilient against
the full range of threats and risks, whether from climate change, natural disasters
or cyberspace.
19. The UK’s role in the region will be stable, enduring and guided by respect for regional
perspectives, supporting ASEAN centrality and the Pacific Way. As the UK has less overall
resource and geographic presence than in the Euro-Atlantic, we will prioritise working
through partners and institutions, and building deep relationships anchored in
decades-long economic, technological and security ties. We will also more closely align
our efforts with partners pursuing Indo-Pacific strategies, including the ASEAN, Canada,
the EU, France, Germany, India, Japan, the Republic of Korea and the US.
20. We will continue to strengthen our bilateral and institutional relationships across the
region. This will encompass a wide range of activity, including but not limited to:
• With Australia, further deepening one of the UK’s closest partnerships, including
through implementation of our bilateral free trade agreement (FTA). In particular, we
will move the AUKUS partnership to the implementation phase, equipping Australia
with conventionally armed, nuclear-powered submarine capability, and progressing
cooperation on advanced military capabilities. As Five Eyes partners, the UK will
always work closely with both Australia and New Zealand across our breadth of our
shared agendas.
• With India, building on our Comprehensive Strategic Partnership, implementing the

UK-India 2030 Roadmap, supporting India’s G20 presidency, advancing negotiations
on a FTA, strengthening our defence and security partnership, progressing
collaboration on technology and leading the maritime security pillar of India’s
Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative.
• With Japan, deepening defence cooperation through our Reciprocal Access

Agreement and GCAP with Italy, supporting Japan’s G7 presidency, and
implementing our FTA and digital partnership.
• With the Republic of Korea, delivering the landmark UK-ROK Bilateral Framework and
upgrading our existing FTA.
• With Singapore, delivering on our FTA, Digital Economy Agreement and Green
Economy Framework, and working towards a bilateral strategic partnership.
• With Indonesia, delivering the UK-Indonesia Roadmap 2022-24.

• With Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand and Vietnam, strengthening our partnerships
across shared priorities in trade and investment, climate change, maritime security
and wider security relationships.
• Pursuing final-phase negotiations to accede to the Comprehensive and Progressive

Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), which accounts for 13% of
global GDP.
• Across the region, delivering development investment through British International

Investment’s new regional hub in Singapore, bolstering S&T cooperation, and
supporting regional resilience.

• Driving the green transition to net zero, delivering the Just Energy Transition
Partnerships with Indonesia and Vietnam, and supporting climate adaptation in
particular through the Climate Action for a Resilient Asia programme.
• Deepening our engagement with Pacific Island countries and regional resilience in
the Pacific, supporting the 2050 Strategy for the Blue Pacific Continent and as a
founding member of the Partners in the Blue Pacific initiative.
• Delivering the UK-ASEAN Plan of Action and applying to join the ASEAN Defence
Ministers Meeting-Plus and ASEAN Regional Forum.
21. The UK’s third geographic priority will be our wider neighbourhood: the regions
on the periphery of the Euro-Atlantic where developments have direct consequences
for our home region, from migratory flows to transnational security threats. This
incorporates our long-standing focus on the Middle East and Africa, where there is
significant competition for influence in the context of the wider geopolitical shifts. It
also extends to the Arctic – where competition is growing as the retreating ice opens up
new shipping routes and access to natural resources, and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine
has disrupted regional cooperation through the Arctic Council.
22. IR2021 was clear that the UK did not foresee in the short-to-medium term
large-scale interventions in the Middle East on the scale of those brought to an end in
Iraq and Afghanistan. However, it emphasised our willingness to make deep and abiding
contributions to regional security through diplomacy and security cooperation, as well
as cooperation across S&T, climate adaptation and other shared interests. It highlighted
in particular the importance of the UK’s partnerships with the Gulf states and Israel, as
key regional and broader geopolitical actors. The period since 2021 has seen a rapid
increase in the depth and quality of these partnerships, and we look forward to further
deepening and strengthening them in the years ahead.
23. Similarly, the UK’s approach in Africa will continue to be defined by a greater
appreciation of the needs and perspectives of key partners across the continent,
focusing on mutually beneficial development, security and defence partnerships, and
support for clean infrastructure and climate adaptation. The UK will host the next
UK-African Investment Summit in April 2024, bringing countries together to strengthen
our economic and trade links. Through Room to Run, we have made a new UK
guarantee to the African Development Bank that is expected to unlock up to
$2 billion of new financing for climate adaptation projects. We will continue to invest
in long-term relationships across the continent, including with South Africa, Kenya,
Nigeria and Egypt.
24. The UK’s long-term goal is for the Arctic to return to being a region of high cooperation
and low tension. The UK’s 2023 Arctic Policy Framework, Looking North: the UK and
the Arctic, sets out how the UK will pursue our Arctic interests, including taking action
to limit further damage from climate change and to adapt to increasing systemic
competition in the region. We will work with the Norwegian chairmanship of the Arctic
Council from May 2023, and strengthen our dialogues with Arctic allies and groupings,
including through the JEF and NATO. Although further afield, Antarctica is also part of
the UK’s extended neighbourhood through our Overseas Territories in the South Atlantic
and Southern Ocean and, like the Arctic, is subject to increasing systemic competition.
The UK will continue to strengthen the Antarctic Treaty system, upholding the rights of
all Parties and protecting the continent for science and peaceful cooperation.

Thematic priorities
25. The UK’s first thematic priority remains tackling climate change, environmental
damage and biodiversity loss, given the urgency of making progress before 2030.
We will maintain the high ambition set by IR2021, COP26 and the Glasgow Climate Pact,
leading and galvanising a collective global effort to keep the 1.5-degree target alive,
supporting the most vulnerable to adapt and build resilience to the effects of climate
change, and protecting biodiversity as agreed through the Kunming-Montreal Global
Biodiversity Framework.
26. At home, our focus will remain on delivering the UK’s 2030 nationally determined
contribution (NDC), environmental, and net zero 2050 commitments. The upcoming
2030 Strategic Framework for International Climate and Nature Action will detail the
UK’s international priorities. These will include: delivering the remainder of the UK’s
£11.6 billion International Climate Finance commitment for the period 2021/22 to
2025/26, including £3 billion on nature (with £1.5 billion on forests) and tripling of our
funding on adaptation to reach £1.5 billion in 2025; accelerating decarbonisation of
economies and systems by securing higher ambition from major emitters; delivering
Just Energy Transition Partnerships and driving progress through the UN, G7 and G20;
building resilience to climate impacts by seeking to agree a framework for the Global
Goal on Adaptation in 2023; facilitating progress on Loss and Damage financing; and
driving implementation of the Global Biodiversity Framework. The UK will also work with
the Overseas Territories – which are home to 94% of the UK’s biodiversity – to protect
and re-establish critical biodiversity, respond to disasters, and support long-term zero-
carbon economic and social development.
27. Interlinked with this work, the UK’s second priority is sustainable development,
seeking to reinvigorate progress towards the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)
to alleviate poverty and to address some of the root causes of geopolitical instability.
The 2022 International Development Strategy (IDS) set out a new approach to
development, anchored in patient, long-term partnerships tailored to the needs of the
countries we work with, built on mutual accountability and transparency, and focused
on the quality of the UK’s offer, not just the quantum.
28. The IDS established four overarching priorities for the UK’s contribution to sustainable
development: delivering honest and reliable investment; providing women and girls
with the freedom they need to succeed; providing life-saving, principled humanitarian
assistance and championing International Humanitarian Law; and supporting progress
on climate change, nature and global health. In 2023, the UK will champion seven
specific initiatives to deliver the IDS, contribute to delivery of the SDGs, address key
issues that matter to our partners and support the wider objectives under this pillar:
i. Reforming and greening the global financial system to ensure the International
Financial Institutions – in particular the multilateral development banks and the
International Monetary Fund (IMF) – and capital markets are better equipped to meet
the needs of developing countries in dealing with the economic, debt, climate and
nature crises.
ii. Championing global efforts to make global tax systems fairer and ensure that
revenues and assets lost to illicit finance are identified and recovered, so that
low- and middle-income countries can self-finance their own development.

iii. Delivering clean, green infrastructure and investment, through British Investment
Partnerships, UK contributions to the $600 billion G7 Partnership for Global
Infrastructure and Investment, and by leveraging the support of capital markets and
the private sector.
iv. Leading a campaign to improve global food security and nutrition, including
by increasing the availability, affordability and quality of malnutrition treatment
and prevention products, driving the shift to sustainable agriculture, and making
greater use of science and R&D, alongside anticipatory action on famine risk and
resilience building.
v. Leading a global campaign on ‘open science for global resilience’, making

the case for a secure, collaborative approach to science that ensures low- and
middle-income countries have access to knowledge and resources that can support
improved resilience.
vi. Catalysing international work to prevent the next global health crisis, building on
the achievements of our G7 Presidency to broker more ambitious international
agreements on pandemic preparedness and response, strengthen health systems,
drive more equitable access to affordable vaccines, drugs and diagnostics, and
tackle antimicrobial resistance. Our refreshed Global Health Framework will set
out more detail on the UK’s continued commitment to global health efforts.
vii. Coalescing a collective response to the accelerating, well-financed and organised

attacks on the rights of women and girls, including online. As set out in the
recently published International Women and Girls Strategy, we will work to improve
education, health and rights, support empowerment, reduce gender-based violence,
and amplify the role of women’s rights organisations.
29. In delivering our international development offer, we will go beyond ODA to use all
of our levers in support of development outcomes. This includes working through
international institutions, sharing our expertise – including through new UK Centres
of Expertise in technology, illicit finance, and green cities and infrastructure – and
leveraging London’s position as a leading financial centre, such as through British
Investment Partnerships’ initiatives to mobilise £8 billion financing per year by 2025.
30. The merger of diplomacy and development in the FCDO has strengthened both our
development offer and our foreign policy. This has been evidenced by: our humanitarian
response to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine; our work to support a ceasefire to be reached
in Ethiopia to enable humanitarian access, where we brought together our diplomatic
lobbying and development programming; and our work to encourage the Government
of Yemen to implement economic reforms to reduce the price of food imports and
improve food security. We will now further strengthen development leadership within
government. The Minister for International Development will maintain a seat at Cabinet
and will join the National Security Council, a second Permanent Secretary at FCDO will
oversee our development priorities, and a new FCDO-HM Treasury governance structure
will improve oversight of all aid spending. Our work on international development will
also be brought together under a brand that reflects the breadth of the UK’s leadership
and our partnership approach, to help ensure that the value of our international
development is understood at home and internationally.

31. Alongside development-focused reform of the international financial system, the UK’s
third priority is to shape the changing global economic order more broadly. We will
maintain IR2021’s firm commitment to shaping an open global economy, ensuring
a free trading system under which all countries are treated fairly, and standing up
to economic coercion. We will use our own economic statecraft to pursue this agenda,
using our trade policy and diplomacy to update the institutional economic, financial
and trade architecture and rulebooks to better manage systemic competition and
to prepare for the structural challenges that will accompany the energy transition,
the digital economy and wider technological disruption. We will work with
similarly-positioned economies – such as Japan, Canada, the Republic of Korea and
Australia – to develop and promote approaches that strengthen rather than undermine
our collective economic resilience.
32. Building on IR2021’s commitment to extending the international order into future
frontiers, we will further strengthen the UK’s efforts to shape the emerging digital
and technology order. Authoritarian states are attempting to reshape the rules of the
road, not only by providing digital infrastructure and services, but also by promoting a
state-led approach in multilateral bodies. The UK will seek to shape open, democratic
norms, rules and standards and effective accountability and oversight, while opposing
the overreach of state control. We will continue to press for all stakeholder groups to
have a seat at the table in discussions on the future of our digital world.
33. A systems approach is of particular importance in this arena, and we will work with
industry and international partners to balance and shape across issues including
AI, digital standards, and internet and data governance – building on the work we
have done since IR2021 through the G7, the UK-hosted Future Tech Forum, UK AI
Standards Hub, and in partnership with the Organisation for Economic Co-operation
and Development (OECD) through the Global Forum on Technology and the Global
Partnership for AI. We will engage creatively where there are gaps in the current
multilateral and multi-stakeholder architecture, and will build both global multi-
stakeholder coalitions and like-minded groupings beyond our traditional partners
– including working with ‘digital deciders’ on critical technology and data use,
development and policy making. This is underpinned by the work to deliver S&T
advantage in pillar four.
34. The UK will also seek to shape rules and norms of behaviour in cyberspace. In keeping
with IR2021, we remain committed to acting as a responsible and democratic cyber
power, including in the use of our offensive cyber capabilities. In line with this, we will
keep advancing the progressive and proactive approach of the 2022 National Cyber
Strategy, seeking to unblock the international debate on the application of rules, norms
and principles in cyberspace and move it towards a consensus on effective constraints
on destructive and destabilising activity by state and non-state actors. We will also
continue to develop the tools to deter, defend and compete in cyberspace, addressing
both our domestic cyber vulnerabilities and supporting partners to build their own
capabilities.
35. The importance of shaping and balancing activity in space has also become clearer
since IR2021, not least in light of Russia’s direct ascent anti-satellite (ASAT) missile test
in November 2021 and the critical role that space capabilities have played in Ukraine’s
defence. IR2021 – and the subsequent National Space Strategy and Defence Space
Strategy – committed to making the UK a meaningful actor in space, strengthening our
civil and military capabilities, supporting the growth of a sovereign UK space industry,

developing new governance for sustainable management of commercial activity in the
space environment and advancing norms of responsible state behaviour. The UK has
committed not to conduct ASAT missile testing, and we will continue to play a leading
role in supporting the UN open-ended working group on reducing space threats.
We will also intensify work to develop active debris removal and in-orbit servicing,
manufacturing and assembly capabilities, and to develop international standards on
new governance frameworks for commercial activity, including with the European
Space Agency.
36. Alongside space and cyberspace, the UK will continue to balance and shape in the
maritime domain – which is essential to global connectivity and prosperity, and to a
healthy planet, but remains under increasing pressure from systemic competition and
environmental degradation. We will maintain our integrated approach to maritime
security, environment and trade – building on our long history as a maritime power. In
doing so, the UK will maintain an active role in upholding freedom of navigation and
reinforcing the centrality of the UN Convention of the Law of the Sea, including by:
continuing to make the Royal Navy available to NATO; deepening naval partnerships
with JEF nations; deploying more of our naval assets across the world to protect
shipping lanes and strategic chokepoints, such as the Strait of Hormuz, supported
by the Joint Maritime Security Centre; and working through the Five Power Defence
Arrangements in the Indo-Pacific.

The UK’s policy towards China
China under the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) poses an epoch-defining and systemic
challenge with implications for almost every area of government policy and the everyday
lives of British people. In responding to this challenge, the UK will strengthen our national
security protections, align and cooperate with our partners, and engage where it is
consistent with our interests.
Since IR2021, the Government has acted consistently and robustly to protect the UK’s
interests and values in relation to China. We have increased cooperation with our partners
through the G7 and NATO, continued to raise our grave concerns about human rights
violations in Xinjiang at the UN and other fora, and imposed asset freezes and travel
bans on those involved under the UK Global Human Rights sanctions regime. We have
created and used new powers under the National Security and Investment Act, passed the
Telecommunications (Security) Act 2021 to bolster the security of our 5G network, and
expanded export controls on goods and technology for military use. We have reduced
Chinese involvement in the civil nuclear sector and taken measures to remove surveillance
technology from the government estate that could result in sensitive data being accessed
by the Chinese state. As of December 2022, we have approved 153,708 applications
from British National (Overseas) status holders to live in the UK, reflecting our historic
commitment to those people of Hong Kong who chose to retain their ties to the UK.
The UK’s China policy is being updated to respond to two overarching factors that have
continued to evolve since IR2021:
i. First, China’s size and significance on almost every global issue, which will continue
to increase in the years ahead in ways that will be felt in the UK and around the
world. China is a long-standing permanent member of the UN Security Council. It
now accounts for nearly a fifth of the world economy and is a major investor in the
developing world. It is highly advanced in several industrial, scientific and technological
fields, and plays a vital role in many global supply chains of importance to the UK. As
the world’s largest investor in sustainable energy and the largest emitter of carbon, the
choices that China makes are critical to our collective ability to tackle climate change. In
other areas such as global health and pandemic preparedness, decisions taken by China
have the potential to have profound impact on our lives at home.
ii. Second, the UK’s growing concerns about the actions and stated intent of the CCP.
Since IR2021, it has chosen to strengthen its partnership with Russia just as Russia
pursued its invasion of Ukraine, and continued to disregard universal human rights
and its international commitments, from Tibet and Xinjiang to Hong Kong. Its ‘new
multilateralism’ is challenging the centrality of human rights and freedoms in the
UN system. It has pursued rapid and opaque military modernisation with huge new
investments, militarised disputed islands in the South China Sea, and refused to
renounce the use of force to achieve its objectives with regard to Taiwan. It has used
economic power to coerce countries with which it disagrees, such as Lithuania. The
CCP has sanctioned British parliamentarians and acted in other ways to undermine free
speech. And as the Director General of MI5 identified publicly last year, it has engaged
in both espionage and interference in the UK.
The UK does not accept that China’s relationship with the UK or its impact on the
international system are set on a predetermined course. Our preference is for better
cooperation and understanding, and predictability and stability for global public good.
But we believe that this will depend on the choices China makes, and will be made harder
if trends towards greater authoritarianism and assertiveness overseas continue.

The UK’s policy towards China will therefore be anchored in our core national interests and
our higher interest in an open and stable international order, based on the UN Charter and
international law. Where it is consistent with these interests, we will engage constructively
with the Chinese government, business and people and cooperate on shared priorities. But
wherever the CCP’s actions and stated intent threaten the UK’s interests, we will take swift
and robust action to protect them. This is the template for mature diplomacy between two
P5 nations and is aligned with the approaches adopted by our closest allies and partners,
including those in Europe, the US, Australia, Canada and Japan.
The Government will pursue this policy through three interrelated strands, which run
throughout the IR2023 strategic framework:
• Protect. The UK will further strengthen our national security protections in those areas
where the actions of the CCP pose a threat to our people, prosperity and security. This
means protecting ourselves at home, particularly our economy, democratic freedoms,
critical national infrastructure, supply chains and our ability to generate strategic
advantage through science and technology. We will continue to invest in areas like
cyber security, and in the defensive capabilities that will allow us to keep ourselves safe
in the long-term and respond to future contingencies. We will increase protections for
academic freedom and university research. Where tensions arise with other objectives,
we will always put national security first.
• Align. The UK will deepen our cooperation and increase alignment with our core
allies and a broader group of partners. This recognises that we have limited agency to
influence the CCP’s actions on our own and so must instead shape the broader strategic
environment. We will work with others to encourage China to make contributions to
financial stability and economic development that are transparent and commensurate
with its weight and responsibilities. And we will work to strengthen collective
security, balance and compete where necessary, and push back against behaviours
that undermine international law, violate human rights, or seek to coerce or create
dependencies. The UK’s long-standing position remains that the Taiwan issue should be
settled peacefully by people on both sides of the Taiwan Strait through dialogue, and
not through any unilateral attempts to change the status quo.
•
Engage. The UK will engage directly with China, bilaterally and in international fora
to preserve and create space for open, constructive, predictable and stable relations
that reflect China’s importance in world affairs. In doing so we will always respect
the diversity and complexity of the Chinese people and their views, including in
large diaspora communities in the UK and throughout the world. We will strengthen
diplomatic contact and people-to-people relationships, and where possible cooperate
on global challenges including climate and global health. While avoiding dependencies
in our critical supply chains and protecting our national security, we believe that a
positive trade and investment relationship can benefit both the UK and China, and the
Government will work with industry to ensure trading and investment is safe, reciprocal
and mutually beneficial.
This approach will be supported by other immediate actions set out in the IR2023 strategic
framework including creation of the National Protective Security Agency, other new
measures on economic security and the review of how we can protect our higher education
sector. As part of IR2023, the Government will also increase investment in the capabilities
that help us to understand and adapt to China – doubling funding to develop China
capabilities across government.

British soldiers in the UK-led NATO
enhanced Forward Presence Battlegroup
in Estonia. © Crown copyright 2023
Pillar 2: Deter, defend and
compete across all domains
1. To protect the British people, the UK homeland, the Crown Dependencies, and our
Overseas Territories we must be able to deter and defend against threats to our security,
to roll them back where necessary, and to adapt to those threats as they change over
time. This is the core business of the UK’s armed forces and security services, and it is an
essential part of achieving strategic stability.
2. IR2021 recognised that the deteriorating security environment and growth in hybrid
threats required a more robust and integrated approach to deterrence and defence.
It maintained the traditional basis of deterrence: balanced and credible nuclear,
conventional, cyber and space forces, and a clearly communicated willingness to use
them in the place and at a time of our choosing. In addition, it introduced greater
emphasis on the role of the wider levers of state power, to enable the UK to counter
threats above and below the threshold of armed conflict. IR2021 also restated
the central importance of alliances and partnerships to an integrated approach to
deterrence and defence, starting with NATO as the bedrock of Euro-Atlantic security, but
also working more flexibly through bilateral and minilateral formats.
3. Given that the security environment has rapidly grown more contested, the UK will
now further strengthen our integrated approach to deterrence and defence, reflecting
the real-world evolution of our posture since 2021 and in full alignment with the 2022
NATO Strategic Concept. Systemic competition between states now represents the
most immediate and substantial threat to UK interests, and will require an increasing
proportion of national security resources. This will be achieved by an immediate increase
in defence spending in critical areas and by a new aspiration to invest 2.5% of GDP on
defence, cementing the UK’s leading position in NATO. However, transnational security
challenges will continue to evolve – as will the interplay between state and non-state
actors – and we must also adapt how we deter and defend against them.
4. In addition to reinforcing UK’s ability to deter and defend, we must also address the
risk that misunderstanding and miscalculation could lead to large-scale military conflict
between major powers, which has grown substantially in the past decade. This means
working more effectively with others – including those who may threaten our interests
and security – to build stability, transparency and better mutual understanding, so
that we have clear routes for de-escalation when required. It also means a refreshed
approach to arms control and counter-proliferation that reflects the prevailing security
environment, and complements our deterrence and defence posture.
An integrated approach to deterrence and defence

5. The foundational component of an integrated approach to deterrence and defence
remains a minimum credible, independent UK nuclear deterrent, assigned to the
defence of NATO. It ensures that potential adversaries can never use their capabilities
to threaten the UK or our NATO allies or to deter us from taking the action required to
maintain regional and global security and stability. We would consider using our nuclear
weapons only in extreme circumstances of self-defence, including the defence of our
NATO allies. Only the Prime Minister can authorise their use. The UK’s negative security
assurance remains unchanged.

6. As IR2021 set out, the UK is committed to a one-in-two-generations modernisation
of our nuclear forces. IR2023 reinforces this with further investment. As part of the
Government’s broader ambition on the nuclear enterprise (see textbox), we will
publish a Defence Nuclear Strategy to set out how we will deliver the recapitalisation
programmes necessary to strengthen and build resilience in UK capabilities, including an
updated approach to people and specialist skills.
7. In addition to our nuclear deterrent, the UK’s conventional, cyber and space forces
must be sufficiently capable, resilient, deployable and adaptive to deter potential
adversaries from engaging in conflict, and to win a conflict if deterrence fails. The UK’s
forces already have cutting-edge technologies and capabilities across all five domains
of land, sea, air, space and cyberspace. Combined with our ability to train and operate
with others in an integrated way, this enables the UK to deliver disproportionate effect
relative to our size. But as others modernise their own armed forces, we must work to
maintain our edge.
8. The Government will continue the programme of modernisation that was initiated
following the 2020 Spending Round, which provided UK defence with the biggest
sustained budget increase since the end of the Cold War. As set out in the 2021 Defence
Command Paper (DCP21), MOD is investing in armed forces that are networked and
digitally-enabled, more lethal, and more capable in the newer domains of space and
cyber. Investment in R&D and sixth-generation capability programmes will ensure the UK
has battle-winning platforms, weapons systems and technologies into the next decade.
9. However, DCP21 predated the announcement of the AUKUS and GCAP partnerships,
which require further investment in the years ahead. It also predated the war in Ukraine,
which has increased the urgency of modernising our land forces, ensuring combat
readiness, and strengthening the stockpiles, readiness and resilience underpinning them
– with a focus on how best we can bring value to NATO.
10. In taking the decision to invest in all five domains there are necessarily trade-offs in
terms of priorities and force structure. A pragmatic balance has to be struck between
different types of investment in the different parts of the armed forces. In line with
IR2021’s commitment to keep both the quantum and the relative balance of investment
under review, the Government has decided to provide defence with £5 billion of
additional funding over the financial years 2023/24 and 2024/25, in addition to the
£560 million war stocks replenishment in autumn 2022.
11. Of this new money, £3 billion will be invested across the defence nuclear enterprise,
supporting areas such as the construction of industrial infrastructure at Barrow, Derby
and at the Atomic Weapons Establishment, allowing us to continue to grow our
graduate and apprentice nuclear skills programmes, and enhancing support to in-service
submarines. This investment will help to modernise our manufacturing and maintenance
capacity so that we can improve submarine availability and increase resilience, as well
as supporting the delivery of AUKUS. The remaining £2 billion will allow us to replenish
our stockpiles and to increase them in line with a reassessment of appropriate levels
– building on the £560 million announced for this purpose at the Autumn Statement
2022 – and to invest in the resilience of the UK’s munitions infrastructure.

12. Over the longer-term, our aspiration is to invest 2.5% of GDP on defence, as the fiscal
and economic circumstances allow. This uplift will support ongoing modernisation
of our armed forces. As we develop and deliver these plans we will respond to the
lessons from Ukraine, focusing on those force elements most likely to make the decisive
difference in future conflicts. This will be particularly pertinent in the land domain as we
implement and build on the Army’s Future Soldier programme.
The nuclear enterprise

In the changing strategic context, the UK’s defence and civil nuclear sectors are
of increasing importance for our security, our energy needs and our prosperity.
They make a substantial contribution to the UK’s economic growth and
technological edge, supporting a highly-skilled workforce and investment across
the whole of the UK.
The defence nuclear enterprise is collectively responsible for the development,

build, maintenance and – through the Royal Navy – delivery of our Continuous
at Sea Deterrent. The success of the defence nuclear enterprise remains a critical
national endeavour, requiring significant and sustained investment and support
from government.
The delivery of the four new Dreadnought Class submarines, the first of which
will enter service in the early 2030s, is an illustration of our investment; as is
the programme to replace the UK’s sovereign nuclear warhead, which has now
entered its concept phase. We are also investing in personnel, infrastructure,
and capabilities at the Atomic Weapons Establishment (AWE) that are essential
to deliver the UK Replacement Warhead programme and sustain the current
in-service warhead until it is withdrawn from service.
In 2022, the Government announced a £2 billion investment in the UK’s

submarine delivery across Barrow-in-Furness and Derby, as part of the current
phase of Dreadnought. We will continue to build on that investment, providing
thousands of British jobs across the enterprise and supply chain. This will support
the delivery of a new, world class fleet of nuclear-powered attack submarines for
the Royal Navy.
This programme will underpin the delivery of AUKUS, working with the US to
deliver the optimum pathway to provide Australia with conventionally armed
nuclear-powered submarines. The AUKUS programme will be an important part
of the nuclear enterprise, providing an unrivalled opportunity to share innovation
and build resilience with the US and Australia. It will improve the continued
delivery of non-nuclear advanced capabilities across all three countries and
enhance how we share information with each other. It will also deliver on our
commitment to setting the highest nuclear non-proliferation standards.

We will proactively look for opportunities to align delivery of the civil and defence
nuclear enterprises, seeking synergies where appropriate to ensure a coherent
demand signal to our industry and academic partners. The Defence Nuclear
Strategy, which will be published later this year, will signal government’s future
ambitions for the defence nuclear enterprise, setting our plans for skills and make
clear the vitally important role that our industry partners play in supporting both
the civil and defence nuclear sectors.
The civil nuclear sector will also deliver the critical baseload of the future energy
system – supporting the UK’s energy security and delivery of our net zero
commitments. In the British Energy Security Strategy, the Government
announced our ambition for civil nuclear to provide up to 24GW of the UK’s
power generation capacity by 2050. To achieve this, we are progressing the
construction of Hinkley Point C, and driving forward Sizewell C, a sister project
in which the Government has invested approximately £700 million to become a
co-shareholder. Sizewell C has the potential to provide reliable, low-carbon power
for the equivalent of six million homes over 50 years and is expected to support
around 10,000 jobs at peak construction. We have also: announced our intention
to establish Great British Nuclear, to progress a resilient pipeline of new nuclear
projects; committed £210 million, matched by private investment, to develop
small modular reactors in the UK through Rolls Royce SMR; announced the £120
million Future Nuclear Enabling Fund; and launched the Nuclear Fuel Fund to
provide up to £75 million in grants to help preserve the UK front-end nuclear fuel
cycle capability.
13. T
he increasing proliferation of diverse threats originating from both state and
non-state actors has vindicated the UK’s substantial investment in the National Cyber
Force (NCF) since 2020. As set out in IR2021, the NCF deploys its capabilities in a
responsible, ethical manner, in accordance with domestic and international law, to
disrupt terrorist networks, counter sanctions evasion, support and protect military
operations, and remove online child sexual exploitation and abuse material. We are
now publishing in more detail how the NCF conducts its operations, to support our
commitment to further transparency about our capabilities and provide clarity on how
the UK acts as a responsible and democratic cyber power.
14. Beyond our military instruments, an integrated approach to deterrence and defence
requires us to bring together the wider levers of state power to increase the costs of
aggression by hostile actors above and below the threshold of armed conflict. The UK
will continue to develop new levers to adapt to the changing threat environment, and
better integrate existing levers for strategic effect.

15. In particular, the UK will strengthen our economic capabilities, and information
statecraft, building on the success of these tools in constraining Russia’s room for
manoeuvre in Ukraine. We will build expertise across government to design, implement
and enforce sanctions for maximum impact, develop our autonomous sanctions
regimes, and deepen international coordination to assess, prepare for, deter and
respond rapidly to future economic threats. We have established a new directorate
in the FCDO – incorporating the Government Information Cell – as part of a drive to
increase our capability to assess and respond to the hostile manipulation of information
by actors including Russia, China and Iran where they affect UK interests abroad.
Building on lessons learned from the war in Ukraine, we will raise national security
communications capabilities through a new curriculum delivered by the College for
National Security.
16. We will also adopt a new approach to countering state threats below the threshold of
armed conflict, organising cross-government activity into four lines of effort: protecting
ourselves, our allies and partners from the impact of this activity; engaging domestically
and internationally to raise awareness of it and to deepen cooperation on countering it;
building a deeper understanding of states’ activity and how to respond effectively; and
competing directly with these states in creative and assertive ways, when appropriate.
This aligns with NATO’s approach to state threats, and provides a framework for
responding to emerging threats (such as high altitude surveillance balloons, which
we will not tolerate in our airspace) as well as traditional ones. As part of this new
approach, we will use the full range of powers available to us – including considering
our robust counter-terrorism powers, such as proscription – to tackle the threats we
face from organisations such as the Wagner Group.
17. An integrated approach to deterrence and defence must also be applied to evolving
transnational challenges. To date, the UK has primarily organised our resources around
separate responses to individual transnational challenges, such as terrorism or serious
and organised crime (SOC). However, the lines between these challenges – and state
threats – are increasingly blurred, and the capabilities and activities we use to respond
to and disrupt them are increasingly overlapping. We will make more effective use
of our resources by continuing to break down the silos across the homeland security
community to build more threat-agnostic capabilities and approaches.
18. In 2023, the updated SOC Strategy and Counter-Terrorism Strategy (CONTEST) will be
informed by this imperative. Both will respond to common trends, including the use
by threat actors of new technologies to facilitate covert communications and financial
transactions, the role of the online space in enabling them to operate within and across
borders, and the growing interaction with state threats. The SOC Strategy in particular
will put an increased emphasis on upstream efforts with international partners to
disrupt and dismantle the business models of the highest harm criminal networks. As
well as responding to the diversification of terrorist groups overseas, CONTEST will
address the shift in threat towards self-initiated terrorists, drawing lessons from beyond
law enforcement on how best to mitigate and manage this risk. Both strategies will
highlight the importance of parallel action to build greater resilience across a range of
domestic vulnerabilities, as set out in pillar three below.

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2023
The UK's contribution to NATO
Non-exhaustive list. Entries correct as of 1 March 2023.
The UK's contribution

The UK's to NATO
contribution to NATO
Non-exhaustive list. Entries
Non-exhaustive list. correct
Entries as of 1 March
correct as of 12023.
March 2023. 14
14
14 14
02
02
02 02
Map key
UK-led or supported operations
NATO members
Map key
Map key
Map key
UK-led orUK-led
supported operations
UK-led or supported operations
or supported operations
NATO members
NATO members
01. NATO members
Continuous At Sea Deterrent (CASD) | Scotland 08. NATO enhanced Forward Presence (eFP) Estonia
Leading NATO’s forward presence battlegroup in Estonia
02. UK air policing and space warning | North Atlantic, alongside Danish and French forces.
North Sea and UK
09. NATO enhanced Forward Presence (eFP) Poland
03. Deputy Supreme Allied Commander Europe (DSACEUR) | Providing a Light Forward
Cavalry Squadron
01. Continuous
Mons,
01. Belgium At Sea Deterrent
Continuous (CASD) | (CASD)
At Sea Deterrent Scotland | Scotland 08. NATO08.enhanced
NATO enhanced Presencespecialising
Forward (eFP) Estonia
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in
(eFP) Estonia
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Leading NATO’s to the US-led
forward eFP battlegroup.
presence battlegroup in Estoniain Estonia
01.
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04. UK
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| Romania
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/ Estonia
| North Atlantic,
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specialising in
05. Mons, Belgium
NATO enhanced Vigilance Activity (Air) (eVA(Air)) |
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09.reconnaissance
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US-led Presence (eFP) Poland
eFP battlegroup.
03. Deputy
Poland
04. NATO / Supreme
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| Aircraft Squadron
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04. NATO enhanced Air Policing (eAP) | Romania / Estonia
06. NATO
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(eVA(Air)) in Estonia
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12. NATO Providing
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force| made
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Voyager
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11. Mediterranean
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and air.
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ship Royal Navy
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and Eastern the Alliance’s Maritime Maritime
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06. Very high
06.assets
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Wales |North
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fixed UK's
durations AoR*
in both the High North and Eastern 12. 12.Readiness Initiative (NRI) | High and
countries
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and Readiness
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(Maritime)
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(VJTF(M)) land, sea land,
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sea and air.
High
UK'sNorth
AoR*High and Eastern
North andMediterranean
Eastern Mediterranean 12. NATO Readiness Initiative (NRI) | High North and
Naval assets to assets
bolster the Standing NATO Maritime Groups for 13. Ballistic
Voyager
fixed durations
AAR
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in both the
to thethe
bolster Alliance.
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Groups for 13. missile early
Eastern
Ballistic warning
Mediterranean
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| RAF Fylingdales
fixed durations in both the High andMediterranean.
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07. Very high readiness Joint Task Force (Maritime) (VJTF(M)) | land, sea and air.
High North and Eastern Mediterranean
Naval
*The UK's assets
area to bolsteristhe
of responsibility Standing NATO
a NATO-agreed Maritime
area assigned to Groups
the UK infor
which to plan and 13. Ballistic
conduct missile early warning system | RAF Fylingdales
operations.
fixed durations in both the High North and Eastern Mediterranean. Detection and warning of ballistic missile threats across Europe.
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of responsibility is a NATO-agreed
area of responsibility area assigned
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area assigned inthe
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to plan and operations.
conduct operations.

*The UK's area of responsibility is a NATO-agreed area assigned to the UK in which to plan and conduct operations.
07,12
07,12
04,08
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04,08
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18
16 17 10 05,09
13 03,15
18
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03,15
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14. NATO Airborne Early Warning and Control | (AEW&C) 20. Alliance Ground Surveillance (AGS) | Sicily
14. The acquisition
NATO Airborne Earlyand operationand
Warning of NATO’s
ControlAEW&C Force.
| (AEW&C) UK personnel
20. Alliance and capability
Ground support. (AGS) | Sicily
Surveillance
The
15.acquisition and operation
NATO’s Command of NATO’s
and Force AEW&C
structures Force.
| Across NATO including UK personnel
21. Standing and
NATO Mine capability support.
Countermeasures Maritime Group 1
ACT (Norfolk, US), SHAPE (Mons) and NATO HQ (Brussels) | Northern Europe
15. NATO’sProviding
Command 1,028and Forceto
personnel structures | Across
NATO’s Command NATO
and Force including
structures 21.
TwoStanding
minehuntersNATO
were Mine
part ofCountermeasures
the task group in theMaritime Group 1
ACT (Norfolk, US), SHAPE
under peacetime (Mons) and
establishments NATO HQNATO
and supporting (Brussels)
training and | Northern Europe
Mediterranean.
Providing 1,028across
exercises personnel to NATO’s Command and Force structures
all domains. Two minehunters were part of the task group in the
under peacetime establishments and supporting NATO training and 22. Op SEA GUARDIAN | Mediterranean
Mediterranean.
16. Allied
exercises Maritime
across Command | Northwood
all domains. Sea forces routinely allocated to the Mediterranean.
Under the command of a 3-Star (Vice Admiral).
23.22. OpMission
NATO SEA GUARDIAN
Iraq (NMI) ||Iraq
Mediterranean
16. Allied
17. Maritime
European HQCommand
of NATO’s|DIANA
Northwood
programme | London Sea forces
Contributing routinely
almost 10% ofallocated to theinMediterranean.
NATO’s mission Iraq.
Under the command
A platform of ato3-Star
for allies (Vicetest,
accelerate, Admiral).
evaluate and validate new
technologies that address critical defence challenges and contribute 24.23.
NATONATO Mission
mission Iraq (KFOR)
in Kosovo (NMI) || Kosovo
Iraq
17. European HQ ofdeterrence.
to Alliance NATO’s DIANA programme | London Contributing
Surveillance almost 10%capabilities
and reconnaissance of NATO’sandmission
a in Iraq.
A platform for allies to accelerate, test, evaluate and validate new Battalion held at readiness in the UK as the pan-Balkans
18. HQ Allied
technologies Rapid
that Reaction
address Corps
critical | Gloucester
defence challenges and contribute strategic
24. NATO reserve.
mission in Kosovo (KFOR) | Kosovo
Headquarters
to Alliance Allied Rapid Reaction Corps provides NATO with a
deterrence. Surveillance and reconnaissance capabilities and a
rapidly deployable, flexible HQ that can act as a Joint, Land or Corps 25. Op SANDROCK | Kosovo
HQ for operations and crisis response.
Battalion
Strategic held atofreadiness
deployment inKFOR
elements of the UK as the
reserve pan-Balkans
force.
18. HQ Allied Rapid Reaction Corps | Gloucester strategic reserve.
Headquarters
19. Maritime Allied Rapid
Patrol Reaction
Aircraft Corps provides
(MPA) support to NATONATO with
activity | a
rapidlyRAF
deployable, flexible HQ that can act as a Joint, Land or Corps
Lossiemouth 25. Op SANDROCK | Kosovo
HQ for Participating
operations in multilateral
and anti-submarine warfare, in addition to
crisis response. Strategic deployment of elements of KFOR reserve force.
its surveillance and search and rescue roles.
19. Maritime Patrol Aircraft (MPA) support to NATO activity |
RAF Lossiemouth
Participating in multilateral anti-submarine warfare, in addition to
its surveillance and search and rescue roles.

19. Across the full range of state and non-state threats, burden-sharing with our allies
and partners is a vital element of an integrated approach to deterrence and defence.
The UK enjoys deep bilateral defence and security ties with many nations around the
world. Of these, the depth and quality of the relationship with the US is unmatched
– no two major militaries in the world are more interoperable and complementary.
The defence relationship with France is also particularly strong. The Lancaster House
Agreement of 2010 not only established the UK-France Combined Joint Expeditionary
Force but provides an enduring foundation by which to strengthen that relationship
further, committing both parties to work together to ‘address strategic challenges,
promote international peace and security, ensure collective security, deter and dissuade
against potential aggressors and counter threats, including terrorism, proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction and cyber-attacks’.
20. In the years ahead, the UK will continue to put particular emphasis on developing
high-end defence-industrial partnerships that are at the cutting edge of technology, as
seen in AUKUS and GCAP. These multi-decade endeavours with partners who share our
assessment of the international environment allow us collectively to balance against
coercive behaviours and to preserve an open and stable international order.
Applying an integrated approach to deterrence and defence

21. The Euro-Atlantic remains the primary theatre to which the UK will commit the
majority of its defence capabilities in support of collective deterrence and defence. As
the NATO Strategic Concept makes clear, Russia has violated the norms and principles
that contributed to a stable and predictable European security order, and we cannot
discount the possibility of an attack against Allies’ sovereignty and territorial integrity.
22. NATO is the foundation of collective security in the Euro-Atlantic, and our commitment
to Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty is our most powerful deterrent. Under the 2022
Strategic Concept and the Concept for Deterrence and Defence of the Euro-Atlantic
Area, NATO is undergoing its most significant transformation in decades. The Alliance
will soon have more pre-positioned equipment and forward-deployed capabilities, a
new Response Force backed by a greater number of high-readiness forces, upgraded
defence plans, and a command and force structure that will allow it to prepare
for conflict.
23. The UK will remain a leading contributor to NATO, offering the Alliance the full spectrum
of defence capabilities. We have consistently exceeded NATO’s Defence Investment
Pledge to spend 2% of GDP on defence, and we will now set a new aspiration to reach
2.5%. We declare our Continuous at Sea Nuclear Deterrent to the Alliance, as well as
our offensive cyber capabilities through the National Cyber Force. The Royal Air Force
is conducting air patrols over Poland, Romania and Estonia, and our Royal Navy Strike
Force in HMS Prince of Wales provided NATO’s flagship in 2022. Our armed forces
provide over 1,000 personnel to NATO’s Command and Force Structures, including the
Deputy Supreme Allied Commander Europe.
24. As set out in pillar one, the UK will make a particular contribution to northern European
security. We are strengthening our NATO battlegroup in Estonia with artillery, air
defence and a reinforced command; in 2023, Exercise Spring Storm will show how
we could scale up to a brigade if needed in a crisis. We are especially invested in the
format provided by the JEF, which since 2022 has had three leader-level meetings and is
an increasingly important vehicle for security in the High North, North Atlantic and Baltic

Sea regions. The military, security and political challenges we face across these areas
demand active management, across institutional boundaries, and in close cooperation.
25. The UK will continue to lead efforts in NATO to ensure the Alliance retains its
technological edge and industrial advantage. NATO has selected London as one of two
locations for the European Headquarters of NATO’s Defence Innovation Accelerator of
the North Atlantic (DIANA), twinned with a second in Tallinn, Estonia. This will create
opportunities for UK companies to partner with innovators across Europe and North
America. The UK has also championed investment in NATO’s digital backbone to better
enable multi-domain operations, alongside steps to further strengthen the Alliance’s
defence industrial base.
The UK is the second largest military donor to Ukraine and committed

£2.3bn in humanitarian and military assistance in 2022
Expect to train a total of 30,000 Delivered over 1,000 air defence

Ukrainians by the end of 2023 missiles, over 10,000 anti-tank
DEFENCE SUPPORT
weapons, 82 artillery guns,

plus AS90 self-propelled guns,
Delivered hundreds of armoured/protected and 100,000 artillery shells,
vehicles with a further 14 Challenger 2 plus another 100,000 in 2023
main battle tanks on their way
Protecting the Ukrainian

government and its critical
Supplied thousands of uncrewed
national infrastructure through the
air systems
UK-Ukraine Cyber Programme
Designated over 1,300 individuals,

HUMANITARIAN AID
Committed £220m funding to

UNHCR which has reached over 130 oligarchs with global net
1.68m people fleeing the conflict worth of over £140bn
Froze assets of over 130 entities,

Donated 24 ambulances and a
over 20 banks with global assets
SANCTIONS
further 11 emergency vehicles

of over £900bn
Given £2m for mine clearance Reduced UK goods imports

from Russia by 99% and
exports to Russia by 80%
Made £1.35bn available in fiscal
FINANCIAL SUPPORT
support to Ukraine, made up of

World Bank loan guarantees and Witnessed a 2-3% fall in Russia’s
other mechanisms GDP in 2022, and forecast 1-5%
further reduction in 2023
Providing £3.5bn in cover
capacity to provide UK exporters
VISAS
and Ukrainian buyers with Granted 219,400 Ukrainians

the access to finance for visas to the UK
reconstruction efforts
Figures correct as of 1 March 2023
26. At present, the most urgent priority in the Euro-Atlantic is to support Ukraine to
reassert its sovereignty and deny Russia any strategic benefit from its invasion.
The UK will continue to play a leading, catalytic role in supporting Ukraine. Building
on our existing military, humanitarian and economic support, we will provide further
diplomatic and military assistance in 2023 – matching or exceeding the defence support

we provided in 2022 – to support Ukraine to defend itself, restore its territorial integrity
and secure a lasting peace. As part of this, we have committed to providing modern
main battle tanks, and will train a further 20,000 Ukrainian soldiers in the UK with
support from nine partner nations. In addition, we will: accelerate our efforts to manage
escalation risks and prepare for peace, while seeking to hold Russia accountable for war
crimes; maintain support to important UN humanitarian initiatives such as the Black Sea
Grain Initiative; and host the Ukraine Recovery Conference in June 2023.
27. More broadly, the UK will seek to contain and challenge Russia’s ability and intent
to disrupt UK, Euro-Atlantic and wider international security. In doing so, we will;
maintain our long-standing respect for Russia’s rich history and its people; recognise
that many Russians do not support President Putin’s actions; and continue to support
the human rights of the Russian people, including freedom of speech and assembly and
their access to free and independent sources of information.
28. The UK’s updated Russia strategy focuses on:
• Increasing the cost and denying the benefit to Russia of disrupting UK and
Euro-Atlantic stability, security and prosperity. This will include further strengthening
NATO, as set out above, and denying Russia opportunities to exploit the UK’s
vulnerabilities. The latter, with respect to Russia, will require a particular focus
on energy, democratic institutions, electoral institutions, disinformation, and UK
financial systems.
• Contesting malign Russian influence on the world stage. This will include exposing
Russian disinformation, working with partners across the world to reduce
dependencies on Russia, and diminishing its coercive ability and its scope to
weaponise goods such as energy and food. We will also step up engagement with
Moldova, the South Caucasus, the Western Balkans, Central Asia and Mongolia to
boost their prosperity, security and resilience to Russian interference.
• Degrading the capabilities with which Russia threatens the UK. This will include key
Russian capabilities above and below the threshold for armed conflict that threaten
the UK and our interests, denying its defence sector access to critical technology and
materials, and reducing Russia’s ability to pursue malign intelligence activity.
29. The UK will also reinforce and extend its contribution to deterrence and defence beyond
the Euro-Atlantic area and the acute threat from Russia. NATO has an important role to
play in this wider deterrence picture: the UK welcomes the agreement by NATO Allies
at the Madrid Summit in 2022 that some of China’s stated ambitions and policies pose
a challenge to Euro-Atlantic security and an open and stable international order more
broadly, as well the Alliance’s new emphasis on national and collective resilience. At the
same time, the UK will need to work beyond NATO through new and existing minilateral
formats, and through DCP21’s commitment to persistent engagement: more proactive,
forward-deployed forces better able to understand and shape the global landscape to
the UK’s advantage, competing with and campaigning against adversaries below the
threshold of armed conflict where necessary.
30. In particular, the UK will contribute to:
• Countering the threat from Iran to regional and international security. With the
US, E3 (France, Germany, Italy) and regional partners, we will continue to work
to prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon and to deter its destabilising
behaviour, including threats against the UK and UK-based individuals.

• Supporting stability in the Taiwan Strait, where we oppose any unilateral change in
the status quo, and in the East and South China Seas. We will support all parties to
work together to ensure that heightened tensions do not lead to escalation.
• Supporting peace on the Korean peninsula, noting the growing concerns of our
regional partners about the risks to regional and international security. The UK urges
the DPRK to show restraint and work towards peace, and we are clear that its nuclear
and weapons programmes must be dismantled.
Establishing frameworks to manage systemic competition

31. Alongside reinforced deterrence and defence, managing systemic competition is
essential to upholding strategic stability. A clear understanding of others’ strategic
calculus – and an ability to explain our own – is critical in order to avoid miscalculation.
The UK’s aim is to establish regular strategic-level dialogues to build confidence and
transparency around security ambitions, vital interests and military doctrines. During
the Cold War, such mechanisms gave all parties a higher level of confidence that we
would not miscalculate our way into nuclear exchange. The UK will seek to maintain and
establish reliable lines of political and military communication, so that in moments of
heightened tension we have quick and effective means by which to de-escalate, or to
manage escalation. This will be a long-term endeavour.
32. Well-established channels for dialogue and de-escalation with Russia are currently
limited and under significant strain, but we remain ready to reinvigorate them when
the moment is right. IR2023 also includes a clear articulation of the principles that will
underpin the UK’s approach to bilateral relations with China, in which the importance
of dialogue and diplomacy is emphasised. Ultimately, the UK seeks to re-establish
a stable, constructive and frank relationship that can both create better conditions
for cooperation and underpin the kind of strategic dialogue required to prevent
miscalculation and misunderstanding.
33. More broadly, the UK will support a new agenda for arms control that is multi-domain,
multi-capability and draws together a wider set of actors. We will strengthen the
elements of the existing architecture that remain vital – such as the Chemical Weapons
Convention, the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention, and the Treaty on the Non-
proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). The NPT has been the cornerstone of nuclear
security and civil nuclear prosperity for the last 52 years, and the UK remains committed
to its implementation in full.
34. We will seek to build upon the existing architecture – supporting updates to existing
agreements, regulating specific capabilities where appropriate – and will look for
opportunities to create new agreements where useful and achievable to do so. In
doing this we will expand thinking beyond states to industry experts, companies
and technologists, all of whom will play a critical role in understanding the risks and
opportunities of dual-use and other new technologies, and in setting the standards that
govern them.
35. In furthering arms control, we will have a pragmatic focus on establishing and
regulating behaviours. The UK has led work in the UN to apply this approach to cyber
and to space, and in the context of hybrid- and technology-enabled conflict we will
now seek to establish new norms for behaviour in a broader range of areas, as set out
in pillar one. This does not rule out the possibility of new formal agreements to regulate
capabilities but instead supplements our existing approach.

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Pillar 3: Address vulnerabilities
through resilience
1. The UK’s openness – to trade and investment and the exchange of people, ideas and
culture – is fundamental to our long-term prosperity. Our global interconnectedness is
a source of strength and an essential part of our national life. It is also reflected in the
commitment to free speech and universal human rights that underpins our democracy.
2. However, both COVID-19 and the invasion of Ukraine have shown – in different ways
– the severe disruption that crises originating beyond our borders can have in the UK,
affecting the wellbeing and quality of life of our people. As IR2021 set out, the UK
must be prepared to deal with global trends and events that will exert shaping forces
on our national life, but that we cannot always control or prevent at source. These
will range from: well-understood transnational challenges, such as mass migration
and climate change; to emergent issues, such as the increasing global trend towards
protectionism and the ‘on-shoring’ of data assets and critical supply chains. As the
security environment deteriorates, we must also make it harder for state and non-state
actors to target our people, society, economy and institutions.
3. IR2021 introduced a commitment to building resilience at home and overseas, as the

counterpart to strengthening security and defence. The importance of this has since
been reinforced by the NATO Strategic Concept, which introduced targets to improve
collective and national resilience across the Alliance as the critical underpinning for its
core tasks, including deterrence and defence.
4. IR2021 and the 2022 UK Government Resilience Framework defined resilience as the
UK’s ability to anticipate, assess, prevent, mitigate, respond to, and recover from risks –
potential events or threats such as natural hazards or deliberate attacks. The Resilience
Framework set out the Government’s plan to strengthen the underpinning systems and
capabilities for resilience, with measures focused on risk assessment, responsibilities and
accountability, partnership, communities, investment and skills.
5. We will now build on this framework, expanding the UK’s approach to resilience by
introducing greater emphasis on addressing strategic vulnerabilities – the underlying
economic, societal, technological, environmental and infrastructural factors that leave
the UK exposed to crises or attacks. This will complement the action set out in the
Resilience Framework. In combination with the approach to deterrence and defence set
out under pillar two, this forms a new operating model for national security – with the
majority of government effort orientated towards protective and preparatory action
(‘security through resilience’), so that operational activity can be focused on long-term,
system-level interventions, such as disrupting high-harm criminal networks overseas.
6. Just as it took several years to build the counter-terrorism system after 2001, it will take
time to develop and establish an effective model for security through resilience. The
new NSC sub-committee on resilience will drive this, leading cross-government
preparations to prevent, mitigate or absorb risks and shocks, and assessing action
required to address the UK’s vulnerabilities. As IR2021 highlighted, many aspects of the
UK’s resilience are intertwined with the resilience of allies and partners. Where possible,
the Government will continue to tackle the root causes of risks through upstream action
overseas, including supporting others to build their own resilience.

7. In the meantime, a number of the UK’s vulnerabilities are already well understood,
including some of which have come into sharper focus as a result of the invasion of
Ukraine. This pillar sets out action to improve our resilience in five key areas: energy,
climate, the environment and health; the economy; our democracy and society; cyber
security and resilience; and the UK border.
8. Action under this pillar is mutually reinforcing with work to generate strategic
advantage, set out in pillar four. A resilient UK is a precondition for our national
strengths to thrive, which in turn provides the means to strengthen resilience further.
In particular, a flourishing S&T ecosystem will develop innovative solutions to issues of
resilience at home and overseas.
Assessing risks and vulnerabilities

Since the early 2000s, the Government has assessed risks to the UK through
the internal National Security Risk Assessment (NSRA). In response to IR2021’s
direction for a more dynamic and adaptive approach, the NSRA has moved from
a static biennial process to an iterative and continuous one, reviewing risks on
a rolling basis. A refreshed National Risk Register based on the NSRA will be
published in mid-2023, accompanied by communications to support public and
industry preparedness.
Following a formal review by the Royal Academy of Engineering and the input of
stakeholders across government, industry and academia, the NSRA has adopted
a new methodology. This includes longer timescales, assessment of multiple
scenarios, and the use of a wider range of relevant data and insight alongside
external challenge.
A key methodological change has been to separate acute and chronic risks. The
NSRA now focuses on acute risks: generally time-bound, discrete events, such
as major flooding. The Government is establishing a new process for identifying
and assessing chronic risks, which are enduring challenges that gradually erode
elements of our economy, society, way of life and/or national security, such
as disinformation.
Having improved the UK’s assessment of risks, we will now introduce an

accompanying assessment of the UK’s vulnerabilities. As a first step, we will run a
cross-government exercise to identify and understand the UK’s current and future
vulnerabilities, with recommendations for action. This will support the NSC and
its resilience sub-committee in delivering the approach set out under this pillar,
and in deciding the balance of investment across activity to tackle specific risks
and activity to reduce underlying vulnerabilities.
Addressing priority areas of vulnerability

9. The first priority area in addressing the UK’s vulnerabilities is energy security. We will
ensure that the UK’s energy supply is less exposed to manipulation by hostile actors
and volatility in global markets. This requires a two-pronged approach: maximising
sources of supply in the immediate term, while accelerating the transition to clean
energy and net zero – the most effective route to both energy security and our climate
goals. The 2022 British Energy Security Strategy (BESS) sets out a long-term path to

secure affordable, clean, energy, with increased investment in offshore wind,
low-carbon hydrogen, a clear pipeline of new nuclear power projects, and new
advanced technologies. The establishment of the Department for Energy Security and
Net Zero will drive forward this work, and the upcoming Energy Security Plan and Net
Zero Growth Plan will provide further detail on the action the UK will take to deliver
energy security in line with our commitments to low-cost decarbonisation.
10. In the immediate term, we have already reduced the UK’s use of Russian coal, oil
and gas. We will continue to diversify our supplies and invest in secure supply
chains alongside partners, ensuring that we do not find ourselves with a new set of
compromising strategic dependencies as we transition to clean energy. In Europe,
we are renewing our participation in the North Seas Energy Cooperation group, and
agreeing closer cooperation on nuclear energy and electricity interconnection with
France. We are also working through the G7 to reduce global dependence on Russian
energy exports and stabilise energy markets, and stepping up collaboration on energy
efficiency, nuclear and renewables with the US through our strategic energy dialogue,
the UK-US Energy Security and Affordability Partnership. We are also building updated
energy partnerships with Gulf states – the UAE, Qatar and Saudi Arabia in particular – to
collaborate on renewable energy projects and carbon capture and storage.
11. In parallel we will continue to strengthen the UK’s resilience to the range of interlinked
risks associated with climate change and environmental damage. This is firmly
linked to the international agenda on climate change, biodiversity loss and sustainable
development outlined in pillar one, as the UK’s resilience to these risks requires greater
global resilience. In addition, the Government will continue to deliver UK-focused
interventions, including through the upcoming Third National Adaptation Programme,
which will protect infrastructure, homes and health, the natural environment and
businesses from the effects of climate change. The 2022 Food Strategy outlines how
the UK will work towards more sustainable food production to address food and water
security risks; we will now build on this further, assessing vulnerabilities in our food
system and supply chains.
12. The UK’s One Health approach recognises the close connection between the health of
the environment, people and animals. As part of our work on global health, set out
in pillar one, we remain committed to strengthening health resilience at home and
overseas. The new Centre for Pandemic Preparedness, established in the UK Health
Security Agency, is collaborating with US National Center for Epidemic Forecasting
and Outbreak Analytics to shape an interconnected global network for evidence and
information sharing, so that we are better able to detect and respond to emerging risks
and threats. The upcoming Biological Security Strategy will set out a renewed vision to
protect the UK and our interests from significant biological risks, no matter how these
occur and no matter who or what they affect. It provides the overarching strategic
framework for mitigating biological risks – whether arising naturally or through
accidental or deliberate release – and sets out our mission to strengthen the UK’s
resilience, project global leadership, and exploit opportunities for UK-wide prosperity.
13. Our second priority area is strengthening the UK’s economic security. The UK was the
second most attractive destination for inward investment in the world in 2021. We will
remain an open and outward-looking economy that welcomes safe foreign investment
to drive growth across the UK. But we must also ensure that we strengthen our
resilience to hostile action and global shocks. Getting this right is essential: it will help
us create a more prosperous economy for future generations.

14. Since IR2021, we have taken robust action to protect the UK’s economic security.
In 2022, we issued 14 Final Orders under the National Security and Investment Act,
blocking, unwinding or setting conditions on acquisitions that posed a risk to national
security, and launched the UK’s first Critical Minerals Strategy. In addition,
we will now:
• Expand the tools we can deploy to tackle threats to global security and prosperity.
In particular, we will launch a new Economic Deterrence Initiative (EDI) to boost
our diplomatic and economic tools to respond to and deter hostile acts. With up
to £50 million of funding over two years, the initiative will improve our sanctions
implementation and enforcement. This will maximise the impact of our trade,
transport and financial sanctions, including by cracking down on sanctions evasion.
It will also prepare the Government for future scenarios where the UK may need
to respond to hostile acts. We will increase the number of security cleared analysts
available to ensure that future measures are more precise and have greater impact,
minimising impacts on the UK economy. We will also consult on updating our export
control regime to tackle sensitive emerging technology transfers, and work with
international partners to make multilateral controls more effective.
• Proactively support the capabilities, supply chains and technologies that are of
strategic importance to the UK and the wider world. The UK Semiconductor
Strategy will set out plans to grow our domestic semiconductors sector by
improving infrastructure and skills, focusing on existing strengths including in
design, generation of intellectual property and R&D into novel semiconductors.
We will also work with international partners to diversify supply and make the
global semiconductors market more resilient to shock. We will publish a UK Supply
Chains and Import Strategy to support specific government and business action to
strengthen our resilience in critical sectors. And we will set up a new Task & Finish
Group on Critical Minerals Resilience for UK industry, to investigate vulnerabilities
and resilience opportunities across sectors.
• Provide clarity to business on our approach, to ensure the UK remains a great place
to invest. The National Protective Security Authority (NPSA) will replace the Centre
for the Protection of National Infrastructure to provide expert, intelligence-led advice
to businesses and institutions in sensitive sectors of the economy, including critical
infrastructure, emerging technology and academia. The NPSA will have a target to
reach ten times more customers by 2025, by enhancing its digital offer and public
campaigns to support businesses and institutions to make informed decisions. We
are also establishing an Economic Security Private-Public Sector Forum, so that
we can better communicate the UK’s economic security policies and develop joint
actions and strategies with businesses.
• Work ever more closely with allies and partners to defend global rules, build
resilience and support low- and middle-income countries. This year, we will deliver
enhanced cooperation with the G7 on supply chain resilience and global threats,
including economic coercion. We will also strengthen our bilateral relationships.
We have just launched a new UK-Canada Critical Minerals Supply Chain Dialogue
to build secure and integrated critical minerals supply chains.

The National Security and Investment Act came into force in January 2022
In 2022, using the NSIA powers the Secretary of State:
• Reviewed c.800 acquisitions, including acquisitions relating

c.800 transactions to mergers or acquisitions of entities, transfers of intellectual
property and purchases of assets;
• ‘Called-in’ a number of acquisitions to undergo the highest level

of due diligence and scrutiny by a wide range of government
14 affected
transactions*
departments while minimising the burden on businesses; and
• Protected the UK’s national security by making 14 Final Orders*,

including the complete block or unwinding of 5 acquisitions*.
These Final Orders involved acquisitions in areas such as advanced
materials, satellite and space technology, communications
5 of which were and energy.
completely blocked
or unwound*
*Figures may increase as some transactions subject to ‘Call-in’ during 2022 are yet to reach a final determination by the Secretary of State
15. In parallel, we will go further in stopping the exploitation of the UK’s financial systems
and economic openness for domestic and international criminality and corruption.
Building on the recently enacted Economic Crime (Transparency and Enforcement) Act,
the upcoming Economic Crime and Corporate Transparency Bill will tackle fraud and
money-laundering, and make it harder for organised criminals, kleptocrats and terrorists
to use opaque entities to abuse the UK’s financial system. We will publish the second
Economic Crime Plan (ECP2) in March which will set out our whole-system approach
to tackling economic crime, underpinned by significant investment of £400 million
from financial year 2022/23 to 2024/25. Under the plan, the upcoming Anti-Corruption
Strategy will extend action to close down London as a centre for corrupt elites to
launder money and enhance their reputations, as well as scaling up law enforcement
capabilities – including the NCA’s Combatting Kleptocracy Cell – to detect, investigate
and prosecute corruption both domestically and internationally. In addition, the
Government is working with law enforcement and industry to take action in line with
the upcoming Fraud Strategy to ensure that people and businesses can recognise and
avoid fraud, and increase the number of prosecutions.
16. A third area of vulnerability that has come into sharper focus since IR2021 is our
democratic and wider societal resilience. The Defending Democracy Taskforce is a
new, enduring government function with a particular focus on foreign interference. Its
purpose is to make electoral processes and infrastructure secure and resilient, ensure
elected officials at all levels are protected from physical, cyber and other threats, and
counter disinformation efforts aimed at disrupting our national conversation and
skewing our democratic processes. As part of this work, it will respond to the need to
bridge gaps between the national security establishment and non-traditional partners
such as local councils, police forces and global tech companies. In addition, the National
Security Bill will create a more challenging operating environment for states who seek to
undermine UK interests, our political system and our institutions. The upcoming Anti-
Corruption Strategy will detail medium-term efforts to strengthen the UK’s institutional
integrity, including building the capability of central government to assess the resilience
of our democratic institutions to corruption and influence.

17. More broadly, the UK is strengthening our legislative approach to disinformation via
the Online Safety Bill, which will ensure that companies subject to safety duties will
be required to take action against illegal mis- and disinformation content, including
state-sponsored disinformation. The 2021 Online Media Literacy Strategy sets out
how the UK will support our people to manage their online lives safely, and the DSIT
Counter Disinformation Unit will continue to work with both social media platforms and
our allies to improve our understanding of the different techniques used in malicious
information operations and our ability to counter them, including through the use of
intelligence declassification.
18. We are also committed to protecting our education sector. The Higher Education Bill
and the National Security Bill both contain provisions to ensure universities have the
tools they need to deal with interference and threats to academic freedom. We are
taking further action by launching a new and comprehensive review of legislative and
other provisions designed to protect our academic sector, to identify what more we
could or should be doing.
19. The UK will also strengthen our protective security, seeking to address vulnerabilities
that expose our people and infrastructure to physical and security risks. In addition to
using our existing counter-terrorism and other security capabilities more broadly to
disrupt and respond to threats (as set out in pillar two), the new NPSA, set out above,
will take on and expand the role currently performed by the Centre for the Protection of
National Infrastructure, which it will replace. In addition, we will publish a draft bill in
March 2023 setting out the detail of the new Protect Duty (known as Martyn’s Law) that
will make it a legal requirement for owners and operators of public spaces and venues
to take measures to keep the public safe from terrorist attacks.
20. As part of the responsible and democratic cyber power agenda, our fourth priority area
is cyber security and resilience across the UK’s businesses, people, critical national
infrastructure and public services. The 2022 National Cyber Strategy anchors this in
three strands of effort: understanding the nature of the risk; securing systems to prevent
and resist cyber attacks; and minimising the impact of attacks. This is supported by the
new National Cyber Advisory Board, which includes leaders from academia, industry and
the third sector, and is focused on increasing the national skills base in cyber security,
identifying and mitigating cyber vulnerabilities, and protecting digital supply chains. We
will also consider new levers to ensure that hostile actors cannot access and exploit bulk
data to harm UK interests or secure strategic advantages, balanced against the need for
access to data to support our S&T objectives (as set out in pillar four).
21. The ransomware attack against NHS 111 in August 2022 demonstrated the particular
urgency of strengthening cyber resilience in the public sector. The 2022 Government
Cyber Security Strategy sets out how we will ensure that critical government functions
are significantly hardened to cyber attack by 2025, and the wider public sector is
resilient to known vulnerabilities and attack methods by 2030. In addition, we will
strengthen the Network and Information Systems Regulations 2018, which provide
legal measures to boost the cyber security of network and information systems that are
critical for the provision of everyday services such as transport, water, energy and health.

22. Given the inherently global nature of the digital world, international partnership is a
vital component of cyber resilience. The NCA and the NCSC will continue to work closely
with international partners to break the international cybercrime ecosystem, including
ransomware efforts. More broadly, by the end of this spending review period we will
have committed £100 million of investment since 2021 to building the cyber capacity of
countries across the world, including our Ukraine Cyber Programme, which supports the
cyber security of the Ukrainian government and its critical national infrastructure.
23. We are undertaking vital efforts to strengthen the UK border, to reduce the UK’s
vulnerability to threats from terrorists, criminals and state actors, prevent illicit goods
from reaching the UK, stop illegal migration, and protect the UK’s biosecurity. The
Government continues to implement the 2025 Border Strategy and the 2022 10-year
Drugs Plan; elements of the upcoming Anti-Corruption Strategy and SOC Strategy will
also support this effort.
24. The UK border is currently under particular pressure from illegal migration via small
boats. In 2022, over 45,000 migrants reached the UK in small boats, primarily from
Albania, Afghanistan, Iraq, Iran and Syria; tragically, a number of people who attempted
to cross did not reach the UK safely. The Home Secretary has introduced the Illegal
Migration Bill to deter attempts to enter the UK by such crossings and ensure those
who come to the UK illegally are detained and swiftly removed. We will also disrupt and
tackle the criminal gangs and traffickers that prey on human insecurity and compromise
the UK border. This will include working upstream:
• At our external border with France, to increase joint work on border patrol and
sharing information, such as expanding the UK-France Joint Intelligence Cell – since
its establishment in July 2020, 59 organised criminal groups involved in small boat
crossings in France have been dismantled.
• With partners in Europe to tackle organised criminals through the re-established

Calais Group: in 2022, the NCA’s joint operational work with Calais Group colleagues
resulted in the disruption of an organised crime group supplying around 10% of the
small boat market.
• Through an enhanced partnership with Albania. In December the UK and Albania

signed a Joint Communique, including enhanced cooperation on security issues,
organised crime and illegal immigration.
25. At home, the 2022 Nationality and Borders Act introduced tougher criminal offences,
under which the Crown Prosecution Service has already charged over 50 small boat
pilots, with over 35 convictions, since June 2022. The Government has also established a
new dedicated Small Boats Command Centre, a single integrated multi-agency structure
with 730 additional staff, and doubled funding for the NCA’s efforts to tackle the
organised criminality behind the use of small boats.

A team at the University of Sussex made
a significant breakthrough towards
quantum computers large and powerful
enough to tackle complex problems
that are of critical importance to society,
demonstrating for the first time – and with
record speed and accuracy – that quantum
bits (qubits) can directly transfer between
quantum computer microchips. Credit:
Sussex Ion Quantum Technology Group
Pillar 4: Generate strategic advantage
1. The UK is a globally-engaged power with a uniquely diverse range of national strengths.
We are a G7 economy, the sixth largest in the world by gross domestic product,
the seventh largest exporter of goods and services, one of the leading countries for
outbound foreign direct investment (FDI) and one of the most attractive for inbound
FDI. We are known for our innovation and R&D excellence, and the quality of our
universities – 17 of which are in the world’s top 100. We are a permanent member of
the UNSC, a founder member of NATO, and a globally engaged defence and security
actor currently operating on every continent and in all domains. We are one of the
world’s five largest bilateral donors of ODA, valued by partners for our deep expertise.
And we have a global cultural reach, through institutions such as the BBC, the British
Council and the Premier League, our creative industries, and our extensive people-to-
people links.
2. These strengths not only provide the basis of the UK’s prosperity and national wellbeing,
but also give us the freedom of action and influence to shape the international
environment. As such, they are the foundational building blocks of strategic advantage:
the UK’s relative ability to achieve our objectives compared to our competitors.
3. IR2021 considered the concept of advantage in two distinct ways. First, it recognised
the centrality of S&T as a source of national power in the decades ahead, and
emphasised the need to develop the UK’s competitive edge in S&T, including as a
responsible and democratic cyber power. Second, it recognised that allies and partners
alike were bringing together a wider range of levers to achieve their objectives, and
introduced a new focus on integration at the strategic as well as the operational level in
order to respond to this trend and ensure the UK’s future competitiveness.
4. The UK’s understanding of strategic advantage has further evolved in the past two
years. For different reasons, both Afghanistan and Ukraine have reinforced the
importance of strategic as well as operational integration. Most significantly, the conflict
in Ukraine has highlighted the importance of: drawing on multiple areas of competitive
edge to compete both asymmetrically and simultaneously across domains; achieving
mass in combination with allies and partners; and speed of adaptation and innovation.
These factors are likely to be decisive across other arenas as the UK engages in balancing
and shaping activity.
5. At the same time, wider developments – China’s significant expansion of military,
economic, and technological power, the redistribution of global power away from G7
economies, fragmentation and growing protectionism, and severe pressures on the UK
economy – have highlighted that it is becoming both more important and more difficult
to maintain the UK’s strengths. S&T is a clear example: despite the progress we have
made since IR2021, the UK’s relatively privileged position is under challenge as others
also seek to generate advantage. We will need to respond dynamically as the choices
made by our competitors shape our own.

The UK is the seventh
largest exporter of
The London Stock Exchange goods and services.
remains Europe’s most active equity
market and in 2022 welcomed
more international companies
than any other major exchange. The UK has the world’s fifth largest
marine estate thanks to its Overseas
Territories spread across four of the
five great oceans in the world.
The British Council operates in

over 100 countries, reaching
650 million globally in 2021-22.
The UK has the second

The UK ranks fourth highest GDP in Europe and
The UK ranked second
globally in the Economic sixth highest in the world.
behind the USA in terms
Diversification Index. of estimated life science
inward foreign direct
investment (FDI) capital
expenditure in 2021. The UK is the largest exporter
of books in the world.
The London Metal Exchange is

the world centre for the trading of
industrial metals. The majority of global The London insurance
non-ferrous metal futures business market is the biggest global
is transacted on LME platforms. commercial and specialty risk
market in the world.
UK strengths
The UK has produced over

120,000 new STEM graduates
in the last five years.
The UK is ranked fourth in the

global Cyber Power Index. AI
The UK is ranked third in the

AI Global Readiness Index.
Ranked as the joint most

The UK is home to 122 tech attractive country to young FDI
unicorns, behind only the US people in the G20, in the
The UK is the fifth
and China for the creation of British Council’s 2021 Global
highest destination for
billion dollar tech companies, Perceptions Survey.
inbound FDI stocks.
and first in Europe. The UK has four universities in
the top 10 and second most of
any country in the top 100.
The UK was ranked third

globally for startup
funding in 2022.
The UK has increased the number

of MOD personnel deployed The Premier League
overseas to over 4,000, is broadcast in
as part of our international 188 countries.
defence network.

The UK has 14 seats in the governing
bodies of UN specialised agencies
(compared to China’s 16, the US’s 12,
The UK is the top creator France’s 15, and Germany’s 13).
of open source software
in Europe (estimated
as contributing over
£40bn to UK GDP).
The UK is ranked
fourth in the Global There are 18,926 UK-based NGOs
Innovation Index. spending over £17bn improving The UK ranks third in the
outcomes around the world. OECD for the proportion of
international students enrolled
in tertiary institutions.
£
The UK ranked second in the G7 and
Our contribution OECD in terms of defence spending,

having spent $68bn in 2021.
to global goods The UK welcomed 152,200

Ukrainian refugees in 2022
(seventh most in the world).
UK ranks third most important

country for investment among
global CEOs in 2023 – one place
higher than last year and behind
only the US and China.
£
The UK has consistently been the The UK is ranked third in the G7
second largest contributor to on development spending, as a
NATO, having met NATO’s 2% target percentage of GNI in 2021.
every year since its introduction in
2006.
£
The UK has educated a total of
894 students across 70 Defence
Strategic Command courses from
107 countries, in 2021 and 2022.
The UK is one of the largest donors

to the World Health Oragnization,
and the largest provider of flexible
core voluntary contributions.

6. Building on these lessons, we will now expand and cohere the Government’s approach
to generating strategic advantage, treating it as a core national mission across all areas
of domestic, economic and international policy. This approach has two component
parts. First, we will more actively cultivate the UK’s foundational strengths, maintaining
and extending IR2021’s approach to S&T and cyber power. This will require further
integration of domestic and international policy, and deepening collaboration with
industry, allies and partners. Second, we will update the tools of our statecraft,
continuing to evolve and integrate the levers through which the UK translates our
strengths into real-world effect. This will require new ways of working and thinking:
moving away from binary conceptions of soft and hard power, to networked
approaches that are better adapted to the complexity of systemic competition.
7. This effort is mutually reinforcing with the action we will take to address the UK’s
vulnerabilities under pillar three: advantages deliver the agency we need to strengthen
our resilience as a nation; and in turn, a more resilient UK is one in which our core
national strengths can thrive.
Cultivating the UK’s strengths

8. The UK’s overriding priority under this pillar remains generating strategic advantage
through S&T. We will continue to develop and maintain areas of UK strength. As
part of this, we will improve our ability to understand and respond to the intent and
capabilities of both allies and adversaries, and to the societal and economic disruption –
and new national security risks – resulting from global S&T trends.
9. Since IR2021, the Government has put in place some important structural foundations
to support this effort. The new National Science and Technology Council (NSTC)
is chaired by the Prime Minister. The UK’s new S&T Framework consists of 10
cross-cutting system interventions to create the right ecosystem for S&T to flourish
in the UK, which will in turn be a major driver of the UK’s future economic growth.
This includes measures on skills and talent, investment in R&D, public and private
sector financing, regulation and standards, procurement, the communication of clear
government priorities, and international collaboration. Delivery of this framework is
now underway through an initial raft of projects worth around £500 million in new and
existing funding.
10. As part of this work, we have identified five priority technologies crucial for delivering
UK objectives, including the cyber power agenda: AI, semiconductors, quantum
technologies, future telecommunications and engineering biology. Under the ‘own,
collaborate, access’ model introduced in IR2021, we will ensure the UK has a clear
route to assured access for each, a strong voice in influencing their development and
use internationally, a managed approach to supply chain risks, and a plan to protect
our advantage as we build it. We have already published strategies relating to AI and
telecommunications, and will publish strategies for semiconductors and quantum
technologies in 2023.
11. In AI in particular, recent developments such as the launch of ChatGPT and the
announcement of Google Bard have shown the powerful potential for technologies
which are based upon foundation models, including large language models. To ensure
the UK is at the forefront of this technology we will establish a new government-
industry taskforce to bring together experts and report to the PM and Secretary of
State for DSIT. The taskforce will be empowered to advance UK sovereign capability

in foundation models, including large language models, and provide direct advice to
ministers. One of the first priorities for the Taskforce will be to apply its deep expertise
and understanding of the AI sector, to present a clear mission focused on advancing the
UK’s AI capability and prioritise options, action and investment designed to benefit our
society and economy.
12. Achieving advantage in these areas also requires the UK to secure a leading role in
data access and infrastructure, which will be critical to the UK’s competitiveness when
developing and using digital technologies such as AI, quantum technologies and
robotics. The UK will seek to incentivise investment in data-sharing infrastructure,
remove barriers to global data access and use, encourage data sets to be made available
publicly, and boost individual control of personal data.
13. Equally, where the UK chooses to legislate around new technologies, we will strike the
right balance between protecting our people’s security and privacy and ensuring that
businesses are able to innovate and compete internationally. This approach informs the
forthcoming Digital Markets, Competition and Consumer Bill, the Data Protection and
Digital Information Bill, and the Online Safety Bill. It also informs our collaboration with
allies and partners.
14. Since IR2021, the UK has deepened our S&T partnerships across the globe – with the
US, through AUKUS and in the Indo-Pacific more broadly, and through collaboration
in international institutions such as the G7, G20, NATO and the International
Telecommunication Union. We will continue to make S&T a priority element of our wider
bilateral partnerships, in support of shared growth and development and our vision of a
future digital and technology order that benefits all. We are also introducing technology
envoys and a new Technology Centre of Expertise as part of British Investment
Partnerships, which provides access to UK expertise to support sustainable economic
growth around the world. The forthcoming International Technology Strategy will
provide more detail on our international engagement, including with respect to priority
technologies, assuring critical supply chains and shaping global technology standards,
regulations and norms.
15. Responsibility for coordinating the next steps on all of these lines of effort will now
be assumed by the new Department for Science, Innovation and Technology (DSIT),
working with the relevant departments and agencies. DSIT’s core function will be to
position the UK at the forefront of global scientific and technological advancement. It
brings together the relevant parts of the former Department for Business, Energy and
Industrial Strategy and the former Department for Digital, Culture, Media and Sport,
and will incorporate GO-Science and the Office for Science and Technology Strategy.
The new Secretary of State will have a permanent seat on the NSC and will deputise for
the Prime Minister at NSTC.
16. At the same time, the Government will seek to develop and sustain the wider strengths
that allow the UK to compete on the world stage. The UK’s ability to forge strong,
reciprocal relationships with countries around the world is based on the wide range of
areas in which we have identifiable national strengths and a track record of success – in
the digital economy, education, legal and financial services, development expertise, the
sciences, culture, sport and the arts. All of these areas have the potential to provide us
with tools and opportunities that can be leveraged for advantage, and we will take this
into account as we make the relevant policy and spending decisions.

17. Above all, the UK’s economic strength is foundational to our ability to protect and
advance our interests at home and overseas. The Government will nurture those key
growth sectors in which the UK is competitive and that will contribute to our global
influence in the longer-term, including digital technology, life sciences, green industries
– such as clean technologies, science, manufacturing and finance – as well as the
creative industries and advanced manufacturing. We will facilitate growth in these
industries by investing in relevant skills and economic infrastructure, supporting research
and innovative firms, and creating the right environment for business investment. The
new Department for Business and Trade will bring together the Government’s business
and trade operations to support investment, unlock exports, and open up new markets
for British business.
18. As an important element of this agenda, the Government has committed to making
the UK the world’s first net zero financial centre – supporting UK financial institutions
and listed companies to publish high-quality net zero transition plans. The Rt Hon Chris
Skidmore MP’s independent net zero review assesses that the British Energy Security
Strategy and Net Zero Strategy provide the right pathway and policy framework for
welcoming green investment. UK net zero policies are expected to leverage up to £100
billion of private investment and support up to 480,000 British jobs by 2030. The activity
they drive will also support our international objectives: our investment partnerships
with the UAE, Saudi Arabia and Qatar on renewables and energy R&D, for example,
allow us to deepen these relationships while supporting the UK’s future energy security.
19. The Government will also continue to protect and promote the soft and cultural
power that the UK has internationally. The UK will do more to bring soft power into its
broader foreign policy approach, through the Commonwealth and other institutions.
The Government will also work with the BBC to support the BBC World Service as a
trusted source of news internationally, ensuring an efficient and modern World Service
that meets the needs of its audiences and brings value to the licence fee payer and the
UK. As an outcome of IR2023, we will provide £20 million of additional funding to the
BBC World Service – £10 million in each of the next two financial years, 2023/24 and
2024/25 – protecting all 42 language services overseas.
Updating our statecraft for systemic competition

20. As the international environment evolves, so must the UK’s approach to the exercise of
statecraft, leveraging our national strengths to protect and advance our interests. The
complexity of a highly competitive, multipolar era requires us to use a broader range of
tools in pursuit of our aims: updating and adapting our capabilities for the new context,
and improving how we apply them in an integrated manner, within government and
alongside allies and partners.
21. The action we will take to strengthen and update the UK’s defence, national security,
development, economic and information capabilities – as set out earlier in the strategic
framework – are all important elements of this effort. In addition, we will:
• Renew and re-skill our core diplomatic capability, ensuring it can understand and
meet the challenges of an era of systemic competition. The UK’s diplomats must
pursue British interests in a much higher risk environment than has been the case
for several decades, and they need the expertise to match this reality. An updated
skills mix across the foreign policy workforce across government should reflect
priorities from across the four pillars of this framework, including in due course: a

new strategic affairs specialism; rebalanced geographic specialisms; and an increased
focus on nuclear and non-nuclear deterrence, emerging and disruptive technologies,
regulatory diplomacy, and resilience and security. As set out above, we will double
funding to develop China capabilities across government.
• Continue developing the capabilities and necessary powers of our intelligence

agencies, to support both covert and overt activity. We will base more staff overseas
to enhance our cooperation with partners – not just in the Five Eyes – to understand
and respond to the challenges posed by the rapidly changing technological and
geopolitical environment. We are also developing our horizon-scanning capabilities
and investing in more open partnerships with the technology sector. In expanding
our intelligence agencies’ presence in the north-west of England – by 2030 a third
of GCHQ staff will be based in the region – we are drawing on an outstanding
ecosystem of public, private and academic excellence and making full use of our
country’s talents.
• Establish a new open-source intelligence (OSINT) hub to upgrade and better

integrate the Government’s capability to collect and analyse publicly and
commercially available information. We will invest in human and technical
capabilities, including AI and data science, to ensure our decision making is driven
by the most accurate and wide-ranging data available. In part, it will build on the
work of the new National Situation Centre, which has used data analysis and insights
from across and beyond government to support the response to events including
Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, extreme heat and industrial action. The new Information
and Data Exchange (INDEX) digital service will further accelerate data sharing and
analysis. We will also harness new partnerships with the private sector, think tanks,
and academia, drawing on their skills, expertise and innovation.
• Ensure our national security practitioners more widely are trained in statecraft
and other essential skills. Through the College for National Security (CfNS) – an
IR2021 commitment – we are launching and delivering the first UK National Security
Curriculum, which will draw on the expertise of Parliament, business, industry,
academia and allies. We will now commit £2 million in each of the next two financial
years to embed the CfNS in our national security architecture.

Ukrainian-themed wreath at
10 Downing Street on 24 February
2023, marking one year since
Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.
© Crown Copyright 2023
E-Number: E02876763
ISBN: 978-1-5286-3962-0

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III. IR2023: Updated Strategic Framework 15

1. Shape the international environment 19

As a result of this analysis, the 2021 Integrated Review

I. Foreword from the Prime Minister 2

Second, as threats and volatility increase, we recognise the growing importance of

3 Integrated Review Refresh 2023

I. Foreword from the Prime Minister 4

i. Renewed investment to bolster collective defence and security, supported by the

iii. Moving away from a predominantly risk-management approach to national security

iv. Prioritisation of strength in S&T – including as a responsible and democratic cyber

What has changed since 2021?

7 Integrated Review Refresh 2023

11. A more positive consequence of the acceleration of systemic competition – and an

13. Importantly, however, systemic competition is developing into a highly complex

9 Integrated Review Refresh 2023

15. Fourth, IR2023 responds to the multiplying effects of overlapping transnational

• A range of assessment and horizon-scanning products, including Joint Intelligence

• Lessons from policy and strategy over two decades of UK engagement in

• Consultations with allies and partners undergoing a similar process of reappraisal,

11 Integrated Review Refresh 2023

13 Integrated Review Refresh 2023

Shape the international environment. This pillar commits the UK to shaping,

III. IR2023: Updated Strategic Framework 16

IR2023 Strategic Framework​

1. Shape the international 2. Deter, defend and compete

Shape, balance, compete Protect UK and wider

3. Address vulnerabilities 4. Generate strategic

Strengthen the strategic Cultivate the UK’s strengths

17 Integrated Review Refresh 2023

4. The UK’s long-standing commitment to multilateralism remains the foundation of this

5. However, as IR2021 emphasised, traditional multilateral approaches and defending the

III. IR2023: Updated Strategic Framework 19

9. The UK will also seek to strengthen the Commonwealth, as an organisation that

20 Integrated Review Refresh 2023

01. Albania 13. Greece 26. North Macedonia 36. Switzerland

III. IR2023: Updated Strategic Framework 21

22 Integrated Review Refresh 2023

Across the Indo-Pacific the UK has:

Agreements under negotiation

Global Combat Air Programme

Pacific Island Forum members

UK Carrier Strike Group 2021 route

01. Australia 05. Japan 10. Republic of Korea

III. IR2023: Updated Strategic Framework 23

• With India, building on our Comprehensive Strategic Partnership, implementing the

• With Japan, deepening defence cooperation through our Reciprocal Access

• With Indonesia, delivering the UK-Indonesia Roadmap 2022-24.

• Pursuing final-phase negotiations to accede to the Comprehensive and Progressive

III. IR2023: Updated Strategic Framework 15

1. Shape the international environment 19

I. Foreword from the Prime Minister 2

I. Foreword from the Prime Minister 4

11. A more positive consequence of the acceleration of systemic competition – and an

13. Importantly, however, systemic competition is developing into a highly complex

15. Fourth, IR2023 responds to the multiplying effects of overlapping transnational

III. IR2023: Updated Strategic Framework 16

IR2023 Strategic Framework

4. The UK’s long-standing commitment to multilateralism remains the foundation of this

5. However, as IR2021 emphasised, traditional multilateral approaches and defending the

III. IR2023: Updated Strategic Framework 19

9. The UK will also seek to strengthen the Commonwealth, as an organisation that

III. IR2023: Updated Strategic Framework 25

III. IR2023: Updated Strategic Framework 27

III. IR2023: Updated Strategic Framework 29

III. IR2023: Updated Strategic Framework 31

III. IR2023: Updated Strategic Framework 33

III. IR2023: Updated Strategic Framework 35

III. IR2023: Updated Strategic Framework 37

III. IR2023: Updated Strategic Framework 41

28. The UK’s updated Russia strategy focuses on:

30. In particular, the UK will contribute to:

III. IR2023: Updated Strategic Framework 43

3. IR2021 introduced a commitment to building resilience at home and overseas, as the

III. IR2023: Updated Strategic Framework 45

III. IR2023: Updated Strategic Framework 47

III. IR2023: Updated Strategic Framework 49

III. IR2023: Updated Strategic Framework 51

III. IR2023: Updated Strategic Framework 53