ISC China

Intelligence and Security
Committee of Parliament
China
Chairman:
The Rt Hon. Sir Julian Lewis MP
HC 1605
Intelligence and Security
Committee of Parliament
China
Chairman:
The Rt Hon. Sir Julian Lewis MP
Presented to Parliament pursuant to sections 2 and 3

of the Justice and Security Act 2013
Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed on

13 July 2023
HC 1605
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THE INTELLIGENCE AND SECURITY

COMMITTEE OF PARLIAMENT*i
The Rt Hon. Sir Julian Lewis MP (Chairman)
The Rt Hon. Maria Eagle MP The Rt Hon. Mark Pritchard MP
(from 10 February 2022) (until 22 January 2022)
The Rt Hon. Sir John Hayes CBE MP Colonel The Rt Hon. Bob Stewart DSO MP
The Rt Hon. Stewart Hosie MP The Rt Hon. Theresa Villiers MP
(until 14 December 2022)
The Rt Hon. Dame Diana Johnson DBE Admiral The Rt Hon. Lord West of Spithead
MP (until 14 January 2022) GCB DSC PC
The Rt Hon. Kevan Jones MP The Rt Hon. Sir Jeremy Wright KC MP
(from 9 February 2022)
Owen Thompson MP
(from 7 February 2023)
The Intelligence and Security Committee of Parliament (ISC) is a statutory committee of

Parliament that has responsibility for oversight of the UK Intelligence Community. The
Committee was originally established by the Intelligence Services Act 1994 and was
reformed, and its powers reinforced, by the Justice and Security Act 2013.
The Committee oversees the intelligence and security activities of the Agencies,** including
the policies, expenditure, administration and operations of MI5 (the Security Service), MI6
(the Secret Intelligence Service or SIS) and GCHQ (the Government Communications
Headquarters). The Committee also scrutinises the work of other parts of the Intelligence
Community, including the Joint Intelligence Organisation (JIO) and the National Security
Secretariat (NSS) in the Cabinet Office; Defence Intelligence (DI) in the Ministry of
Defence; and Homeland Security Groupi†ii in the Home Office.
The Committee consists of nine Members drawn from both Houses of Parliament. Members
are appointed by the Houses of Parliament, having been nominated by the Prime Minister
in consultation with the Leader of the Opposition. The Chair of the Committee is elected by
its Members.
*
This Inquiry was commenced by the previous Committee, which sat from November 2017 to November
2019, and was completed by the current Committee. The Report is a compilation of the work undertaken by
both Committees.
**
Throughout the Report, the term ‘Intelligence Community’ is used to refer to the seven organisations that the
Committee oversees; the term ‘Agencies’ refers to MI5, SIS and GCHQ as a collective; and the term
‘Departments’ refers to the intelligence and security parts of the Ministry of Defence, Cabinet Office and the
Home Office (DI, JIO, the National Security Adviser (NSA), NSS and Homeland Security Group (HSG)) as a
collective, unless specified otherwise.
†
From 1 April 2021, the Home Office moved to a new structure and the work of the Office for Security and
Counter-Terrorism (OSCT) is now carried out by Homeland Security Group. Therefore, OSCT is now referred
to as Homeland Security Group.
iii
CHINA
The Members of the Committee are subject to section 1(1)(b) of the Official Secrets Act 1989
and are routinely given access to highly classified material in carrying out their duties. The
Committee sets its own agenda and work programme, taking evidence from Government
Ministers, the Heads of the intelligence and security Agencies, senior officials, experts and
academics as required. Its Inquiries tend to concentrate on current events and issues of
concern, and therefore focus on operationalv†i † and policy matters, while its Annual Reports
address administration and finance.
The Reports can contain highly classified material, which would damage the operational
capabilities of the intelligence Agencies if it were published. There is therefore a well-
established and lengthy process to prepare the Committee’s Reports ready for publication.
The Report is checked to ensure that it is factually correct (i.e. that the facts and figures
are up to date in what can be a fast-changing environment). The Intelligence Community
may then, on behalf of the Prime Minister, request redaction of material in the Report if
they consider that its publication would damage their work – for example, by revealing
their targets, methods, sources or operational capabilities. The Committee requires the
Intelligence Community to demonstrate clearly how publication of the material in question
would be damaging, since the Committee aims to ensure that only the minimum of text is
redacted from a Report. Where the Committee rejects a request for material to be redacted, if
the organisation considers that the material would cause serious damage to national security
if published, then the Head of that organisation must appear before the Committee to argue
the case. Once these stages have been completed, the Report is sent to the Prime Minister to
consider. Under the Justice and Security Act 2013, the Committee can only lay its Reports
before Parliament once the Prime Minister has confirmed that there is no material in them
which would prejudice the discharge of the functions of the Agencies or – where the Prime
Minister considers that there is such material in the Report – once the Prime Minister has
consulted the Committee and it has then excluded the relevant material from the Report.
The Committee believes that it is important that Parliament and the public should be able to
see where information had to be redacted: redactions are clearly indicated in the Report by
***. This means that the published Report is the same as the classified version sent to the
Prime Minister (albeit with redactions).
The Committee oversees operations subject to the criteria set out in section 2 of the Justice and Security Act
††
2013.
iv

CONTENTS
OVERVIEW...........................................................................................................................1
China’s interest in the UK...................................................................................................1
The Inquiry..........................................................................................................................1
The ‘whole-of-state’ threat..................................................................................................2
Protecting the UK................................................................................................................3
PART ONE: THREAT AND RESPONSE.................................................... 7

THE NATIONAL SECURITY THREAT TO THE UK...................................................9
CHINA: AIMS AND AMBITIONS.................................................................................... 11

What does China want from the UK? ..............................................................................15
WHAT IS CHINA SEEKING IN THE UK?.......................................................................19

Political influence..............................................................................................................19
Economic advantage..........................................................................................................21
THE CHINESE INTELLIGENCE SERVICES...................................................................25

Scale..................................................................................................................................25
A broad remit.....................................................................................................................28
‘Whole-of-state’ approach.................................................................................................30
ESPIONAGE.......................................................................................................................31
Gathering human intelligence............................................................................................31
Cyber operations................................................................................................................34
INTERFERENCE ...............................................................................................................37
Government ......................................................................................................................38
Interference in elections....................................................................................................42
Media.................................................................................................................................43
The Chinese diaspora in the UK........................................................................................45
HOW IS THE UK RESPONDING? ................................................................................49
HMG’S BALANCING ACT...............................................................................................51

Conflicting priorities . .......................................................................................................51
A joined-up approach........................................................................................................52
THE ‘STRATEGY’: FRAMEWORKS, PLANS AND PILLARS......................................55

The China Senior Responsible Owner and National Strategy Implementation Group.....57
The China Framework.......................................................................................................57
The Intelligence Outcomes Prioritisation process.............................................................63
The tri-Agency approach...................................................................................................64
HMG Hostile State Activity Strategy................................................................................65
v
CHINA
HMG RESOURCING..........................................................................................................69
SIS.....................................................................................................................................69
GCHQ................................................................................................................................70
MI5....................................................................................................................................70
JIO.....................................................................................................................................70
Other organisations............................................................................................................71
Potential for increase in resourcing...................................................................................72
DEFENDING THE UK.......................................................................................................75

Responsibility....................................................................................................................75
Focus and coverage...........................................................................................................76
Protective role: CPNI and NCSC......................................................................................77
A new approach.................................................................................................................79
Challenges in tackling Chinese spying . ...........................................................................79
Challenges in countering Chinese interference operations................................................81
ON THE ‘OFFENSIVE’......................................................................................................85
Allocation of effort............................................................................................................85
Requirements.....................................................................................................................86
Coverage............................................................................................................................87
Effects................................................................................................................................87
Are SIS and GCHQ ‘achieving’?......................................................................................89
SIS and GCHQ challenges in operating against China ....................................................90
WORKING WITH OUR ALLIES.......................................................................................95

Five Eyes ..........................................................................................................................95
Other partners....................................................................................................................96
LEGISLATION....................................................................................................................97
The need for new legislation on Hostile State Activity.....................................................97
PART TWO: CASE STUDIES.................................................................. 101

CASE STUDY: ACADEMIA..........................................................................................102
CHINESE INTERFERENCE IN UK ACADEMIA..........................................................103

Influence and interference...............................................................................................103
Economic advantage........................................................................................................109
THE GOVERNMENT RESPONSE.................................................................................. 115

Who: Taking responsibility for tackling influence and interference............................... 115
How: Taking action on influence and interference ......................................................... 116
What: Understanding the threat from theft and subversion ........................................... 116
How: Taking action on economic advantage................................................................... 117
CASE STUDY: INDUSTRY AND TECHNOLOGY....................................................122
CHINA’S APPROACH TO TECHNOLOGY...................................................................123

Why the UK?...................................................................................................................125
What does China target in the UK?.................................................................................126
vi

METHODOLOGY: OVERT..............................................................................................129
Licensing agreements......................................................................................................129
Foreign Direct Investment ..............................................................................................129
Inward investment into China.........................................................................................131
Standards-setting bodies..................................................................................................132
METHODOLOGY: COVERT...........................................................................................135
Human intelligence..........................................................................................................135
Cyber...............................................................................................................................137
THE UK GOVERNMENT RESPONSE...........................................................................139

Understanding the task....................................................................................................139
Foreign investment and national security........................................................................141
Disrupting activity...........................................................................................................147
CASE STUDY: CIVIL NUCLEAR ENERGY..............................................................150
CHINESE INTEREST AND INVESTMENTS.................................................................151

China’s interest in the UK Civil Nuclear sector..............................................................152
Chinese investments .......................................................................................................153
Linked investments..........................................................................................................155
ESPIONAGE AND INFLUENCE.....................................................................................159

Espionage: Incentive and opportunity ............................................................................159
Influence: Leverage and disruption.................................................................................163
The position of the United States....................................................................................165
THE GOVERNMENT RESPONSE..................................................................................171

Cross-government scrutiny of foreign investment..........................................................172
Regulation........................................................................................................................174
Intervention: The ‘special share’ ....................................................................................175
Advice to Industry ..........................................................................................................177
Wider UK Intelligence Community efforts.....................................................................180
ANNEX A: COVID-19.....................................................................................................181
Investigation of origin.....................................................................................................182
China’s initial response....................................................................................................184
Disinformation.................................................................................................................186
Vaccine development and medical espionage.................................................................187
Debt leverage...................................................................................................................189
Capitalising on the pandemic..........................................................................................190
Impact on the UK Intelligence Community....................................................................190
ANNEX B: FULL LIST OF CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS.........193
ANNEX C: CODE WORDS...........................................................................................205
ANNEX D: LIST OF WITNESSES................................................................................207

Officials...........................................................................................................................207
External Expert witnesses ..............................................................................................207
vii
Overview
OVERVIEW
There is effectively a global values struggle going on in which China

is determined to assert itself as a world power … China is increasingly
thinking of a future in which it could be the world power and that means
that – if you think of UK interests as being in favour of good governance and
transparency and good economic management, which … serve our national
interest because it helps with trade, investment, prosperity and stability and
so forth – then I think that China represents a risk on a pretty wide scale.
– Chair of the Joint Intelligence Committee (JIC)
China’s interest in the UK

1. China’s national imperative continues to be the continuing dominance and governance
of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). However, it is its ambition at a global level – to
become a technological and economic superpower, on which other countries are reliant –
that represents the greatest risk to the UK.
2. The UK may not be the top priority for China when it comes to espionage and
interference, but it is nevertheless of significant interest, mainly given our close relationship
with the United States (US): China sees almost all of its global activity in the context of its
struggle with the US. The UK is also of interest given its membership of international
bodies of significance to China and the perception of the UK as an opinion-former – which
plays into China’s strategy to reshape international systems in its favour. These factors
would appear to place the UK just below China’s top priority targets, as it seeks to build
support for its current ‘core interests’: to mute international criticism and to gain economically.
3. In respect of the latter, China sees the UK as a home for Chinese investment. This
approach can be seen in relation to nuclear energy: Chinese interest lies in gaining UK
regulatory approval for its reactor designs as it assesses that this will influence other countries
to permit Chinese investment in their Civil Nuclear sectors. The same philosophy lay behind
Huawei’s interest in the UK’s 5G telecommunications network.
The Inquiry
4. At the outset of this Inquiry, the Committee considered whether Huawei should be
allowed to supply equipment for the UK’s 5G telecommunications network: the key
consideration, which lay at the heart of that issue, was the UK’s over-reliance on Chinese
technology. We urged that action be taken urgently to address this, cautioning: “This will
require us to take a long-term view – but we need to start now.”1 China’s aspirations are
looking ahead to 2049, and the UK needs to be thinking in the same way.
5. Our Inquiry has continued since then, considering the nature of the threat more broadly
(although evidence-taking concluded in 2021 – prior to the Russian invasion of Ukraine in
1
‘ISC Statement on 5G suppliers’, Intelligence and Security Committee website, 19 July 2019.
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February 2022).2 The Committee has taken evidence from a wide range of witnesses and
considered a substantial volume of written evidence. We are grateful to those witnesses
from outside the Intelligence Community – in particular John Gerson, Raffaello Pantucci,
Charles Parton, Lord Patten, Dr Tim Stevens and Professor Steve Tsang – for kindly
volunteering their very substantial expertise on China, as part of the Inquiry; we have
benefitted greatly from their experience and knowledge.
6. This Report has been split into two parts. Part One considers the overall intelligence
threat from China to the UK, and HMG’s response to that threat. Part Two considers Case
Studies on the threat to three specific areas – Academia, Industry and Technology, and Civil
Nuclear energy – together with an annex considering China’s response to, and use of, the
Covid-19 pandemic.3
The ‘whole-of-state’ threat

7. It is clear that China has taken advantage of the policy of successive British Governments
to boost economic ties between the UK and China, which has enabled it to advance its
commercial, science and technology, and industrial goals in order to gain a strategic
advantage. The fact that China is a strategic threat is not news. However, this Report explores
the multifaceted nature of the intelligence threat posed by China.
8. China almost certainly maintains the largest state intelligence apparatus in the world
– dwarfing the UK’s Intelligence Community and presenting a challenge for our Agencies
to cover. As a result, our Agencies’ work has to be targeted on those aspects that are most
damaging. However, the problem is compounded by China’s ‘whole-of-state’ approach. In
practice, this means that Chinese state-owned and non-state-owned companies, as well as
academic and cultural establishments and ordinary Chinese citizens, are liable to be
(willingly or unwillingly) co-opted into espionage and interference operations overseas:
much of the impact that China has on national security is overt – through its economic
might, its takeovers and mergers, its interaction with Academia and Industry – as opposed
to covert activity carried out by its intelligence officers.
9. China’s size, ambition and capability have enabled it to successfully penetrate every
sector of the UK’s economy, and – until the Covid-19 pandemic – Chinese money was
readily accepted by HMG with few questions asked. China’s commercial and industrial
strategy is deliberately calibrated to establish China as an economic leader, a digital
technology powerhouse and a global commercial power – on which the West is dependent.
China has been buying up and seeking to control or influence the UK’s Industry and Energy
sectors: we have already mentioned China’s interest in the UK’s Civil Nuclear sector. China
has been encouraged by decisions to allow the China General Nuclear Power Group into
Hinkley Point C and promises of future investment in other sites. The Government has been
2
The Committee began this Inquiry in 2019. Shortly afterwards followed: the dissolution of the Intelligence
and Security Committee in November 2019 ahead of the General Election; a series of national lockdowns in
2020 and 2021 in the wake of the global Covid-19 pandemic; and the excessive delay in appointing a new
Committee from December 2019 to July 2020. These events have impeded the conclusion of this Inquiry and
the publication of our Report. Throughout this period, we continued to question, and take evidence from, the
Intelligence Community on this important and timely Inquiry. (In preparing this Report, the Committee has
considered evidence up to 2021.)
3
The two Parts of the Report are designed to be read in conjunction.
2
Overview
so keen to take Chinese money that it has not been watching China’s sleight of hand whilst
it overtly penetrated the UK’s Energy and Industry sectors: issues that are explored in Part
Two of this Report.
10. China’s ruthless targeting is not just economic: it is similarly aggressive in its
interference activities, which it operates to advance its own interests, values and narrative at
the expense of those of the West. While seeking to exert influence is a legitimate course of
action, China oversteps the boundary, and crosses the line into interference in the pursuit of
its interests and values at the expense of those of the UK. For example, China has been
particularly effective at using its money and influence to penetrate or buy Academia in order
to ensure that its international narrative is advanced and criticism of China supressed. This
helps to reinforce the CCP’s narrative and gives its international posture external credibility
– helping it on its way to becoming a world power.
11. China’s attempts to influence the international narrative can also be seen clearly in its
response to the recent Covid-19 pandemic. Rather than being damaged by it, China has
worked hard on disinformation. It has greatly exaggerated its work to counter the virus and
develop vaccines, and has sown seeds of doubt about the origins of the virus, to make the
world believe that China was not at fault. Further, it appears positioned to capitalise on the
damage to world economies and may well emerge from the pandemic stronger than before
– and certainly stronger relative to many other countries that have suffered from the
pandemic. We also consider this issue in Part Two of the Report.
Protecting the UK
12. So what of the UK’s response to this threat? As the world’s second largest economy
(and one of the fastest growing), with a military increasing in size and capability, considerable
levels of diplomatic engagement and a large digital sector which acts as a force multiplier,
China has a significant impact on global affairs. The balance between security and prosperity
requires dexterity and we understand that there are a number of difficult trade-offs involved.
The Government’s policy on, and strategy towards, China must take this into account when
considering how to tackle the threats China poses to the UK.
13. The Government says its response is “robust” and “clear-eyed ”.4 The External Experts
we spoke to were rather less complimentary. While we sought to examine whether the
Government’s strategy for dealing with such a large adversary was up to the task, they felt
very strongly that HMG did not have any strategy on China, let alone an effective one, and
that it was singularly failing to deploy a ‘whole-of-government’ approach when countering
the threat from China – a damning appraisal indeed.
14. One of the factors involved is that, until recently, our Agencies did not even recognise
that they had any responsibility for countering Chinese interference activity in the UK.
Instead, they focused their efforts on China’s ‘covert’ activity in the UK *** resources were
diverted onto the acute counter-terrorism threat arising from Syria. Time and again resources
have had to be diverted to tackling the terrorist threat, and it is clear that, historically, China
did not receive as much attention as ***.
4
Written evidence – HMG, 18 April 2019.
3
CHINA
15. Yet the security community were at least aware of many of the issues we address in
this Report several years ago and we were therefore surprised at how long it had taken for a
process to be put in place to identify and protect UK assets, based on the UK’s sovereign
interests ***. The Government’s lack of understanding contrasts with the approach of the
US, which has already produced a national strategy on critical and emerging technologies,
aimed at protecting its technological dominance, in which it lists what it considers to be its
20 priority technologies. The lack of action similarly to identify and protect UK assets from
a known threat is a serious failure, and one that the UK may feel the consequences of for
years to come. The global pandemic has brought into sharp relief the importance of the UK
safeguarding its sovereign assets if we are to protect our domestic economic security.
16. As for who is in charge of countering Chinese interference, responsibility for mitigating
the more overt aspects of the Chinese threat to the UK seems to rest with Whitehall policy
departments. However, there is no evidence that those departments have the necessary
resources, expertise or knowledge of the threat to investigate and counter China’s approach.
The nature of China’s engagement, influence and interference activity in the UK is difficult
to detect, but even more concerning is the fact that the Government may not previously have
been looking for it. *** The UK is now playing catch-up – and the whole of the Government
has its work cut out to understand and counter China’s ‘whole-of-state’ threat.
17. A further radical change in approach is required in relation to planning. Even now,
HMG’s focus has been dominated by short-term or acute threats. It has consistently failed
to think long term – unlike China – and China has historically been able to take advantage
of this. The Government must adopt a longer-term planning cycle with regards to the future
security of the UK if it is to face Chinese ambitions, which are not reset every political
cycle. This will mean adopting cross-government policies which may well take years to
stand up, and require multi-year spending commitments. This is something that will likely
require Opposition support – but the danger posed by doing too little too late in this area is
too significant to play politics with. For a long-term strategy on China – thinking ten, fifteen,
twenty years ahead – the Government needs to plan for it and commit to it now: the UK is
severely handicapped by the short-termist approach currently being taken.
18. If the Government is serious about tackling the threat from China, then it needs to
ensure that it has its house in order such that security concerns are not constantly trumped
by economic interest. Our predecessor Committee sounded the alarm, in relation to Russia,
that oligarchs are now so embedded in society that too many politicians cannot even take a
decision on an investment case because they have taken money from those concerned. We
know that China invests in political influence, and we question whether – with high-profile
cases such as David Cameron (UK–China Fund), Sir Danny Alexander (Asian Infrastructure
Investment Bank), Lord Heseltine (The 48 Group Club) and HMG’s former Chief Information
Officer, John Suffolk (Huawei) – a similar situation might be arising in relation to China.
19. At present, it appears that the threat from China is primarily at a state, rather than an
individual, level and it can exert that state power in every area because of its economic
might. The Government has, finally, put in place legislation (the National Security and
Investment (NSI) Act 2021) to factor in security when considering investment decisions –
eight years after this Committee warned them to do so. Whilst this is a positive development,
there is still no effective independent oversight of decisions made under the NSI Act.
4
Overview
Therefore, we cannot be confident that security is actually being taken into account or if, for
Ministers drawn to the siren call of investment, that is still regarded as a trade-off.
20. During the course of this Inquiry, the Government argued that such decisions could be
scrutinised effectively by the Chair of the Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy (BEIS)
Select Committee5 through a business lens, with the relevant supporting intelligence
provided to the BEIS Select Committee Chair on an ‘ad hoc basis’. We were told that the
ISC should be satisfied by simply seeing the intelligence case that was fed into investment
decisions. We considered this to be wholly unsatisfactory, as it means that no one oversight
body will routinely have the full picture and be in a position to scrutinise the totality of the
evidence before the Minister. Effective oversight is a key function of democracy and is
particularly important in this case, given the length of time that Chinese investment in the
UK has gone unchecked.
21. The fact that the Government does not want there to be any meaningful scrutiny of
sensitive investment deals – and deliberately chose not to extend the ISC’s oversight remit
to cover this at the outset of the new legislation – is of serious concern. It is for this reason
that we are still formally seeking to amend the Committee’s Memorandum of Understanding
(MoU) with the Prime Minister to include several relevant policy departments within the
purview of the Committee’s oversight remit. This is a small change which will have a
significant impact on national security – and upon the trust placed by the public in Ministers
who are charged with weighing up fundamental interests behind closed doors.6
5
Now the Business and Trade Committee, as of 26 April 2023.
6
On 7 February 2023, HMG announced a restructure of several government departments, including BEIS.
This led to the creation of the Department for Energy Security and Net Zero, the Department for Business and
Trade, and the Department for Science, Innovation and Technology, and the scaling back of the Department
for Culture, Media and Sport (previously the Department for Digital, Culture, Media and Sport). Shortly
afterwards, it was confirmed that the Investment Security Unit (ISU) – the body established to scrutinise
investment decisions under the NSI Act – would be moved from BEIS to the Cabinet Office.
We presumed that this meant that the Government would confirm the ISC’s responsibility for oversight of the
ISU – in line with the Committee’s MoU with the Government, which provides for ISC oversight over the
National Security Secretariat in the Cabinet Office. However, on 21 March 2023, we received correspondence
from the Minister of State for the Investment Security Unit advising that the ISU would still be overseen by
the BEIS Select Committee – despite no longer sitting in the department which that Committee oversees.
An MoU had been agreed between the BEIS Select Committee and the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster
(as the relevant Secretary of State now for the ISU) to this effect. The Deputy National Security Adviser wrote
to this Committee on 23 March 2023 to clarify that HMG does not consider the ISC’s remit under the current
MoU to automatically extend to the activities of the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, as the Secretary of
State now responsible for the ISU. This is a quite extraordinary decision. It is clear that the argument that the
ISC’s oversight does not extend to the activities of the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster holds no weight
(we note that the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster is not overseen by the BEIS Select Committee either)
and it is absurd that the ISC’s oversight is being denied in this manner. The Committee will be pursuing this
matter and reporting in due course.
5
6
PART ONE:
THREAT AND RESPONSE
7
8
THE NATIONAL SECURITY THREAT TO THE UK
I think the challenge of the rise of China absolutely raises huge questions
for the future of the Western alliance … none of us can give a confident
long-term answer to exactly how the balance of power plays out globally
across the next few decades but it is clear for all of us that this is, I think, the
central intelligence challenge for us across the next decade.
– Director General MI5, December 2020
9
10
China: Aims and Ambitions
CHINA: AIMS AND AMBITIONS
22. The Chinese state’s prevailing aim is – very simply – to ensure that the Chinese
Communist Party (CCP) remains in power. Everything else is subservient to that. Professor
Steve Tsang, Director of the China Institute at the School of Oriental and African Studies
(SOAS), explained, “[it is] the single most important driving factor for Chinese politics
since the post-Mao period ”.7 The UK Intelligence Community similarly referred to China’s
principal concern as being “to ensure … the continuing dominance and governance of the
Chinese Communist Party. Anything which subtracts or threatens to undermine that will
immediately run into what China perceives as its key national interests”.8
23. This is familiar territory that has been covered in depth by others. However, the
Intelligence Community added a second principal concern:
China also seeks to become … a global power by the middle of the century. 2049 …
will be the 100th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China and
that is very much the timeframe in which China is looking at its global ambitions and
its global activities.9
24. Unlike Russia, China is not assessed to be “fundamentally nihilistic” in its attempt to
once again be viewed as a “great power”10 – it does not appear to intend to carry out a
catastrophic attack. China wants to be a technological and economic superpower, with other
countries reliant on its goodwill – that is its primary measure of sovereign success.11 MI5
observed:
*** it is going after IP [Intellectual Property], it is building itself as a power, it is

positioning China in the world at the top of the tree ***12
25. With these two overarching aims – remaining in power domestically and becoming a
technological and economic superpower internationally – in mind, the UK Government
considers China’s supporting objectives as being:
● Economic stability: The CCP views economic prosperity as crucial to the

legitimisation of the Party’s rule. China’s economic agenda focuses on ensuring the
successful transition of its economy from a manufacturing base into an advanced
high-tech economy that reflects and promotes modern China.
● Geopolitical influence: China seeks geopolitical influence in order to reshape
international systems and values in line with its own interests and to be seen as a
strong and dominant global power.
● Domestic control: The CCP looks to prevent internal dissent and ensure the
survival of the Party.
7
Oral evidence – Professor Steve Tsang (SOAS), 9 May 2019.
8
Oral evidence – MI5, *** July 2019.
9
Oral evidence – JIO, *** July 2019.
10
Russia, HC 632, 21 July 2020.
11
Oral evidence – MI5, *** October 2020.
12
11
CHINA
● Foreign relations: China prioritises the protection of its core interests (state
sovereignty, national security, territorial integrity, national reunification, the
political system and economic development).13
26. China’s actions can be understood best when viewed through the lens of these
overarching aims and supporting objectives since its approach to the rest of the world flows
directly from them. The Foreign Affairs Committee’s report on China and the Rules-Based
International System stated that: “China does not want a disrupted international order; it
wants an international order that is more aligned with its interests and priorities.”14 The
Joint Intelligence Committee (JIC) said that Beijing *** is opportunistically trying to
transform parts of the rules-based international system, through resistance to United Nations
(UN) interference in states, development without human rights conditions, the elevation of
economic rights above political rights, and internet regulation by states. Where rules and
norms constrain China, under President Xi Jinping it has become increasingly selective in
its compliance.15
27. The UK Intelligence Community told the Committee that there is *** between China
and Russia, based on shared interests that include seeking to erode the established world
order, for strategic advantage.16 Although China and Russia will inevitably view each other
as *** there is likely to be ***.17
28. Another shared interest that might result in material co-operation is around military
capabilities. China is building global military capabilities to rival the US by 2049 and, as
noted in our Russia Report, China and Russia have in recent years deepened defence and
security co-operation, going so far as to conduct joint military exercises ***.18
China’s positioning: The Belt and Road Initiative

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) – a ‘belt’ of overland connections to neighbouring
countries (rail and road) and a maritime ‘road’ of shipping lanes to facilitate trade – is a
clear example of President Xi Jinping’s strategy to ensure that China is seen as a powerful
force on the global stage, capable of shaping international norms and institutions for its
own benefit.
Under the BRI, China is granting low-interest loans to countries in order to build
infrastructure such as ports, roads and railways. By opening up numerous trade routes
– more than 60 countries have signed up to the initiative – China seeks to develop new
investment opportunities, cultivate export markets, and boost Chinese incomes and
domestic consumption.
13
14
House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee, China and the Rules-Based International System, HC 612,
26 March 2019.
15
Written evidence – JIO, 18 March 2019.
16
17
18
Written evidence – JIO, 21 June 2019.
12
However, there are concerns that China will be able to use its leverage, over countries
which owe it money, to extract strategic concessions (such as supporting China’s
territorial ambitions at the expense of their own, or agreeing to long-term contracts that
might not be in their national interest): a practice known as ‘debt-trap diplomacy’.19
The loans have, in some cases, included conditions such as a requirement to use Chinese
contractors, which has inflated costs and reduced the benefit to the local economy. In
other cases, there have been accusations that loans have been used to channel funds to
companies owned by officials. In Sri Lanka, when the government asked to restructure
repayments, China agreed – on the condition that it be given a 99-year lease on a
strategically located port that it had funded.20 GCHQ told us that the BRI was allowing
China to change the rules in numerous multilateral fora:
So, the way in which China exerts its influence, we are seeing of course in Belt and
Road, and that is a very physical thing but it is also a very virtual thing, it is the way
in which technologies are being rolled out across the world ... we are not nearly ...
fleet enough in thinking about how China is setting the standards for the world’s
technology ... it is dominating the block-votes in some of the key standard-setting
bodies; ... [and] as part of its BRI diplomacy and its debt diplomacy, it is demanding
the subservience of other countries to vote with them in these contexts. So they have
a monopoly on a lot of the standard-setting bodies that we care about.21
Professor Steve Tsang described the Chinese approach towards regional and international
organisations as being “instrumentalist”, adapting such organisations to better suit
China’s priorities.22 The Council on Foreign Relations describes China as undermining
United Nations human rights mechanisms by downplaying individual rights and instead
emphasising the importance of state-led development, national sovereignty and non-
intervention. China has also been accused of trying to ensure that it received a favourable
review of its human rights record from the Human Rights Council by threatening
consequences for countries – and in particular BRI countries – that supported a negative
view.23 While there is a question as to whether China’s overseas lending constitutes a
deliberate ploy to trap countries in unsustainable debt, in October 2020 the Joint
Intelligence Committee noted that China can use loans and renegotiations as leverage to
advance its policy objectives, and that developing countries have often been eager
customers for Chinese lending, as China typically has competitive prices, can disburse
loans quickly, can lend at a scale required for many large infrastructure projects and has
been willing to fund prestige projects.24
19
‘What is China’s Belt and Road Initiative?’, The Guardian, 30 July 2018; ‘China’s Massive Belt and Road
Initiative’, Council on Foreign Relations, 21 May 2019.
20
‘China signs 99-year lease on Sri Lanka’s Hambantota port’, Financial Times, 11 December 2017.
21
Oral evidence – GCHQ, *** July 2019.
22
23
‘Is China undermining Human Rights at the UN?’, Council on Foreign Relations, 9 July 2019.
24
Written evidence – JIO, October 2020.
13
CHINA
In November 2021, the Chief of SIS highlighted the risk of Chinese debt traps in his
speech to the International Institute for Strategic Studies: “we want other countries to be
clear-eyed about the debt traps, data exposure and vulnerability to political coercion
that arise from dependency on relationships where there is no recourse to an independent
judiciary or free press”.25
We were also told that there had been several examples of the Chinese state-owned bank
signing debt suspension agreements (***) and that China had also been taking advantage
of gaps in international co-operation to expand its influence over international
organisations such as the World Health Organization. Director GCHQ observed: “yes,
they have been opportunistic, not just in the commercial space but in the rules-based
international system space too”.26
In the summer of 2020, 60% of BRI projects were facing significant challenges as a
result of the pandemic, including:
● restrictions on cross-border movement of workers and logistics;

● the worldwide economic downturn increasing the financial burden on China; and
● rising anti-China sentiment across the world.
As a result, China has taken the decision to move away from infrastructure projects and
instead focus on its Health Silk Road and its Digital Silk Road.
The Health Silk Road has been epitomised by so-called ‘vaccine diplomacy’ and ‘mask
diplomacy’, donations of both intended to show that China is the superpower most able
to defeat the virus globally. China has been very keen to promote its role in ‘health
diplomacy’ – sometimes exaggerating its work to counter the virus and to develop
vaccines – whilst also encouraging the spread of disinformation favourable to Chinese
narratives. Disinformation also appears to have been used to sow seeds of doubt about
the origin of the virus, including through fake news and conspiracy theories, to deny any
fault and sway its domestic audience in particular.
The Digital Silk Road has seen developing countries being given the opportunity to
upgrade their digital infrastructure – vital when combating a pandemic by utilising rapid
test results and contact tracing – through the donation or subsidisation of Chinese
technology. The success of the Digital Silk Road has resulted in China accounting for
almost a quarter of global data flows (at the beginning of 2021), twice the amount that
the United States accounts for.27
25
Chief of SIS, speech to the International Institute for Strategic Studies, 30 November 2021.
26
Oral evidence – GCHQ, *** October 2020.
27
‘Coronavirus hasn’t killed Belt and Road’, Foreign Policy, January 2021; ‘The Belt and Road Initiative after
COVID: The Rise of the Health and Digital Silk Roads’, Asian Institute for Policy Studies Issue Brief, March
2021.
14
What does China want from the UK?

29. The question for the UK is how China’s global aims and ambitions affect the UK. The
Intelligence Community have been clear that China’s view of an ideal future – where it is a
world power – would be antithetical to the UK’s interests:
If you think of UK interests as being in favour of good governance and transparency

and good economic management, which I think is fair, we regard those as things which
are good in their own right but also serve our national interest because it helps with
trade, investment, prosperity and stability and so forth, then I think that China
represents a risk on a pretty wide scale.28
30. The UK is unlikely to be the top priority for China when it comes to espionage and
interference: the US, and perceived domestic threats to the CCP’s rule (known as ‘the Five
Poisons’ – Taiwanese independence, Tibetan independence, Xinjiang separatists, the Chinese
democracy movement and the Falun Gong), are likely to receive the most attention from the
Chinese Intelligence Services (ChIS). Nevertheless, the JIC Chair explained:
China sees almost all of its global activity in the context of what it sees as the struggle
between the United States and China, and therefore it sees the United Kingdom
fundamentally through that optic. China aspires to split off from the United States
countries which it thinks might be detachable, and they sometimes have a sunnily
optimistic view about which countries might be susceptible to that treatment. I would
say that that was their single biggest issue with the United Kingdom.29
31. In addition, the UK’s membership of various international bodies of significance to

China, and the perception of the UK as an international opinion-former, makes the UK of
interest in the context of China’s strategy to reshape international systems in its favour. The
JIC Chair explained to the Committee:
China sees the United Kingdom as an important bellwether, an important country in

guiding opinion on Chinese affairs within the European Union. It sees us as a global
player, not of course of the same stature as the United States but nevertheless a country
still of considerable influence.30
GCHQ further observed: “We are really important to them … where we are performing that
international leadership role.”31
32. Linked to the UK’s position as an opinion-former, the UK’s unique historical role in
China – particularly, but not exclusively, in relation to Hong Kong – is likely to make the
UK a higher-profile target. In terms of Hong Kong, SIS recognised that:
activism around Hong Kong and the way in which Hong Kong has become a more
pressing issue means that we have probably gone up the stack in terms of their interest.32
28
Oral evidence – JIO, *** October 2020.
29
30
31
32
Oral evidence – SIS, *** October 2020.
15
CHINA
33. This has been demonstrated over the past few years, with the Chinese government
proving extremely sensitive to UK Government comments on the Hong Kong protests in
2019 – in a press conference in July 2019, the Chinese Ambassador to the UK said, “I tell
[the UK Government]: hands off Hong Kong and show respect. This colonial mind-set is
still haunting the minds of some officials or politicians”33 – and threatening curtailment of
Chinese investment in the UK following HMG’s announcement of the British National
(Overseas) visa scheme34.35 A number of our External Expert witnesses were clear that
Hong Kong had become a personal project for President Xi and that he felt he had to be seen
as victorious in the pursuit of his policy. Any move by the UK is viewed as interference in
internal affairs and is responded to in an aggressive manner.36
34. These factors would appear to place the UK just below China’s top priority targets, as
it seeks to build support for its current ‘core interests’, to mute international criticism and to
gain economically. In respect of the latter, China sees the UK as a home for Chinese
investment. The JIC Chair told us:
[China] sees us as an important financial and commercial centre. It is no accident that

of course the United Kingdom has been the major destination for Chinese investment
in Europe since 2000, indeed I think by most estimates, if you add together investments
in France, Germany and Italy, the United Kingdom still outstrips them. So there is a
very strong commercial element.37
35. China also values the UK in relation to both its technology industry and its education
sector.38 Lord Patten, Chancellor of the University of Oxford, observed:
I think they probably think we are not entirely reliable useful idiots … I think they do
take us quite seriously, though not as seriously as once was the case, and I think they
regard us as an economic opportunity and as an opportunity to, through elite capture,
through the cultivation of useful idiots, through playing on things like the ‘Golden Age’
of British–China relations, getting us by and large corralled into doing the sort of
things they would like us to do.39
This approach can be seen in relation to Civil Nuclear energy: Chinese interest lies in gaining
UK regulatory approval for its reactor designs as they assess that this will influence other
countries to permit Chinese investment in their Civil Nuclear sectors. This is explored
further in Part Two of this Report.
33
A Chinese foreign ministry spokesman also said: “The UK considers itself as a guardian [of Hong Kong]
which is nothing but a delusion.” The Ambassador was summoned to the Foreign Office following these
remarks. (‘Britain summons Chinese Ambassador as he accuses Government of taking “wrong side” on Hong
Kong’, The Telegraph, 3 July 2019.)
34
Under this scheme, an estimated 2.9m British National (Overseas) status holders were eligible to move to the
UK with a further estimated 2.3m eligible dependants. (‘Hong Kong BN(O) visa: UK government to honour
historic commitment’, www.gov.uk/government/news/hong-kong-bno-visa-uk-government-to-honour-historic-
commitment, 29 January 2021.)
35
‘China–UK relations grow more strained over Huawei and Hong Kong’, China Brief Jamestown, 31 August
2020.
36
Oral evidence – External Experts, 9 May 2019.
37
38
39
Oral evidence – Lord Patten (University of Oxford), 9 May 2019.
16
36. As a result, while China poses the main state security threat to British interests,40 at the
same time China’s targeting of the UK for strategic advantage will – in the short term at least
– be tempered by its need to keep the diplomatic relationship afloat in order to retain
economic ties with the UK and encourage wider UK support for China as a responsible
global actor.41
37. However, as China’s economic power develops, along with its capability to target
foreign states covertly, China may be in a position to take a more aggressive stance against
the UK. In addition, there is a realistic possibility that the UK’s departure from the European
Union (EU) will decrease the UK’s attraction for China in terms of trade and investment,
and that more assertive push-back from the UK and its Western allies may result in
increasingly adverse retaliation from China.42 In July 2020, following the UK Government’s
decision to prohibit the use of Huawei equipment in the UK telecommunications network,
China’s Ambassador Liu Xiaoming told the broadcaster Andrew Marr that it was “a dark
day for UK–China relations”.43 There has been a definite cooling in the relationship, and it
appears that the downwards trajectory is likely to continue. We were told:
China has reduced ministerial engagement and its media has threatened boycotts
against UK pharmaceutical, financial and automotive companies. ***44
Nevertheless, it is notable that the Huawei decision has not yet led to any direct action.
Whilst we found that surprising, it may be because China still considers the decision to be
reversible.
38. We questioned the UK Intelligence Community about the concerns raised by the Chair
of the Foreign Affairs Committee that China may be targeting the Commonwealth, trying to
undermine the alliance in order to gain the support of Commonwealth members who benefit
from Chinese investment. The concerns were reported by The Times following the
announcement that Barbados had taken the decision to remove the Queen as its Head of
State – the article reported that Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) intelligence about Chinese
activities in Barbados had been shared with the UK.45 However, the JIC Chair ***.46
A. China’s national imperative is to ensure that the Chinese Communist Party

remains in power. Everything else is subservient to that.
B. However, it is its ambition at a global level – to become a technological and

economic superpower, on which other countries are reliant – that poses a national
security threat to the UK.
40
Written evidence – JIO, 21 June 2019.
41
Written evidence – HMG, April 2019.
42
Written evidence – HMG, April 2019.
43
‘China–UK relations grow more strained over Huawei and Hong Kong’, China Brief Jamestown, 31 August
2020.
44
Written evidence – JIO, 5 November 2020.
45
‘China blamed for Barbados ditching Queen’, The Times, 23 September 2020.
46
17
CHINA
C. China views the UK through the optic of the struggle between the United States
and China. When combined with the UK’s membership of significant international
bodies, and the perception of the UK as an international opinion-former, these factors
would appear to place the UK just below China’s top priority targets.
D. China views the UK as being of use in its efforts to mute international criticism
and to gain economically: this, in the short term at least, will temper China’s targeting
of the UK.
18
What is China Seeking in the UK?
WHAT IS CHINA SEEKING IN THE UK?
39. As noted previously, China’s broad aims in relation to the UK are to mute criticism
and build support for China as a partner, and to gain economically. More specifically, China’s
aims are:
● to encourage a divergence between US and UK policy goals on China;

● to shape the public narrative to mute criticism of the CCP and its actions (particularly
in relation to Hong Kong, human rights, the South China Sea, Tibet, press freedom,
Xinjiang etc.);
● to dissuade the UK from challenging any of China’s territorial claims;
● to encourage the UK to endorse China as a reliable partner (and thereby boost its
reputation on the global stage); and
● to ensure China can benefit economically from the UK (in particular by seeking
UK endorsement of Chinese national champions and through the purchase of UK
technology companies).47
40. In order to achieve these aims, China is seeking both political influence and economic
advantage in relation to “UK government departments, politicians, our academic institutions,
non-government organisations, private companies with access to sensitive data and areas
of emerging technology (e.g. artificial intelligence (AI), quantum, biotech)”.48 This chapter
provides an overview of the political influence and economic advantage that China is
seeking: these are also expanded on in later chapters and Part Two of the Report.
Political influence
41. China is trying to create a world in which it is “going to be increasingly hard to…
swim against the tide of what China wants to happen in … global, economic, political [and]
military settings”.49 To this end, China seeks to influence elites and decision-makers in
different walks of life.50 HMG explained:
Distinct from China’s legitimate lobbying and diplomacy efforts, China seeks to
manipulate the perceptions of China and Chinese policy in line with [its] aims … We
judge that China uses overt and covert methods in parallel in order to achieve its aims.
Under President Xi, who is championing China’s emergence as a global power, the
appetite for using these methods is likely growing.51
47
Oral evidence – HMG, *** October 2020; Written evidence – HMG, April 2019; Written evidence – JIO, 5
November 2020.
48
49
Oral evidence – MI5, *** July 2019. We also note that President Xi Jinping’s speech to the CCP summit in
October 2022 claimed: “China’s international influence, appeal and power to shape the world has significantly
increased.”
50
51
19
CHINA
42. China prioritises acquiring information on traditional targets of espionage – such as

political decision-making and defence. In seeking to establish HMG’s position, it casts its
net widely. We were told that China hoovers up:
very large amounts of mostly not very damaging information in isolation. There is a
big thing here about the aggregation of vast amounts of small insights, but alongside
that you cannot be blind to the possibility of small amounts of very deep insights.52
(China also uses its acquisition of large amounts of data to enable it to identify, and track,
targets: this is covered in the Case Study on Industry and Technology in Part Two of the
Report.)
43. ***53 ***
44. In recent years, it appears that there has been a general rise in attempts to penetrate the
Government or the UK Intelligence Community54 ***.55 UK students studying in China can
also be targeted. ***.56 *** both SIS and MI5 told us that the ChIS were most aggressive in
***.57 ***
45. In terms of cultivating influence, HMG told us that the ChIS use the following methods:
● covert support for foreign political parties;

● covert funding and support of groups favourable to the CCP;
● using trade negotiations or investment activities as a platform to influence key
decision-makers through bribery and corruption;
● co-opting academics, think-tank employees, former officials and former military
figures;
● using cultural and friendship institutions to access key thinkers and decision-
makers;
● obtaining and releasing materials to discredit individuals opposed to China’s views;
● funding of universities, both to influence research direction towards Chinese
priorities and to gain access to prominent individuals through philanthropy; and
● covert media manipulation to undermine support for policies and views deemed
harmful to China.58
In terms of political parties, support groups, institutions, officials and the media, we consider
these methods in more detail later, in the chapter on Interference.
52
53
54
***
55
***
56
Oral evidence – SIS, *** July 2019.
57
Oral evidence – SIS, MI5, *** July 2019.
58
20
46. In terms of Academia, this is the subject of a specific Case Study in Part Two of the
Report. At this point, however, we note that Academia provides China with a key means of
exerting influence: Chinese attempts to interfere with, and stifle debate, amongst the
academic community in the UK are a significant problem, made possible by China’s
academic ‘buying power’. Chinese students make up the largest overseas (non-EU)
contingent in UK universities59 and are responsible for generating almost £600m – a very
significant proportion of universities’ income. China is actively using this income as leverage
to gain political influence and control and to direct the narrative.
47. However, China does not simply exert control and influence through student fees, it
also provides direct investment to academic institutions so that it can guarantee input into
academic programmes, direct research and ensure that UK students are taught an interpretation
of China that reflects the CCP’s interests.60 In addition to seeking political influence at an
institutional level, China also targets individual academics who study the country, seeking
to ensure that they act in the CCP’s best interests either through professional inducements
or, if that doesn’t work, by intimidation, including using Chinese visas as leverage. The
threat of not allowing an academic to travel to China – when that is their area of expertise
– is a very powerful threat. Our Case Study on Academia explores the scale of China’s
political influence in this area.
48. In terms of the use of investment activities as a platform, this can clearly be seen from
the political influence China gains from its very significant investment in the UK’s Civil
Nuclear sector – seeking to ensure that the UK is economically reliant on China. In a bid to
become a global supplier, China is looking to capitalise on the UK’s international leadership
and seeks to use UK regulatory approval for Chinese technology in this sector to enable the
export of Chinese technology to other Western markets – thereby increasing China’s political
influence. We explore China’s influence in this sector in our Case Study on Civil Nuclear
energy.
Economic advantage
49. China is engaged in a battle for technological supremacy with the West – one which it
appears to be winning. China’s ‘Made in China 2025’ strategy is an initiative designed to
help China become a manufacturing superpower through investing in, and then leveraging,
foreign industries and foreign industry expertise in order to help China master complex
design and manufacturing processes more quickly. China targets other countries’ technology,
Intellectual Property (IP) and data in order to “bypass costly and time-consuming research,
development and training”.61 This approach means it can exploit foreign expertise, gaining
economic and technological advantages and thereby achieving prosperity and growth more
quickly – and at the expense of others.
50. Chinese dominance of technology has far-reaching consequences: a key issue in the
5G/Huawei decision was that there were few other options, such is the dominance of China
59
Given the decline in EU applicants since 2019, the Chinese contingent has become even more important to
UK universities. (‘Chinese students now biggest foreign market for UK universities – but there’s a reason why
some experts are worried’, Daily Telegraph, 14 July 2022.)
60
The latter is primarily conducted through Confucius Institutes in the UK. This is explored in more detail in
our Case Study on Academia.
61
Written evidence – HMG, 1 May 2019.
21
CHINA
in the market. In July 2019, our predecessor Committee published a statement reporting on
the first aspect of this Inquiry, Chinese involvement in the UK telecommunications sector
– and more specifically the then current issue of whether Huawei should be able to supply
equipment to be used in the UK 5G telecommunications network. As this Committee warned
in its 2019 statement, the problem is far bigger than the UK’s 5G network: the West is over-
reliant on Chinese technology generally and must act now to tackle China’s technological
dominance. The Committee warned that the Huawei decision was a geopolitical (rather than
simply technological) issue and would require careful consideration. However, crucially, it
also warned that action must be taken now to tackle the Chinese monopoly in technology
generally:
one of the lessons the UK Government must learn from the current debate over 5G is
that with the technology sector now monopolised by such a few key players, we are
over-reliant on Chinese technology – and we are not alone in this, this is a global
issue. We need to consider how we can create greater diversity in the market. This will
require us to take a long-term view – but we need to start now.62
This issue is not unique to telecommunications and we return to it in the Case Studies on
Industry and Technology, and Civil Nuclear energy.
51. Chinese dominance of technology is driven and supported by the Chinese state. China
uses regulation and state subsidies (***) to give its companies an advantage in the global
marketplace, and uses its political weight to shape international standards to favour Chinese
companies. China is aggressively acquiring technology and expertise through investment,
and mergers and acquisitions, as well as by co-opting companies and Academia. Illicit
acquisition of Intellectual Property also appears to be a major contributor to China’s rapid
progress. The JIC Chair confirmed that “[China] is likely to want to access our science and
technology base by legitimate and illegitimate means”.63
52. Academia provides China with a means of doing both. While it is the illegitimate
means (such as the theft of IP) that may attract the headlines, China is also adept at making
the most of overt routes (such as Foreign Direct Investment and joint ventures). Working in
plain sight, China directs, funds and collaborates on academic research for its own ends, in
particular seeking to benefit the Chinese military through targeted research on dual-use
techniques and to secure economic advantage over the West. The vast number of Chinese
students – especially post-graduates – in academic institutions in the UK provides a further
opportunity.
53. China uses some students to operate as non-traditional collectors of IP – particularly

those involved in cutting-edge research and development ***. In some cases, these students
obscure their military affiliations, including through the use of misleading historical names
for their institutions or even the use of non-existent institutions.64 Once established in
academic institutions in the UK, these students are in a position to identify and exfiltrate
valuable IP and data. Once in China’s hands, IP and data are used to build or short-cut
62
‘ISC Statement on 5G suppliers’, Intelligence and Security Committee website, 19 July 2019.
63
64
‘Picking flowers, making honey – The Chinese military’s collaboration with foreign universities’, Australian
Strategic Policy Institute, 26 October 2018.
22
Chinese expertise, giving China an economic advantage. (China’s use of Academia to gain
economic advantage is covered in more detail in a Case Study in Part Two of the Report.)
54. In terms of illicit acquisition, the Chinese target IP and data closely aligned with
China’s national strategies, including those industries identified as priorities in the ‘Made in
China 2025’ strategy – such as IT, robotics, aerospace, ocean engineering equipment and
ships, railways, energy-saving technology, vehicles, agriculture, new materials and medicine.
(The last of these, medicine, has become particularly pertinent since the start of the Covid-19
pandemic.) HMG told us that the ChIS will have launched a systemic cyber effort, both
increasing and diversifying its use of cyber attacks, to obtain IP, Personally Identifiable
Information, ***.65 This latter point is covered in more detail in the Case Study on Industry
and Technology.
55. China has been accused of stealing IP and data from industries in the US, with the
estimated cost of Chinese cyber-enabled theft alone thought to be around $320bn to the US
economy in 2018. The danger posed by Chinese illicit acquisition of data and technology
– and emerging technology in particular – is discussed further in the Case Study on Industry
and Technology.
56. In the Energy sector, the Chinese government has a strategic imperative to acquire
technology – through covert acquisition of IP – that will enable it to improve and increase
domestic energy production. With severe pollution and environmental damage posing a
possible threat to the CCP’s popular support in China, there is a threat of economic espionage
in the area of ‘green’ energy. These issues are explored in greater detail in our Case Study
on Civil Nuclear energy.
57. China’s attempts to achieve economic advantage pose a pervasive threat, but certain
UK sectors would appear to be of particular interest:
● the Telecommunications sector (given that it provides access to information across

other sectors);
● the Aerospace sector;
● key emerging technology sectors (e.g. artificial intelligence (AI), quantum and
synthetic biology);
● traditional technology sectors (e.g. trains and ocean engineering);66
● Nuclear, Civil Nuclear and the wider Energy sector;67 and
● the economy and Academia.68
(We consider these sectors in more detail later in our Case Studies on Academia, Industry
and Technology, and Civil Nuclear energy.)
65
Written evidence – ***, *** September 2020; ‘UK and allies hold Chinese state responsible for a
pervasive pattern of hacking’, www.gov.uk/government/news/uk-and-allies-hold-chinese-state-responsible-
for-a-pervasive-pattern-of-hacking, 19 July 2021.
66
Oral evidence – MI5, *** December 2020.
67
Oral evidence – HMG, *** October 2020.
68
23
CHINA
58. However, when we asked which specific aspects HMG prioritises for protection from
China, the picture was startling. In December 2020, the Deputy National Security Adviser
admitted:
I think in the past we have perhaps not had as rigorous a process at identifying across
the board what needs to be protected based on our sovereign interest. We’ve had a very
sophisticated process in some areas, so for example Critical National Infrastructure,
which includes energy and so on. We’ve been weaker in other areas, for example
emerging technology, potentially strategic suppliers and interdependences and data
and telecoms infrastructure particularly.69
We consider this later in the part of the Report dealing with the Government’s response.
59. It is clear that China employs a range of overt and covert methods to gain political
influence and economic advantage over the UK and that China’s ambition and reach extends
into a wide range of sectors in the UK, including Academia, Industry and Technology, and
Civil Nuclear energy (each explored in the Case Studies in Part Two of this Report). China’s
activity is made possible by the nature and scale of its intelligence apparatus, which is
explored in detail in the next chapter.
E. China is seeking both political influence and economic advantage in order to

achieve its aims in relation to the UK. It seeks to acquire information and influence
elites and decision-makers, and to acquire Intellectual Property using covert and overt
methods to gain technological supremacy.
Oral evidence – NSS, *** December 2020.

69
24
The Chinese Intelligence Services
THE CHINESE INTELLIGENCE SERVICES
60. The nature and scale of the Chinese Intelligence Services (ChIS) are – like many
aspects of China’s government – hard to grasp for the outsider, due to the size of the
bureaucracy,70 the blurring of lines of accountability between party and state officials, a
partially decentralised system, and a lack of verifiable information. ***71
Scale
61. President Xi’s reform agenda has aimed to increase professionalisation of Chinese
intelligence activities domestically and overseas.72 Expenditure on the internal security
apparatus has outpaced even China’s recent dramatic military modernisation: by some
estimates, China now spends almost 20% more on domestic security than on external
defence,73 and this appears to have led to an improvement in capability. MI5 told the
Committee: ***74
62. According to UK Intelligence Community evidence, China almost certainly maintains

the largest state intelligence apparatus in the world – in excess of *** personnel – which
means that it is not necessarily straightforward to identify which parts of this enormous
apparatus are targeted at the UK and our allies ***.75 ***76
63. The ChIS are highly active, but the scope and scale of their activities vary widely – for
instance, it has been reported that the Ministry of State Security (MSS) has a wide network
of regional and municipal offices that exist under a federated structure.77 This means that
one area of domestic or foreign policy might be a priority for one office, but not for another;
or alternatively, two offices will have the same priority but may not co-ordinate their
efforts.78
64. With that said, the overarching priorities for the ChIS include ensuring that the CCP’s
message is delivered consistently and that subversive views are prevented from gaining
traction amongst the population – thereby preserving the CCP’s monopoly on power.
According to open-source reporting, there are several CCP priorities supported by the ChIS’s
work:
70
The Chief of SIS stated in July 2022 that the ChIS “are extraordinarily well-resourced, I mean there are
hundreds of thousands of civil intelligence officers, let alone their military capability”. (Fireside Chat with
Richard Moore, Aspen Institute, 21 July 2022.)
71
72
73
‘China Spends More on Domestic Security as Xi’s Powers Grow’, Wall Street Journal, 6 March 2018;
‘China’s Domestic Security Spending: An Analysis of Available Data’, The Jamestown Foundation, 12 March
2018.
74
75
Oral evidence – HMG, *** July 2019.
76
77
For example, ‘Everything We Know About China’s Secretive State Security Bureau’, National Interest,
9 July 2017.
78
Written evidence – HMG, 18 April 2019. In 2019, the Committee was told ***. In 2022, the Committee was
subsequently told that ***.
25
CHINA
● suppressing threats to the CCP and its monopoly on state power – including
international and domestic democracy advocates and minority groups, such as the
Falun Gong and the Uighur Muslim population in Xinjiang;
● sovereignty – particularly with regard to Taiwan, Hong Kong, Macau and Tibet;
and
● support to military operations – in addition to operations designed to ensure China’s
territorial integrity, this also includes monitoring US military movements in the
Pacific and the military capabilities and capacity of adversaries.79 Spying on other
countries’ defence industries would also fall under this category.80
65. The UK Intelligence Community broadly concurs, reiterating that China’s prevailing
priority is maintaining the power of the CCP and the Chinese state – but that this does not
mean that the ChIS have a purely domestic focus, as their remit includes both seeking to
suppress the ‘Five Poisons’81 (which are regarded as threats to China’s national security)
and advancing China’s national interests by expanding its global reach and influence. There
are public indications that, over the past decade, China has been placing greater emphasis
on developing stronger foreign intelligence capabilities82 – for example, the establishment
of the People’s Liberation Army Strategy Support Force (PLASSF) in 2015. SIS said that,
while China “are predominantly focused on internal threats”, nevertheless “they have a
potent external capability … they deploy globally”.83
66. It appears that President Xi’s authority over the ChIS has grown since 2016, and that
Beijing is using the ChIS as an increasingly important tool.84 The ChIS target the UK and
its interests prolifically and aggressively, with economic espionage a prominent motivation
for the ChIS. We were told that there are up to *** ChIS officers usually stationed in the UK,
as well as ***.85 SIS noted that: ***86
79
Hearing on China’s Intelligence Services and Espionage Operations, US China Economic and Security
Review Commission, 9 June 2016.
80
For instance, ***.
81
Taiwanese independence, Tibetan independence, Xinjiang separatists, the Falun Gong and the Chinese
democracy movement.
82
83
84
Written evidence – ***, *** December 2019.
85
86
26

Ministry of State Security
● The main civilian intelligence service is answerable to the State Council and the
Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Politburo Standing Committee, with a remit to
operate both domestically and abroad. Unlike the UK intelligence Agencies, it has
executive powers.
● SIS has told the Committee that it understands the strength of the Ministry of State
Security (MSS) to be in the low hundreds of thousands.87 In June 2018, a White
House report examining the Chinese threat to technology and Intellectual Property
cited open source reporting stating that the MSS deployed around 40,000 intelligence
officers abroad and more than 50,000 in mainland China.88
● The vast majority of its work is spent on domestic security and the ‘Five Poisons’.
It divides its work along thematic lines, headed by individual bureaux.
The People’s Liberation Army
● The People’s Liberation Army (PLA, China’s armed forces) has a significant
intelligence collection role and answers to the Central Military Commission, which
is chaired by President Xi Jinping.
● The Strategic Support Force ***, set up in 2016, is China’s SIGINT (Signals
Intelligence) agency and has responsibility for the PLA’s previously disparate cyber
and SIGINT capabilities (e.g. defensive cyber operations, disruptive and destructive
cyber effects, cyber espionage, SIGINT collection and technology research).89 It is
a highly capable organisation: GCHQ cites China as being “alongside Russia, the
most capable cyber adversary we face and they put significant effort into it ***.”90
● *** the human intelligence arm of the PLA, persistently and aggressively targets
government, military and commercial interests across the world, deploying ***
covert tradecraft. ***91 ***92 ***93
87
Oral evidence – SIS, *** October 2020. ***
88
‘How China’s Economic Aggression Threatens the Technologies and Intellectual Property of the United
States and the World’, White House Office of Trade and Manufacturing Policy, June 2018.
89
90
91
92
93
27
CHINA
The Ministry of Public Security
● The Ministry of Public Security is responsible for domestic law enforcement,

counter-terrorism, counter-espionage operations and maintaining ‘social order’ –
including the forced repatriation of Chinese nationals – although since 2015 it has
been able to carry out investigations overseas if necessary. It liaises with foreign
national police services and maintains an active role in counter-narcotics and illegal
immigration work.94
Other intelligence-gathering organisations
● The Political Work Department Liaison Bureau – part of the Central Military
Commission – makes use of cover organisations to facilitate access to, and influence
over, prominent figures overseas, with a particular focus on defence policy-makers.95
It conducts operations at home and overseas, using officers posted under various
covers in China and in embassies and consulates.96
● The United Front Work Department, one of the most important departments of the
CCP, is tasked with building and maintaining support for the Party, both at home and
overseas, and is therefore concerned with domestic influence and control, and
influence and interference activities directed at the Chinese diaspora, from managing
relations with prominent Chinese individuals and groups to co-ordinating support
for Chinese positions or targeting dissident groups abroad.97
● The Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the official diplomatic service, has access to
important stakeholders within foreign governments ***.98 The International Liaison
Department is responsible for cultivating relations with foreign political parties. Its
overt functions include liaison with these parties and with pro-China friendship
associations and ‘peace movements’ overseas. ***99
A broad remit
67. Like all intelligence services, the ChIS seek to obtain classified information regarding,
for example, foreign powers’ military operations, defence industries, national security
decision-makers and government organisations.100 However, the ChIS are also known to
have a considerable appetite for collecting unclassified information. In 2008, MI5 had
explained to the Committee:
94
95
96
97
Written evidence – HMG, 31 May 2019; Charles Parton, ‘China–UK Relations: Where to Draw the Border
Between Influence and Interference’, Royal United Services Institute (RUSI), 20 February 2019.
98
99
100
Written evidence – HMG, *** April 2019.
28
What the Chinese do is a bit like … bees going out from the hive; they just go out and
they collect little bits of pollen from all over the place and they bring it back to their
hive and they turn it into honey.
*** What they have is a pretty indiscriminate system of masses of students, officials,
businessmen, et cetera, *** all of whom bring back little bits, which actually is jolly
difficult – it’s the grains of sand problem.
***101
During this Inquiry, MI5 noted that the ChIS threat had moved on from that analogy: Chinese
intelligence officers directly target sensitive information and deploy more sophisticated
tradecraft alongside developing those networks that collect lower-level information.
68. Nevertheless, a vast swathe of information collected by the ChIS would be considered
to be ‘open source’: something they are able to do by virtue of the resources at their disposal
– SIS explained that the ChIS are able to act in an opportunistic manner and gather everything
they can without having to prioritise.102 Most Western intelligence services – usually due to
resource constraints – focus primarily on the collection of classified information and much
of the information collected by the ChIS would be considered anodyne or innocuous by
Western standards. ChIS activities also therefore take them beyond what would be considered
the remit of most Western intelligence services (for example, some of the efforts by the
United Front Work Department to influence politicians and public perceptions of China
could be regarded as traditional diplomacy). The broad remit means that the ChIS engage in
activities ***, such as seemingly innocuous relationships with academics, think tanks or
those in industry. For example, a US citizen with an affiliation to a Washington DC think
tank was approached by the ChIS, who deemed his regular access to contacts in the US
think-tank community to be valuable, as he would be able to report – based solely on
unclassified information – on US–China relations.103
69. The sheer size of the ChIS also means that ChIS officers are able to try multiple routes
to acquire all, or part of, the information they seek. For example, trying small- and medium-
sized enterprises rather than just primary contractors, or using third-party countries. DI told
the Committee:
***104
In more ways than one, the broad remit of the ChIS poses a significant challenge to Western
attempts to counter their activity.
101
Oral evidence – MI5, *** January 2008.
102
103
US–China Economic and Security Review Commission, ‘2016 Annual Report to Congress’, November
2016.
104
Oral evidence – DI, *** December 2020.
29
CHINA
‘Whole-of-state’ approach
70. To compound the problem, there is not just the ChIS to consider. The UK Intelligence
Community assess that: “The Chinese government is agnostic about the means employed to
achieve its objectives. It is willing to pull on whichever lever is most likely to succeed, often
employing multiple levers at the same time.”105 In practice, this means that Chinese state-
owned and non-state-owned companies, as well as academic and cultural establishments
and ordinary Chinese citizens, are liable to be (willingly or unwillingly) co-opted into
espionage and interference operations overseas. SIS told the Committee:
when you look at the kind of threat surface, it is very big and the people gathering
information will not always be intelligence services. So every state institution in China
is ultimately subsumed to the Chinese Communist Party and the state and their military
interests. So a university, with no formal link to the intelligence services, could be
being used to gather information on technologies which China deems critical to its
future place in the world. So it is a very, very big subject.106
71. This ‘whole-of-state’ approach will clearly be more difficult to detect ***. Nevertheless,
the sharpest, or most challenging, elements of China’s acquisition programme will always
be placed in the hands of the ChIS.107 SIS warned that China has “a whole service effort
geared to Chinese strategic advantage and will seek to penetrate and potentially disrupt …
the UK to secure that advantage over time”.108 This is the area that poses the greatest
acquisition threat to the UK, whether via cyber intrusion, covert agents, penetration of HMG
or collection of defence technology.
F. China almost certainly maintains the largest state intelligence apparatus in

the world. The nature and scale of the Chinese Intelligence Services are – like many
bureaucracy, the blurring of lines of accountability between party and state officials,
a partially decentralised system, and a lack of verifiable information.
G. The Chinese Intelligence Services target the UK and its overseas interests
prolifically and aggressively. While they seek to obtain classified information, they are
willing to utilise intelligence officers and agents to collect open source information
indiscriminately – given the vast resources at their disposal. In more ways than one,
the broad remit of the Chinese Intelligence Services poses a significant challenge to
Western attempts to counter their activity.
H. To compound the problem, it is not just the Chinese Intelligence Services: the
Chinese Communist Party co-opts every state institution, company and citizen. This
‘whole-of-state’ approach means China can aggressively target the UK, yet the scale of
the activity makes it more difficult to detect ***.
105
106
107
108
30
Espionage
ESPIONAGE
Gathering human intelligence

72. The Ministry of State Security (MSS) *** lead on China’s human intelligence
(HUMINT) collection through both covert and overt operations, run both overseas and in
China. Intelligence officers (predominantly based in China) send individuals overseas as
business executives, academics, students etc., who seek to establish themselves in positions
of value, embed themselves in local society and qualify for host nationality status.109
Intelligence is then fed back to a controlling officer based in China via visits, social media
or other electronic communications.
73. Commentators have noted the ChIS’s sophisticated use of open source information to
compile and catalogue lists of individuals and organisations that may be useful to China’s
aims, and how the ChIS embed themselves in positions to be able to direct information and
knowledge back to China. The MSS also uses commercial, diplomatic and journalistic cover
to access persons of interest and influence and conduct operations. They focus on gathering
valuable open source information and cultivating contacts in government, business and
local Chinese communities. These ‘cultivees’ are not necessarily agents (***) and, given
that MSS officers are working under cover, they often are not aware they are talking to the
MSS. MI5 explained:
what the Chinese will do is sift what they can from many, many, many sources, many
people, and to do that you don’t really need for this British person or academic to kind
of radically alter their view of the whole universe, you just need them to, sort of, give
you some articles or some insights or a certain amount of influence that is useful to
you, and the British person who is doing this in some cases may even remain genuinely
unwitting as to what they have done, or more often, I suppose, they probably half know
that they haven’t done something wholly noble, but they never have to quite confront
the fact that they are in some sense betraying the advantage of their nation.110
***.111
Targeting of diplomats and officials abroad

74. The ChIS routinely target foreign diplomats and embassy officials in China and its
near abroad, and there has been greater scrutiny of HMG staff in China *** in recent years
***. China has been developing increasingly pervasive coverage, and technical and legal
powers, and it has almost certainly been using these and other espionage levers ***. Although
until recently the ChIS did not routinely engage in harassment, there has been increasing
harassment of Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO) staff based in and
travelling to China ***.112 Recent examples of ChIS action *** include entering their
accommodation, close surveillance and IT incidents ***.113 It is possible that this increase
109
110
111
112
113
31
CHINA
in aggressive action is in response to actions taken by the UK, which China perceives to be
aggressive: Royal Navy activity in the South China Sea *** and statements made by UK
officials that challenge Chinese ‘core interests’.114
Case study: Targeting of British Embassy staff

***
***
***
*** Due to limited extra-territorial provisions in the Official Secrets Act 1989, which
extend only to UK nationals overseas, the UK Intelligence Community were unable to
pursue a prosecution.115
Using social media

75. Social media is increasingly used to identify human targets overseas and to make
initial introductions.116 Bulk online methodology – using multiple fake profiles on social
media – can be used to identify thousands of potential targets, including HMG officials,
with all-expenses-paid invitations to China following.117 Foreign business consultants based
in China are increasingly used to help Chinese state targeting by advertising on Western
websites for ‘consultants’ or ‘associates’ to provide assessments on various issues: good
connections to Western governments are often a prerequisite.118
76. Academics are often initially approached through invitations to a conference in China,
during which the academic would “have a slightly strange encounter over coffee with
someone who is not quite as presented ”.119 We questioned whether the methodology always
focused on trips to China and were told that:
*** once they get you back to China, if you have shown vulnerability to them, they will
absolutely do all the usual gamut of blackmail, honey-trapping, where they try and
catch you in a sexually compromising position. They will do all of that.120
77. The following graphic *** is useful in showing a potential pathway through which
online cultivation may take place, and where the approaches have led to further cultivation.
114
115
116
We note the Centre for the Protection of National Infrastructure’s public Think Before You Link campaign.
(‘Think Before You Link (TBYL)’, www.cpni.gov.uk/security-campaigns/think-you-link-tbyl-0, 30 September
2021.)
117
118
119
120
32
Espionage
Bearing in mind that this would be just one department out of many, and just using one
platform, it can be seen that China’s use of social media to target individuals is prolific – and
it is also global.
78. In December 2017, the German internal intelligence service (BfV) publicly accused
the ChIS of using fake LinkedIn profiles to target German citizens – including politicians.121
The following is a recent case of a retired CIA officer who was convicted of spying for
China, having been recruited via LinkedIn.
Case study: Former CIA officer convicted of spying for China

Kevin Mallory, a former CIA and Defense Intelligence Agency officer, was found guilty
of conspiracy to transmit national defence information to an agent of the Chinese
Intelligence Services (ChIS) in May 2019. In February 2017, whilst heavily in debt,
Mallory had responded to a LinkedIn message from a man purporting to be a researcher
from a Chinese think tank, the Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences. The discussion
resulted in Kevin Mallory taking two trips to China, in March and April 2017.
Following his return from China in April 2017, Mallory was subject to a Customs and
Border Patrol (CBP) check. During the check, a CBP officer found that Mallory, despite
declaring that he was not carrying over $10,000, had $16,500 in US dollars with him. He
was allowed to amend his customs declaration.
In May 2017, Mallory submitted to a voluntary interview with the Federal Bureau of
Investigation (FBI). During that interview, he stated that he had been contacted by an
‘German spy agency warns of Chinese LinkedIn espionage’, BBC News, 10 December 2017.
121
33
CHINA
individual via social media whom he believed to be a Chinese recruiter. He now believed
the individuals whom he had met in China to be from the ChIS.
According to Mallory, he had been tasked by the ChIS with producing two open source
research papers on US policy matters. He had been paid $25,000 for the work and he
expected to be paid a similar amount for work during a forthcoming trip to China in June
2017. He had also been encouraged to seek employment with the US Government. He
had been given a covert communication device by the ChIS and was trained in how to
use it. He agreed to supply the device to the FBI for investigation.
When demonstrating how the device worked, Mallory showed the FBI interviewers
messages that had been sent whilst in ‘secure message’ mode. Mallory was surprised, as
he had understood that all of the secure messages were automatically deleted by the
device. Upon further technical examination of the device, the FBI recovered further
messages in which Mallory made reference to deleting top security classification markers
on documents that he was sending on the device. The FBI established that four documents
had been sent on the device, including one classified as TOP SECRET and two classified
as SECRET.
Kevin Mallory was sentenced to 20 years in prison, followed by 5 years of supervised

release.
79. ***122
Seeding operations
80. *** the widespread targeting of foreign students in China. ***123
Case studies: British students targeted by ChIS officers

***
In ***, MI5 became aware of a British student in China *** who had been cultivated by
ChIS officers. As the relationship progressed, the student introduced the officers to a
friend ***124
81. *** an attempt by the ChIS to seed someone into one of the UK Agencies as a recruit.
***125
Cyber operations
82. China has a large and highly effective cyber espionage capability, consisting of official
elements of both the MSS and the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) and a range of non‑official
122
Written evidence – MI5, 24 September 2020.
123
124
Written evidence – MI5, 12 June 2019.
125
Written evidence – MI5, January 2021.
34
Espionage
actors, including so-called ‘patriotic hackers’ (to whom the state turns a blind eye) and cyber
criminals. GCHQ assesses that China focuses its UK cyber activity on *** rather than
***.126
83. Chinese cyber operations have achieved considerable success in penetrating foreign
government and private sector IT systems. They also support HUMINT targeting efforts,
providing useful insights into vulnerabilities or potential motivations. Defending against
them requires ***: GCHQ told us that it assesses that there are between *** and *** active
Chinese cyber groups ***. Its effort is focused ***.127 GCHQ told the Committee that:
***128
84. Increasingly, sophisticated cyber operations have become a prominent feature of

China’s approach,129 and the UK Government assesses that ChIS cyber and signals
intelligence (SIGINT) actors ***.130 GCHQ judges that, while campaigns around cyber
security (for instance, not clicking links or downloading attachments) have been successful
in increasing user awareness, the substantial rise in home working means that there are now
more opportunities to get into an organisation as people use different technologies to connect
remotely to a network.131
85. China’s cyber expertise allows it to target a diverse range of organisations and datasets
– and increasingly unusual ones. In 2015, the hacking of the US Federal Government’s
Office of Personnel Management (OPM) was attributed to a Chinese state-sponsored hacker
group. The OPM held the data on background checks run by the US government on their
employees, and the hackers obtained the personal details of around four million current and
former federal employees.132 Such a dataset could be used to help the ChIS identify potential
HUMINT targets within the US Federal Government. China’s acquisition of large amounts
of data to enable it to identify, and track, targets is covered in more detail in the Case Study
on Industry and Technology.
86. A more recent example of this expertise is the hacking of Equifax, an international
credit reference agency, which took place in 2017. In February 2020, the FBI filed an
indictment alleging that a branch of the PLA was responsible for the theft of a huge quantity
of data, including the names and dates of birth of 145 million Americans and at least 13
million UK citizens (amongst other nationalities). Of those UK citizens, 841,000 had
additional information, such as driving licence details and phone numbers, stolen, and
14,961 UK citizens also had passwords, usernames or partial credit card records stolen.
There has been no evidence of criminal use of the data – instead, the information could be
used to identify people working in sensitive research fields, politics or intelligence. There
are also concerns that, depending on the level of information stolen, it could be used as a
basis for blackmail.133
126
Oral evidence – GCHQ, *** December 2020.
127
128
129
Written evidence – HMG, 14 September 2020.
130
Written evidence – ***, 24 September 2020.
131
132
‘Millions of US government workers hit by data breach’, BBC News, 5 June 2015.
133
‘Chinese army’s elite hackers steal Equifax data on 13m Britons’, Sunday Times, 16 February 2020.
35
CHINA
87. The UK Intelligence Community judge that their understanding of Chinese Computer
Network Exploitation capability – for instance “how they use that to hack, to hack and leak,
to manipulate, to manage their campaigns” – had *** since the National Cyber Security
Centre (NCSC) was set up in 2016.134 Western governments have, on the whole, been
reticent about publicly attributing cyber attacks to China. However, in December 2018, the
UK and US governments publicly attributed a series of major cyber attacks to the MSS,135
***136
88. We question whether it is yet having a ‘deterrent effect’. On 19 July 2021, the FCDO
issued a press release that attributed another cyber attack to Chinese state-backed actors.
The statement read:
The UK is joining likeminded partners to confirm that Chinese state-backed actors

were responsible for gaining access to computer networks around the world via
Microsoft Exchange servers. The Foreign Secretary condemned China, commenting:
“The cyber attack on Microsoft Exchange Server by Chinese state-backed groups was
a reckless but familiar pattern of behaviour. The Chinese Government must end this
systematic cyber sabotage and can expect to be held account if it does not.” 137
89. We asked GCHQ whether it viewed China’s offensive cyber capabilities as a similarly
significant threat and were told that China has offensive cyber capabilities ***.138
90. The ChIS also have the capability to deploy what are known as close-proximity
technical operations ***. This is offensive technical activity that requires physical access or
proximity to a target, whether to gain access to premises (e.g. alarm defeats) or to acquire
intelligence (e.g. eavesdropping, physical surveillance, cable-tapping or digital forensics).
***139 ***140
I. In terms of espionage, China’s human intelligence collection is prolific, using a

vast network of individuals embedded in local society to access individuals of interest
– often identified through social media. It is also clear from the evidence we have seen
that China routinely targets current and former UK civil servants ***. While there is
good awareness of the danger posed, it is vital that vigilance is maintained.
J. In relation to the cyber approach, whilst understanding has clearly improved in

recent years, China has a highly capable cyber – and increasingly sophisticated cyber-
espionage – operation: however, this is an area where the ‘known unknowns’ are
concerning. Work on continuing coverage of its general capabilities must be maintained
alongside further work on Chinese offensive cyber and close-proximity technical
operations.
134
135
‘UK and allies reveal global scale of Chinese cyber campaign’, www.gov.uk/government/news/uk-and-
allies-reveal-global-scale-of-chinese-cyber-campaign, 20 December 2018.
136
137
‘UK and allies hold Chinese state responsible for a pervasive pattern of hacking’, FCDO press release, 19
July 2021.
138
139
140
36
Interference
INTERFERENCE
91. It appears that since 2018, under President Xi Jinping, China’s appetite to expand and
entrench its global influence has grown.141 Seeking to exert influence is a legitimate goal:
however, China’s activity does not stop there, as it increasingly seeks to interfere.
92. HMG told us that China likely dedicates substantial resource to its interference
operations, with *** its most important targets. Nevertheless, this does not mean that the
UK is immune from targeting by Chinese political interference operations, since China
seeks to gain wider legitimacy by influencing UK opinion.142
What constitutes interference?

The boundary between influence and interference is hard to define, but can be broadly
articulated as the difference between those diplomatic and soft power activities that are
generally considered ‘legitimate’, and those that are considered ‘illegitimate’ (although
of course legitimacy is subjective and some countries – not least China itself – are likely
to set a lower threshold for which activities they consider to be interference in their
affairs).143 The former Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull has described
interference as “foreign influence activities that are in any way covert, coercive, or
corrupt”.144
There does not appear to have been a consistent definition within the UK Government of
what constitutes interference until 2019, when the National Security Council was due to
approve the following definition of ‘foreign interference’ (albeit it does not appear to
have been discussed):
Foreign interference involves deceptive, coercive, corruptive or threatening actions

on behalf of, in collaboration with, or directed by a foreign principal. Interference
activity can be overt and/or covert. Interference is a spectrum of activity that is
unfavourable to UK national security and/or economic wellbeing; detrimental to or
undermines political or democratic processes at the local or national level;
undermines academic thought and freedom of expression; or undermines UK
sovereignty.145
In May 2021, the consultation on Legislation to Counter State Threats (Hostile State
Activity) gave the following definition:
a wide range of activity through which states seek to further their aims by use of
covert means or by obfuscation of intent and originator, including disinformation,
141
***
142
143
Charles Parton, ‘China–UK Relations: Where to Draw the Border Between Influence and Interference’,
Royal United Services Institute (RUSI), 20 February 2019.
144
145
Written evidence – JSTAT, 31 May 2019.
37
CHINA
bribery and coercion. This also includes attempts to interfere in our democracy or
Government policy making, including through interference in national, regional or
local elections and referenda, as well as attempts to undermine academic freedoms.
A number of states conduct persistent activity which attempts to distort UK and
international information environments through the use of information operations
which often play on existing divisions.146
93. China’s interference activities are – as with all its activity – primarily driven by the
CCP’s twin imperatives of: “[ensuring] regime stability by defending against threats at
home and overseas”; and “[promoting] its political and economic interests overseas in order
to bolster its rise as a global power”.147 HMG assesses that “China has increasingly deployed
aggressive propaganda and disinformation techniques to shape the information landscape
and propagate narratives which promote the CCP’s approach whilst denigrating the
West.”148 However, the two are very much linked – unlike in the case of Russia. Charles
Parton has previously explained that “unlike Moscow, Beijing’s interference is not aimed at
subverting the West, but represents a rigorous, ruthless advancement of China’s interests
and values at the expense of those of the West”.149
94. While the Chinese clearly do interfere overseas when it serves their perceived national
interest, they nevertheless strongly resist accusations of interference – in part because they
do not wish foreign powers to interfere in China’s own affairs. Again, Charles Parton said,
“their whole narrative is that they don’t interfere in other countries, so you should not
interfere in the way they run their Confucian society”.150 This stems from the deeply held
fear that civil society organisations and global movements (in particular, those supposedly
‘created’ or ‘supported’ by Western democracies) calling for democratic accountability in
China would challenge the legitimacy of CCP rule. Professor Steve Tsang noted that “the
Chinese saw from the 1990s onwards that colour revolutions ultimately would have China
as the final ultimate goal, and they don’t want that to happen ever”.151
95. China can be seen seeking to interfere with UK politicians, senior officials and military
personnel, and they can be increasingly seen to interfere in the media, in Academia (covered
in detail in the Case Study on Academia) and in relation to the Chinese diaspora.
Government
96. The JIC Chair told us, “[the Chinese government] will certainly be seeking contact
and to sustain relationships with elites … [and] decision-makers in different walks of life”.152
Political decision-makers will therefore, inevitably, be targets of activity by the Chinese
state – probably by the United Front Work Department (UFWD).
146
‘Consultation document: legislation to counter state threats (accessible version)’, GOV.UK, updated 22
November 2021.
147
148
149
150
Oral evidence – Charles Parton (RUSI), 9 May 2019.
151
152
38
Interference
97. It appears that China has a high level of intent to interfere with the UK Government,
targeting officials and bodies at a range of levels to influence UK political thinking and
decision-making relevant to China ***. Examples of such actions include:
● UK-based individuals associated with the UFWD and other CCP-linked groups
have encouraged individuals, including those with Chinese heritage, whom they
judge to have views that align with those of the CCP, to pursue political office.
● UFWD-linked individuals received funds from overseas sources for onward
donation to political parties, prospective Parliamentary candidates (PPCs) ***.
● There have been attempts at a more generic political influence over a broader range
of members of relevant legislatures (MRLs) who the UFWD perceive to be
sympathetic to the Chinese world view and CCP priorities.
● In ***, MI5 investigations of the activities of several Chinese intelligence officers
working *** in the UK, identified one of the intelligence officers gaining access to
at least one UK Parliamentarian ***.
● ***153
98. Targets are not necessarily limited to serving politicians either. They can include
former political figures, if they are sufficiently high profile. For example, it is possible that
David Cameron’s role as Vice President of a £1bn China–UK investment fund (itself an
initiative of Lord Chadlington), and Sir Danny Alexander’s February 2016 appointment as
Vice President of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), were in some part
engineered by the Chinese state to lend credibility to Chinese investment, as well as to the
broader China brand ***.154
99. Security briefings are provided to politicians, including those who are targeted, and
MI5 is able to take action where an attempt at interference is made:
In one case ***155
GCHQ observed that China frequently targeted Parliamentarians in their cyber operations
***.156
100. The UK does not appear to have suffered from some of the more egregious examples
of Chinese political interference publicly disclosed in, for example, Australia and New
Zealand.157 We note, for example, the public case of an Australian investigation into Chinese
government interference within the office of an Australian Parliamentarian. In October
2020, MI5 told the Committee:
153
Written evidence – MI5, 16 November 2020.
154
Written evidence – ***, 31 May 2019.
155
156
157
We also note that MI5 issued an Interference Alert for Christine Lee in January 2022 (after the Committee
had completed taking evidence for this Inquiry).
39
CHINA
*** because we are in close partnership with our Five Eyes counterparts, we can draw
… learning *** and be alive to the possible vectors of influence that might be brought
to bear within our own system.158
However, it appears that there are numerous instances of activity at the lower end of the
influence/interference spectrum, and establishing whether approaches were legitimate
lobbying on behalf of the Chinese embassy or whether there is the potential for an approach
to develop into something inappropriate is not necessarily straightforward. By way of
example, we were told that there had been cases of China offering to supply research staff
to MPs.
101. Political interference has also been seen to include a degree of coercion. For example,
in 2014 the Chinese state made it clear that it would refuse Members of the Foreign Affairs
Committee entry to Hong Kong because it considered the Committee’s Inquiry into Hong
Kong to be an unacceptable interference in its affairs. The visit was cancelled, and the
incident sparked a (somewhat muted) diplomatic protest from the UK Government.159 In
March 2021, the Chinese state sanctioned five MPs and two Members of the House of Lords
in response to their work publicising the human rights abuses of the Uighur population in
Xinjiang. It appears that the Chinese approach to countering the *** (***160).
102. However, distinguishing overt lobbying from covert or malign activity, and identifying
relationships between UK-based actors and CCP-associated agencies or officials upstream
***161
Senior officials
103. There have been a number of high-profile examples of former UK officials being
recruited by Chinese companies. The case that received the most scrutiny is that of John
Suffolk, formerly the Government Chief Information Officer (2006–2011) and later, at the
time of writing, Huawei’s Global Head of Cyber Security.
104. In January 2011, as the then Government Chief Information Officer, Mr Suffolk
travelled to China with GCHQ and BT to brief Huawei on serious security issues that GCHQ
had discovered with Huawei’s equipment.162 Mr Suffolk’s participation in the visit
demonstrates the importance of his role in managing the risk associated with Huawei. Just
one month later, Mr Suffolk applied for permission to join Huawei as their first Global Head
of Cyber Security.163 (It is unclear whether Mr Suffolk had been offered the role prior to the
January 2011 trip, and if so, whether the Government knew about it.)
158
159
House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee, ‘The UK’s relations with Hong Kong: 30 years after the
Joint Declaration’, 3 March 2015.
160
161
162
Foreign involvement in the Critical National Infrastructure, Cm 8629, 6 June 2013.
163
‘Following approval from the UK Government John Suffolk to join Huawei as their Global Head of Cyber
Security reporting to the Group CEO’, johnsuffolk.typepad.com, 29 July 2011.
40
Interference
105. In July 2011, the (then) Prime Minister, David Cameron, approved the appointment,
on the advice of the Advisory Committee on Business Appointments (ACOBA).164 However,
media reporting at the time suggested that the intelligence Agencies had concerns about the
appointment, and that Mr Suffolk was interviewed by the Cabinet Office to discuss these
concerns.165 Indeed, the conditions imposed on his appointment included a requirement for
him to “seek advice from the appropriate security authorities … about any risks to the
confidentiality of communications resulting from his new appointment which might be of
concern to those authorities”.166
106. During this Inquiry our predecessor Committee specifically asked the Cabinet Office
to provide any assessment or information they hold on whether the Chinese government or
ChIS specifically targeted Mr Suffolk for recruitment to Huawei. Our request was refused,
on the grounds that “we do not comment on individuals”: the response is telling, given that
it is not employed as routinely as it might suggest.167
107. Other examples include Sir Andrew Cahn, a former senior civil servant and head of
UK Trade and Investment (2006–2011), who in March 2015 was appointed as a Non-
Executive Director of Huawei’s UK subsidiary, having been Chairman of the Huawei UK
Advisory Board from 2011 to 2014. At the same time, Lord Browne of Madingley, former
Chief Executive Officer of BP and Lead Non-Executive Director at the Cabinet Office
(2010–2015), was appointed as an independent Non-Executive Chairman of Huawei UK.168
108. In October 2020, we asked the Acting National Security Adviser whether the ACOBA
rules were fit for purpose, given what appeared to be a revolving door between the
Government and Huawei, with officials involved in awarding the company contracts being
apparently ‘rewarded’ with jobs. He told us that, across Government, the challenge presented
by China meant that structures and processes were being kept under review and that included
the ACOBA guidelines. However, he noted that those subject to the guidelines were “often
working with companies that we have welcomed to this country and whose investment we
have welcomed and that are acting entirely legally here”.169
Military
109. In 2019, HMG noted that China was almost certainly seeking to court retired “elites”.
It would appear that the (state-run) China Association for International Friendly Contact
(CAIFC) is one mechanism by which pro-China narratives might be being encouraged
amongst this demographic, including amongst former senior military personnel. ***.170
164
‘Following approval from the UK Government John Suffolk to join Huawei as their Global Head of Cyber
Security reporting to the Group CEO’, johnsuffolk.typepad.com, 29 July 2011.
165
‘Government’s former IT boss in MI6 grilling after taking job with Chinese mobile giant’, Daily Mail,
7 August 2011; ‘Former UK.gov CIO takes top security job at Huawei’, The Register, 1 August 2011.
166
ACOBA, ‘Thirteenth Annual Report 2011–2012’, December 2012.
167
Written evidence – HMG, 31 January 2020.
168
Lord Browne resigned as Chairman in July 2019, in advance of the announcement of HMG’s Huawei
decision.
169
Oral evidence – NSS, *** October 2020.
170
41
CHINA
110. The Sanya Initiative provided a key opportunity to do so. It was a military-to-military
discussion forum organised by the CAIFC, often cited as a front organisation for the Political
Work Department Liaison Bureau, an intelligence and political interference bureau of the
Central Military Commission. Meetings took place between the US and China from 2008 to
2010, and between the UK and China from 2011 to 2013.171 ***.
111. The Sanya Initiative would appear to have been an influence operation run by the
ChIS, focused on targeting and co-opting senior officials and military personnel to support
Chinese aims ***. *** they serve as an example of China’s willingness to blend overt and
covert activity in an attempt to influence and interfere.172
112. There are also concerns that China is recruiting former UK military personnel.
The motivation appears to be to gain operational advantage (as opposed to employing them
for the explicit purpose of interference). However, the possibility remains that former
UK Armed Forces personnel could be utilised as part of a wider interference operation.
We questioned DI about this threat, and the Chief of Defence Intelligence (CDI) told us:
I am very concerned in the defence space about particularly former military personnel
being employed by China. So there’s been an active campaign by the Chinese to recruit
pilots173 ***174
113. Former UK military personnel are attractive to the Chinese as a way to improve their
understanding of how Western planes and pilots operate. We were told that, although China
had made advanced technological equipment available to their military, the lack of Chinese
experience in the field (i.e. engaged in operations) meant that they did not have the experience
of using it:
because they haven’t been in combat, [that] means that they haven’t learnt many of the
lessons that the West has learnt and other nations over recent military operations.
So therefore they’re trying to not only short-circuit their R&D [research and
development] through stealing secrets, but they’re also trying to short-circuit their …
operational development by attracting Western personnel.175
When we questioned what could be done, we were told:
we’re looking at options that we have ***176
Interference in elections
114. In recent years, there has been significant coverage of state actors attempting to
interfere in Western democratic elections. In the previous Committee’s Russia Report, it
was noted that the UK is “clearly a target for Russian disinformation campaigns and
171
Open source reporting indicates that the US–China meetings have resumed in recent years.
172
Written evidence – HMG, 21 January 2020; 12 February 2020.
173
We note that the UK issued an intelligence alert to warn UK Armed Forces pilots against working for the
Chinese military, in October 2022 (after evidence-taking had concluded for this Inquiry).
174
175
176
42
Interference
political influence operations”.177 On 16 July 2020, the Foreign Secretary announced that
HMG was “almost certain that Russian actors sought to interfere in the 2019 general
election through the online amplification of illicitly acquired and leaked Government
documents”.178
115. The reputational risks of interfering in the democratic processes of others are
significant. The UK Intelligence Community believe that these risks ***.179 ***.180 ***
there is precedent for China seeking to influence democratic processes overseas181 and
***.182 Work to map foreign interference from Russia and China is ***.183
Media
116. Chinese interference in UK media has many facets – from the use of the UK media for
the publication of Chinese content, to the expansion in the number of Chinese media outlets
and journalists in the UK. (The use of journalist cover by ChIS officers for espionage
operations is dealt with later in this Report.)
117. The Chinese government looks to use the UK’s own media to its advantage. The
Telegraph was reportedly paid £750,000 p.a. to carry the China Daily newspaper supplement
(effectively a CCP mouthpiece), and it has been noted that since 2016 The Telegraph has
carried twice the number of signed articles by the Chinese ambassador to the UK than the
Daily Mail, The Guardian and the Financial Times put together.184 In April 2020, content
from the China Daily disappeared from The Telegraph website: when Buzzfeed and The
Guardian asked The Telegraph to comment on its removal, The Telegraph refused to do
so.185 When we asked the JIC Chair whether he was concerned that the China Daily
supplement was widely available in the UK, he told us that he was not convinced that it
posed a significant threat:
The Chinese state, and individuals within it, are under quite a lot of pressure to show
that they are doing things to advance the historical inevitability of the rise of China,
and it is important that they can do things and report them, and they will report them
as a great success. They will say that Daily Telegraph readers, a newspaper which is
read by influential people in the United Kingdom, is now getting Chinese input. We
might see it as being rather different but I am sure that is how they will be reporting it
to Beijing and Beijing may well consider it money well spent.186
177
178
HC Deb, 16 July 2020, HCWS384.
179
180
181
We note, for instance, the allegations of Chinese interference in US and Canadian elections. (‘Directors
Remarks to Business Leaders in London’, www.fbi.gov, 6 July 2022; ‘Trudeau accuses China of ‘aggressive’
election interference’, BBC News, 8 November 2022.)
182
183
184
185
‘A British Newspaper has given Chinese coronavirus propaganda a direct line to the UK’, Buzzfeed, 1 April
2020; ‘Daily Telegraph stops publishing section paid for by China’, The Guardian, 14 April 2020.
186
43
CHINA
118. As well as seeking to influence the narrative through UK media outlets, China has also
been seeking to expand its own media presence in the UK – another lever that can be used
to promote values and standards at odds with those upheld by the UK. For example, China
Global Television Network (CGTN), which was previously available in the UK on Sky and
Freesat, created a new European headquarters in London in 2019.187 However, in 2021,
CGTN had its licence to broadcast in the UK suspended as the result of an Ofcom inquiry
into its ownership, after it was found to have its editorial content directed by the CCP (a
breach of Ofcom rules, which state that bodies wholly or mainly of a political nature, or
those who are controlled by such bodies, are prohibited from holding a broadcasting
licence).188
119. Ofcom has also upheld complaints against CGTN on the broadcasting of forced
confessions by Chinese detainees and political prisoners, and in relation to the impartiality
of its reporting on Hong Kong.189 However, CGTN can still broadcast its UK content via its
website, a YouTube Channel and internet TV platforms, such as Apple TV, Roku and Amazon
Fire TV (which do not require a broadcast licence). CGTN is also seeking a broadcast
licence in France where politically controlled broadcasters are permitted, and this would
allow them to broadcast in the UK (under a convention to which the UK is a signatory,
French TV channels can be broadcast in the UK with any content complaints going to the
French regulator rather than Ofcom).190
120. ***.191 ***.192
121. Chinese journalists operating in the UK have notably displayed behaviours not
typically acceptable in the UK media. For example, in September 2018, a CGTN journalist
was arrested at the Conservative Party conference after slapping a delegate in the course of
an argument about Hong Kong (the journalist had disrupted an event being run by the UK-
based NGO Hong Kong Watch and shouted, “You guys are trying to separate China”).193 In
a public statement following the arrest (released on the Chinese embassy’s website), the
television station said, “any attempt or action to divide China is futile and against the trend
of history”, and “we urge the UK side to take concrete steps to protect our journalist’s
legitimate rights and avoid such absurd incidents from happening again”.194 The Chinese
embassy also raised the matter with the FCDO at a working level, and again later when the
case came to court; the FCDO firmly refuted any suggestion that it could influence the
investigation.195 The journalist was later convicted of assault.196
122. The case fits a pattern of the Chinese government robustly supporting Chinese nationals
who ‘stand up’ for the perceived Chinese national interest, even when they break the law or
187
188
‘Ofcom revokes CGTN’s licence to broadcast in the UK’, Ofcom press notice, 4 February 2021.
189
Broadcast and On Demand Bulletin, Issues 403 (26 May 2020) and 406 (6 July 2020).
190
‘War of the airwaves’, Index on Censorship, Vol. 50, Issue 1, April 2021.
191
***
192
Oral evidence – *** October 2020.
193
‘Chinese TV journalist guilty of slapping Tory delegate’, The Guardian, 29 November 2019.
194
‘Chinese reporter who allegedly slapped Tory conference delegate released by police’, The Guardian,
2 October 2018.
195
196
‘Chinese TV journalist guilty of slapping Tory delegate’, The Guardian, 29 November 2019.
44
Interference
risk damaging bilateral relations in the process. Chinese intelligence officers have been
known to use journalistic cover197 ***.
123. Finally, in terms of the media, the Chinese authorities have demonstrated a willingness
to put pressure on British journalists who are perceived to be acting against China’s core
interests. For example, in 2018, Victor Mallet, the Asia Editor of the Financial Times, was
denied a visa to remain in Hong Kong after meeting with a pro-Hong Kong independence
figure.198
The Chinese diaspora in the UK

124. The Chinese authorities take a strong interest in the political views and activities of the
Chinese diaspora overseas. According to Professor Steve Tsang, the CCP uses its influence
to make “Chinese communities feel that, if they don’t support the Chinese government, they
are being unpatriotic. The [Chinese Communist] Party is making the people of Chinese
ethnicity great”.199 The UK has a relatively small ethnic Chinese population. According to
2011 census data, the ethnic Chinese population was approximately 430,000 – about 0.7%
of the total UK population. (By contrast, in 2016 Australia had an ethnic Chinese population
of approximately 1.3m, equating to 5.6% of its 23.4m total population.)
125. Notwithstanding the size of the Chinese population, the JIC Chair told us: “China will
be seeking in some cases no doubt to coerce [the Chinese diaspora in the UK], but certainly
to encourage [it] to follow a line which is consistent with China’s interests.”200 Family ties
are often used as leverage in this context. With specific reference to academics, but in a
broadly applicable observation, Charles Parton told the Committee: “[The CCP] can put
real pressure on people who still have strong ties [to China] because they have relatives
[there], or may even return.”201
Case study: Interference against the Chinese diaspora

It appears that, in 2019, a Chinese national studying for a PhD in a European country
was coerced into travelling to a third country, where she was met by individuals who
attempted to dissuade her from further engaging in activism activities.202
***203
126. Nevertheless, at the time of taking evidence, China’s influence over its diaspora had
not translated directly into any serious influence on electoral politics in the UK.204 Charles
Parton told the Committee that in his view the UK is less susceptible to widespread CCP
197
‘UK expelled Chinese journalists “working as spies”’, BBC News, 5 January 2021.
198
199
200
201
202
‘“Damned if you do, damned if you don’t?” I won’t’, Angela Gui, published on Medium, 13 February 2019.
203
204
We note that MI5 issued an Interference Alert for Christine Lee in January 2022 (after the Committee had
completed taking evidence for this Inquiry).
45
CHINA
interference in elections than Australia or New Zealand because the ethnic Chinese
population, particularly from the People’s Republic of China (as opposed to Taiwan or Hong
Kong), is relatively small.205
127. There is, however, a harder edge to China’s interest in its citizens overseas. The UK’s
tradition of political tolerance has meant that many foreign dissidents have made their
homes here over the years and this has often prompted the hostile interest of foreign
intelligence services. This is particularly true also in the case of China, given its focus on
muting criticism of the CCP and dissuading challenge to China’s territorial claims.
128. The Chinese Ministry of Public Security (MPS) plays a key role in pursuing what
China calls ‘economic fugitives’ (who are in fact more likely to be high-profile opposition
figures) across the world, including in the UK. This global campaign to track down and
repatriate individuals accused of corruption is known as Operation FOXHUNT. China is
known to have repatriated Chinese nationals allegedly involved in corruption from the UK
and conducted coerced repatriations of economic fugitives from the UK and kidnapping of
dual nationals overseas. 206 ***.207
129. The MPS and other official bodies involved in FOXHUNT will typically ‘persuade’
the fugitive to return either by telephone calls or by visiting their place of residence abroad.
The MPS also indirectly coerces fugitives by applying pressure on friends and family in
China, for instance by suspending people from their jobs, withholding pension payments,
physical threats and imprisonment, and by coercing them into visiting the fugitive abroad.
***.208
130. The Home Office has been seeking to understand and respond to the threat posed by
FOXHUNT. During our Russia Inquiry, we were assured that all figures at risk – Russian or
otherwise – received protection according to the level of risk, which is police-led. We
investigated the provisions in place to respond to such action from the ChIS as part of this
Inquiry. ***. In evidence to the Committee, MI5 noted that ***.209
131. When we asked why ***, we were told that: ***210
132. ***211
K. In terms of interference, China oversteps the boundary and crosses the line from
exerting influence – a legitimate course of action – into interference, in the pursuit of
its interests and values at the expense of those of the UK.
205
206
Written evidence – JIO, 17 November 2016; 30 November 2016.
207
208
209
210
211
46
Interference
L. Decision-makers – from serving politicians to former political figures, senior

government officials and the military – are, inevitably, key targets. China employs a
range of tactics, including seeking to recruit them into lucrative roles in Chinese
companies – to the extent that we questioned whether there was a revolving door
between the Government and certain Chinese companies, with those involved in
awarding contracts being ‘rewarded’ with jobs.
M. The Cabinet Office must update the Advisory Committee on Business

Appointments guidelines in relation to intelligence and security matters, including
with particular reference to China, and ensure that their implementation is strictly
enforced.
47
48
HOW IS THE UK RESPONDING?
There is no unified voice within Government about what our China strategy
is … not only do you need a strategy but you actually need people to know
what the strategy is and to follow it, and you need the Chinese to know what
your strategy is – and none of that applies.
– Charles Parton, Royal United Services Institute
49
50
HMG’s Balancing Act
HMG’S BALANCING ACT
133. As the world’s second largest economy (and one of the fastest growing), with a military
increasing in size and capability, significant levels of diplomatic engagement and a large
digital sector which acts as a force multiplier, China has a significant impact on global
affairs. The Government’s policy on, and strategy towards, China must take this into account
when considering how to tackle the threats China poses to the UK.
Conflicting priorities
134. At the outset of this Inquiry in 2019, HMG emphasised that, while it recognised that
China poses a security threat, it also viewed it as an economic opportunity:
China is the world’s second largest economy and the UK’s fifth largest trading partner.
[The] growing number of Chinese students and tourists bring significant prosperity
benefits to the UK, and our trade [with] China is an important source of investment for
the UK.212
135. In 2018, Chinese Foreign Direct Investment into the UK (investment which reflects a
lasting interest and control by China in an enterprise resident in the UK) was £4.2bn, the
highest in Europe.213 At the time of taking evidence, Department for Business, Energy and
Industrial Strategy (BEIS)214 joint initiatives with China in the Industry and Energy sectors
included the following:
● In December 2017, BEIS signed the UK–China Joint Strategy for Science,
Technology and Innovation Co-operation, which resulted in a programme to
develop technology to tackle global challenges resulting from climate change,
population growth and environmental pollution.
● In June 2019, BEIS signed the UK–China Clean Energy Partnership, which allowed
collaboration on transitioning to greener sources of energy.
● In March 2020, BEIS supported the sale of British Steel to a Chinese firm, Jingye
Group.
136. The Department for Education (DfE) has similarly been keen to see UK universities
benefit financially by attracting students from China: in the academic year 2018/19, more
than 120,000 Chinese students were enrolled at UK universities, just under a quarter of the
total 485,000 non-UK students. DfE has previously stated that it wants to increase the
number of non-UK students studying in the UK to 600,000 by 2030.215
212
213
‘Chinese FDI in Europe: 2018 trends and impact of new screening policies’, Mercator Institute for China
Studies, 6 March 2019.
214
In February 2023, HMG announced the restructuring of several government departments, including BEIS
(which no longer exists). The previous work of BEIS is now being carried out by the Department for Energy
Security and Net Zero; the Department for Science, Innovation and Technology; and the Department for
Business and Trade.
215
‘Third of non-EU university students come from China’, The Guardian, 16 January 2020.
51
CHINA
137. HMG has, previously, chosen to portray this security/economy tension positively – as
a ‘balanced approach’ – saying:
Government policy towards China is forward-leaning and robust, clear-eyed on the

risks while engaging on areas where there are clear benefits to the UK.216
A joined-up approach
138. However, the External Expert witnesses who gave evidence to this Committee in 2019
felt very strongly that HMG did not have any strategy on China, let alone an effective one,
and that it was singularly failing to deploy a ‘whole-of-government’ approach when
countering the threat from China – a damning appraisal indeed.
139. Raffaello Pantucci, of the Royal United Services Institute (RUSI), told the Committee:
I think the problem is that every department has seemingly a different [China] strategy
… we do not have a China strategy and at the moment what has been allowed to
happen is that each department had frankly been plugging along with their own
iteration of a China strategy, meaning you don’t have a coherent response. We have got
essentially a situation where the centre has not made it clear what the China strategy
is, articulated it in a clear and coherent fashion, and then everyone will flow from that.
We have lots of institutions that are, frankly, doing their own thing.217
When we put this to the Senior Responsible Owner (SRO) of HMG’s China policy in July
2019, he admitted that the ‘China Framework’ (the strategy on China) was a relatively new
development and “a work in progress”.218
140. Until the publication of the Integrated Review in March 2021, HMG’s overarching
approach towards China had not officially changed since the China Framework was formally
agreed by the National Security Council (NSC) in November 2018 – despite the fact that the
landscape around the UK’s China policy had changed significantly since then. In October
2020, the Acting National Security Adviser – who had taken over as SRO of HMG’s China
policy – told us that the Government’s approach to China had been discussed over the
course of NSC meetings in October 2019 and June 2020 and would be updated by way of
the Integrated Review.219
141. Prior to its publication, the Committee was told that the Integrated Review would also
address HMG’s overall approach to economic security: whilst it was recognised that China’s
economic growth and influence cannot be ignored, nevertheless we were assured that there
was an understanding in the Government of the need to “robustly protect our domestic
economic security … This includes a focus on increasing national economic resilience and
216
217
Oral evidence – Raffaello Pantucci (RUSI), 16 May 2019.
218
219
Oral evidence – HMG, *** October 2020. Global Britain in a Competitive Age: the Integrated Review of
Security, Defence, Development and Foreign Policy (the ‘Integrated Review’) was published on 16 March
2021 and sets out the Government’s vision of the UK’s role in the world. It contains a number of actions which
the Government commits to taking in support of that view. A refresh of the initial Integrated Review was later
published on 13 March 2023 (after evidence-taking for this Inquiry had concluded).
52
HMG’s Balancing Act
reducing dependencies.”220 This would appear to indicate something of a departure from its
previous approach – although HMG downplayed the shift, describing it as “a pivot to greater
resilience”, rather than there being a sense of an explicit shift away from China.221
142. The Integrated Review was published in March 2021. It is notable that, while the
Review described Russia as an “acute and direct threat”, it labelled China a “systemic
competitor” and the “biggest state-based threat to the UK’s economic security” – suggesting
that Russia was still considered to pose the greater national security threat to the UK. Yet
this contradicts the very clear impression given to this Committee that China is the main
state security threat to British interests.222
143. It is at least clear that, following the global pandemic in 2020, and China’s response to
it, the security concerns previously raised by the UK Intelligence Community are now at the
forefront of Ministers’ minds – a change acknowledged in December 2020 by the Deputy
National Security Adviser (DNSA) and Director General MI5. The Director General noted
that, whilst it had been the case in the past that “the national security community within
Government and the prosperity community weren’t really talking to each other”, he now
considered that the need to “integrate our understanding across both these domains to make
the best possible choices” was a well-established fact.223 The DNSA told us:
in the past we have perhaps not had as rigorous a process at identifying across the
board what needs to be protected, based on our sovereign interest. We’ve had a very
sophisticated process in some areas – so, for example, Critical National Infrastructure,
which includes Energy and so on. We’ve been weaker in other areas, for example,
emerging technology, potentially strategic suppliers and interdependences and data
and telecoms infrastructure particularly.224
The DNSA cited forthcoming legislation and policy frameworks as a sign that “we are
beginning to establish some rigour in the system” – better late than never, perhaps.225
144. However, there is still a question as to whether the planning that has finally now begun
is too short term: when asked in July 2019 what was the greatest threat posed by China,
Director GCHQ told us that his “strategic concern” was that:
we are not thinking long-term enough about the threat that China poses, given its
aspirations are out to 2049, 2039, 2025, depending on which of their documents you
read and of course all of those are way beyond traditional government planning
cycles.226
145. In July 2019, the previous DNSA had voiced similar concerns, noting that “we tend to
put a very short time horizon on things” and that what the NSC needed to start doing was
“being a little bit more Chinese … taking a long term view about where do we need to be on
220
221
222
***
223
Oral evidence – HMG, *** December 2020.
224
225
226
53
CHINA
some of these big critical issues, particularly around science and technology and emerging
technology, looking much further out and then build back from that, so, okay, what do you
need to do in [a] Spending Review for a one year or three year period, rather than just sort
of lurching from a one year to a one year to a one year”. The DNSA noted that HMG had
started to consider options and was trying to understand how to bring an effort together,
across departments, and decide who should be in charge of it. When we asked how that work
would be taken forward, she told us that HMG was “making sure that we bring all the right
people around the table, whether it’s the scientific community that support all of our
departments to the policy people who support all departments. So we’re having a cross-
government discussion around all that”. Nevertheless, it was clear that in her words: “We’ve
got a lot more to do”.227
N. China is an economic power, and this cannot be ignored in formulating the UK’s
policy towards China. Balancing the tension between security and prosperity requires
dexterity, and we understand that there are a number of difficult trade-offs involved.
O. The length of this Inquiry has allowed us to see the development of the China
policy within Government and we are reassured that, belatedly, the security aspects
are now being given prominence – notably more so after the pandemic.
P. It is nevertheless concerning that the security community, and the Government in

general, were aware of many of these issues several years ago and yet we are only now
beginning to see the introduction of measures taken to protect UK sovereign interests.
The lack of action to protect our assets from a known threat was a serious failure, and
one from which the UK may feel the consequences for years to come.
Q. Even now, HMG is focusing on short-term or acute threats, and failing to think
long term – unlike China – and China has historically been able to take advantage of
this. The Government must adopt a longer-term planning cycle in regard to the future
cycle. This will mean adopting policies that may well take years to stand up and require
multi-year spending commitments – something that may well require Opposition
support – but the danger posed by doing too little, too late, in this area is too significant
to fall prey to party politics.
R. Tackling the threats posed by China requires the UK to have a clear strategy on
China, which is forward thinking, joined up and utilises a ‘whole-of-government’
approach. Work to develop such a strategy may now be in train, but there is still a long
way to go.

227
54
The ‘Strategy’: Frameworks, Plans and Pillars
THE ‘STRATEGY’: FRAMEWORKS, PLANS AND

PILLARS
146. In 2019, the Committee was told that there were various documents addressing the
Government’s strategy on China:
● the China Framework;

● the Intelligence Outcomes Prioritisation (IOP) China Plan (previously known as
the Intelligence Coverage and Effects Plan); and
● ***.228
There was also an HMG Hostile State Activity (HSA) Strategy which is actor-agnostic but
apparently informed by discussions on the China Framework and the IOP Plan.
147. As ever with government strategy, it was not clear exactly how these various marginally
different documents fit together, but the diagram overleaf was the best representation we
were able to establish at the time of taking evidence, after lengthy discussions with those in
NSS leading on the strategy.229
228
*** (MI5 is a ‘self-tasking’ Agency – i.e. it cannot be directed to investigate or not to investigate an area
***.)
229
***
55
CHINA
National Security Council

The National Security Council (NSC) owns and creates HMG policy on China,
which is then set out in the China Framework, which is discussed (or aspects
related to it) periodically at NSC meetings.
The China Framework

The Hostile State Activity Strategy
Six pillars
Senior Responsible Owner (SRO): ***
China National Strategy Implementation Group

The National Strategy Implementation Group (NSIG) – chaired by the SRO –
implements the China Framework, co-ordinating policy decisions across
Whitehall to avoid a binary prosperity vs security approach. Departmental
representatives report back on NSIG discussions to Ministers and provide
advice.
China NSIG members are: ***
China Intelligence Outcomes Prioritisation Plan

The Intelligence Outcomes Prioritisation (IOP) Plan is proposed by the NSIG on
China. (The Joint Prioritisation Committee considers bids from every NSIG to
balance them against the total operational effort available, and then recommends
them to the NSC for approval.) The IOP Plan gives SIS and GCHQ HMG’s
requirements on China and allocates resources for them accordingly. It is agreed
for a year, ***.230
230
230
***
56
The China Senior Responsible Owner and National Strategy

Implementation Group
148. The NSC approved the China Framework in November 2018. It is intended to cover
“the depth and breadth of UK–China engagement and the implications of China’s growing
geopolitical and global role”.231
149. The China SRO is responsible for developing the strategic framework (making sure it
covers economic, security and influence interests) and getting it agreed by the NSC; for
overseeing implementation of the strategic framework; and for co-ordinating issues relating
to China across the Government. In 2019, the SRO explained the role:
I don’t see it as my role as SRO to be responsible for every single decision across
government on China, that would be too big a task and would avoid the ownership that
we need across the whole system, but it acts as a brokering mechanism so that, if there
is a specific point on which a department are disagreeing, the NSIG which I chair can
act as the triage and be clear how we want to resolve those differences and make sure
clear advice is being given through Ministers, to Ministers, either through a ‘write-
round’ or ultimately through a ministerial discussion at the NSC.232
150. In 2019, the Committee was told that the cross-government National Strategy
Implementation Group (NSIG) was responsible for developing and implementing policy in
order to deliver the China Framework. The NSIG was an attempt to improve cross-
government co-ordination without centralising the response. It meets monthly and is
attended by: ***.233 ***. The SRO explained:
what we are really trying to do is not have a process which has Ministers agreeing a
set of priorities and the system not following up, which was very much our feeling of
what had been happening in the past, but to have a clear set of objectives, indicators
which then the system is being driven to follow through.234
The China Framework

151. The 2018 China Framework consists of six ‘pillars’:
(i) ‘Trading Safely’;

(ii) ***;
(iii) ‘Countering Security Threats’;
(iv) ***;
(v) ‘Digital and Technology’; and
(vi) ***.
231
Written evidence – Cabinet Office, 12 June 2019.
232
Written evidence – HMG, 3 July 2019.
233
***
234
Written evidence – HMG, 3 July 2019.
57
CHINA
152. Each of the six pillars then has its own SRO, and these ‘pillar SROs’ each have their
own developed objectives and key outcomes for each pillar.235 The pillars feed into the IOP
process (discussed later in this chapter). The China SRO explained the flexibility that this
system offers:
So in the IOP process that is under way at the moment *** so we are confident that
resource is applied in the right areas given the strategic direction set ***.236
153. We were told that national security runs throughout the China Framework, but there
are clearly three pillars which are more relevant – ‘Trading Safely’, ‘Countering Security
Threats’, and ‘Digital and Technology’. We have not therefore included a detailed analysis
of the other, less relevant, pillars.
‘Trading Safely’
154. In line with the aims of the Integrated Review, the objective of pillar 1 is to maximise
the economic benefits of interacting with China while balancing this with the protection of
national security and long-term prosperity. We were told that HMG’s priority was to have:
a more comprehensive approach to our economic security in relation to China, ***.

This includes a focus on increasing national economic resilience and reducing
dependencies.237
The six strands under ‘Trading Safely’ include, but are not limited to, themes such as
investment, protection of Intellectual Property, trade, and research and development
collaboration.
***
155. In September 2020, we were provided with a list of actions planned under this pillar,
including the introduction of the (then) National Security and Investment (NSI) Bill and, in
order to improve security, additional measures under the Enterprise Act to allow HMG to
intervene if a business involved in the response to the pandemic is the target of a takeover,
and to lower the scrutiny threshold for mergers in three sectors (artificial intelligence,
cryptographic authentication technology and advanced materials).
156. The Committee was also told in 2020 that an economic security framework was being
developed, which would allow Ministers to intervene in key areas of the economy on
national security grounds under “a clear framework, which can be communicated to
business, potential investors and international stakeholders”.238 At the beginning of this
Inquiry, we were told that a new Economic Threats Unit was to be set up to identify,
understand and act in cases of concern, replacing the Investment Security Group in the
Cabinet Office. In addition to this, a wider set of current tools was being reviewed, including
235
236
237
238
58
“the export control regime where specific consideration to new definitions of dual-use and
emerging technology require consideration” and “an uplift to the investment screening
capability to better monitor and scrutinise transactions, including those from China”.239
157. Upon publication of the NSI Bill in November 2020, it was apparent that the Economic
Threats Unit in the Cabinet Office was instead to be a new Investment Security Unit (ISU)
in the (then) Department for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy (BEIS). However,
there has been no indication that the ISU will carry out the proposed role to look “upstream
and understand the aggressive intent behind some of the investment in the UK and therefore
pre-empt it”.240
158. During the passage of the NSI Bill, we sought assurances about the oversight of the
ISU. We were informed that, despite the Unit relying on classified information, oversight
would be undertaken by the BEIS Select Committee. However, such oversight can only be
undertaken by the ISC – as the only Committee of Parliament with regular access to classified
information, and to which the UK Intelligence Community have a statutory duty to provide
information.241 We discuss this further in our Case Study on Industry and Technology.
159. Project DEFEND was established as a result of difficulties experienced during the
initial response to the pandemic. It focused on identifying vulnerabilities in the UK global
supply chain and assessing threats to the supply of critical goods into the UK, “to better
safeguard critical supply chains. This includes diversification, greater HMG oversight of
the procurement process and improved contingency planning.”242 In October 2020, the
Deputy National Security Adviser (DNSA) explained:
Covid has very sharply brought into relief the need to look at … CNI [Critical National
Infrastructure] … the supply chain, emerging technologies, critical suppliers to
government, across the range and make some judgements about what we are, what we
need to have sovereign, what we are prepared to work with trusted partners on and
what we are prepared to leave to the global market … the Department for International
Trade is leading a very large project called Project DEFEND that very specifically
looks to interrogate the security of our supply chains across the board ***.243
160. While economic security is now more of a focus at policy level, it is important that the
shift in focus to securing the UK’s economic resilience is mirrored at an operational level
***.244 One example of this is the investigation of the implications of a Chinese aerospace
company’s (***) move to purchase a UK Low Earth Orbit satellite company, OneWeb. This
is explored further in our Case Study on Industry and Technology.
239
240
241
Since evidence-taking for this Inquiry concluded, the ISU has been transferred back to the Cabinet Office,
following the restructure of several government departments (including BEIS) announced in February 2023.
242
243
244
***
59
CHINA
S. The Intelligence Community will play a key role in the work of the new Investment
Security Unit (ISU): the classified and other technical advice that the Intelligence
Community provide should shape the decisions made by the ISU as it seeks to balance
the need for national security against economic priorities. It is essential that there is
effective scrutiny and oversight of the ISU – and that can be undertaken only by this
Committee.
‘Countering Security Threats’

161. The objective of pillar 3 is to counter threats from China and to counter global threats
by working with China. Work undertaken under this pillar is intended to protect the UK
from a broad spectrum of threats ***.245
The four strands under ‘Countering Security Threats’ include, but are not limited to,
work on counter-influence, counter-espionage, serious organised crime ***
***
162. In terms of Academia, HMG (***) has been working with Universities UK to develop
guidelines on countering foreign interference, and we were told that this included helping
universities to diversify their international student recruitment. In relation to Industry, the
National Cyber Security Centre and the Centre for the Protection of National Infrastructure
were working on security advice concerning the threat to UK research and innovation;246
and more broadly the HMG Defending Democracy programme was undertaking work to
better understand the threat to Parliament, local government and the media. (The Committee
was provided with a wider list of planned activities relating to this pillar in September
2020.)247
163. At the time of taking evidence, the Home Office was also working on a Counter-
Hostile State Activity Bill – subsequently the Counter-State Threats Bill – to include reform
of the Official Secrets Act and the creation of a Foreign Agent Registration Scheme alongside
other new offences and civil measures provisions. This is covered later in the chapter on
Legislation.248
245
246
Known as ‘Trusted Research’, this was also published in autumn 2020 (Written evidence – HMG, 14
September 2020).
247
248
Written evidence – HMG, 14 September 2020. On 11 May 2022 – after this Report was completed, but prior
to publication – the National Security Bill was introduced in Parliament. The Committee was briefed on the
Bill too late for it to be considered in this Report; however, we note that – disappointingly – the Bill as
introduced does not include reform of the Official Secrets Act 1989 or introduce a Foreign Agent Registration
Scheme (although the latter was later proposed via a Government amendment at Committee stage of the Bill).
60
Change in approach: Interference

At the beginning of this Inquiry, work to counter Chinese interference appeared very
much to be a work in progress ***. The Senior Responsible Owner (SRO) for China told
the Committee that this work was “***”.249 The SRO told us that it had been considered
by the National Strategy Implementation Group (NSIG) ***:
*** it is certainly one of the top priorities where I think we have got to *** gain the
understanding and then the response that we need. ***250
In early 2020, HMG told the Committee that, since ***, the China NSIG has subsequently
discussed Chinese interference ***, and later that year, work being done on Chinese
interference in the UK was noted in evidence to the Committee.251
It is clear that Chinese interference has become a higher priority than it was when we
began this Inquiry. Evidence that we have seen has noted that the Government is
increasing its efforts to combat Chinese information operations particularly through:
● the cross-Whitehall counter-disinformation unit working to create a comprehensive

picture of the extent, scope and potential impact of disinformation; and
● ***.252
We examine the effectiveness of the response to Chinese interference in the chapter on

Defending the UK.
T. We commend the action now being taken by the Government to counter interference
by China – it is encouraging that the Government has finally woken up to the grave
threat this poses to our national security.
U. However, it is worrying that ‘policy ownership’ of this national security activity,

rather than being gripped at the centre by the Cabinet Office, has instead been devolved
across the Government – in many instances to departments with no security remit or
expertise. We have not been kept informed of these developments and, despite numerous
requests, are not permitted to scrutinise this activity.
V. Effective Parliamentary oversight is not some kind of ‘optional extra’ – it is a vital

safeguard in any functioning Parliamentary democracy, and the ISC is the only body
that can do that. Moving responsibility for security matters to bodies not named in the
ISC’s Memorandum of Understanding is not consistent with Parliament’s intent in the
Justice and Security Act 2013: the Government should not be giving departments a
licence to operate in the name of national security and hiding it from view.
249
250
251
252
61
CHINA
‘Digital and Technology’

164. The objectives of pillar 5 are to: protect UK innovation and security; shape the norms
and standards of emerging technology in line with UK values; embed human rights and the
rule of law; and manage risk ***.253
The seven strands under ‘Digital and Technology’ include, but are not limited to, themes
such as: increasing supply chain resilience; maintaining influence over global technology
standards; and promoting the UK’s vision and norms ***.
***
165. In September 2020, we were provided with a list of actions planned under this pillar,
including the (then) Telecommunications (Security) Bill, which set out guidelines for
Telecommunications Network Operators, new powers for HMG in relation to high-risk
vendors, and wider HMG work with international partners to diversify the telecommunications
supply chain.
166. Other actions included: establishment of an Emerging Tech Board to identify nationally
important technologies and assess opportunities and risks relating to them; the National
Data Strategy, intended to ensure that data use is effective, efficient, ethical and secure; the
establishment of a Digital Standards team ***; examination of rules around UK public
sector procurement to see if companies potentially damaging to UK national security ***
can be excluded from tendering for contracts; and raising awareness of relevant risks with
British companies that wish to collaborate with Chinese digital and technology companies.254
W. The Telecommunications (Security) Act 2021 does not contain provision for
effective oversight of the new measures being implemented. The Act provides that
notification of a company or person being a ‘high-risk vendor’ of telecommunications
equipment, and specification of the limits placed on the use of this equipment, be laid
before Parliament unless provision of this information is deemed to be contrary to
national security. In such circumstances it is logical – and in keeping with Parliament’s
intent in establishing the ISC – that this information should instead be provided to the
ISC. This would ensure that Parliament could be duly notified without this information
being made public and thereby endangering national security. However, this proposed
amendment was rejected wholesale by the Government. This was particularly
inappropriate – and, indeed, ironic – as it was the ISC that had originally raised
concerns about the adoption of Huawei in the UK telecommunications network. It was
our initiative that prompted the Government to introduce this legislation.255
253
254
255
62
The Intelligence Outcomes Prioritisation process

167. As set out above, the Committee was told in 2019 that the China Framework lays out
the NSC’s policy goals, and the China NSIG is responsible for delivering those goals. The
contribution of the Intelligence Community is then set out through the IOP process.
Intelligence Coverage and Effects

Until 2019, the tasking of SIS and GCHQ was carried out under an annual process called
Intelligence Coverage (i.e. getting information) and Effects (i.e. doing something which
has a real-world impact), known as ICE. Under ICE, NSS was responsible for ascertaining
the priorities of the National Security Council (NSC) via a series of country and thematic
strategies which were approved by the NSC throughout the year. SIS and GCHQ then
responded to these strategies with an ‘offer’ of the intelligence coverage and effects they
believed they could provide in relation to them. NSS then converted this ‘offer’ into the
ICE Plan, resolving any resource or priority conflicts which might arise. This process
gave SIS and GCHQ responsibility for allocating their operational effort to find the
information which the policy-maker needed or realise an outcome which a policy-maker
had requested (usually as part of an overarching strategy).
In March 2020, the process of tasking SIS and GCHQ changed from ICE to the
Intelligence Outcomes Prioritisation process.
168. Under the IOP process, each NSIG256 sets the intelligence requirements it needs in
order to deliver its policy outcomes, and prioritises them in an IOP Plan.
169. Each IOP Plan is then sent by its NSIG to the Joint Prioritisation Committee (JPC) for
discussion. The JPC is chaired by the DNSA and the Joint Intelligence Committee (JIC)
Chair and the Foreign Commonwealth and Development Office’s (FCDO’s) Director
General Consular and Security257.258 The JIO assists by examining the policy outcomes
within each IOP Plan and assessing what level of understanding can be provided by different
sources (including secret, open, diplomatic, academic and business sources). This helps to
establish where secret intelligence is vital and where it could possibly be replaced by open
source work.
170. Having reviewed the IOP Plans for the different NSIGs and taken into account
ministerial priorities and the potential impact of changes in allocation, the JPC then
recommends to the NSC the appropriate balance of Agency effort for the forthcoming year
for each IOP.259 The DNSA told us:
256
There is not a set number of NSIGs – they are created and disbanded according to NSC priorities. In March
2020, we were told that there were 17 NSIGs, including one on China. ***
257
This role has since been renamed Director General Defence and Intelligence.
258
When required, the Agency heads, CDI, and personnel from the Ministry of Defence (MoD) and the Home
Office can attend the JPC.
259
If an SRO realises that they suddenly need additional effort midway through the year, they can bid for it as
a reprioritisation. If the SRO thinks that this reprioritisation will be a long-term requirement then it will have
to be considered as part of the annual round.
63
CHINA
the prioritisation process that we have just gone through with the PM *** gives a
really clear steer ***. So that gives the Agencies licence to operate on *** subjects
with some discretion as to where you apply the resources.260
171. We were provided with the agreed policy outcomes for 2020 – including in relation to
the ‘Trading Safely’, ‘Countering Security Threats’ and ‘Digital and Technology’ pillars –
against which SIS and GCHQ must deliver intelligence ***. ***
X. In December 2020, we asked how the policy outcomes against which SIS and
GCHQ must deliver intelligence were being prioritised. We presume, for instance, that
“***” is not considered to be of the same importance as “***”; however, we have not
been provided with any information. Without any indication of prioritisation, it is
difficult to judge the effectiveness of Agency efforts and it is therefore disappointing –
and rather telling – that NSS has failed to provide such critical information in response
to this major Inquiry.
The tri-Agency approach

172. As set out in 2019, the Agencies take a tri-Agency approach ***. This is to ensure that
– despite SIS and GCHQ having their priorities set by Ministers and MI5 being self-tasking
– the Agencies can align at an operational level in terms of their contributions to the China
Framework.261
173. ***
174. ***262
175. The current tri-Agency approach *** had been agreed in June 2018. Not long
afterwards the NSC produced the China Framework ***. In April 2019, the Agencies said
they were in the process of reviewing their approach in order to align with the new China
Framework. However, in October 2020, with no further update, we questioned what was
happening and Director General MI5 told us:
there is a logic I think to the next iteration [of our approach] … waiting until the
Integrated Review and the Intelligence and Outcomes Prioritisation process have had
their say, and then we respond to that, rather than sort of UKIC settling on something
inside its own brain in advance of the top-level steer.263
While we recognise that argument, we were surprised not to have been made aware of an
updated approach whilst conducting our Inquiry – despite the Integrated Review having
been published in March 2021, and the IOP Plan ***. (We were subsequently updated on
the agreed revised approach in November 2021 – after we had concluded our oral evidence
sessions and therefore too late for us to question the Agencies on it in order to reflect it in
this Report.) It is simply not efficient to have these levels of planning so unsynchronised.
260
Oral evidence – *** December 2020.
261
262
263
64
176. We also note that, as at 2019, DI is not included within the agreed tri-Agency approach
***. We were told that this is because DI was also not involved in the ICE process (the
previous iteration of IOP) – its tasking/prioritisation is set by the Chief of Defence Staff.264
When we asked what impact that had on joint working, MI5 told the previous Committee
that the tri-Agency approach could, in time, include DI as the Agencies and DI are now
engaging much more ***.265
Y. We were told in 2019 that the Agencies take a tri-Agency approach, but this does
not cover DI. In October 2020 – over 15 months later – we asked if there had yet been
any movement towards formally adding DI to the prioritisation process. The Acting
National Security Adviser told us: “DI are fully part of the IOP process … they are one
of our main repositories of expertise on China.” Director GCHQ noted that DI is a part
of the National Cyber Force, and “when you get into the effects world … they are
completely there in every aspect” .266 If DI is supposedly now fully integrated with the
Intelligence Outcomes Prioritisation process, we expect the next iteration of the tri-
Agency approach – when it is finally updated – to include DI.
HMG Hostile State Activity Strategy

177. In addition to the numerous levels of HMG’s strategy on China, China also features in
HMG’s cross-cutting work on the threat posed by hostile activity carried out by states (as
opposed to, for instance, terrorist organisations or serious organised crime groups).
178. The Government developed a Hostile State Activity (HSA) Strategy in 2017, defining
HSA as “overt or covert action orchestrated by foreign governments that undermines or
threatens the UK’s national security, the integrity of its democracy, its public safety,
reputation or economic prosperity, short of armed conflict ”.267
Hostile State Activity

This Report uses the term ‘Hostile State Activity’, which was used by HMG and the
Intelligence Community throughout their evidence provided for this Inquiry.
‘Hostile State Activity’ was used to describe the full range of threats posed by hostile
state actors. The UK Intelligence Community’s work on Hostile State Activity was
explained as comprising counter-espionage and counter-intelligence activity:
● Counter-espionage is the investigation of individuals (agents) who are suspected of

passing sensitive information to foreign intelligence services.
● Counter-intelligence means investigating the activities of the officers and agents of
overseas intelligence services and disrupting them when necessary.
264
265
266
267
Written evidence – HMG, 21 August 2019.
65
CHINA
Since the Committee completed its evidence-taking, HMG has updated its terminology,
and now refers to ‘State Threats’ instead of ‘Hostile State Activity’. There appeared to
be a number of reasons for this change: the Home Office explained that it was not felt to
sufficiently reflect the complexity of the UK–China bilateral relationship and there were
concerns over how the term could be received within East Asian-heritage communities
in the UK. However, NSS subsequently explained that China was not the driving factor,
and that the terminology had been changed because the term could be too easily
misinterpreted as referring to a hostile state, rather than hostile activity as was originally
intended.
179. Part of the Strategy focuses specifically on China, saying that: ***. Nevertheless, it
adds that: ***.268 HMG’s aims in relation to HSA *** are set out as being to: ***
180. ***. The Committee was told in 2020 that a number of pieces of work have been
carried out under the Strategy since it was introduced, including:
● Establishing the Joint State Threats Assessment Team (JSTAT);

● *** publicly attributing cyber incidents alongside a range of allies and partners;
● Agreeing and initiating the Defending Democracy programme;
● Pursuing a comprehensive response to the threat of state-based disinformation,
***;
● ***; and
● Working with international ***.269
181. While the Strategy is currently being refreshed, HMG has not – as at December 2021
– provided a date for when it expects it to be ready, despite the fact that the current refresh
started before August 2019.270 As with the emerging technology policy area, it is concerning
that decisions on such an important policy area are not being made with any urgency.
182. HMG argues that there is a lot of work going on in the China portfolio. In October
2020, the Acting NSA told us that there was an “enormous amount of work underway at the
moment” including:
*** lots of direct support to universities at the moment in that sector, for example, and
lots of very demanding case work … it will be one of the major themes of the Integrated
Review. We are creating new legislative powers through the Bills that I mentioned, we
are trying to develop new capabilities across government, whether it is in investment
screening, whether it is around education, whether it is around interference or
disinformation, it is all a work in progress, given the evolution of the scale of the
challenge that I mentioned earlier.271
268
269
Written evidence – HMG, 18 November 2020.
270
271
66
183. That is both welcome and absolutely necessary. The question is how effective that
work will be. A number of new initiatives are cross-government and there is the potential for
there to be significant change in the approach towards national security systems and
processes. It is also worth noting that everything may change following the Integrated
Review, which said:
The National Security Adviser will therefore review national security systems and
processes to ensure that Integrated Review objectives and priority actions, as well as
future policy decisions, are implemented swiftly and effectively, and to establish
systems that better support the NSC.272
Only time will tell whether the Government will be able to tackle the “systemic challenge”273
of China but we have concerns that, at present, it is still doing so at far too slow a pace.
Z. As at 2021, the Government had a plethora of plans that laid out its China policies.
The interaction between these documents has required a great deal of unpicking, and
we have been surprised at the fact that changes in one document do not always lead to
consequent changes in others. The slow speed at which strategies, and policies, are
developed and implemented also leaves a lot to be desired – at the time of writing we
await to see what impact the National Security Adviser’s review of processes will have
on the China policy area, but we would certainly hope it will become more coherent.
272
Global Britain in a competitive age – The Integrated Review of Security, Defence, Development and Foreign
Policy, HMG, March 2021.
273
67
68
HMG Resourcing
HMG RESOURCING
184. From the evidence provided by HMG to this Inquiry, there appears to have been an
increase in the Government’s focus on China since 2020, reflecting both the threat posed
and the priorities of the Government. We would have expected to see a concurrent increase
of resourcing dedicated to the China mission and therefore questioned each organisation on
the resources it has been allocating to work on China,274 and whether that has changed.
SIS
185. After 1997, SIS effort275 on China reduced, but since 2004/05 it has been seeking to
rebuild resources:276
● The percentage of operational effort dedicated to China has *** over the past 20
years, ranging between ***% (1999) and ***% (2003).
● For 2018/19 the figure stood at ***% (for comparative purposes, the figure for
Russia was ***%).
● This equated to a financial spend of £*** (out of £***).277
● In 2020, the figure increased to ***%, and a financial spend of £*** (out of £***).278
● In terms of staff dedicated to China, figures279 show *** from *** full-time
equivalent (FTE) (2005/06) to *** FTE for 2019/20.280
● Of these, ***.281
274
Each organisation records its resourcing and allocation of operational effort differently. Figures provided
below relate to percentages of operational effort, financial spend and FTE staff numbers.
275
***
276
Oral evidence – SIS, *** January 2008.
277
Written evidence – SIS, 28 February 2020.
278
Written evidence – SIS, 18 November 2020.
279
Figures have only been provided from 2005 onwards.
280
Written evidence – SIS, 18 November 2020.
281
These figures include permanent staff and loans/contingent workers. SIS noted in its written evidence of 13
June 2019 that these numbers do not take into account the additional functions that support the China mission,
such as *** and wider corporate services etc.
69
CHINA
GCHQ
186. GCHQ statistics show a similar picture:
● Between 2000 and 2019, the number of GCHQ and National Cyber Security Centre
(NCSC) staff working on China increased from *** FTE to *** FTE.
● In 2020, this increased to *** FTE.282
● The percentage of operational effort dedicated to China has increased from ***%
in 2000 to ***% in 2019.283
● Operational effort on China rose to ***% in 2020.284
● ***.285
MI5
187. MI5 statistics provide an overall picture of work on Hostile State Activity (HSA), of
which China is only one strand:
● For the financial year 2019/20, HSA286 was allocated a total spend of £***
(International Counter-Terrorism and Northern Ireland-related terrorism received
£*** and £*** respectively).
● Of that £***, work on China received £***.
● This was an increase of £*** from the previous year (but it nevertheless only
represents a return to the levels of ***).287
● The proportion of mission effort on China is around ***%. This roughly equates to
*** people.288
JIO
188. JIO similarly has found it difficult to disaggregate exactly:
● In March 2021, the JIO China Team289 contained *** FTE staff with *** due to be
advertised (an increase from *** FTE pre-2017 and *** FTE in early 2019). In
addition, there *** dedicated to China open source work.290
282
283
***
284
285
Written evidence – GCHQ, 4 March 2020. On *** December 2020, NCSC further explained that as well as
those engaged in threat-focused work (i.e. an analysis and investigative point of view ***), there were also
people who supported that analytical effort, and those whose work is threat-agnostic *** (although this work
is informed by knowledge of the threat posed by China – amongst others).
286
***. These three operational themes are: International Counter-Terrorism (ICT), Northern Ireland-related
terrorism (NIRT), and Hostile State Activity (HSA).
287
Written evidence – MI5, 9 October 2020. MI5 told us that its “operational model dynamically draws on a
range of resources within MI5 and beyond” ***. (Written evidence – MI5, 12 June 2019.)
288
Director General MI5 explained: ***. (Oral evidence – MI5, *** October 2020.)
289
JIO has noted that China assessments are produced by several different teams ***.
290
However, the team also receives support from other teams working on HSA, economic assessments ***.
70
HMG Resourcing
● The allocation of effort291 has increased *** over the past two decades from ***%
in 1999 to ***% in 2019 and then ***% in 2020.292
● Towards the end of 2020, the JIC Chair told us: “*** In terms of my time, I would
say that I probably spend about ***% of my time on China, something of that
sort.”293
Other organisations
189. DI statistics for 2020 show that:
● *** analysts spent 50% or more of their time on China (a decrease from *** last
year) and *** analysts spent less than 50% of their time on China (an increase from
*** last year).
● ***
● DI spends £*** on China-related activity.294 Alongside broader politico-military
analysis, this includes:
- *** partnership programme with the defence industry in order to ensure that
insights *** are then shared in an appropriate manner with the defence indus-
try to advise them about how they can protect themselves;
- ***; and
- ***.295
190. DI has previously told the Committee that it does not hold comprehensive records
relating to allocations of effort on China for past years.296 We found that difficult to
understand. DI explained that “allocation of effort is challenging [for it] to calculate given
the range of intelligence capabilities and specialisms within DI, many of which cover
multiple geographic areas”. Notwithstanding that, we are surprised that information on
allocation of effort on an area as supposedly significant as China is not readily to hand so
that it can be kept under constant review.
191. Homeland Security Group297 statistics for 2020 show that:
● Approximately *** staff 298 worked on China ***.299

291
***
292
293
294
Written evidence – DI, 13 June 2019, 4 September 2020.
295
296
Written evidence – DI, 13 June 2019.
297
From 1 April 2021, the Home Office moved to a new structure and the work of the Office for Security and
Counter Terrorism (OSCT) is now carried out by Homeland Security Group. Therefore, OSCT is now referred
to as Homeland Security Group.
298
Senior staff have not been counted in this number, although a portion of their work will involve China-
related issues. Homeland Security Group also notes that its contribution to the Home Office’s China effort is
wider than stated above “as there are a number of areas (such as Border Security, HSA strategy and Counter-
HSA legislation) where policy work is thematically rather than geographically focused”. ***. (Written
evidence – OSCT, 28 February 2020.)
299
Written evidence – OSCT, 28 February 2020.
71
CHINA
● This is a decrease from 2019, when *** FTE staff worked on China. In 2019, the
Committee was told that *** due to be recruited, which would raise the number of
dedicated staff to *** FTE.300 Then in 2020, we were informed that the figure “will
rise to *** FTE ***”.301 At the time of taking evidence, we had yet to receive
confirmation that this uplift had taken place.
192. NSS has *** staff 302 working on China with an administrative spend of £*** per
annum. This includes a secretariat for the China National Security Council (NSC) strategy
and National Strategy Implementation Group (NSIG), co-ordination of cross-cutting policy
in support of that strategy, and provision of advice to the Prime Minister.
Potential for increase in resourcing

193. When we took evidence in autumn 2019, the Intelligence Community told us that any
increase in resources on China would have to be viewed as necessary by the NSC (and the
Treasury) and it may be that the threat posed by Russia, Iran or counter-terrorism could be
considered as more in need of increased resourcing. In the past, such balancing of priorities
has seen resources being diverted away from China onto acute counter-terrorism priorities.
As Director General MI5 explained to the Committee:
*** there are some difficult choices when the CT [counter-terrorism] thing has not
reduced in its scale and its sharpness … we need to figure out how much of these kinds
of capabilities feels enough or proportionate against this threat.303
194. MI5 told the Committee that there were things that the Government could invest in
that would improve overall defences (against HSA). But, if the NSC decided that a new area
was of great ***.304 GCHQ told the Committee that it was investing in training people to
work on China *** but that, in terms of analytical effort, difficult decisions would have to
be made in order to balance it alongside work on other areas ***.305
195. In 2019, the SRO for China was clear that there was “a big set of questions for a
Spending Review” where the China effort was concerned.306 The Agencies explained that
they had submitted ambitious bids to the 2020 Spending Review but that there would be
difficult decisions. According to MI5 ***307 SIS echoed this, and also noted that despite
increased focus on China ***.308
196. We were concerned in particular at the *** in Homeland Security Group working on
China, but welcomed the expected increase in resourcing across the Intelligence Community.
We expected to see resourcing of the upward trajectory maintained in the Spending Review,
300
Written evidence – OSCT, 14 June 2019.
301
Written evidence – OSCT, 28 February 2020.
302
The Cabinet Office notes that its China team draws on China expertise from across Whitehall and that the
majority of HMG work on China is done in other government departments. (Written evidence – HMG, 18
November 2020.)
303
304
305
306
Oral evidence – *** July 2019.
307
308
72
HMG Resourcing
given that China is now recognised as an enduring national security challenge. In 2021, we
were told that a one-year annual uplift had been granted to the Agencies’ China mission
***309
197. The Agencies also advised the Committee that this increased funding would be
allocated to promoting resilience, specifically to:
support modest investment in MI5’s efforts to raise awareness and provide advice to
government and Industry on China-related threats, and the delivery of a more finely
tuned response to the economic threat posed by China to the UK’s Critical National
Infrastructure and Science, Technology and Critical Knowledge sectors, and enabling
us to better detect threats of hostile investment through data analysis.310
198. However, the Agencies were clear that this additional funding was only a stop-gap:
“Whilst these investments allow us to grow and maintain critical mission capabilities,
further growth in SR21 [Spending Review 2021] is required to enable us to respond to the
sheer scale of the China threat.”311 Director GCHQ reinforced this message, telling the
Committee: “Russia has given us some really crappy weather but China is giving us the
climate. We really have to think strategically and long term [about China].”312
199. The National Cyber Force (NCF) – a partnership between GCHQ and the Ministry of
Defence, including elements from SIS and the Defence Science and Technology Laboratory
– was also announced as part of the Spending Review. The Intelligence Community told us
that the NCF is expected to improve and increase the UK’s cyber capability and “enhance
the UK’s position and reputation as a top-tier cyber power”.313 NCF priorities are derived
from NSC priorities and are set through a forum chaired by the Deputy National Security
Adviser, separate from the IOP process described (although we were told that IOP Plans do
inform and are reflected in NCF priorities).314 We have been told that, since the NCF started
operating, it had been able to expose and counter false narratives ***. Countering interference
was cited as another area *** for the NCF ***.315
200. In addition to the uplift under the Spending Review, MI5 has been able to increase the
number of people working on the China threat area (from September 2020 to March 2022),
doubling the overall effort on ***.316 ***. 317 The Intelligence Community noted:
309
310
311
312
313
314
A ‘Whitehall Customer Group’, chaired by the Deputy National Security Adviser, with the Foreign,
Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO), MoD and Home Office representation, will meet annually
to establish a single national statement of prioritised outcomes to be supported by offensive cyber. This process
will be informed by customer requirements articulated through the IOP process and by COBR, Armed Forces
operational requirements, MoD contingency plans and law enforcement demands, amongst others. These
engagements aim to provide assurance to departments that their requirements have been considered and
prioritised appropriately.
315
316
317
73
CHINA
Whilst these investments allow us to grow and maintain critical mission capabilities,
further growth in SR21 is required to enable us to respond to the sheer scale of the
China threat.318
AA. The level of resource dedicated to tackling the threat posed by China’s ‘whole-
of-state’ approach has been completely inadequate. While a shortage of resources had
been identified as early as 2012, effort was diverted onto the acute counter-terrorism
threat arising from Syria. The increase in funding on the China mission in 2020 was
therefore both necessary and welcome. But it was only for one year. HMG cannot think
or plan strategically with such short-term planning.
BB. HMG must explore the possibility of a multi-year Spending Review for the
Agencies, in order to allow them to develop long-term, strategic programmes on China
and respond to the enduring threat. The UK is severely handicapped by the short-
termist approach currently being taken.

318
74
Defending the UK
DEFENDING THE UK
Responsibility
201. Under the Security Services Act 1989, MI5 is responsible for countering Hostile State
Activity (HSA), i.e. “protection against threats from espionage, terrorism and sabotage
[and] from the activities of agents of foreign powers”. In May 2019, MI5 had around ***
full-time equivalent (FTE) staff working on State Threats – predominantly on counter-
intelligence and counter-espionage but also on counter-proliferation and state-sponsored
terrorism work. The HSA team primarily focuses on Russia, China and Iran but they also
have a ‘Rest of the World’ remit.319
202. MI5 also has responsibility for the Joint State Threats Assessment Team (JSTAT).
JSTAT provides assessments and a holistic view on the national security threat posed by:
● espionage;
● assassination;
● interference in our democracy and society;
● threats to the UK’s economic security; and
● threats to the UK’s people and assets overseas.320
It therefore looks in depth at the threats from *** activity, as well as niche and emerging
threats, and provides assessment for a wide range of government departments.321
203. JSTAT works under MI5’s legal authorisations. It is governed by a Board ***, and
draws its staff from across government, including policy departments, MI5, DI, SIS and
GCHQ. In 2019, the Committee was told that JSTAT had around *** analysts, *** of whom
were working on China in February 2020 (the previous Committee was told that the intention
was to increase that *** by the end of the financial year 2019/20).322 By late 2020, the
number had risen *** and the intention was for a further increase *** in 2021, subject to the
outcome of the Spending Review.323 MI5 explained that JSTAT was vital to countering the
threat from China:
So we have already clocked that we need to bolster how we are bringing together a
fragmentary complex intelligence picture, mixing that with what is in the public
domain, because, as I have said, a lot of the China intent is very public, and then using
that to inform the security aspect of the judgement that then is part of informing
Ministers and the Departments about the overall balance.324
319
Written evidence – MI5, May 2019.
320
Written evidence – MI5, May 2019.
321
Written evidence – MI5, March 2020.
322
323
324
75
CHINA
Focus and coverage

204. MI5’s objectives in relation to HSA are to “seek those trying to pass sensitive UK
information and equipment to other countries and ensure they don’t succeed ” (counter-
espionage) and to “disrupt the actions of foreign intelligence officers where these are
damaging to our country’s interests” (counter-intelligence).325 MI5 told us that its role is
spread across a range of areas, including investigating activity against UK interests both
within the UK and abroad (as well as remotely online) ***. MI5 also has responsibility for
detecting (and countering) “penetration of government, or the Agencies themselves for that
matter” ***.326 MI5 told the Committee that:
the MI5 role is clearly central on the counter-intelligence element ***327
205. In 2020, *** of MI5’s operational effort was focused on China.328 *** in order to
counter the breadth of the China threat, MI5 has prioritised329 its efforts “***”.330 MI5 told
us that it was working on a number of areas relating ***, including:
● HMG – attempts to penetrate the UK Intelligence Community and wider HMG

***;
● ***;
● Science and Technology – attempts to obtain sensitive UK defence technology
***;
● ***;
● ***;
● ***;331 and
● Cyber – developing HMG’s understanding ***.332
206. ***333
207. Although MI5 argued that the measures it was taking were proving to be effective, it
also accepted that ***. Director General MI5 told us:
We’ve built up quite an experience base now ***. So I don’t think we are likely to be
***. Clearly that’s in some ways not that different to the version I face of that around
counter-terrorism, for example. ***.334
325
MI5 website.
326
327
328
Compared with ***% for Russia. ***% of MI5’s effort is focused on counter-terrorism work. (Oral evidence
– MI5, *** October 2020.)
329
MI5 prioritises its work using the *** model. This model (***) aims to “drive operational outcomes ***”.
It is used to prioritise *** to ensure MI5 delivers long-term *** against its core intelligence requirements.
(Written evidence – HMG, 18 April 2019.)
330
331
332
333
334
76
Defending the UK
Tools
HMG uses a variety of tools to disrupt Hostile State Activity (HSA):
● Interviews: *** there may be a discussion arranged with that individual ***.
● Vetting action: Removing the security clearance of British nationals with access to
sensitive information who pose a national security risk, including those who may
have been in contact with foreign intelligence services ***
● Expulsion of intelligence officers: Removal of intelligence officers operating in the
UK under diplomatic cover (under the terms of the Vienna Convention). ***
● Capacity-building with allies and partners: This may involve *** training,
support or skill development ***. ***. This is covered further in the chapter on
Working with Allies.
● Visa action: As is standard, the Home Office can consider revoking a visa on the
grounds that someone’s presence in the UK is ‘not conducive to the public good’
***335 ***336
● Legislative measures: There are a number of different pieces of legislation available
for the Agencies to use such as the Official Secrets Act, the Computer Misuse Act
and civil law remedies such as patent or copyright infringement. However, according
to the Agencies, they are of limited use in countering HSA (legislation is considered
in more detail later in the Report).
● Démarches: This might include, amongst other things, requesting the removal of
named intelligence officers from their positions ***.
● Briefings to Industry: These are used where intelligence indicates there is intent to
target certain companies or Industry sectors ***. This work is led by the Centre for
the Protection of National Infrastructure and the National Cyber Security Centre,
but – given the wide range of individuals, assets and organisations – disrupting
every incident cannot be guaranteed.
● Countering cyber threats: This includes exposing and disrupting the activities of
state-sponsored hackers ***.337
Protective role: CPNI and NCSC

208. The Centre for the Protection of National Infrastructure (CPNI – accountable to MI5)
and the National Cyber Security Centre (NCSC – part of GCHQ) play a key role in engaging
with those both within and outside Government to protect national security:
● CPNI has a preventative and advisory role, dealing with the non-cyber threat to
Industry. It follows a “threat-focused and intelligence-led ” approach to engagement,
335
Written evidence – GCHQ, 31 January 2020.
336
337
77
CHINA
allocating resources to sectors, industries and businesses where there is evidence of

Chinese desire to gain knowledge, technology, expertise and Intellectual Property
(IP). CPNI works with cross-government partners “to raise awareness of the threat,
identify vulnerabilities, and to provide holistic advice and mitigations”.338
● NCSC was set up to be the single authority on UK cyber security. It works closely
with government departments to help them own and manage the risks in their
sectors of Critical National Infrastructure, including setting policy and direction
for protecting the sector, ensuring legislation is fit for purpose, and understanding
how the operators are responsible for the security and resilience of their own
systems and assets.339 It works jointly with CPNI in a number of areas, including
recently producing guidance for Industry and Academia on engaging with foreign
entities. This guidance (Trusted Research) provides advice to senior leaders and
individuals about how to protect research, IP and products.340
209. MI5 told us that CPNI and NCSC carry out regular protective defensive briefings.341
These can either be regularly scheduled briefings to a particular sector or they can be specific
briefings in response to intelligence received suggesting that a company is being targeted.
***.342 Although this work is actor-agnostic, China is acknowledged to be the greatest
threat.343 Director General MI5 noted:
when we are talking about the protection of Intellectual Property, economic security,
those kinds of themes, mostly in that space we are talking about the threat of China.
Russia does also spy against particular sectors, you know, most famously Energy, but
for the most part the chunk of CPNI that is addressing espionage and the theft of
information and those kinds of influence risks is mostly there to tackle ***.344
210. Director GCHQ told us that NCSC “seeks to investigate Chinese cyber intrusions and
defend against them, including advising our Critical National Infrastructure, our military
and defence colleagues on how best to defend ”.345 NCSC carries out its defensive role by:
● providing bespoke advice and guidance;

● working with providers of Critical National Infrastructure on bespoke projects to
enhance standards;
● responding to incidents; and
● engaging in proactive research and design in order to help the sector think about its
vulnerabilities end-to-end. This might include:
- identifying the networks and information systems that are critical;

- carrying out risk reviews;
338
339
Oral evidence – NCSC, *** October 2020.
340
CPNI.gov.uk/trusted-research
341
342
343
344
345
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Defending the UK
- producing guidance to help in sector-specific technologies; and

- working with key vendors to better secure their supply chains.346
A new approach
211. In June 2019, MI5 told the Committee that, instead of relying on uncovering HSA
through investigations, in future it will place greater emphasis on making sure that the UK
is a difficult operating environment for hostile state actors. ***.347
212. MI5 updated the Committee on this work in late 2020, saying that it believed its record
over the past year was “***”, in that it had ***.348 The Director General told the Committee:
There is some good work happening, which is informing a range of policy action, and
one recent example would be ***. That work has in part been stimulated by some very
good analysis and assessment work which has brought together that picture.349
213. However, the fact remains that there have been no prosecutions and only one arrest of
a ***. This is partly down to the difficulty in prosecuting espionage offences (discussed
further in the chapter on Legislation) as Director General MI5 explained:
*** more often it is information that confers a UK advantage but isn’t necessarily a …
state official secret, which is one of the reasons why the proposed new legislation is
something that we see advantage in.350
CC. MI5 is responsible for countering Hostile State Activity, and the Centre for the
Protection of National Infrastructure and the National Cyber Security Centre play a
key role in engaging with those within and outside government to protect national
security. There is a wide array of defensive tools, which are being used to good effect,
but the Government has come late to the party and has a lot of catching up to do. Our
closest allies identified the need to use such tools against China long ago and we must
learn from their experience and knowledge.
DD. It is also clear that this defensive effort requires a cross-government approach.
However, this transfer of responsibility will need to be a well-thought-out, gradual
process with adequate support provided to the departments and some degree of control
retained at the centre. HMG needs to ensure that those departments not traditionally
associated with security are properly resourced with security expertise, properly
supported and properly scrutinised.
Challenges in tackling Chinese spying

Lack of Chinese Intelligence Services action in the UK
214. ***
346
347
348
349
350
79
CHINA
Global threat
215. The UK’s significant economic, political, military and commercial co-operation with
China provides the Chinese government with numerous opportunities to spy on the UK
globally, including through the many British individuals based abroad ***. The work
undertaken by the UK Agencies is therefore international and cross-Agency. MI5 noted that
*** and told us that:
***351
An obligation on Chinese nationals

216. China has passed a number of pieces of security legislation in recent years.352 These
require Chinese citizens to provide assistance to the Chinese Intelligence Services (ChIS)
and to protect state secrets – this includes Chinese locally engaged staff in embassies (and
could also potentially be applied to foreign companies and even foreign nationals based in
China). This would appear to be a clear avenue through which the Chinese staff of UK
companies might be compelled to co-operate with China ***.353
217. In November 2021, China’s Personal Information Protection Law (PIPL) – a Chinese
version of the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) – came into effect. This asserts
state power over data belonging to both Chinese and foreign companies. According to legal
experts, “the PIPL exerts certain exterritorial jurisdiction over data processing activities
that happen outside China if the purpose is to provide products or services to individuals
located in China, or to analyse or assess the behaviours of individuals located in China.”354
The Chinese government can therefore force Chinese and other companies to turn over their
data as soon as it involves any Chinese citizens. However, in reality, it is not possible to
compartmentalise Chinese citizens’ data – meaning that China gets access to all data.
A particular concern is China’s use of this legislation to hoover up data from applications
such as those used to book taxis and mini cabs – which can track a traveller’s movements,
capture photographs and link passengers to other users. We discuss China’s collection of
data in detail in our Case Study on Industry and Technology.
Use of journalist cover

218. We questioned whether the UK’s freedom of speech might also be exploited for the
benefit of intelligence operations by China, including through the use of ***.355 ***356
However, it must be noted that ***.
351
352
Including the Counter-espionage Law (2014), the National Security Law (2015), the National Cybersecurity
Law (2016), the National Intelligence Law (2017) and Personal Information Protection Law (2021).
353
354
Elisabeth Braw with Franco Palazzolo, ‘Emerging Insights: How Ride-Hailing Businesses Collect and
Manage Data: A National Security Risk?’, Royal United Services Institute (RUSI), 4 October 2021.
355
China’s use of Academia to influence free speech and obtain information beneficial to its objectives is
covered in our Case Study on Academia.
356
Written evidence – MI5, 31 July 2020.
80
Defending the UK
Targeting of unclassified material

219. As has been mentioned previously, the ChIS also target unclassified UK material – an
act which (in many circumstances) would not be an offence in UK law. This activity may be
more difficult to detect and counter, although the Committee notes that this was an area
being looked at by the (then) Department for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy, and
the Home Office, including through possible legislation.
EE. Chinese law now requires its citizens to provide assistance to the Chinese
Intelligence Services (ChIS) and to protect state secrets. It is highly likely that the ChIS
will use such legislation to compel the Chinese staff of UK companies to co‑operate
with them. It is also likely that China’s Personal Information Protection Law will lead
to the Chinese government forcing Chinese and other companies to turn over their
data held on Chinese citizens. As compartmentalisation of Chinese citizens’ data will
be difficult, this is likely to mean that, in practice, China will obtain access to data held
on non-Chinese citizens as well.
Challenges in countering Chinese interference operations

220. Much of the impact that China has on national security is overt – through its economic
might, its takeovers and mergers, its interaction with Academia and Industry – as opposed
to covert activity carried out by its intelligence officers ***. This means that ‘interference’
operations can be less easy to point to than traditional ‘spying’ operations ***.
221. The UK Intelligence Community have been open with the Committee about the
challenges of detecting Chinese interference operations:
China’s blended approach – its intertwining of overt and covert activity – poses
significant challenges. ***. Unpicking this is difficult.357
222. The JIC Chair acknowledged that “*** some of it is legitimate activity, some of it …
[is not] legitimate but not necessarily illegal ”.358 MI5 clarified the role that the UK
Intelligence Community plays in identifying Chinese interference operations:
*** A lot of that will be visible, open, what I think diplomacy is about, that fostering of
understanding, but we worry about where it is more covert or more nefarious.359
Understanding the threat

223. ***
● ***
● ***
● ***
357
358
359
81
CHINA
● ***360
224. ***
***
***361
225. The JIO, working with NSS and JSTAT, told this Inquiry that they were working to
‘map’ foreign interference ***.362
FF. The UK Intelligence Community have been open with the Committee about the
challenges of detecting Chinese interference operations. ***
Taking responsibility
226. One of the factors in the lack of understanding is that, until recently, the Agencies did
not recognise that they had any responsibility for countering Chinese interference activity in
the UK, since they considered that the policy community had mandated them to focus on
other threats. In 2019, they told the Committee that ***:
Responsibility for mitigating the more overt aspects of the [Chinese] threat to the UK
… rests with government policy departments ***.363
227. Historically, this resulted in an intelligence gap as it meant that not only were the
Agencies not taking responsibility for tackling it, they were not even proactively seeking to
identify it. Instead, it ‘fell through the cracks’ as the Government was relying on government
departments to identify and then tackle the threat posed by China on their policy areas. (This
was not unusual – we reported a similar historic problem in our Russia Report.) Yet the
whole-of-state approach used by China meant that various UK government departments
were trying to tackle different versions of the same problem – that of Chinese nationals,
whether employed by the Chinese Communist Party or private individuals, actively working
for China’s benefit. For example, at the time of taking evidence, the Department for
Education (alongside the (then) Department for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy)
was responsible for identifying and tackling Chinese interference in UK Academia.364
228. However, there is no evidence that Whitehall policy departments have the necessary
resources, expertise or knowledge of the threat to investigate and counter the Chinese whole-
of-state approach. The nature of China’s engagement, influence and interference activity in
the UK is difficult to detect, but even more concerning is the fact that the Government may
not previously have been looking for it. ***.
360
361
362
363
Written evidence – HMG, *** April 2019; the Agencies focus their efforts on ***.
364
82
Defending the UK
229. Since the Committee began taking evidence and questioning the Agencies on their
lack of involvement in tackling overt aspects of the Chinese threat, there appears to have
been a change in approach. ***365, ***.366
230. MI5 told us that this decision was part of a “gradual widening of our aperture” to look
beyond the traditional focus ***.367 This allowed it to increase its work on influence
alongside espionage. MI5 says that it is exploring ***.368
231. In October 2020, the Acting National Security Adviser (NSA) told the Committee that
there was now “an enormous amount of work underway, and of course it is not perfect at the
moment, but it shows, I think, that we are joining up more effectively across government and
between the covert side and the overt side, to get our arms around the scale of the threat”.369
Director GCHQ also told us that the situation was improving. However, the Director also
noted that there was a tension between centralising the response and empowering the lead
government department to address the issue (which had, in the past, resulted in a lack of
co‑ordination).370
232. In December 2020, the DNSA acknowledged that neither the (then) Department for
Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy (BEIS) nor the (then) Department for Digital,
Culture, Media and Sport (DCMS) was yet able to engage fully in national security decision-
making structures:
The one area probably of vulnerability at the moment, both for BEIS and for DCMS in
handling some of their cases is their security expertise, their capabilities, their
infrastructure … one of the reasons we have incubated the Economic Threats Unit/
Investment Security Unit in the Cabinet Office is because we have that very rich
relationship and can do that kind of intelligence component. So the reason we haven’t
sort of chucked it straight over the fence is that we are trying to give BEIS some time
to build that capability. They have just appointed a new security Director and that
work is ongoing and we will support them with that. But I think it’s important that we
support and enable them rather than continue to hold everything at the centre, in the
same way as the Department of Transport would run aviation security and have that
connectivity into [MI5]. Similarly with BEIS on investment security, we have to help
them to be able to run this themselves.371
233. This is clearly a time of significant change within the national security structures
across the Government. Whilst we are supportive of the notion of making every part of the
365
The United Front Work Department (UFWD) is an arm of the CCP, which has a remit to engage in
operational activity within China and overseas with the purpose of ensuring that potential critics and threats to
the CCP are influenced, co-opted or coerced into silence. UFWD’s remit includes engaging in political
influence and interference operations overseas, to ensure that politicians and high-profile figures in foreign
states are supportive of the CCP, or at the very least do not criticise China or counter its narrative.
366
367
368
369
370
371
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CHINA
Government responsible for national security, equally that must not result in no part of the
Government being responsible for national security policy.
GG. It is incumbent on the Government to report on how national security decision-

making powers are being dispersed across the Government. It should annually update
this Committee on the number of personnel cleared to see Top Secret material in each
of the departments with new national security decision-making powers, together with
the facilities provided to them (secure IT terminals and telephones etc.).
HH. Failure to get this transition right from the outset could lead to decisions that
fail to withstand external challenge. Furthermore, as there is an adjustment in national
security responsibility, so too must there be an adjustment to ensure there is effective
Parliamentary oversight of all aspects.
84
On the ‘Offensive’
ON THE ‘OFFENSIVE’
234. SIS and GCHQ’s intelligence work encompasses both ‘coverage’ and ‘effects’.
‘Coverage’ is the collection of information (or acquisition of information from allied
intelligence services) by the Agencies, whereas ‘effects’ describes the Agencies’ engagement
in activities which have real-life outcomes. ***
The roles of SIS and GCHQ

SIS is the UK’s foreign human intelligence (HUMINT) agency. Areas of work that SIS
undertakes include:
● cultivating and maintaining agents who are in a position to pass on secret information;
and
● obtaining and sharing information which our allies have gathered on China.
GCHQ is the UK’s signals intelligence (SIGINT) agency. Areas of work that GCHQ
undertakes include:
● applying selectors to emails obtained by bulk interception;

● intercepting material transmitted over military communications systems;
● covertly accessing computer systems in order to obtain the information they contain;
and
● sharing information with our allies’ intelligence agencies.
Allocation of effort
235. Operational effort within SIS and GCHQ is broken down into different ‘missions’ (as
explained in the chapter on HMG Resourcing). As at 2020, SIS allocated ***% of its overall
operational effort to China and GCHQ allocated ***% of its operational effort to China.372
The China mission is then further broken down into the different ‘requirements’ on China
which the Government has set for SIS and GCHQ.
236. In evidence in 2020, SIS broke down its operational effort in relation to China as ***
● ***
● ***
● ***373
This split has been broadly static since 2019.
Written evidence – SIS, 18 November 2020; Oral evidence – GCHQ, *** October 2020.
372
Oral evidence – SIS, *** July 2019; Oral evidence – SIS, *** October 2020.
373
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CHINA
237. In 2019, GCHQ noted that its operational effort was similarly divided but with an
additional focus on ***.374 A year later, Director GCHQ told us that there were between ***
and *** active Chinese cyber groups, and that GCHQ was able to cover ***.375
Requirements
238. The outcomes – what the Government wants to achieve – in relation to China are set
though the Intelligence Outcomes Prioritisation (IOP) process376 (discussed in the earlier
chapter on The Strategy). HMG says that the IOP process is designed to ensure that SIS and
GCHQ’s work accords with the priorities set by the National Security Council (NSC), so
that the information and outcomes they provide will best serve the wide range of demands
from their ‘customer’ departments in the Government. The IOP Plan is meant to set out the
Government’s priorities for SIS and GCHQ, to be delivered through ‘coverage’ and ‘effects’.
239. In October 2020, the Committee was provided with the China Policy Outcomes, set
within the China IOP process. As opposed to the tasking document previously produced, we
were informed that instead these outcomes “guide the setting of SIS & GCHQ contributions
but are not themselves requirements for Agency coverage or effects” and that the policy
outcomes “are not delivered by secret intelligence and effects alone”.377 However, this
change in emphasis (reflective of the Fusion Doctrine) means that it is now not possible to
establish to what extent SIS and GCHQ are individually responsible for any progress made
against these outcomes – and therefore how their effectiveness or performance can be
meaningfully assessed. We question the logic behind this.
240. Nevertheless, we can examine the responsibilities of SIS and GCHQ by comparing the
2019 and 2018 Intelligence Coverage and Effects (ICE) Plans, which were tasking
documents:
● ***378
● ***
When (in 2019) we asked about the 2018 ICE Plan, SIS told us that:
***379
241. Given that the ICE Plans were drawn up in consultation with SIS and GCHQ, it would
suggest that the Cabinet Office and those Agencies felt that they were in a position to effect
more real-world outcomes in 2019 than they were in 2018. This is reassuring, if that
trajectory continues. Nevertheless, without knowing the current requirements set for both
Agencies, we cannot judge what their current division of work is between finding out
information and stopping the Chinese from doing things that hurt UK interests.
374
375
376
The IOP process was established in March 2020, although as previously noted it may be reviewed following
the Integrated Review.
377
Written evidence – HMG, 14 October 2020.
378
379
86
Coverage
242. Examples of GCHQ and SIS China ‘coverage’ work provided in 2018 include:
● ***380
● ***381
● ***382
243. Although not part of the IOP Plan, DI also works to a number of intelligence collection
goals. There is a particular focus on ***.383
Effects
244. Intelligence ‘effects’, also referred to as covert action, are SIS and GCHQ activities
which have real-life outcomes. Effects work against hostile states was explored during the
Russia Inquiry, when Committee Members were told that HMG does not deploy effects with
the goal of effecting organisational collapse, in the way that they might be deployed against
international terrorist groups, for example. As a result, the Agencies’ effects work *** can
involve capability-building (the sharing of knowledge and capabilities with partners), and
counter-intelligence work to disrupt intelligence operations ***.384 More broadly, HMG can
employ intelligence diplomacy (the use of intelligence information and relationships to
influence international action), which can range from using intelligence partnerships to
build alliances or encourage action on a particular issue, to the maintenance of alternative
diplomatic channels with governments or non-state actors with which it is considered
impolitic to have overt diplomatic relations.
According to the evidence provided to the Committee in this Inquiry, the same principles
broadly apply to SIS and GCHQ’s work on China ***. When we questioned GCHQ in 2019,
we were told that:
***385
245. As noted previously, the 2018 China ICE Plan ***.386 This was being delivered through
a counter-cyber programme known as Operation WINDERMERE.387
380
Written evidence – GCHQ, 31 October 2018.
381
Written evidence – SIS, 30 April 2019.
382
Written evidence – GCHQ, 31 October 2018.
383
384
385
386
387
In some instances in this Report, we have substituted an ISC-specific code word where it has been necessary
to refer to the name of an operation or project, in order to protect classified information. No significance is
intended by, nor should be inferred from, the matching of code words to real operation names. The ISC code
words have no operational significance.
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Case study: Operation WINDERMERE (counter-cyber)

The UK Intelligence Community told the Committee in 2019 that the UK is leading
internationally on countering the cyber threat from China. (Given that there has been a
lot of public reporting regarding the UK’s limited focus on China by comparison with its
Five Eyes partners, it is interesting that the UK Intelligence Community consider that
they are leading internationally on responding to the Chinese cyber threat.)
Operation WINDERMERE is a cross-UK Intelligence Community strategy to address

Chinese cyber activity, led by GCHQ ***. It aims to “reduce the impact of the Chinese
State’s cyber programme on UK ***.”388
The strategy focuses on taking intelligence *** and using it for defence means (in order
to make UK cyber space a hard operating environment) ***.389 The approach combines
a mixture of diplomacy, law enforcement action and PROTECT390 work. ***.
The UK Intelligence Community say that they are working to identify and build
knowledge of the Chinese cyber actors assessed to pose the highest threat to UK national
security ***.391
*** As such, encouraging other countries to demonstrate unity on the attribution of such
behaviour (***) is key.392
246. The 2019 ICE Plan, by comparison ***. These included:
● Against the ‘Trading Safely’ pillar ***.
- ***.393
● ***.
- ***.
● Against the ‘Countering Security Threats’ pillar ***.
- ***394 ***.395
- In late 2020, GCHQ told us that:
388
Written evidence – GCHQ, 18 June 2019.
389
390
PROTECT work focuses on protective security.
391
392
393
394
The National Cyber Force (NCF) was launched in April 2020. The NCF is a distinct operational entity, a
partnership between GCHQ and the Ministry of Defence, also incorporating elements from SIS and the
Defence Science and Technology Laboratory. The NCF is intended to deliver an increase in the UK’s cyber
capability and carry out its programme of offensive cyber.
395
88
*** [these] include attribution – public attribution – they include working with
other nations to call out Chinese malign activity in cyber space, they include
technical advisories, [and] they include advice to companies to close off their
capabilities. 396
● ***.
- ***397 ***. 398
● Against the ‘Digital and Technology’ pillar ***.
- ***.
247. Following the Spending Review, we were told that, since the National Cyber Force
(NCF) had started operating, it had been able to expose and counter false narratives ***.
Countering interference was cited as another area *** for the NCF ***.399
Are SIS and GCHQ ‘achieving’?

248. Although SIS and GCHQ were judged by the Cabinet Office to be meeting or exceeding
most of their ICE targets on China in 2018, this seems largely due to expectation management,
as most targets were set to ‘some’ or ‘limited’ contribution – so, although they met their
targets, the targets themselves were set rather low.400
249. When the Committee asked Director GCHQ in 2019 if he felt “that in the circumstances
[GCHQ was] not doing too badly”, the Director agreed with that assessment − but also said
that it was still very much at the starting point.401 ***.402
250. SIS noted that the ‘coverage’ targets in the 2018 ICE Plan had enabled it to start work,
jointly with GCHQ and MI5, on *** – this, rather worryingly, implies that little had actually
been achieved at that point.403 When, in 2019, we pressed on why there appeared to be so
little work ***, GCHQ told us that:
coverage leads directly to intelligence reporting, which can have an impact and does
have an impact and affects the way we position the UK’s policy, it affects the way we
are conducting our international relations and it affects the way we are laying down
our capability investments in the future. So *** then I think that is probably a more
precise way of thinking about that. The answer to … why so much [is directed] at ***
at the moment is because ***.
***404
396
397
398
399
Written evidence – GCHQ, 21 May 2021.
400
401
402
403
404
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CHINA
251. When we asked again, in late 2020, what had now been achieved, GCHQ said that the
increase in effort could be seen in all areas of activity, including the collection of intelligence,
effects work ***, and in the defensive aspects of the cyber effort. The progress *** meant
that:
we have made massive headway, such that the issue is starting to be how do we deal
with the scale of the information at our disposal? How do we get into and focus the
effort on the things that we most care about ***.405
252. In terms of other work *** brief reference has been made to work carried out in
relation to health (and specifically Covid-19). In 2020, the Deputy National Security Adviser
(DNSA) said “… over the last ten months or so of Covid we have certainly seen on the
health side some advantage ***”.406 However, no further detail has been supplied.
253. In October 2020, the Acting NSA told us that a new group, which sits below the China
NSIG, had been created to look at *** work, ensuring that it is joined up. One of the reasons
why this group had been created was because the Government expected this work “to grow
in future”.407
254. However, when we asked, again, in 2020, how SIS and GCHQ had performed against
the requirements set by the Cabinet Office, we were told that the pandemic meant that there
had not been a Cabinet Office review of whether either Agency had met its targets.408
II. It is clear that there has been progress in terms of ‘offensive’ work since we started
our Inquiry – for instance, an increase in ‘effects’ work. However, given what appears
to be the extremely low starting point, this is not cause for celebration ***. Both SIS
and GCHQ say that working on China “is a slow burn, slow-return effort ” 409 ***.
JJ. GCHQ and SIS tasking is set by the Government and, rightly, they cannot work
outside the Government’s priorities. Nevertheless, the fact that China was such a
relatively low priority in 2018 – the same year in which China approved the removal
of term limits on the Presidency, allowing President Xi Jinping to remain in office as
long as he wished – is concerning. Work must continue to be prioritised now to make
up for this slow start and there must be clear measurement and evaluation of effort.
SIS and GCHQ challenges in operating against China

Political and economic considerations
255. Prior to the pandemic, the UK’s relationship with China was based on an approach that
sought to balance prosperity with national security issues – unlike Russia, which is seen
unambiguously as a threat. Although that balance appears to have shifted since, with the
405
406
Oral evidence – *** October 2020; Oral evidence – *** December 2020.
407
408
409
90
push to protect the UK’s domestic economic security, HMG acknowledges that China’s
economic might cannot be ignored.410
256. This has an impact when planning action. For example, exposure of intelligence work
may damage bilateral relations to the extent that UK trade and investment interests are
affected.411 Similarly, when HMS Albion performed a Freedom of Navigation Operation in
the South China Sea in 2018, China appeared to reduce economic engagement with the UK.
In 2019, the Senior Responsible Owner told us that HMG *** had discussed how to
re‑engage the Chinese:
[it] was re-established after *** diplomacy and engagement, there were some decisions
that the Treasury had to take about how they were approaching that dialogue, ***.
Because of the cross-cutting nature of that, that wasn’t a decision that the Treasury
could just take alone. So we worked through the coordinating process to get a clear set
of choices and decisions ***.412
Surveillance
257. China is often referred to as a surveillance state, using a range of methods from state-
of-the-art technology to neighbourhood watch schemes to monitor its citizens and residents.
There is near-comprehensive CCTV coverage in Beijing as well as in most other major
cities.
258. The rapid pace of technological development is only increasing this challenge. China
is in the process of integrating its world-leading technologies, such as face recognition and
artificial intelligence (AI), in order to allow state authorities to track and follow all residents
around its cities. Further development and integration of AI would allow monitoring and
automated flagging of unusual behaviour or activities.413
259. When, in July 2019, we asked the Intelligence Community about this, China was
described as a “totally sensored environment … sensors everywhere and computers making
sense of those feeds for individuals to spot [an] anomaly” ***. It was expected that such an
environment would “increasingly become the norm *** because this technology is cheap
and will be exported ”. 414 ***.415
260. ***. Surveillance of Chinese citizens with access to secret information is particularly
acute: individuals working on sensitive areas are subject to travel bans and cannot leave the
country without express permission. The Chinese intelligence system is both hugely capable
and uncompromising: those convicted of espionage can face the death penalty.416 ***.
261. Surveillance in China has also extended to the virtual world. China’s well-established
domestic technology sector poses a significant challenge in terms of SIGINT collection. The
410
411
412
Oral evidence – *** July 2019.
413
414
415
416
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CHINA
blocking of Western web services and applications, and the dominance of Chinese apps
***417
Equipment Interference
Equipment Interference (EI) describes a range of techniques that may be used lawfully
to obtain communications, equipment data or other information from equipment. In
plain English, most people would call this ‘hacking’; however, the Intelligence
Community avoid this term because it lacks a formal legal definition and is widely used
to imply illegal activity. EI is the official term used for such activity within the
Investigatory Powers Act 2016 and associated Codes of Practice. This replaces the
previous term ‘Computer Network Exploitation’.
EI can be carried out remotely or by physically interacting with the equipment, and may
include interference with computers, servers, routers, laptops, mobile phones and other
devices, as well as cables, wires and storage devices.
EI can vary in complexity. Examples of EI might include:
● covertly downloading data from a subject mobile device when it is left unattended;
● using login credentials to gain access to data held on a computer;
● exploiting existing vulnerabilities in software to gain control of devices or networks;
or
● remotely extracting material and monitoring the user of the device.
Size
262. Even without the challenges of Chinese surveillance, the sheer size of the Chinese
state presents a significant challenge when it comes to gaining coverage. It can be extremely
difficult to keep track of the vast host of Chinese ministries and party organs, the status of
which within the Chinese Communist Party and government is constantly evolving. ***. 418
KK. It is clear that both GCHQ and SIS face a formidable challenge in relation to
China. What we were unable to assess – without the specific requirements set for the
Agencies or any idea of the prioritisation of the ‘outcomes’ within the Intelligence
Outcomes Prioritisation Plan – is how effective either Agency is at tackling that
challenge. As a result of pressures placed on civil servants during the Covid-19
pandemic – including fewer people in offices with access to the necessary IT systems
– the Cabinet Office has not measured the Agencies’ success against its requirements,
and so neither the Government nor Parliament has any assurance about their
effectiveness.

417

418
92
LL. We have seen efforts grow over the duration of this Inquiry. We expect to see
those efforts continue to increase as coverage leads to an increased programme of
‘effects’. However, given the importance of the work, it is vital that the Cabinet Office
carries out an evaluation on whether SIS and GCHQ are meeting their targets in
relation to China. That evaluation must be shared with this Committee.
MM. ***. Increased surveillance, both in the physical and virtual world, poses
significant challenges to long-term intelligence-generating capabilities ***. This
problem is only going to get more difficult. SIS and GCHQ should prioritise work on
this ***419 ***.
***
419
93
94
Working with our Allies
WORKING WITH OUR ALLIES
263. Given the difficulty of obtaining intelligence on China and countering its activity,
intelligence-sharing relationships with other countries are vital: one of the Government’s
key messages in the Integrated Review was that the UK is stronger as part of an alliance, and
we have sought to establish whether that is being put into practice and where the challenges
lie.
Five Eyes
264. The Five Eyes intelligence-sharing network is vital to UK efforts in countering the
challenges posed by China. SIS told the Committee that, within the Five Eyes community,
there is very strong, increasing co-operation on China.420 Director GCHQ told the Committee:
“When the UK, with its allies, focuses on the targets it most cares about, it can have real …
impactful effect, and I have absolutely no doubt about that.” 421 Of great importance is the
burden-sharing arrangement between the partners ***. From the evidence presented below,
it can be seen that the UK benefits significantly from the Five Eyes partnership in the case
of China.
265. SIS told the Committee that, in 2020, ***% of UK coverage of China came from
***.422 Without that *** assistance, tackling the threat would be much more difficult. This
is also clear in relation to *** – in 2020, ***% of coverage was derived from *** collection.423
266. For GCHQ, it was a similar picture in terms of the “collaborative … analytical sharing
***”, with ***; and ***.424
267. One of the ways in which GCHQ works with Five Eyes allies is on countering malign
Chinese cyber activities425 ***. GCHQ told us:
Predominantly, the key allies we have been working with are Five Eyes allies and we
have had considerable success ***. So a really joined up effort … and I see this
continuing to expand into the foreseeable future … we are calling out malign activity,
we are trying to impose a cost on those actors *** for acting in that way. ***.426
268. The Committee was told that China was the single biggest issue at the ***. ***.427 The
Joint Intelligence Committee (JIC) Chair told us that DI had been the primary organisation
420
421
422
423
424
425
In July 2022, the Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) gave a joint address to industry with
Director General MI5, in which he referred to work with the UK on the Chinese cyber threat and said that
“together [with MI5] we can also run joint, sequenced operations that disrupt Chinese government cyber
attacks”.
426
427
95
CHINA
involved in the mapping activity, and that it had “produced some really good material in
which they have gone round the globe drawing on that to assess activity”.428
269. We asked for sight of the product of this mapping activity ***. We were disappointed
that it appears not to have fulfilled the agreed brief *** it is concerning that in this instance
the Intelligence Community appear to have failed to provide their partners with the required
assistance.
Other partners
270. China is a broad threat with significant geographic reach, therefore the Agencies work
with overseas partners beyond the Five Eyes to tackle the China threat:
● In July 2019, the Deputy National Security Adviser (DNSA) told the Committee
that some of his most important conversations on China had been with *** around
***.429
● GCHQ told us ***.430 ***.431 GCHQ also cited the importance of ***, noting,
“we will go where the capability is and where the accesses are – they have brilliant
accesses ***”.432
● MI5 cited ***433 as allowing MI5 to discuss both its operational and protective
security role with ***.434
● SIS told us in 2019 that it was starting to do some capability-building work ***.435
SIS told us ***:
***. So most of these countries are very aware of the threat, and are very keen
to talk … about how we can work together. So that is quite a promising seam
of activity ***.436
271. The Agencies are working closely with overseas partners to tackle the China threat:
they recognise that the UK can tackle the problem only by working with their international
counterparts ***. We have also covered the Agencies’ work with foreign services in our
Inquiry on International Partnerships.
428
429
Oral evidence – NSS, *** July 2019.
430
Oral evidence – GCHQ, *** July 2019. ***.
431
432
433
***
434
435
436
96
Legislation
LEGISLATION
272. It is clear from our Inquiry that China presents a rather different challenge for the
Government, one that it is still struggling to get to grips with and which it may not yet have
the right tools to tackle. One of the tools that can be developed and used quickly is legislation.
We have already covered the National Security and Investment (NSI) Act 2021 and the
Telecommunications (Security) Act 2021 in this Report, and we will need to see what
difference both pieces of legislation make; however, at the time of writing we had yet to see
legislation introduced specifically to tackle Hostile State Activity (HSA).437
The need for new legislation on Hostile State Activity

273. The Official Secrets Acts438 are the only pieces of UK legislation that specifically
address HSA.439 However, the Agencies have previously explained that the Acts are
inadequate in countering HSA, since it is not an offence to be a covert agent of a foreign
power. The previous Committee concluded in its Russia Report:
it is very clear that the Official Secrets Act regime is not fit for purpose … It is essential
that there is a clear commitment to bring forward new legislation to replace it ... that
can be used by MI5 to defend the UK against agents of a foreign power.440
274. In evidence to this Inquiry, the Intelligence Community told the Committee that
legislative change is even more necessary in relation to China. MI5 told us that “a Foreign
Agent Registration [Act]-type power, which the Australians and Americans enjoy ... [would]
have proportionately more effect against ... Chinese activity”.441 A key issue of concern is
the theft of non-classified information, which can be difficult to grip because a significant
amount of the activity does not currently constitute a serious criminal offence in the UK.
275. One example of such a case is from ***, when a suspect was arrested for ***. The
material ***. Given the difficulties of prosecuting espionage activities under current
legislation ***.442
276. In the December 2019 Queen’s Speech, the Government confirmed plans to introduce
a new Espionage Act to provide a legislative framework to deal with HSA.443 Consideration
437
The National Security Bill was introduced in Parliament on 11 May 2022, after the Committee had finished
taking evidence for this Inquiry. However, we note that the Bill, as introduced, does not include reform of the
Official Secrets Act 1989 or introduce a Foreign Agent Registration Scheme (although the latter was later
proposed via a government amendment at Committee stage of the Bill).
438
1911, 1920 and 1939.
439
Other than the ‘ports stop’ power introduced in the Counter-Terrorism and Border Security Act 2019.
‘Queen’s Speech December 2019: background briefing notes’ (HMG, December 2019) states that the Counter-
Terrorism and Border Security Act 2019, which received Royal Assent in February 2019, confers the power to
stop, question, search or detain any person entering the UK (it is not necessary for there to be a suspicion of
engagement in hostile activity in order to do so). These provisions were closely modelled on the ‘Schedule 7
port stop’ power provided for in the Terrorism Act 2000.
440
441
442
443
‘Queen’s Speech December 2019: background briefing notes’, HMG, December 2019.
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CHINA
is also apparently being given to updating treason laws.444 In September 2020, HMG
confirmed that the Home Office was working on a Counter-Hostile State Activity Bill, to
create a Foreign Agents Registration Scheme and reform the Official Secrets Act,445 in line
with recent recommendations by the Law Commission (which found that the espionage
offences in the Official Secrets Acts 1911–1939 were “very wide but rarely prosecuted”, as
a result of dated and obscure drafting and complex supporting case law).446
277. October 2020, the Acting National Security Adviser told us that this Bill would also
address issues around foreign interference – with the inclusion of “a package of measures
around education, partly support to universities, partly acquiring new tools in which to
address that kind of interference”.447 In late 2020, MI5 told the Committee how it had been
contributing to the development of the proposed legislation:
So there is a series of different choices and how far you do or don’t go around any
reform of the Official Secrets Act, there is a series of choices that are not yet landed or
settled, but what MI5 is doing clearly is feeding in our perspective on the things that
would make a difference and, from where I am sitting, the biggest gap at the moment
is around interference. There are still plenty of gaps around espionage, but we do at
least have some relevant powers there; whereas the act of being an agent of a foreign
power engaged in things against the interests of the UK is one where we think there is
a real gap and so I am very pleased that government has the intention to legislate.448
278. The Integrated Review, published in March 2021, included a further commitment to
introduce Counter-State Threats legislation – “when Parliamentary time allows”.449
A consultation on legislation was announced in May 2021 and concluded in July 2021.
279. At the time of taking evidence, one of the Committee’s key concerns was that any such
legislation must introduce an effective “economic espionage” offence – something that the
UK Intelligence Community suggested could be an important tool in the battle against
China. At present, there are no criminal offences covering economic espionage that are not
specifically linked to classified research or technology. A new offence might cover companies,
research collaborations, joint ventures, seed funding, venture capital and access to academics
and students covertly to obtain Information Data and Intellectual Property to secure
commercial advantage against the UK.450
444
‘Queen’s Speech December 2019: background briefing notes’, HMG, December 2019.
445
446
Law Commission Report, Protection of Official Data, September 2020.
447
448
449
450
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Legislation
NN. Although we have stated this earlier in this Report, it bears repeating specifically
in relation to legislation: the length of time it has taken to reform the Official Secrets
Acts is unconscionable. Our predecessors were told that the Acts required updating as
a matter of urgency in January 2019. Over three years later, we have yet to see the
introduction of a Bill. National security legislation ought to be a priority for any UK
Government – it is certainly not a matter to be kicked into the long grass by successive
Governments.
OO. We recommend that HMG ensure that a Counter-State Threats Bill is enacted
as a matter of urgency.
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100
PART TWO:
CASE STUDIES
101
CHINA
CASE STUDY: ACADEMIA
CHINESE INTERFERENCE IN UK ACADEMIA..........................................................103

Influence and interference...............................................................................................103
Economic advantage........................................................................................................109
THE GOVERNMENT RESPONSE.................................................................................. 115

Who: Taking responsibility for tackling influence and interference............................... 115
How: Taking action on influence and interference ......................................................... 116
What: Understanding the threat from theft and subversion ........................................... 116
How: Taking action on economic advantage................................................................... 117
102
Chinese Interference in UK Academia
CHINESE INTERFERENCE IN UK ACADEMIA
As we have noted in Part One, the UK is a target for China in its efforts to build global
support for its core interests, to mute international criticism and to gain economically. To
achieve these aims, China seeks ‘political influence’ in the UK and ‘economic advantage’
over the UK. During this Inquiry, we have examined the influence and advantage China
seeks through three areas: Academia, Industry and Technology, and Civil Nuclear energy.
We explore the threat and response to these three key areas in the subsequent Case
Studies, starting with Chinese interference in UK Academia.
280. The UK’s academic institutions provide a rich feeding ground for China to achieve
both political influence and economic advantage by both:
● controlling the narrative of debate about China within UK universities by exerting

influence over institutions, individual UK academics and Chinese students; and
● obtaining Intellectual Property (IP) by directing or stealing UK academic research
in order to build, or short-cut to, Chinese expertise.
281. These strands can often overlap, and the UK Intelligence Community assess that it is
not always clear which is the driver: “it is difficult to know if interference is the priority or
whether it is a by-product of trying to acquire sensitive material and expertise”.451
282. What is clear from our Inquiry is that the academic sector has not received sufficient
advice on, or protection from, either.
Influence and interference

283. The External Expert witnesses who gave evidence to the Committee were very clear
that Chinese attempts to interfere and stifle debate amongst the academic community in the
UK are a significant problem, and they provided us with numerous examples.
284. By contrast, historically, the Intelligence Community considered that, while China had
“***” to interfere in UK Academia, there was not a broad evidence base for this452 – although
it is not clear whether this was because the evidence was not there or the Intelligence
Community were not looking for it. In June 2019, we were told by the Deputy National
Security Adviser (DNSA) that examining the threat from interference to Academia was a
“work in progress” and that there was not a “comprehensive understanding of the picture”.453
However, towards the latter stages of our Inquiry it was recognised that evidence of malign
Chinese interference in UK Academia appeared to be growing.
285. Pressure is primarily exerted on institutions, academics and students to prevent

engagement with topics that harm the positive narrative presented by the Chinese Communist
Party (CCP). This is particularly acute when it involves the so-called ‘Five Poisons’
451
Written evidence – NSS, 31 January 2020.
452
453
103
CHINA
(Taiwanese independence, Tibetan independence, Xinjiang separatists, the Chinese

democracy movement and the Falun Gong).
(i) Institutions: Fees and funding
UK universities: Funding from overseas student fees

UK universities are reliant on income from students in order to operate. A decade ago,
university funding comprised 72% public funding, with student fees providing 23%, but
this has since been reversed, with student fees now making up 73% of funding.454 (There
are other sources of income available to UK universities – such as residences, catering,
investments and endowments – but fees are the most significant revenue stream.455) In
recent years, the number of ‘home’ students (who have their fees capped) has remained
static whilst the number of overseas students has increased. Figures from February 2021
show that, in 2018/19, international (non-European Union) students accounted for 14%
of UK university students, and their fees accounted for 14.4% of the total income of all
UK universities.456
286. The fees paid by international students account for a large – and increasing – share of
university income. The profit universities are able to make from teaching international
students helps to fund loss-making activities, such as research.457 Chinese students make up
the largest overseas contingent of students in UK universities. Although estimates vary, it is
believed that, in 2019, there were more than 120,000 Chinese students in the UK – more
than in the rest of Europe combined. China sends five times as many students to the UK as
any other country does. To put it in perspective, reporting in 2020 showed that there were
only 27,000 students from India, the next largest source of international students in the UK.458
287. In financial terms, it was estimated that, in 2017/18, Chinese students were responsible
for generating almost £600m,459 which makes up a very significant proportion of universities’
income. HMG evidence provided in September 2020 noted that the Department for Education
(DfE) was working on “geographically diversifying” the recruitment of foreign students460
– presumably to counteract the current over-reliance on income from Chinese students.
288. While the numbers are clearly significant, the question is whether, and if so how,
China is actively using this ‘buying power’ as leverage. An article in The Times in 2019
reported that the intelligence Agencies were “concerned that a reliance on Chinese money
and students, particularly postgraduates paying up to £50,000 a year in fees, makes some
universities particularly vulnerable [to influence and interference by the Chinese
government]”.461 During this Inquiry, we were told that “China likely seeks to exert influence
454
‘Higher Education funding in England’, House of Commons Library, 19 November 2021.
455
‘Coronavirus: Financial impact on higher education’, House of Commons Library, 8 February 2021.
456
457
458
‘Number of international students at UK universities jumps’, Financial Times, 16 January 2020.
459
Written evidence – ***, February 2019.
460
461
‘Security Services fear the march on universities of Beijing’s spies’, The Times, 27 October 2019.
104
over UK universities by threatening to withdraw scholarships or funding for Chinese

nationals in the UK” 462 ***.463
289. Indeed, in some cases, China does not even have to issue a threat. Professor Steve
Tsang (Director of the China Institute at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS))
– who is known for being willing to challenge the CCP’s narrative – told the Committee that
institutions were actively avoiding taking action themselves for fear of upsetting the Chinese:
he had been asked by *** the University of Nottingham not to accept any media requests
during the visit of President Xi Jinping to the UK in 2015, for fear of causing offence to
the Chinese.464
290. In terms of exerting control and influence, China does not just rely on the leverage that
its student fees buy it; it also provides direct investment to academic institutions so that it
can guarantee input into academic programmes, direct research (discussed later in this Case
Study) and ensure that UK students are taught an interpretation of China that reflects the
CCP’s interests. The latter is primarily conducted through the Confucius Institutes in the UK.
291. There are 29 Confucius Institutes in the UK, with more than 160,000 registered
students (not all of whom will be Chinese). They carry out entirely legitimate activities,
such as fostering cultural ties and providing language teaching. However, they have also
been accused of stifling academic debate about sensitive issues, such as Tibet. Confucius
Institutes are run, and part-funded, by the Hanban, an educational organisation that is
ultimately controlled by the CCP’s Central Propaganda Department – an association that
means that comparisons with the British Council or the Institut Français are misleading at
best. The Hanban’s charter stipulates that Confucius Institutes must obey Chinese law.
292. Confucius Institutes often occupy premises on university campuses free of charge, and
some also provide funding to the university with which they are associated, meaning that the
line between the institutions can become blurred. For example, it has previously been
reported that the Nottingham University School of Contemporary Chinese Studies received
money from the university’s Confucius Institute to fund core academic activities – thereby
giving it influence over who came to speak at the university on Chinese issues.
293. The Intelligence Community assess that Confucius Institutes are utilised by the
Chinese government in order to dissuade universities from engaging in debates that the CCP
considers to be unsuitable topics. The Joint Intelligence Committee (JIC) Chair told us in
October 2020 that the operations of Confucius Institutes were primarily concerning for their
role in intimidation:
The Confucius Institutes, I would say, are more of an instrument for pursuing that and
at one level, if one takes it as a purely cultural issue, one could equate it with the
British Council, but of course nothing in China is that simple and they are undoubtedly
following a government line.465
462
Written evidence – ***, *** May 2019.
463
464
465
105
CHINA
(ii) Academics: Threats and inducements

294. China not only seeks influence at an institutional level but will also target individual
academics who focus on China, seeking to ensure that they act in the CCP’s best interests
either through professional inducements or, if that doesn’t work, by intimidation.
295. China appears prepared to use levers, such as research funding and travel opportunities,
to cultivate relationships with academics, and to encourage them to change their research
direction or course content in line with CCP objectives. We heard from the External Experts
that this can be very direct – Professor Steve Tsang told us that, within six months of him
taking up a new appointment at SOAS, a political counsellor from the Chinese embassy
approached him, offering him anything he wanted in an attempt to curry favour: “It is as
blatant as that.”466
296. If positive incentives do not work, the Chinese government is willing to apply pressure
in other ways. The JIC Chair told us that they were aware of:
examples of intimidation, in different ways, sometimes with the Vice Chancellor getting
a phone call, sometimes at student body level, to try to discourage universities from
allowing speakers on issues like Tibet or Xinjiang.467
Lord Patten told the Foreign Affairs Committee that, when, in the early days of his tenure as
Chancellor of the University of Oxford, the Dalai Lama was invited to speak by the
university’s Buddhist Society, “within 48 hours I had the then-Chinese ambassador on the
phone saying, ‘This is a disgraceful insult to the People’s Republic of China’, and so on”.468
He refused to intervene. On a different occasion, the Vice Chancellor of the University of
Oxford was asked by the Chinese embassy to prevent Lord Patten from visiting Hong Kong;
she also refused.469
297. Chinese visas are also used as leverage. Professor Tsang stated: “Research for
academics entering China is weaponised. You say something that they don’t like, they deny
you a visa.”470 As visas are essential to the academic research of many UK-based China
scholars, this makes them a powerful lever that can be used to deter criticism of the CCP and
its policies. In October 2020, the Chief of SIS told the Committee:
If you are an academic and you are specialising in China, and your entire academic
life is focused on China, the threat of not allowing you to travel to the country of your
academic [focus] is a very powerful threat.471
466
467
468
469
470
Oral evidence – Professor Steve Tsang (SOAS), 9 May 2019. Professor Tsang has himself been denied a
visa by China in the past.
471
106
(iii) Students: Monitoring and controlling

298. China also seeks to monitor and control Chinese students’ behaviour – primarily via
the network of Chinese Students and Scholars Associations (CSSAs). There are reportedly
more than 90 CSSAs in the UK, all based at universities, and they are actively supported –
and at least partly financed – by the Chinese embassy.472 The CSSAs ostensibly exist to look
after the interests of Chinese students in the UK, organising cultural activities for Chinese
and non-Chinese students, and providing practical advice to Chinese students on living and
studying in the host country. However, CSSAs are – along with Confucius Institutes –
assessed to be used by the Chinese state to monitor Chinese students overseas and to exert
influence over their behaviour.473 Professor Steve Tsang told the Committee:
The student bodies are infiltrated … We know that … there are meetings that happen
through the middle of the night and the following morning some Chinese students can
get rung up by somebody at the cultural or education section of the embassy to ask
them: why did you say that? Why did you do that? 474
299. This would appear to be resulting in a culture of fear and suspicion among Chinese
students in the UK. According to Professor Tsang, “we are seeing that … in the class where
there is only one Chinese student, that Chinese student usually engages in discussions and
debates much more openly than in a class that has quite a few Chinese, [where] they don’t
know who [if anyone] is going to report on them”.475 The protests in Hong Kong, and
subsequent demonstrations in support of the protesters by some ethnic Chinese students in
the UK, have brought to the fore the pressure exerted on Chinese students in the UK by the
Chinese embassy and CSSAs.
300. Examples of such behaviour have been reported throughout the Western world over
the past decade, but awareness of the issue has increased in recent years. The perception that
the Chinese government is interfering with academic freedom across the world – including
through surveillance of its own students overseas via Confucius Institutes, CSSAs and other
means – is such that, in 2019, the non-governmental organisation (NGO) Human Rights
Watch issued a Code of Conduct to help universities protect themselves against Chinese
academic interference; the Code called for the rejection of Confucius Institutes and
restrictions on CSSAs.476
472
‘Authoritarian Advance: Responding to China’s Growing Political Influence in Europe’, Benner et al,
Global Public Policy Institute, February 2018.
473
474
475
476
‘China: Government Threats to Academic Freedom Abroad’, Human Rights Watch, 21 March 2019.
107
CHINA
Pressures on Chinese students in the UK

● In November 2019, a Chinese student was photographed in Edinburgh with a sign
supporting Hong Kong citizens’ demands for free elections. The following day, he
was secretly photographed at Edinburgh Airport while escorting his mother to her
flight. Both pictures were circulated on Weibo, the Chinese social media site, by
someone who believed he was returning to Chengdu, his hometown. The post –
entitled ‘Brothers from Chengdu, beat him to death’ – contained the flight number
and a call for him to be arrested by police or assaulted by citizens. It was shared
10,000 times.477
● In November 2019, it was reported that the Glasgow CSSA – which acknowledges
that “the Chinese embassy is one of the sponsors of our events” – had promoted
‘flash mobs’ to confront Hong Kong demonstrations. One Hong Kong student who
had attended protests in Edinburgh said that “there is Chinese embassy involvement
in these demonstrations … They surrounded us in a circle, waving Chinese flags,
singing the national anthem and being threatening and hostile.” A spokesman for
the Chinese consulate in Edinburgh told The Times: “It is totally justifiable and
understandable for Chinese students to express their indignation and opposition to
words and actions that attempt to split the nation and smear China’s image.”478
● A Hong Kong student at the University of Sheffield reported that he and his friends
were surrounded by mainland Chinese students when they were handing out pro-
democracy leaflets: “A glass was thrown at one of my friends and one of our flags
was broken … We were terrified. In Sheffield there are nearly 4,000 Chinese students
and only a few hundred Hong Kong students … It’s the fear of what they might do
that scares us. We are sure we will be on watch lists when we go home.”479 On
another occasion, a film screening by Hong Kong students at Aston University, in
Birmingham, was interrupted by mainland Chinese students who attempted to video
those attending.480
(iv) Think tanks: Intimidation and coercion

301. In addition to mainstream Academia, China will also seek to influence think tanks and
NGOs in the UK – again with the aim of influencing research agendas, making policy
recommendations and influencing the narrative on China.481 MI5 observed that:
think tanks that people are inserting themselves into, or think tanks which are essentially
just ***, that is a methodology that we’ve seen since time immemorial and we certainly
see it nowadays, and ***. So there are bits of the think tank activity that go on that we
477
‘Hong Kong crisis: Beat Edinburgh University student to death, Chinese students told’, The Times,
26 November 2019.
478
‘Beijing is backing attacks against us, say Hong Kong students in Scotland’, The Times, 28 November 2019.
479
480
481
We note that MI5 issued an espionage alert on an individual working in think tanks and Academia who was
in regular contact with Chinese intelligence officers. (‘Joint Address by MI5 and FBI Heads’, www.mi5.gov.
uk/news/speech-by-mi5-and-fbi, 6 July 2022.)
108
don’t judge are causing deep damage … there are other cases where we think there is
more concerning activity taking place ***.482
302. Engagement with think tanks in order to promote a particular view of the world is not
unusual behaviour and would not generally reach the threshold for ‘interference’. However,
Chinese tactics extend to intimidation and coercion. For example, we were told that staff
from at least one European think tank focusing on China are frequently followed by Chinese
officials, and others have experienced difficulties obtaining Chinese visas.483 Charles Parton,
Senior Associate Fellow at the Royal United Services Institute (RUSI) told the Committee
about one employee who “knows if she wishes to return to China, temporarily or when she
retires, she cannot say things that go against the Party, and she has told me, ‘I have to clear
things with my protector back in Beijing’ … that is the way the Party forces [ethnic Chinese
academics] to act”.484
PP. The UK’s academic institutions provide a rich feeding ground for China to
achieve political influence in the UK and economic advantage over the UK. China
exerts influence over institutions, individual UK academics and Chinese students in
order to control the narrative of debate about China – including through the use of
Confucius Institutes in the UK – and it directs or steals UK academic research to
obtain Intellectual Property in order to build, or short-cut to, Chinese expertise.
However, the academic sector has not received sufficient advice on, or protection from,
either.
QQ. In seeking political influence, there are obvious and repeated examples of
Chinese attempts to interfere and stifle debate amongst the academic community in
the UK. Universities are reliant on student fees, and the vast number of Chinese
students in the UK – it is striking that there are more than five times the number than
for any other country – provides China with significant leverage, which it is not afraid
to exert. Yet the Government had shown very little interest in warnings from Academia:
at the time of drafting, there was no point of contact in the Government for those in the
sector to seek advice on these issues.
Economic advantage
303. In addition to influence and interference, Academia also provides China with a means
of securing economic advantage over the UK. This can be overt – directing academic
research for its own ends domestically, whether in an economic sense or militarily. It can
also be covert – using collaborative projects to steal information and IP. In both respects,
Academia is an ‘easy option’ since the information may be less protected than it might be in
the private sector or in the Ministry of Defence, for example. Academic institutions often
conduct research on behalf of UK Industry, and we were told that they can be more vulnerable
than their Industry counterparts due to a combination of greater need for funding ***.485
482
483
484
485
Written evidence ***, February 2019.
109
CHINA
(i) Using academia to steal Intellectual Property

304. China’s theft of IP has often been cited as one of the reasons for its significant growth
in technological expertise and market share. In July 2019, the Chief Executive Officer of the
National Cyber Security Centre (NCSC) told us:
In our role trying to defend the UK from cyber-attacks, China’s ambitions to steal IP is
one of the principal things that we worry about. When we analyse how that whole
attack ecosystem works … it’s about China … using whatever means they can to attack
a range of western organisations for their valuable Intellectual Property and then find
use [of that IP] to China.486
305. As such, it is clear that China’s pursuit of key emerging technologies poses an
increasing threat to UK Itellectual Property, including via UK universities and research
institutions. The vast number of Chinese students – particularly post-graduates – in academic
institutions in the UK that are involved in cutting-edge research must therefore raise concerns
in this respect given the access and opportunities it affords them.
306. The United States (US) has already recognised this threat and has very publicly taken
action to counter it. In 2020, then-President Trump issued a Presidential Proclamation487
imposing additional entry requirements on post-graduate Chinese students with a
demonstrable link to the CCP for study in the US. The Presidential Proclamation notes:
The PRC [People’s Republic of China] authorities use some Chinese students, mostly
post-graduate students and post-doctorate researchers, to operate as non-traditional
collectors of intellectual property. Thus, students or researchers from the PRC studying
or researching beyond the undergraduate level who are or have been associated with
the PLA [People’s Liberation Army] are at high risk of being exploited or co-opted by
the PRC authorities and provide particular cause for concern.488
The Presidential Proclamation led to the US Department of State revoking many existing
visas for Chinese students and denying other visas to prospective Chinese students. At the
time of writing, the Proclamation remains in force under the Biden Administration – meaning
the new Administration also recognises the enduring threat posed by Chinese students.
307. With US Academia becoming an increasingly hard target for Chinese students, it is
likely that more Chinese students will seek to study at UK academic institutions – meaning
that UK IP and information is increasingly vulnerable. This concern is supported by public
research. According to the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, the People’s Liberation
Army has sent approximately 500 military scientists to UK academic institutions in the
period 2007–2017.489 The author of the document suggested that the UK is a primary
destination for Chinese military scientists studying abroad.490 In some cases, these students
486
Oral evidence – NCSC, *** July 2019.
487
US Presidential Proclamation 10043 of May 29, 2020.
488
‘Suspension of Entry as Non-immigrants of Certain Students and Researchers From the People’s Republic
of China’, Federal Register, 4 June 2020.
489
490
‘China: A New World Order – Episode 3: IP Theft’, BBC, 12 September 2019.
110
obscure their military affiliations, including through the use of misleading historical names
for their institutions or even the use of non-existent institutions.491 A document published by
the leading Chinese defence university, the National University of Defence Technology,
advises students that military and political courses can be excluded from their academic
records when applying to foreign institutions.492 Once established in academic institutions,
these students are in a position to identify and exfiltrate valuable Information Data and IP
back to China.
308. In addition to using students to steal information and IP, China also utilises so-called
‘Talent Programmes’. Originally, these programmes were established to attract Chinese
research scientists back to China; however, they now recruit Western scientists as well. For
instance, the ‘Thousand Talents’ Programme is made up of a number of schemes that are
aimed both at Chinese scientists working abroad, and at foreign scientists, offering very
significant remuneration and research budgets to work and/or teach in China.
309. These programmes are established by the Chinese state and aim to transfer Information
Data and IP from the participants to Chinese research entities or government agencies. This
is not necessarily illegal and is done overtly – however, it is noteworthy that, in the US,
researchers are obliged to disclose funding from foreign governments when applying for
government grants. In 2018, Texas Tech University warned its staff that recipients of
‘Thousand Talents’ grants could, in future, be barred from working on research funded by
the US Department of Defense or by federal research grants. The US Congress was told by
the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) in December 2018 that such programmes
“encourage theft of intellectual property from US institutions”.493 No such action appears to
have been taken in the UK to prevent IP and information being transferred out of the UK,
either through ‘Talent Programmes’ or more generally.
Case study: Chinese Talent Programmes

China operates a number of Party- and state-sponsored Talent Programmes to recruit
researchers (both Chinese and non-Chinese nationals), who are then incentivised to steal
foreign technologies needed to advance China’s national, military and economic goals.494
Participants in Chinese Talent Programmes have been known to go on to register patents
in China on behalf of the Chinese government495 – yet these have been based on research
funded by foreign governments. China benefits from this Intellectual Property and
associated royalties, at the cost of others.
In one specific case ***.496
491
492
493
‘China hushes up scheme to recruit overseas scientists’, Financial Times, 10 January 2019.
494
‘The China Threat: Chinese Talent Plans Encourage Trade Secret Theft, Economic Espionage’, FBI website,
accessed 26 April 2023.
495
‘Threats to the US Research Enterprise: China’s Talent Recruitment Plans’, US Senate Permanent
Subcommittee on Investigations, 18 November 2019.
496
111
CHINA
Chinese Talent Programme participants have pleaded guilty or have been convicted of
offences, including economic espionage and theft of trade secrets, export-control law
violations, and grant and tax fraud.
(ii) Using UK research to support Chinese interests

310. While the potential theft of IP may have received the most headlines, China’s overt use
of UK Academia provides it with just as much of an opportunity to gain an economic
advantage over the UK. China directs, funds and collaborates on research – in particular that
which might benefit the Chinese military.
311. The risks of this can most clearly be seen in respect of dual-use technologies – defined
as “goods, software, technology, documents and diagrams which can be used for both civil
and military applications”.497 One of the problems with this is that the potential military use
of dual-use technologies is not always apparent at the beginning of the research project and
therefore the initial research is often unclassified. In this way, research on technological
innovations – which might later be seen to have a clear military use, and perhaps offer a
decisive military advantage – can be readily available via academic engagement.498
312. On the issue of diversion of UK–China joint research for military use, we were told
that basic research is often open to collaboration, and individual academics and research
groups ***. Universities themselves may intend to commercialise IP, but increasingly need
Chinese financial support. Moreover, transfer of tangible or intangible goods to China only
requires an export licence if they are in the Control List, or where there are specific concerns
about military or Weapons of Mass Destruction end use. Emerging technologies without
established military use are often not covered. ***.499
313. It appears highly likely therefore that collaboration on joint UK–China research
projects is being exploited for military use ***. HMG noted that research related to
engineering or physical sciences was most likely to have a defence use (and therefore was
at greatest risk). ***.500
Case study: University of Manchester’s National Graphene Institute

Shortly after President Xi Jinping visited the University of Manchester in 2015, the
university’s National Graphene Institute was involved in a five-year collaborative
research project with the Aero Engine Corporation of China’s Beijing Institute of
Aeronautical Materials (BIAM). In a press release, the university stated that this
partnership would “accelerate the application of graphene in the aviation industry and
other sectors”.501
497
www.gov.uk/guidance/controls-on-dual-use-goods
498
499
Written evidence – HMG, 10 December 2019.
500
501
‘Graphene partnership could deliver next generation of aircraft’, press release by the University of
Manchester, 7 December 2015.
112
However, concerns have been raised that this collaboration could be used to develop
China’s military capabilities. A 2021 Civitas report into Chinese military exploitation of
scientific research at UK universities highlighted this collaboration between BIAM and
the University of Manchester. The report noted that BIAM was working in parallel to
develop graphene for a range of uses, and that Chinese reports suggested that China’s
Z-10 attack helicopter had been equipped with graphene armour that may have been
developed at BIAM.502
The University of Manchester has also acknowledged the potential dual-use of research
jointly with other Chinese universities – for instance, collaboration between researchers
at the University of Manchester and at Central South University China led to the creation
of a new kind of ceramic coating that could “revolutionise hypersonic travel for air,
space and defence purposes”.503
***.504
It appears that any collaboration between a UK research institution and a Chinese

institution will very probably be used to benefit China’s military. By way of example, the
case of Huang Xianjun was publicised by the Australian Strategic Policy Institute.505
After completing his PhD at the University of Manchester, working with the discoverers
of graphene, Huang is now a researcher at China’s National University of Defence
Technology, working on key defence projects for the People’s Liberation Army. ***.506
314. There is a question as to whether academic institutions are sufficiently alive to this
threat – particularly given that academic institutions will often accept the transfer of
Information Data and IP as a condition of funding.507 The JIC Chair told the Committee in
October 2020 that the Intelligence Community have significant concerns about research
partnerships where universities may “unwisely not recognise who they are actually dealing
with and the sensitivity of information which may be being transferred as a result”.508
315. Some universities clearly are aware of the threat posed by collaboration: the University
of Cambridge has expressed concern that its science and technology research projects are
being exposed to espionage via the university’s collaborative projects with, and investment
from, Huawei.509 They are particularly concerned about exposing ‘high-risk’ projects that
require additional layers of vetting – for example, research collaboration with Rolls-Royce
on aerospace technology.
502
‘Inadvertently arming China? The Chinese military complex and its potential exploitation of scientific
research at UK universities’, Civitas, February 2021.
503
‘Chances of hypersonic travel heat up with new materials discovery’, press release by the University of
Manchester, 6 July 2017.
504
505
‘How the West’s research aids China’s military’, Australian Strategic Policy Institute, 30 October 2018.
506
Written evidence – GCHQ, 31 July 2019.
507
508
509
113
CHINA
316. However, other universities seem to be turning a blind eye to the risk: for example, the
University of Surrey received a £7.5m ‘donation’ to its 5G/6G Innovation Centre from
Huawei – which it described as a ‘key partner’ that the university would continue to do
research with “unless there were clear and compelling reasons not to do so”.510
RR. In its quest for economic advantage, China often acts in plain sight – directing,
funding and collaborating on academic research for its own ends. In particular, it seeks
to benefit the Chinese military through research on dual-use technologies, which is
often unclassified in its early stages. There is a question as to whether academic
institutions are alive to the threat posed by such collaboration, particularly given that
they often accept transfer of Information Data and Intellectual Property as a condition
of funding. While some have expressed concern, others seem to be turning a blind eye,
happy simply to take the money.
SS. The UK Government must ensure that transparency around the source of foreign
donations to Higher Education institutions is improved: a public register of donations
must be created by the Department for Education and monitored by the State Threats
Unit in the Home Office.
TT. Academia is also an ‘easy option’ when it comes to the theft of Intellectual
Property, by taking advantage of collaborative projects to steal information which is
less protected than it might be in the private sector or the Ministry of Defence, for
example. The vast number of Chinese students – particularly post-graduates – in
academic institutions in the UK that are involved in cutting-edge research must
therefore raise concerns, given the access and opportunities they are afforded.
‘UK Universities to stick with Huawei despite Oxford University’s decision to suspend funding’,
510
CityAM.com, 18 January 2019.
114
The Government Response
THE GOVERNMENT RESPONSE
Who: Taking responsibility for tackling influence and interference

317. In 2019, the External Expert witnesses we spoke to told the Committee that the
Government had shown very little interest in their warnings that China was actively
attempting to influence and utilise Academia in the UK for its own purposes: Lord Patten
noted that there was not even a point of contact in the Government for advice on these
issues.
318. HMG appears now to recognise that Chinese engagement with the UK’s academic
sector – while yielding many benefits – is not without risk. The Foreign, Commonwealth
and Development Office noted in 2020:
in the UK we are aware of cases such as autocratic state actors putting pressure on
universities and academics to avoid certain topics or self-censor their research or
course content. There are also reports of pressure or influence exerted on overseas
students. We are also aware of autocratic state actors targeting research collaboration.511
However, as in so many areas, the devolution of responsibility for security to policy

departments means that the security aspects are being lost. In July 2019, the DNSA and
Senior Responsible Owner for China told us that “the Department for Education and BEIS
[the Department for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy] are the ones who we have
tasked to be the lead government departments to understand the threat from influence and
interference in the academic sector”.512 However, in December 2020, 18 months later, the
DNSA told the Committee:
we need DfE [the Department for Education] to be able to understand that agenda, to
have a high level of awareness of the risks of the potential of intelligence and a covert
capability to support them in that.513
319. It appears therefore that the policy departments still do not have the understanding
needed. This problem can be seen by the lack of engagement we have received during this
Inquiry from DfE and the (then) Department for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy
(BEIS). In April 2021, we contacted both departments to request information on issues on
which they are the ‘lead’ departments. At the time of writing, we were still waiting to receive
a response from DfE – despite having chased this request with the Secretary of State’s
office. No explanation has been provided for the department’s failure to engage with this
Inquiry. This is particularly concerning when DfE is supposed to play a pivotal role in
countering nefarious Chinese activity in academic institutions.
320. BEIS did respond to our requests – only to refuse them outright. The department
refused to provide any information to the Committee, citing commercial sensitivities and
511
‘A cautious embrace: defending democracy in an age of autocracies: Government Response to the
Committee’s Second Report of Session 2019, First Special Report of Session 2019–21’, House of Commons
Foreign Affairs Committee, 17 February 2020.
512
513
115
CHINA
the fact that it provides its information to the BEIS Select Committee514 and to the Science
and Technology Committee. We also note that its response was provided on an email system
accredited only to ‘Official-Sensitive’, yet it referenced information in our more highly
classified communication. We are worried that a department charged with security matters
would make such a basic error. The BEIS Select Committee may wish to assure itself as to
the security processes in place with the department to avoid such errors.
321. We have previously addressed the lack of oversight resulting from the Fusion
Doctrine.515 The responses from DfE and BEIS in relation to our Inquiry into China – one
of the key national security threats facing the UK – are clear examples of the unacceptable
nature of the current system, both in terms of the failure of policy departments to be alert to
security matters and to take responsibility for tackling them, and the lack of effective
oversight if this Committee is not formally given a remit in this area.
How: Taking action on influence and interference

322. In terms of tackling Chinese influence over, and interference in, many of our academic
institutions, while the dawning recognition that there is a problem is welcome, the Committee
has still not seen any detail as to what action is planned to tackle it – which reinforces our
concern that policy departments are not taking it sufficiently seriously.516
323. In the evidence received, the only step that was pointed to was the championing of the
importance of freedom of speech and academic freedom in our academic institutions, which,
as the (then) Universities Minister noted, “are a huge part of what makes our higher
education system so well-respected around the world ”.517 The UK Government says that, in
order to protect free speech, it has worked with Universities UK on guidelines that provided
advice on a wide range of national security issues, including the protection of values (this
guidance is discussed further below). In addition, the Higher Education (Freedom of Speech)
Bill was introduced in the House of Commons in May 2021 and is making progress. At the
time of writing, it was still at Report stage in the House of Commons.
324. Nevertheless, the scant response from the Government demonstrates there is still a
long way to go before we can stem the tide of Chinese political influence in UK academic
institutions bought by Chinese money – money that China uses to control and validate its
own political narrative and to shut down criticism. The introduction of the Government’s
Higher Education (Freedom of Speech) Bill is not – in and of itself – going to solve this
systemic problem.
What: Understanding the threat from theft and subversion

325. As at 2021, HMG still seemed to be at the stage of trying to understand the threat from
Chinese students stealing IP from UK Academia, or the Chinese subverting UK research to
514
Now the Business and Trade Committee, as of 26 April 2023.
515
The Government’s Fusion Doctrine aims “to deploy security, economic and influence capabilities to protect,
promote and project our national security, economic and influence goals”. (HMG, National Security Capability
Review, March 2018.)
516
517
‘Universities to comply with free speech duties or face sanction’, Department for Education, Office for
Students, 12 May 2021.
116
its own ends, at the most basic level – i.e. what it is they are trying to steal. There was still
no comprehensive list of the areas of UK research that need protecting from China.
326. The broad areas would appear to be self-evident – those which the Chinese have
themselves identified – as the NCSC told the Committee in 2019:
if you look at ‘Made in China 2025’, there are a set of technologies in there that the
Chinese wish to dominate where currently the vast majority of academic research is in
the UK.518
Yet, in October 2020, the Acting National Security Adviser (NSA) and GCHQ suggested
that work was still being done by the Government to identify these areas of sensitivity – or
at least to agree a comprehensive list amongst departments. The Acting NSA told the
Committee: “We are looking at what more we can do ***, so that we can be clear about
where we think the areas of greatest sensitivity are for research.” 519
327. Director GCHQ clearly recognised this lack of clarity and the need for action:
we don’t have a joined-up view on the things that we most need to protect ***. So, you
know, a particular area of technology that the UK might find or think is very important,
linking that to where we are academically the most strong, linking that to how we
encourage inward investment, including in research, and then linking that back to our
knowledge and understanding of ***, it has to be a whole of system approach and I
can see some real positive developments in that, but we are coming from a situation
where Chinese involvement at student level and investment level has been welcomed
for a number of years ***.520
UU. At present, HMG still seems to be trying to understand the threat from Chinese
students stealing Intellectual Property from UK Academia, or the Chinese subverting
UK research to its own ends, at the most basic level – i.e. what it is they are trying to
steal. There is still no comprehensive list of the areas of sensitive UK research that need
protecting from China. Identifying these key areas of research must be a priority, and
they must be communicated to Academia as a matter of urgency so that protective
action can be taken. Unless and until this is done, then the UK is handing China a clear
economic advantage over the UK, and indeed the rest of the world.
How: Taking action on economic advantage

328. In terms of tackling the manipulation of Academia for economic advantage, we were
told that the Government was now talking to Academia about the threat. Director GCHQ
noted in July 2019 that part of the reason for its new Manchester office “is because of the
preponderance of big academic institutions that need to get closer proximity to some of our
advice”.521 NCSC later noted that it was now “talking to those universities to say, as a
priority, to make sure that they understand what the risks are”.522 In May 2021, a new
518
519
520
521
522
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CHINA
Research Collaboration Advice Team was established within the (then) Department for
Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy to “promote government advice on security-related
topics, such as export controls, cyber security, and protection of intellectual property”.523
329. In December 2020, the DNSA noted the close relationship between the Government
and Universities UK in the dissemination of advice to the sector.524 Universities UK
published its guide ‘Managing Risks in Internationalisation: Security Related Issues’ in
October 2020, which drew heavily on resources from the Centre for the Protection of
National Infrastructure and NCSC. The guide was designed to be used in conjunction with
Project DERWENT525 – which aims to deliver greater awareness and protective security
advice around the threat from Hostile State Activity to UK research and innovation – and
provides advice on the protection of reputation and values, people, campuses and
partnerships.526
Project DERWENT/Trusted Research

Project DERWENT aims to deliver greater awareness and protective security advice
around the threat from Hostile State Activity (HSA) to UK research and innovation,
particularly presented by joint research ventures and academic collaboration. The work
aligns with the Cabinet Office-led ‘Trading Safely’ pillar.
Objectives
● To increase understanding and awareness of the threat from HSA to research and
innovation posed by academic collaboration and joint research ventures.
● To jointly (between the Centre for the Protection of National Infrastructure and the
National Cyber Security Centre) develop a package of proportionate protective
security measures to make the UK’s cutting-edge research and innovation a harder
target for HSA.
● To identify and deploy levers which encourage good security behaviour within the
sector.
● To enable government departments and other organisations to disseminate advice
and guidance products to the sector.
The Government’s approach will focus on the departments and private sector organisations
that fund and set the strategic direction for research and innovation, in order to influence
523
‘Dedicated government team to protect researchers’ work from hostile activity’, GOV.UK, 25 May 2021,
www.gov.uk/government/news/dedicated-government-team-to-protect-researchers-work-from-hostile-activity
524
Oral evidence, NSS – *** December 2020.
525
526
‘Managing Risks in Internationalisation: Security Related Issues’, Universities UK, 15 October 2020,
www.universitiesuk.ac.uk/policy-and-analysis/reports/Documents/2020/managing-risks-in-
internationalisation.pdf
118
and inform the sector. This approach is also driven by an understanding that the threat
message is likely to be better received by those involved with research and innovation if
it is delivered through a variety of routes, including those responsible for sponsorship,
funding and strategic direction.
Project DERWENT also aims to engage directly with Academia to develop protective
security guidance and threat briefings, which are tailored for the sector. Given the broad
range of academic relationships, the project aims to deliver a core script, in order to
ensure a consistent message from those who engage with organisations involved in
research and innovation.527
330. While Project DERWENT certainly has worthy aims, we nevertheless must come
back to the fact that, from the evidence given to this Inquiry, HMG is still not clear which
areas of research and collaboration it is trying to protect from China. That, surely, must be
the first step, to communicate to academic institutions a comprehensive list of the areas of
greatest research sensitivity. Unless, and until, this is done, then China is able to direct and
collaborate on – unfettered – research that provides it with an economic advantage.
331. Furthermore, it is clear that, even if the areas could be agreed upon, the Intelligence
Community acknowledge that the Government has little leverage in this area to prevent
Chinese research or collaboration. In July 2019, NCSC told the Committee:
at the moment Government has no way of stopping a university collaborating with a

Chinese Professor or a Chinese company.528
This was echoed in December 2020 by the DNSA, who noted that engagement with
Academia could be challenging, given that it “highly prizes its independence”.529
332. Perhaps the only area that is ahead of this rather bleak picture is those academic posts
***. These posts are subject to more stringent vetting controls than other posts.530 In 2019,
DI told the Committee that it was undertaking a programme of work to *** university
degree courses that could potentially be utilised for Weapons of Mass Destruction
programmes.531 The Academic Technology Approval Scheme, which students had to apply
to in advance of starting such courses, has now been expanded to cover courses which could
potentially be utilised for developing Advanced Conventional Military Technology.532
527
Written evidence – ***, CPNI and NCSC.
528
529
530
531
Written evidence – DI, 31 July 2019.
532
Oral evidence – DI, *** October 2020; GOV.UK guidance on the Academic Technology Approval Scheme
(accessed 20 October 2020).
119
CHINA
The Academic Technology Approval Scheme

The UK has not explicitly banned any Chinese students or researchers from applying to
its academic or research institutions. However, since 2007, the UK has operated the
Academic Technology Approval Scheme (ATAS) to “address transfers of sensitive
knowledge through postgraduate study”.533 ATAS certificates may be issued to
prospective post-graduate students and researchers after an assessment of their previous
publications and studies, previous employment, arrangements for funding, declarations
by referees and vetting of their personal details.534
The scheme was originally designed to protect the transfer of knowledge that could be
used to construct or deploy Weapons of Mass Destruction. The scheme was broadened
to include Advanced Conventional Military Technology in September 2020, and to
“cover researchers with access to proliferation sensitive information in universities and
research institutes” in May 2021.
While we were informed that the latter change was “not a China specific measure and
relates solely to research”,535 the initial change was widely reported to be in response to
concerns over Chinese nationals.536 Indeed, the Chief of Defence Intelligence (CDI) told
the Committee in December 2020 that the September 2020 change had been informed
by the results of a June 2019 pilot, which demonstrated the disproportionate scale of the
threat posed by Chinese students. Of the students examined under the pilot, *** of those
refused had been Chinese (the other *** were from “the rest of the world ”, so a wide
geographical spread). CDI explained that the pilot had refused *** out of the *** Chinese
students who had been looked at, meaning that ***% of those Chinese students who had
had their activity examined had been refused.
He told the Committee:
that pilot showed the scale of the problem and therefore the [changes] that have been
brought in since October now give us the opportunity to be more rigorous in our
approach around ATAS, both in terms of its scope so it’s more than just Weapons of
Mass Destruction and associated technology, it now includes advanced conventional
weapons … ***.537
533
‘Student Vetting: The UK’s Academic Technology Approval Scheme’, Foreign, Commonwealth and
Development Office, February 2015.
534
‘Guidance on how to apply for an ATAS certificate’, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office,
14 May 2021.
535
Written evidence – HMG, 2 February 2021.
536
‘Chinese students face ban amid security fears’, The Times, 1 October 2020.
537
120
VV. Unlike other countries, such as the United States (US), the UK has taken no
preventative action. This is particularly concerning, as US restrictions on Chinese
students will make UK institutions more attractive to those seeking to gain Intellectual
Property and expertise. The Research Collaboration Advice Team should submit a
quarterly report on the progress and outcomes of its work to the State Threats Unit in
the Home Office to ensure there is cross-government awareness of the scale of the
issue.
WW. It is clear that the Academic Technology Approval Scheme (ATAS) is an effective
tool. Once the Government has identified the sensitive areas of research that need
protecting from China, consideration should be given to ensuring that ATAS certificates
are required for foreign nationals undertaking post-graduate study in UK institutions
in those areas. Furthermore, we recommend that ATAS be expanded to cover post-
graduate doctoral study.
XX. Tackling the threat in relation to Academia could have been an example of the
Fusion Doctrine working seamlessly – with each policy department clearly contributing
to an overall goal. But, as in so many areas, the devolution of responsibility for security
to policy departments means that the ball is being dropped on security. Policy
departments still do not have the understanding needed and have no plan to tackle it.
YY. This must change: there must be an effective cross-government approach to

Academia, with clear responsibility and accountability for countering this multi-
faceted threat. In the meantime, China is on hand to collect – and exploit – all that the
UK’s best and brightest achieve as the UK knowingly lets it fall between the cracks.
121
CHINA
CASE STUDY: INDUSTRY AND TECHNOLOGY
CHINA’S APPROACH TO TECHNOLOGY...................................................................123

Why the UK?...................................................................................................................125
What does China target in the UK?.................................................................................126
METHODOLOGY: OVERT..............................................................................................129
Licensing agreements......................................................................................................129
Foreign Direct Investment ..............................................................................................129
Inward investment into China.........................................................................................131
Standards-setting bodies..................................................................................................132
METHODOLOGY: COVERT...........................................................................................135
Human intelligence..........................................................................................................135
Cyber...............................................................................................................................137
THE UK GOVERNMENT RESPONSE...........................................................................139

Understanding the task....................................................................................................139
Foreign investment and national security........................................................................141
Disrupting activity...........................................................................................................147
122
China’s Approach to Technology
CHINA’S APPROACH TO TECHNOLOGY
333. As made clear in Part One of our Report, China’s national imperative is the continuing
dominance and governance of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). However, it is its
ambition at a global level – to become a technological and economic superpower, on which
other countries are reliant – that represents the greatest risk to the UK.
334. Today, China has advanced research, development and manufacturing capabilities
across a broad range of high-tech sectors, from nuclear energy to telecommunications. But,
in order to understand China’s approach to technology today, you have to look to the past:
China’s ambition to be a global technological and economic superpower is rooted in its
history. China’s perception that the Chinese nation – one of the world’s great civilisations
– was humiliated repeatedly by more technologically advanced Western nations prior to the
CCP takeover in 1949 is key to understanding why economic and technological development
is central to China’s ambitions today. The Intelligence Community, in evidence to the
Committee, were unambiguous about the importance China places on this:
The Communist Party of China (CCP) deems both economic well-being and
technological advancement as essential to its national security and maintaining power,
and to mitigate perceived threats from the West … China’s overall aims are to gain
technological parity with the West, and eventually to surpass them, in a process it
identifies as ‘national rejuvenation’.538
335. China is seeking technological dominance over the West, particularly in emerging
technologies, such as artificial intelligence (AI), 5G telecommunications, supercomputing
and quantum computing. An assessment by the National Cyber Security Centre (NCSC)
summarised the thinking as:
Modern great-power dominance has been based on the mastery of key technologies.
China is investing huge sums in a series of ‘Manhattan Projects’,539 intended to make
it a leader in advanced technologies, which it almost certainly intends to export
worldwide.
Success will enable China to project its economic, military and political power globally,
as steam and computing did for Britain and the US [United States] respectively in the
19th and 20th centuries.540
538
Written evidence – HMG, 18 April 2019. JIO subsequently advised that ‘national rejuvenation’ is in fact a
set of broad strategic goals which go wider than technological advantage.
539
The Manhattan Project was the name for the pioneering US project to develop – with support from the UK
and Canada – the first nuclear weapon. It began during the Second World War and continued until 1947.
540
Written evidence – NCSC, provided 27 October 2020.
123
CHINA
336. China has underpinned its economic and technological aspirations with a number of
strategic documents, including the ‘Made in China 2025’ strategy. This strategy lists the ten
key industrial sectors in which the CCP intends China to become a world leader – many of
which are fields in which the UK has particular expertise:
● electric cars and other new energy vehicles;

● next-generation Information Technology (IT) and telecommunications;
● advanced robotics and AI;
● agricultural technology;
● aerospace engineering;
● new synthetic materials;
● advanced electrical equipment;
● emerging biomedicine;
● high-end rail infrastructure; and
● high-tech maritime engineering.541
337. China is willing to employ a ‘whole-of-state’ approach, using all levers of Chinese
state power to support its technological goals. This includes legitimate routes – using
influence via investment, directing the huge resources of the Chinese state into vast research
and development programmes, and investing in high-tech overseas companies with a view
to transferring legally the technology to China and undercutting Western competitors. It also
includes espionage on an industrial scale – stealing the fruits of Western research and
development efforts and high-value Intellectual Property (IP) so that it can develop and
manufacture technologies faster and cheaper than the rest of the world. As the NCSC
explained, China can “shortcut [its] need to do research and development by targeting
Intellectual Property”.542 MI5 was equally clear, telling the Committee that China is using
“intelligence collection … to support [its] commercial mercantile ambition”.543
338. In 2019, when the Intelligence and Security Committee of Parliament issued a
statement on the inclusion of Huawei in the UK’s 5G network, we warned that the problem
was far bigger than that single issue: the West is over-reliant on Chinese technology and
must act now to tackle China’s technological dominance.544 The same month that our
statement was released, the Intelligence Community accepted that China’s rising
technological dominance posed a genuine threat to the West, with SIS telling the Committee
that “the biggest risk from China is that the alliance of state control and 21st century
technology will allow China to dominate technologies that shape our world”.545 This is a
long-term issue, and one on which we are already lagging well behind. As MI5 told us:
541
‘Is “Made in China 2025” a threat to Global Trade?’, Council on Foreign Relations, 13 May 2019.
542
543
544
‘ISC statement on 5G suppliers’, Intelligence and Security Committee of Parliament, 19 July 2019.
545
124
the challenge of the rise of China absolutely raises huge questions for the future of the
western alliance … At the moment, it is still the case that, broadly speaking, the Chinese
are seeking to use espionage and influence to steal advantage that the West itself still
holds, and then clearly the balance of that will tilt across the next few years and China
will become – has already, in effect, become – the world’s leader in many areas of
manufacturing, and may become the world’s leader in almost all the world’s areas of
manufacturing.546
339. We asked the NCSC about the threats to the UK from China and were told that ‘Made
in China 2025’ is a “classic Chinese long-term programme with the most profound
implications for us and our allies”.547 If China achieves technological dominance, it will
make it harder for the UK to protect its information and retain defence, economic and
intelligence advantages. A 2018 Joint Intelligence Committee (JIC) Assessment noted that
China is the main hostile state threat to UK prosperity.548 The actions of China against UK
Industry therefore pose both a threat to national security and a threat to our economic
well‑being.
National security concerns over Chinese dominance in technology

Artificial intelligence: HMG cites artificial intelligence (AI) as an area where increasing
Chinese dominance is causing concern since, if China becomes the market leader,
Western countries might have to accept the rules and regulations that China attaches to
the technology and Chinese standards on AI applications. This might then allow the
Chinese state to access data collected and processed by Chinese AI, or to accept the
global use of AI in citizen monitoring and control. Furthermore, there are significant
intelligence and military uses of AI, such as obtaining and analysing data and evaluating
numerous scenarios (‘war-gaming’) at a faster rate than humanly possible. AI surveillance
systems could obtain and analyse data on ***.
Quantum computing: As with AI, key concerns in relation to quantum computing

centre round the susceptibility of data to state acquisition and exploitation, and the
compulsion to accept Chinese norms and standards even if they do not comply with the
UK’s own. ***.549
Why the UK?

340. As an advanced and open economy, the UK is a clear target for China. The UK has a
reputation for being open to foreign investment, and China invests in the UK more than in
any other European state. Foreign Direct Investment into the UK from China between 2000
and 2017 was approximately £37bn (with the next largest recipient of Chinese investment
being Germany, at £18bn).550
546
547
548
Written evidence – JIO, *** June 2018.
549
550
‘Chinese FDI in Europe in 2017’, Mercator Institute for China Studies, April 2017.
125
CHINA
341. Since 2017, the majority of Chinese investment in the UK appears to have been
strategically driven, with clear links between areas of investment and Chinese state
objectives. When we questioned the Intelligence Community on this, the JIC Chair
emphasised the importance that China places on the UK as a centre of scientific and
technological excellence, noting that the UK has world-class research and development
(and, in some cases, industrial activity) in many of the technologies mentioned in the ‘Made
in China 2025’ strategy.551 Chinese science and technology requirements therefore
correspond closely to UK strengths in military capabilities, and industrial and emerging
technology.
342. The UK sectors of particular interest to the Chinese include defence,

telecommunications, new or emerging digital technologies and other strategic industries not
necessarily part of the UK’s Critical National Infrastructure (CNI), but which are nevertheless
considered sensitive (for example ***).552 Director General MI5 told us:
***553
What does China target in the UK?

343. When targeting UK Industry, China has two key priorities: the acquisition of IP and
technology; and the acquisition of data.
Acquisition of Intellectual Property and technology

344. Intellectual Property (IP) refers to creations of the mind, such as inventions, literary
and artistic works, designs and symbols, and names and images used in commerce. IP rights
give the creator an exclusive right over the use of his/her creation for a certain period of time
and enable him/her to earn recognition or financial benefit from what they invent or create.
IP is protected in law in various ways.554
345. China’s apparent unwillingness to recognise (or enforce) IP rights has been an issue
since the country ‘opened’ to the world in the 1970s. Originally, this was centred on copyright
and trademark infringement – with pirate DVDs, CDs and counterfeit goods being readily
produced by Chinese companies. Today, it is focused on much higher value goods, in
particular cutting-edge technology. However, the same principle applies – by stealing IP, the
Chinese save money on research and development, thereby lowering the overall ‘to-market’
cost so that they can undercut the original product and dominate the market.
551
552
Written evidence – JIO, 10 August 2020.
553
554
Copyright covers artistic content, which includes novels, plays, poems, films, music, drawings, paintings,
photographs, sculptures, maps, technical drawings and architectural design. Copyright allows creators to
retain control over the use of their material, authorising or prohibiting its performance, display or reproduction.
Patents are exclusive rights to an invention (defined as a product or process which provides a new way of
doing something or a new technical solution to a problem). Patents provide protection against an inventor’s
creation being made, used, distributed or sold without the inventor’s consent. Trademark protection allows the
owner of a trademark to use it exclusively to identify goods or services they (or someone they have licensed
to use their trademark) produce or provide. Industrial Design protection is used to protect aesthetic, rather than
technical, inventions (i.e. the way a product looks, not the way it works, which would be covered by a patent).
126
Data
346. The Chinese also target data. The UK Government has said that it considers data and
“its associated infrastructure” to be a “strategic national asset”,555 as the NCSC explained:
data has both economic and intelligence value. It can be used to train artificial
intelligence systems and identify individual targets of interest for future exploitation. It
also has applications in research and development and commercial decision-making.556
347. Much of China’s data acquisition is conducted with a view to maintaining the stability
of the Communist regime. GCHQ told us that China’s overarching aim is to identify and
monitor the threat posed by its population.557 The Intelligence Community explained:
the Chinese state views surveillance and big data analytics as essential tools to
maintain Chinese social and economic stability and national security. It collects data
from a wide range of sources, such as China’s public surveillance apparatus, privately
and commercially available, and open source information. The collection and
aggregation of personally identifiable information and bulk datasets enables the ChIS
[Chinese Intelligence Services] to identify and track targets of interest, and will aid
technology development, such as the training of AI systems. China is investing heavily
in AI through academia, the purchasing of AI technology companies, and through
indigenous development.558
348. However, the Chinese are also assessed to target data for intelligence purposes. The
Intelligence Community cited the hacking in 2015 of the United States (US) Office of
Personnel Management – with the loss of personal information of more than 20m US
government officials – as evidence of this. MI5 explained that even apparently innocuous
personal information can be useful when combined with other sources of data:
in isolation most of these data sets don’t enable you to do much at all, but when you
build a layered mosaic [of data sets] it does then enable *** it enables them potentially
to talent spot people that they might be able to make a recruitment approach to …559
The Chinese Intelligence Services (ChIS) may use bulk data to provide additional intelligence
to support their targeting efforts against UK politicians.560 We were told that using data in
this way could “identify background details on the [potential] target, including finances,
personal weaknesses and the circles of the people they are close to”.561
349. Data comes in many forms, and data-collection platforms all have potential intelligence
value. China’s Personal Information Protection Law (PIPL), billed as a Chinese version of
the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), came into effect in November 2021. This
law asserts state power over data belonging to both Chinese and foreign companies.
555
556
Written evidence – NCSC, provided 27 October 2020.
557
558
559
560
***
561
127
CHINA
According to legal experts, “the PIPL exerts certain exterritorial jurisdiction over data
processing activities that happen outside China if the purpose is to provide products or
services to individuals located in China, or to analyse or assess the behaviours of individuals
located in China”. This means that, on the basis of the PIPL, the Chinese government can
force Chinese and other companies to turn over their data as soon as it involves any Chinese
citizens. However, as in practice it is not possible to compartmentalise Chinese citizens’
data, the Chinese government is likely to get access to whole datasets, including information
pertaining to non-Chinese nationals. It has been suggested that the data collected by ride-
hailing applications may be of interest to authoritarian regimes such as China due to the
potential for it allow the gathering of data on individuals of intelligence interest.562 When
combined with the Chinese government’s sweeping powers to force companies operating in
China to co-operate, this means that data acquired legitimately by such companies may find
its way into the hands of the Chinese state, for further exploitation and analysis.
350. GCHQ observed that China’s advanced AI and machine learning industry means that
it can process large amounts of raw data, which it can then attempt to leverage in order to
meet strategic aims:
increasingly [the Chinese] are just looking to collect very large quantities of personal
information and personal data … with not a huge amount of focus.
*** with those data sets … it increasingly allows them to control their own … state
[and also to attempt to influence the] large anti-Chinese community outside China.563
ZZ. China is seeking technological dominance over the West and is targeting the
acquisition of Intellectual Property and data in ten key industrial sectors in which the
Chinese Communist Party intends China to become a world leader – many of which
are fields where the UK has particular expertise.
AAA. As this Committee has previously warned, the West is over-reliant on Chinese
technology. As the role of technology in everyday life increases exponentially, so
therefore the UK will be at an increasing disadvantage compared to China – with all
the attendant risks for our security and our prosperity. British technology and
innovation is therefore critical and must be robustly protected.
562
‘How Ride-Hailing Businesses Collect and Manage Data: A National Security Risk?’, Royal United
Services Institute (RUSI), 1 December 2021.
563
128
Methodology: Overt
METHODOLOGY: OVERT
351. Many of the methods used by China to acquire UK technology, IP and data are entirely
legal under UK law. Indeed, in October 2020, the Acting NSA made it clear that “there is
much licit Chinese activity in this country that we welcome and that we want to continue …
there is no way that we can cut ourselves off from China”.564
352. We have already considered China’s overt use of Academia to acquire information at
the ‘front end’ – i.e. at the research or development stage. Once technology has been
developed, and is in use by a company, China exploits all possible avenues to acquire it by
legitimate means – whether that be through licensing agreements, buying the company,
obligations placed on foreign companies investing in China, opportunities offered by trade
shows, or influencing standards-setting bodies to favour Chinese products. The DNSA told
us in December 2020 that “[China] understand[s] the interdependencies between all of those
things. So it’s a very sophisticated joined-up programme of work that seeks to exploit
whatever is the most expeditious route to the Intellectual Property that they’re targeting.”565
Licensing agreements
353. In the past, China has made use of legitimate licensing agreements, entered into in
good faith by UK companies, to advance its technological capabilities. Through such
agreements, China pays for the technology and the skills, equipment and expertise it requires
to produce the technology, without taking ownership of the IP itself.
354. For example, in the 1970s, China entered into an agreement with Rolls-Royce to
manufacture, under licence, the Rolls-Royce Spey Mk 202 jet engine. This gave China
access to advanced technology that it could not, at that time, produce itself. In time, the
Chinese produced their own variant of the Mk 202 engine, which was subsequently used in
the JH-7 fighter-bomber aircraft used by the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) (and produced
for export, with the potential to undercut UK and other Western defence exports).566 Thus,
British technology is used today by the Chinese armed forces to advance the CCP’s
ambitions.
Foreign Direct Investment

355. Notwithstanding a notable, more recent, hardening of the Government’s rhetoric and
action towards China,567 it is likely that the UK Government – as well as the Devolved
Administrations and local government – will continue to court investment from China to a
greater or lesser degree. The (then) Prime Minister said in October 2021: “I am no Sinophobe
– very far from it. I’m not going to tell you that the UK Government is going to pitchfork
away every overture from China.”568 Indeed, it was reported in February 2022 that the (then)
Prime Minister had asked the (then) Department for International Trade to set up a meeting
564
565
566
567
In September 2020, we were told that the Government was “building a more comprehensive approach to
our economic security in relation to China”. (Written evidence – HMG, 14 September 2020.)
568
‘Boris Johnson Says U.K. Doesn’t Want to Turn Away Chinese Investment’, Bloomberg, 18 October 2021.
129
CHINA
of the ministerial-level UK–China Joint Economic and Trade Commission, which had not
met since 2018.569
356. While foreign investment is often positive, it also provides a legitimate route through
which the CCP can acquire technology to which it may not otherwise have had ready access,
and which it can transfer to China and use in ways which may be against the interests of the
UK and its allies. When proposed investments are in high-tech industries with potential
‘dual-use’ (i.e. civilian and military) applications, this is of particular concern from a national
security perspective.
357. In 2020, the JIC assessed that the main potential threats from foreign investment were
that: our adversaries’ defence and intelligence capabilities are thereby developed; CNI and
related supply chains are interrupted; and ***. Investment can also enable espionage and be
used to gain influence, credibility and leverage over the UK.570
358. All of these considerations are relevant to Chinese investment in the UK. The
assessment acknowledged that the majority of Chinese investment in the UK is almost
certainly in non-sensitive sectors,571 but noted significant investments in sensitive sectors
including ***. Furthermore, investments in areas not traditionally considered sensitive can
also have national security implications.572
359. The CCP views investment in UK companies as a legitimate means to access and
transfer “strategically important knowledge” to China.573 This information is not restricted
to the design of the technology in question, but often includes the knowledge needed to
manufacture the product, including “physical skills (e.g. machine use), labour organisation,
factory and machine design and construction, research skills and quality assurance
procedures”.574 As a consequence, “acquisitions by Chinese companies of UK defence and
aerospace companies often include a plan to improve the production capability of the
Chinese company and the construction of a new factory in China”.575
360. This is the ‘added value’ that China obtains from its legitimate investments. A 2019
Intelligence Community assessment paper noted:
Foreign Direct Investment allows Chinese entities to master the complex interconnected
systems involved in manufacturing a product from concept to production. There is a
remote chance individual human experts or data acquisition alone could provide this
level of insight in most cases.576
361. While Chinese acquisitions in a broad range of sectors could be of potential national
security concern, the risk is most acute in the defence sector. The Intelligence Community
told the Committee that acquisitions of UK defence companies by Chinese companies
569
‘Met runners and riders – China trade talks – P.P.S. It’s over’, Politico London Playbook, 11 February 2022.
570
Written evidence – JIO, August 2020.
571
572
573
574
575
576
Written evidence – JIO, June 2019.
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Methodology: Overt
present a threat to UK national security ***.577 Due to China’s legal requirement for
co‑operation by its companies and citizens, and its Civil–Military Integration doctrine, it is
highly likely that defence-relevant technologies in China will be incorporated into its
military supply chain, which is dominated by state-owned enterprises.578
362. Civil–Military Integration is a key driver of Chinese military modernisation as it

exploits civilian technology for military applications with no acquisition cost to the state.
The Intelligence Community told the Committee that as China advances economically this
will almost inevitably lead to Chinese military advancement, since commercial power in the
technology field provides “extensive opportunities to support military technological
advancement and expansion”.579 Commenting on the highly integrated nature of the Chinese
state, MI5 told the Committee:
China … is absolutely determined to accelerate as rapidly as it can its rise to global

pre-eminence across a range of economic and technological fronts, and I don’t think
within their system that a distinction is drawn between national security or economic
prosperity. I think they absolutely see these two things as intertwined and … within
their own doctrine of Civil–Military Integration, they are very explicit about that and
they are also very explicit about expecting both state-owned enterprises and private
sector companies, as so far as that means anything in a communist state, to contribute
to the whole-state strategic goals. So we … [have] a China that integrates its own
efforts in a very strong and effective way.580
363. The threat is exacerbated by the fact that the provenance of an investor is not always
readily apparent. While in most cases Chinese investment in a foreign company is overt, it
is highly likely that the Chinese state, and some Chinese companies, would attempt to
obfuscate Chinese ownership in order to avoid scrutiny when purchasing or investing in UK
companies.
364. Despite increased scrutiny, Chinese investment remains a significant concern. In

September 2020, *** assessed that there was a risk that China would seek to buy companies
in financial difficulties (particularly due to Covid-19) at cheap prices in order to acquire
valuable IP in areas including emerging technology, advanced manufacturing and military
development.581
Inward investment into China

365. In addition to China’s own foreign investment plans, inward investment into China
has offered opportunities for technology acquisition. A foreign company investing in certain
industries in China was, until 2019,582 required by law to enter into a joint venture with a
Chinese company. In such joint ventures, the foreign company could not hold the controlling
interest and may have been subject to requirements under which they had, in effect, to
577
578
579
580
581
Written evidence – ***, 24 September 2020. The Committee has subsequently been advised that ***.
582
Until the passage of the 2019 Foreign Investment Law, which abolished the Joint Venture Regulations.
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CHINA
transfer their technology to the Chinese partner.583 A decision to invest in the lucrative (and
expanding) Chinese market is, therefore, often a trade-off between short- to medium-term
gain and the likely loss of control of proprietary information.
366. The Intelligence Community previously reported examples of China targeting UK

Industry (***) to obtain intelligence, broader information and skills through such joint
ventures:
***584
367. Such actions may have been entirely legitimate commercial engagements under
Chinese law, with UK companies being aware of the risks they were subjecting themselves
to. However, it is also possible that joint ventures could be used to steal technology and data.
MI5 told the Committee that China could:
spot something it likes, to get quite close to that, [and] to get to the point where you are
looking at a joint venture, you host a visit, you get lots of the [employees of the]
Chinese company that you are going to do the joint venture with coming round, they
look at how you are set up, they look at your factory, they spend lots of time and then
– at the last minute – the joint venture collapses and a few months later you see [your
own technology] produced by China cheaper.585
Standards-setting bodies
368. The critical and far-reaching importance of technical standards set by international
bodies was raised by Director GCHQ in evidence to the Committee in October 2020, when
he noted that the Chinese strategy to increase its presence at standards-setting bodies meant
that it had now begun to dominate them. He cited the International Telecommunication
Union and 3rd Generation Partnership Project – influential telecommunications technical
standards-setting bodies – as organisations in which China has acquired disproportionate
influence, including numerous leadership positions.586 The Intelligence Community judge
that:
China is using international forums to shape emerging international standards on key

emerging technologies. Defining international standards will enable China to shape
technology to suit its own values and priorities, which may differ substantially and be
at odds with those of the West. There are significant concerns over the susceptibility of
data to state acquisition and exploitation, and the compulsion to accept Chinese norms
and standards even if they do not comply with our own. An example of this would be
concerns over a free and open internet, compared to China’s commitment to central
state control over information flow.587
369. Influence over international standards-setting fora is extremely valuable from a

commercial perspective. If companies from a given country – in this case, China – own the
583
584
585
586
Oral evidence – GCHQ, *** October, 2020.
587
132
Methodology: Overt
‘standard essential patents’ necessary to implement the technical standards in question, all
other companies will have to license the patent.588 As well as an immediate commercial
gain, such influence can also have long-term, strategic consequences, as future technology
development may rely on the same or similar patented technology, thereby helping to embed
a commercial and strategic advantage. In other words, if China has influence over the
technical standards, it can influence the long-term direction of travel for technology
development – with all the economic and national security implications that this would have
for the UK and its allies.
370. One example of this is the use of Chinese technology in so-called ‘smart cities’ (or, as
the NCSC has referred to them, ‘connected places’) which rely on Information and
Communication Technology and the Internet of Things devices to collect and analyse data
to improve municipal services.589 The online forum ‘Just Security’ has reported that smart
cities are an integral part of what it describes as China’s “AI-driven domestic repression,
with highly escalated surveillance capacities” and that China is shaping the international
debate around normalising the use of such technology “by flooding the zone of multi-lateral
tech-related diplomacy”. It cites China’s “ability to exert influence at tech-standard setting
bodies, like the International Telecommunications Industry (ITU) where interoperability
standards for the future are set [and where China’s] aim has been to push China’s preferred
protocols as the global default for Internet of Things and other emerging technologies”.590
371. MI5 told the Committee that Chinese dominance of technical standards would ***
create opportunities for China to influence the future of the internet:
if China, say, were to be in a position to substantially influence or even control the

future generations of technical standards, with large parts of the globe then essentially
following a Chinese technological agenda … that would inevitably … ***, because at
the moment the global standards essentially were set in the US in the 70s around the
internet protocols and so forth.
… If gradually over the next few decades you were to shift to a model where states
control the internet, that has huge obligations for freedom of speech and very long-
term national security implications in that sense, because … China could be in a
position to persuade a lot of other states to side with it around having a more kind of
authoritarian view, not just on the standards of how the internet runs technically, but
what control states are able to have over content within their own borders.591
BBB. China’s joined-up approach can be clearly seen from its use of all possible
legitimate routes to acquire UK technology, Intellectual Property and data – from
buy‑in at the ‘front end’ via Academia, to actual buying-in through licensing agreements
and Foreign Direct Investment, to the exertion of control over inward investments and
standards-setting bodies. Each represents an individual threat, but it is the cumulative
threat that can now be clearly seen.
588
589
Written evidence – NCSC, May 2021.
590
‘System Rivalry: How Democracies must compete with digital authoritarianism’, JustSecurity.org,
27 September 2021.
591
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CHINA
CCC. Overt acquisition routes have been welcomed by HMG for economic reasons,
regardless of risks to national security. The threat to future prosperity and independence
was discounted in favour of current investment. This was short-sighted, and allowed
China to develop significant stakes in various UK industries and Critical National
Infrastructure.
DDD. Without swift and decisive action, we are on a trajectory for the nightmare
scenario where China steals blueprints, sets standards and builds products, exerting
political and economic influence at every step. Such prevalence in every part of the
supply chain will mean that, in the export of its goods or services, China will have a
pliable vehicle through which it can also export its values. This presents a serious
commercial challenge, but also has the potential to pose an existential threat to liberal
democratic systems.
134
Methodology: Covert
METHODOLOGY: COVERT
372. While China is adept at exploiting legitimate routes to advance technologically, it also
utilises the full range of its espionage capabilities. The NCSC told the Committee:
to fulfil any national strategic outcome … [the Chinese Communist Party] will use the
[intelligence] capabilities they’ve got – be it cyber espionage [or] human espionage –
and they really don’t seek a distinction … of using those capabilities for purely national
security reasons. They see the whole spectrum of strategic national outcomes as being
fair game for those capabilities.592
373. China uses its covert capabilities to target other countries’ technology, IP and data in
order to – as previously noted – “bypass costly and time-consuming research, development
and training”.593 This gives it a significant commercial advantage and, over time, strategic
advantage.
374. This looks set to continue – and to increase: ***.594 ***. 595
Human intelligence
375. The ChIS have *** human intelligence (HUMINT) capabilities. They seek to identify
individuals who have access to sensitive information which is of particular value to them –
“*** providing easier access to otherwise restricted UK military or commercially sensitive
information”.596 For example, China uses opportunities provided by ***, or by social media
to recruit individuals. MI5 told us that:
the use of LinkedIn, the social/professional networking site, for example, is very
widespread... well over *** UK-based individuals [have been] the subject of a very
light initial approach ***, where someone is presenting [themselves] as maybe a
consultant who is interested in an article this person may have written or wishes to
invite them to a conference and … seeing whether they can suck this person into some
… form of communication away from the LinkedIn site, perhaps email – and then
maybe, if this develops, there is an invitation to a conference or a seminar, or somebody
gets paid a small sum for writing an article...597
376. ***.598 ***. 599
592
Oral evidence – NCSC, *** December 2020.
593
594
Written evidence – ***, March 2020.
595
Written evidence – ***, June 2019.
596
Written evidence – ***, June 2019.
597
598
599
135
CHINA
Chinese targeting of UK Industry

A UK-based *** expert was recruited by the ChIS when working at ***. They tasked
him to exploit his role at a UK organisation to provide Intellectual Property, written
reports, *** and referrals for other experts to travel to China. He also introduced UK
experts with access to Chinese intelligence officers. ***.600
Another case involved ***601 ***602
Visits and trade shows

377. ***.603 According to the Ministry of Defence (MoD), Chinese delegates make more
requests to visit defence industry and defence sites than any other nationality and are by far
the most numerous nationality to visit sites controlled by the MoD’s International Visits
Control Office (IVCO), showing particular interest in sites connected to the aerospace
sector.604
378. The Committee was told that, whilst attending visits, Chinese delegates have ***,
been extremely forward in their questioning, ignored instructions not to photograph items of
interest, and may in some cases have smuggled cameras and recording equipment onto visit
sites.605 The Committee is concerned that such events may have been used to collect
industrial information (potentially including IP) as well as personal information on
individuals of interest working within the defence sector. ***606
379. When we asked about the scale of the problem, MI5 told us:
we do from time to time hear reports from *** of visits of whatever sort where Chinese
individuals have sort of taken photographs when they’ve been told not to, that sort of
thing … as a general rule, people in particularly advanced technology sectors, when
they are receiving Chinese delegations, would be wise to be alert to the possibility that
their visitors will be seeking to acquire more in depth insight or information than their
host intends, so it pays to manage those kinds of visits carefully.607
However, MI5 noted that to a certain extent some such activity might be expected from any
foreign delegation, and emphasised the need to keep such incidents in proportion: “***”.608
380. When we asked the Chief of Defence Intelligence (CDI) what more could be done to
prevent the exploitation of trade shows, he acknowledged that there were significant
difficulties in doing so, but suggested that instead the focus should be on ensuring that both
600
Written evidence – JSTAT, August 2019.
601
***
602
Written evidence – MI5, 31 July 2018; Written evidence – HMG, 18 April 2019.
603
604
605
606
607
608
136
Methodology: Covert
the authorities and industry representatives were aware of the threat in order to limit any
potential damage:
It’s difficult, I think, in that circumstance to prevent people from coming often to those
defence exhibitions which are not MOD controlled; [they] are often commercial
activities. *** China is an exporter of weapons, sells about 5% of the world’s exports
currently …
*** banning those Chinese companies who of course have a commercial right to be
able to sell their goods would be a difficult thing to achieve.609
Cyber
381. Equipment Interference (EI) (described in Part One of the Report) refers to techniques
used to obtain communications, equipment data or other information from a range of types
of equipment. It is, relatively speaking, a low-cost means of acquiring IP and data – it can
be conducted remotely, deniably and at-scale, and as such is a technique highly valued by
China.610
382. In 2015, the UK and China signed an agreement that prohibited cyber-enabled theft
for commercial (rather than strategic) advantage. China subsequently made similar bilateral
declarations with the United States, G20, Australia and Germany.611 ***.612
383. We were told that there was frequent Chinese cyber targeting of UK companies and
academic organisations, much of which ***. Chinese cyber victims include those with
legitimate relationships with Chinese partners on science and technology ***.613 ***.614
***.615
384. As well as conducting EI against UK-based organisations, the Committee was told
that attacks have included targeting Academia, as well as supply chains and third-party
service providers (including Managed Service Providers – for instance, companies which
provide outsourced IT functions).616 EI can be used to obtain technical information or to
harvest Bulk Personal Datasets ***.617 ***.618
609
610
611
‘Agreements on commercial cyber espionage: an emerging norm?’, Lawfare, 4 December 2015; ‘Hacking
for Ca$h’, Australian Strategic Policy Institute, 25 September 2018.
612
613
Written evidence – JSTAT, June 2019.
614
615
Written evidence – HMG, 30 August 2019; Written evidence – JSTAT, August 2019.
616
617
Oral evidence – HMG, *** October 2020. Bulk Personal Datasets would be, for instance, medical records,
travel records or the HR data held on file by an institution or a company. An extreme example of such
exfiltration is the 2014 hack of the US Office of Personnel Management which held all of the information
supplied by government employees and contractors in order to undergo security vetting. This meant that the
exfiltration (believed to have been perpetrated by the Chinese state) allowed access to extremely personal
information (including drug use, debt levels and sexuality) about individuals who had access to classified
material, potentially making them vulnerable to blackmail.
618
137
CHINA
385. The cyber threat from China emanates principally from the Ministry of State Security
and the PLA. These organisations are almost certainly responsible for ***, and their cyber
activity is closely correlated with the Chinese government’s economic and military
development goals.619
APT10
APT10620 is one of the best-known Chinese hacking groups, and has carried out numerous
malicious cyber campaigns on behalf of the Chinese Ministry of State Security (MSS).
*** it has targeted government, defence, mining, information technology, *** with
victims identified worldwide, including in Europe, Asia, and the United States ***.
***.621
In 2016, *** it was detected that there had been a large-scale compromise of a number
of Managed Service Providers (MSPs) (companies which provide IT and network
support, including hosting emails). The attack, widely known as ‘Cloud Hopper’,
facilitated economic and strategic espionage.
The UK Government publicly attributed the Cloud Hopper MSP campaign to APT10 in
December 2018, linking the group explicitly to the MSS. This was the first time that
HMG had publicly named elements of the Chinese government as being responsible for
a cyber campaign.622
386. China’s sophisticated cyber capabilities could, in theory, be employed to conduct a

cyber attack against UK infrastructure. ***. In the words of NCSC:
on cyber attacks that [the Chinese] undertake, ***.
*** they use their intelligence capabilities very much for ***. They do have offensive
cyber capabilities. *** exercising those cyber capabilities *** … around the blurring
of some of their capabilities … I think absolutely we’re alive to them using cyber as a
means to enable HUMINT and the other way round and so work very closely together
to sort of make sure that ***.623
EEE. We welcome the Government’s attribution of attacks to the Chinese hacking

group APT10. Public condemnation of such groups explicitly linked to the Chinese
government is an essential tool in tackling the increasing cyber threat from China. The
Government should continue to work with allies to highlight and condemn hostile
Chinese government activity.
619
Written evidence – NCSC, October 2021.
620
APT10 stands for ‘Advanced Persistent Threat 10’.
621
Written evidence – NCSC, August 2018.
622
‘UK and Allies reveal global scale of Chinese cyber campaign’, HMG press release, 20 December 2018.
623
Oral evidence – NCSC, *** December 2020.
138
The UK Government Response
THE UK GOVERNMENT RESPONSE
Understanding the task

387. As noted previously, the CCP is clear – including through its ‘Made in China 2025’
strategy – about its ambition to become the world leader in advanced technologies such as
AI and new synthetic materials. UK scientists and academics are at the cutting edge of the
development of many of these technologies; however, despite this, successive UK
Governments have been criticised for failing to act to protect UK science and technology
against Chinese economic influence and espionage. This is a point which the Government
has acknowledged. In December 2020, the Committee was told by the Deputy National
Security Adviser (DNSA):
in the past we have perhaps not had as rigorous a process at identifying, across the
board, what needs to be protected based on our sovereign interest. We’ve had a very
sophisticated process in some areas, so for example Critical National Infrastructure,
which includes energy and so on. We’ve been weaker [historically] in other areas, for
example emerging technology, potentially strategic suppliers and interdependences
and data and telecoms infrastructure particularly. 624
However, the DNSA emphasised that there was now increasing recognition of the problem,
and that matters were beginning to improve:
I think we have, over the past couple of years, been very conscious that we needed to
both fix the system and get after some of those very specific threats in a more cohesive
way across the whole of Government, and with a structured policy framework and new
infrastructure …625
388. In August 2020, the Government had, through its Emerging Technology Board,
identified a number of critical and emerging technologies:
● Artificial Intelligence and Machine Learning;

● Robotics and Autonomous Systems;
● Quantum Technologies;
● Engineering / Synthetic Biology;
● Mobile or Consumer Telecommunications;
● Advanced Materials;
● Novel Connectivity;
● Digital Finances;
● Imaging, Sensors and Photonics;
● Space-related Technologies;

624

625
139
CHINA
● Smart Cities;
● Fuels from Alternative Sources;
● Energy Storage;
● Privacy Enhancing Technologies;
● Human Augmentation; and
● Nanotechnology.
We were told that the next step was for a cross-HMG agreement as to “the technologies the
UK wants to Own, Collaborate and Access”. As part of this effort, the Cabinet Secretary
commissioned a review to:
look at the wider issues for delivering strategic advantage through S&T [science and
technology] alongside making ‘clear, proactive and strategic policy choices on the
science and technologies that will matter most’.626
389. In June 2021, the Government announced the establishment of a new Cabinet
Committee, the National Science and Technology Council, to “provide strategic direction
on the use of science and technology”.627 The Council is supported by a new Office for
Science and Technology Strategy, based in the Cabinet Office, which is intended to
“strengthen the Government’s insight into cutting-edge research and technologies” and
“identify what is needed to secure and protect the capability in science and technology
required in the UK to deliver the Government’s ambitions”.628 The Government’s Chief
Scientific Adviser was additionally appointed as the National Technology Adviser.
390. In terms of the Intelligence Community’s contribution, SIS and GCHQ have also been
tasked to collect strategic intelligence ***. In 2019, SIS and GCHQ were tasked to:
● ***
● ***
● ***.629
391. We were subsequently advised that this tasking would be replaced with the following
policy outcomes to which their intelligence is expected to contribute:
● ***
● ***
● ***.630
626
Written evidence – HMG, 12 February 2021.
627
‘Prime Minister sets out plans to realise and maximise the opportunities of scientific and technological
breakthroughs’, HMG press release, 21 June 2021.
628
‘Prime Minister sets out plans to realise and maximise the opportunities of scientific and technological
breakthroughs’, HMG press release, 21 June 2021.
629
630
Written evidence – Cabinet Office, 14 October 2020.
140
392. Director General MI5 told the Committee that he had seen an improvement in joined-
up thinking on these issues:
I think I would be more concerned if we remained in a position we probably arguably

were in five or ten years ago, where the national security community within Government
and the prosperity community weren’t really talking to each other – because I think
that to do this well we really do need to integrate our understanding across both these
domains to make the best possible choices.631
Foreign investment and national security

393. As noted in the main body of the Report, the Government has previously failed to take
national security into account when considering foreign investment. Two developments in
recent years have improved the situation: the introduction of new legislation to strengthen
the Government’s powers to intervene in potential investments on national security grounds;
and the introduction of new processes for the Intelligence Community routinely to provide
input to central Government on the security implications of potential investments.
Legislation
394. Prior to 2022, the power for Government to intervene in mergers and acquisitions was
drawn from the Enterprise Act 2002. It set a very high bar for government intervention: the
Intelligence Community were clear that, under the Enterprise Act, “levers for HMG
intervention in Foreign Direct Investment cases [were] limited”.632 Ultimately, it proved to
be an ineffective mechanism from a national security perspective: in October 2020 the
DNSA told the Committee that the Act had “only been used six times between 2004 and
2009 and then six times since 2017, so it is not a thing we can very readily bring to bear in
some of these cases [of national security concern]”.633 Four further interventions were made
in 2021. Of these 16 interventions, none had resulted in a deal being blocked.
395. The Government sought to remedy this situation through the National Security and
Investment (NSI) Act 2021. The NSI Act, which entered into force in January 2022,
designated the Secretary of State for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy (BEIS) as the
single decision-maker in cases of acquisitions (of companies, assets and IP) which may
have an adverse impact upon UK national security.634 The Secretary of State was to be
supported by a newly created Investment Security Unit (ISU) sitting in the (then) Department
for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy.
396. The ability of a Secretary of State now to intervene in mergers and acquisitions was
described to the Committee as a “big upgrade” in the Government’s “investment screening
capabilities and powers”.635 Interventions may be made in any acquisition that grants control
of a company, regardless of company size or sector, as long as there is a sufficient connection
to the UK. The NSI regime also utilises a combination of comprehensive market monitoring
631
632
633
634
Academia and academic collaborations are also now subject to a scheme of voluntary referral, and individual
collaborations or the transfer of assets could be subject to call-in powers.
635
141
CHINA
and notification by industry (both voluntary and mandatory, dependent on the threshold),
although interventions are not strictly contingent on notification. In 2018, the Government
anticipated that there would be 200 notifications from industry each year, of which around
half would raise a national security concern. However, by September 2020, HMG was
estimating that there would be between 1,000 and 1,800 notifications per year from industry
– although they still considered that fewer than 100 would be called in for review under the
legislation.636 The remainder are subject to a national security assessment. If the Government
decides national security is at risk, it could impose remedies where necessary and
proportionate.
397. NCSC explained that Huawei’s 2012 purchase – from the East of England Development
Agency, then a UK Government non-departmental public body – of the Centre for Integrated
Photonics (CIP), is the sort of case in which the Government should intervene:
one of the things is we have allowed foreign investment to take early-stage technology out
of the UK. ... Huawei bought [CIP] for 70 million quid [British pounds] because it was
going under. That’s how they got a head start on 100GB optics. That’s not something we
should allow to happen. There was no law in place … that would allow us to stop that.637
Intelligence Community input to the investment security regime

398. As noted above, under the NSI Act, a team called the ISU was established in BEIS to
co-ordinate advice and expertise from across Government on the risks from potential foreign
investments. It took an ‘actor-agnostic’ approach to investment scrutiny, considering each
case on its merits rather than solely through the prism of country of origin. The ISU replaced
the Investment Security Group (ISG), which had been established in May 2017 as part of the
Cabinet Office and which had been performing a similar function. During the passage of the
NSI Act, Parliament was told that the ISU “will work closely with the security agencies and
other departments with real sector expertise”.638
399. The Intelligence Community’s input into the ISU is now channelled through ***, a
joint team from the Centre for the Protection of National Infrastructure (CPNI – accountable
to MI5) and NCSC (part of GCHQ). Established in July 2020, it is designed to “bring
coordination to the identification and mitigation of the national security risks posed by a
sub-set of foreign investment transactions”.639 These new arrangements enhance the
Intelligence Community’s ability to draw on secret intelligence to inform the work of the
ISU and ministers’ decisions.
400. As of September 2021 (when the NSI regime had not entered fully into force), the joint
team was providing support to the ISU on *** investment cases.640 Between July and
September 2021, the joint team received *** ‘triage’ requests from the ISU, a quarter of
which related to proposed investments or acquisitions from China (not all triage requests
will result in ongoing support from the joint team).641 Following the NSI Act entering into
636
NSI Impact Assessment, 9 November 2020.
637
638
HC Deb, 17 November 2020, col. 277–8.
639
Written evidence – MI5, 3 February 2021.
640
Written evidence – MI5, 31 January 2022.
641
142
force in January 2022, the joint team has sight of all notifications under the new Act, and
provides advice ***.
401. ***642
402. The Joint State Threats Assessment Team (JSTAT), NCSC and DI also provide ***
reports to inform the work of the ISU.643 In addition, the National Security Strategic
Investment Fund (NSSIF) – a collaboration between the UK Government and the British
Business Bank – provides ad hoc advice to policy-makers in respect of investment security
matters.644
403. MoD also provides subject matter expertise and advice to help inform investment
scrutiny processes and export licensing decisions (the latter being a separate issue from
foreign investments, but nevertheless highly relevant to the protection of the UK’s IP. A new
Defence Investment Security Team was established in 2017 to co-ordinate this work within
the Department and link into wider cross-Government investment security processes. CDI
told the Committee:
we provide advice both through [the cross-Government investment security process]

and directly to the Department of International Trade on end user[s] of high-tech
goods and looking at export licence applications. So in 2017 there were *** export
licence applications for China looking at the security goods; [in] 2019, there were ***,
so they are expanding; we’ve received over *** this year so far. That proportion is
probably about ***% of the export licences that we review using the intelligence
available to us and so far this year we’ve recommended a refusal of *** of those
applications, because we believe they’ve met the threshold where those technologies
should not be transferred out to China. Then, of those, over *** have been refused by
DIT, *** are still being considered and *** were overturned.645
OneWeb
In July 2020, the UK Government announced that it was investing $500m in order to
acquire the satellite technology company OneWeb, as part of a consortium with Indian
telecommunications conglomerate Bharti Global. OneWeb, which had filed for
bankruptcy in March 2020, is constructing a global satellite constellation to provide
“enhanced broadband and other services to countries around the world”.646
642
643
644
Written evidence – ***, 25 May 2021. Established as part of the 2017 Budget, the NSSIF aims “to accelerate
the adoption of HMG’s future national security and defence capabilities and the development of the UK’s dual-
use technology ecosystem”. (British Business Bank website, www.british-business-bank.co.uk/national-
security-strategic-investment-fund)
In a November 2021 speech, the Chief of SIS acknowledged: “We cannot match the scale and resources of
the global tech industry, so we shouldn’t try.” Instead, through the NSSIF, SIS and the broader Intelligence
Community are “opening up our mission problems to those with talent in organisations that wouldn’t normally
work with national security”. (Chief of SIS’s speech to the International Institute for Strategic Studies’,
GOV.UK, 30 November 2021.)
645
646
‘UK government to acquire cutting-edge satellite network’, HMG press release, 3 July 2020.
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While some, including the Chair of the (then) Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy
(BEIS) Select Committee, questioned the rationale for the Government’s investment,
and there was criticism in some quarters after officials sought (and received) a formal
ministerial direction to proceed with the investment due to the risk of public money
being lost, the Government described the investment as signalling its “ambition for the
UK to be a pioneer in the research, development, manufacturing, and exploitation of a
fleet of Low Earth Orbit [LEO] satellites”.647
***
The Cabinet Office-led Investment Security Group – since superseded by the Investment
Security Unit – opened a case on OneWeb once it became aware of the company’s
financial difficulties. OneWeb’s decision to file for bankruptcy in March 2020 ***.648
***.
***.649 ***.650
*** 651 ***.652 ***.653
***.654
***.655
At the time of taking evidence, we requested further written evidence on the OneWeb
deal from BEIS, but this was refused on the grounds that “Information relating to
OneWeb has already been provided to the BEIS Select Committee and to the Science and
Technology Committee, both of which have oversight of BEIS’ work”.656
However, the BEIS Select Committee and the Science and Technology Committee have
not been in a position to adequately scrutinise the Government’s investment in OneWeb
***.657 The Government has therefore avoided scrutiny on this use of public money.
404. Overall, the challenge of disrupting malign Chinese investments is a significant one.
As MI5 told us:
647
‘UK government to acquire cutting-edge satellite network’, HMG press release, 3 July 2020.
648
649
650
Written evidence – MI5, 25 May 2021.
651
652
Written evidence – SIS, 25 May 2021.
653
654
Written evidence – MI5/GCHQ, 23 June 2020.
655
656
Written evidence – BEIS, 17 May 2021.
657
Although this is a good example of *** investment security cases, it is also not a typical case at all. ***,
we cannot say for sure which factors were considered as BEIS has refused to engage with us on this matter.
144
as we get into places where Chinese investments in our economy are as much of a
threat as Intellectual Property stolen across a cyber domain or by a spy, that is a
deeper and broader issue ***
… a lot of the damage, some of it is not deeply clandestine, some of it is sort of hiding
in plain sight – but trying to form wise judgements across the whole of Government
and beyond, into Academia and elsewhere, is a genuinely difficult challenge and that
is where I think we will face, over the next few years, some really interesting things
about how do we build that teamwork to meet a whole-of-state Chinese approach with,
as it were, a whole-of-nation, UK approach.
The answers are not always straightforward, but it is the changing nature of it – well
beyond, as it were, the intelligence domain – that is the trickiest part.658, 659
Advice to Industry
405. As noted in the main body of the Report, MI5, CPNI, and GCHQ (through the NCSC),
provide vital advice on protective security and cyber security to Industry, with a view to
increasing the UK’s resilience to threats (including from China). MI5 highlighted the
importance of this engagement:
We need to have a resilient, well-protected, well-educated industrial base that protects

itself in its dealings with China, and we obviously do, I think, a good and professional
job in using the finite operational capacity that we have *** the worst and most
damaging parts of what’s going on…660
The National Cyber Security Centre

406. In July 2019, the Chief Executive Officer of the NCSC told the Committee: “In our
role trying to defend the UK from cyber-attacks, China’s ambitions to steal IP is one of the
principal things that we worry about.”661 One of NCSC’s key tasks is therefore to engage
with Industry in order better to understand the vulnerabilities in their systems and to share
information about threats they may face. While much of the information they provide is
‘actor-agnostic’, it is highly applicable to the cyber threat from China.
407. Examples of NCSC’s recent work with Industry include collaborating with small
Voice over Internet Protocols providers to improve their protection against cyber attacks;
658
659
As noted at the start of this Report, HMG announced a restructure of several government departments on
7 February 2023. As a result of this restructure, the Investment Security Unit has moved to the Cabinet Office,
and other responsibilities which previously fell to BEIS now sit within several new departments: the Department
for Energy Security and Net Zero; the Department for Science, Innovation and Technology; and the Department
for Business and Trade.
The Committee has not been in a position to scrutinise the impact and effectiveness of this change during
this Inquiry. As noted previously, the Government has assigned Parliamentary scrutiny of the ISU – now that
it has returned to the Cabinet Office – to the BEIS Select Committee. However, we urge the Government to
reconsider and confirm the ISC’s responsibility for oversight of the ISU, as the only Parliamentary body able
to perform effective oversight of investment security decisions taken on the basis of classified intelligence.
660
661
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CHINA
working with the Prudential Regulation Authority to issue guidance on Cloud-based security
to companies in the finance sector; and partnering with MoD to deliver workshops on secure
IT networks to companies in the defence sector.662
The Centre for the Protection of National Infrastructure

408. CPNI – accountable to MI5 – has a preventative and advisory role, providing protective
security advice to Industry and the Government. It follows a “threat-focused and intelligence-
led” approach to engagement, allocating resources to sectors, industries and businesses
where there is evidence of Chinese desire to gain technology, IP and Information Data.663
Around ***% of CPNI’s work is directed towards countering Hostile State Activity (HSA),
and it works with cross-government partners “to raise awareness of the threat, identify
vulnerabilities, and to provide advice and mitigations”.664
409. *** CPNI says that it has been able to feed in information to MI5 that has been reported
to it by Industry, resulting in leads and investigations being opened, the development of
existing investigations, or the successful conclusion of an investigation.665
410. Action is being taken to provide advice on the risks presented by certain types of
engagement or approaches from Chinese actors. One such initiative – Project CONISTON666
– was an awareness-raising campaign run by CPNI that highlighted the use of social media
by hostile actors to target and recruit UK nationals working in HMG and Industry. During
the campaign, CPNI released information about an investigation to allow Industry partners
to assess their level of exposure and set up groups (***) to allow Industry partners to share
the results of their internal investigations.
411. There is some indication that the message is getting out to the right places. MI5 told
us that:
awareness is growing, but it’s not yet as fully embedded in the sort of UK bloodstream
as it will need to be in the years to come. So we do these days receive more proactive
tip-offs from people who have realised that they have received some kind of approach,
whereas ten years ago more often we were noticing first and then alerting the individual
or company involved.
… [the] balance is shifting through good work done in lots of places over the last
decade or so, and I think the … public discourse around things like Huawei and 5G,
Hong Kong and so forth is … raising wider awareness within the business community
that they need to be quite thoughtful about the risks they may be exposed to; and then
on particular things like the ‘Think Before You Link’ campaign that we’ve run, that has
662
663
664
665
666
146
successfully … generated more awareness and more leads for us to pursue into possible
intelligence activity.667
412. CPNI also briefs Industry where intelligence indicates there is specific Chinese intent
to target certain companies or sectors. For example, NCSC worked with CPNI to assess
security practices at a *** site. This involved a comprehensive review of site risks ***. As
a result, additional measures were put in place at the site. However, given the wide range of
individuals, assets and organisations, it is clearly difficult to detect and disrupt every incident.
DI
413. DI also provides briefings to industry and government partners where it has information
and expertise to share. CDI told the Committee that DI provides focused intelligence
briefings to elements of the defence industry in order to ensure that they understand the level
of threat posed to them, and also to provide oversight and assurance “to ensure that they’re
adopting the appropriate security protocols to protect themselves”.668
414. In addition, DI provides security advice to Defence Equipment & Support (DE&S), a
part of MoD that provides security accreditation for defence contractors and controls access
of foreign nationals to UK defence industry sites through the International Visits Control
Office (IVCO).669
Disrupting activity
MI5
415. In September 2020, MI5 told the Committee that “in line with HMG policy, we are
now seeking to identify where MI5 can add further value to defend our economic resilience”.670
Director General MI5 described this as “widening the aperture”, a process he said was
necessary given “Chinese investments in our economy are as much of a threat as Intellectual
Property stolen across a cyber domain or by a spy”.671
416. In addition to providing support to the Government’s investment security processes

through the aforementioned joint CPNI and NCSC team, and providing advice to Industry,
MI5 also has a key role in disrupting the most acute economic espionage threats from China.
In relation to IP and data theft, MI5 say it focuses on: ***.672
417. Under current UK law, it is not a criminal offence to be an agent of a foreign intelligence
service, and, as such, prosecution of suspected Chinese spies committing economic
espionage in the UK is rarely possible. While the Government has committed to bringing in
new legislation to rectify this,673 and MI5 has supported the introduction of a specific
‘economic espionage offence’, at present MI5 has to rely on a range of non-legislative tools
667
668
669
670
671
672
673
The National Security Bill was subsequently introduced to Parliament on 11 May 2022 (after the Committee
had concluded taking evidence for this Inquiry).
147
CHINA
to effect disruptions; in practice, many of these are the same as for other forms of espionage.
These sit under a range of HMG tools, which are outlined earlier in this Report, and include:
● interviews: there may be a discussion arranged with an individual ***;

● the removal of security clearance from British nationals with access to sensitive
information who pose a national security risk, including those who may have been
in contact with foreign intelligence services (***);
● the lawful expulsion of intelligence officers should they be found to engage in
activities contrary to the UK national interest;
● the issuing of MI5 ‘Espionage Alerts’ to affected industries and foreign partners, to
increase awareness of the activities of suspected intelligence officers674; and
● visa action: as is standard, the Home Office can consider revoking a visa on the
grounds that someone’s presence in the UK is ‘not conducive to the public good’
(***); and official reprimands, under which a warning is conveyed to foreign
liaison officers regarding the activities of foreign intelligence services.
Interviews
A British national *** was determined to have been in contact with the Chinese
Intelligence Services (ChIS) for a number of years. The individual had travelled to China
frequently *** and had offered to talent-spot other experts on behalf of the ChIS. HMG
carried out an interview with the individual at the end of 2018 ***.675
GCHQ
418. GCHQ engages in cyber operations that expose and disrupt the activities of Chinese
state-sponsored hackers. This acts both as a ‘tactical’ tool, in that it counters individual
groups, and ‘strategic’, in that it has the potential to undermine the credibility of such groups
within China – with ramifications for China’s credibility as a state actor ostensibly opposed
to cyber operations. The Intelligence Community have noted that they have dedicated
significant effort to identifying and building knowledge of the Chinese cyber actors ***.
***. The naming of APT10 in December 2018 is a key result of this Intelligence Community
effort.
DI
419. In 2020, DI told the Committee that it provides Analysis & Assessment to MoD and
HMG partners (such as CPNI, JSTAT and the ISG) and policy-makers on the threat to the
UK defence industry from China. In one such example, DI provided assessment on a case
that allowed the (then) Secretary of State for BEIS to intervene in the acquisition of a British
company (***) by a Chinese-owned company (***). A public interest intervention notice
was issued under the Enterprise Act 2002, meaning that the transaction was subject to a
As was issued by MI5 in January 2022 in the case of Christine Lee.

674

675
148
report by the Competition and Markets Authority, and leading to the Chinese-owned
company withdrawing from the purchase.676
420. CDI further explained the role that DI and its partners play in ensuring the physical
security of both MoD and industry sites:
We’ll also ***, often in conjunction with MI5 and other partners, to ensure that we test
the security and efficacy of both our own facilities but also part of the commercial
facilities as well ***.677
421. DI also plays a role within the National Cyber Force (alongside wider MoD personnel,
GCHQ and SIS). The Agencies told us that “the National Cyber Force (NCF) … is expected
to deliver a step change in the nation’s cyber capability, and enhance the UK’s position and
reputation as a top-tier cyber power. The growth of the NCF will make increased [offensive
cyber] capacity available”.678 The Agencies noted that:
Since the NCF was stood up, on China specifically ***679
FFF. The threat posed by Chinese targeting of experts in UK Industry is of concern.

While the expulsion of intelligence officers and the disruption of Chinese efforts are to
be commended, the lack of prosecutions is worrying. We note that the Government is
intending to introduce new legislation that will make it easier to prosecute such
behaviour. Convictions under such new legislation would act as a strong deterrent to
those contemplating engaging in such relationships.
676
Written evidence – DI, 31 July 2020.
677
678
Written evidence – GCHQ, SIS and MI5, 21 May 2020.
679
Written evidence – GCHQ, SIS and MI5, 21 May 2020.
149
CHINA
CASE STUDY: CIVIL NUCLEAR ENERGY
CHINESE INTEREST AND INVESTMENTS.................................................................151

China’s interest in the UK Civil Nuclear sector..............................................................152
Chinese investments .......................................................................................................153
Linked investments..........................................................................................................155
ESPIONAGE AND INFLUENCE.....................................................................................159

Espionage: Incentive and opportunity ............................................................................159
Influence: Leverage and disruption.................................................................................163
The position of the United States....................................................................................165
THE GOVERNMENT RESPONSE..................................................................................171

Cross-government scrutiny of foreign investment..........................................................172
Regulation........................................................................................................................174
Intervention: The ‘special share’ ....................................................................................175
Advice to Industry ..........................................................................................................177
Wider UK Intelligence Community efforts.....................................................................180
150
Chinese Interest and Investments
CHINESE INTEREST AND INVESTMENTS
422. In addition to the overarching threat to UK Industry from China’s attempts to gain
economically from the UK, and to ensure that the UK becomes increasingly reliant on
China, as part of this Inquiry we also considered the specific case of the Civil Nuclear and
Energy sectors in terms of the UK’s Critical National Infrastructure (CNI).
Critical National Infrastructure

The Government defines Critical National Infrastructure (CNI) as:
Those critical elements of infrastructure (namely assets, facilities, systems, networks

or processes and the essential workers that operate and facilitate them), the loss or
compromise of which could result in:
● major detrimental impact on the availability, integrity or delivery, of essential

services whose integrity, if compromised, could result in significant loss of life
or casualties – taking into account significant economic and social impacts;
and/or
● significant impact on national security, national defence, or the functioning of
the state.680
There are 13 areas of CNI in the UK, including the separately designated ‘Civil
Nuclear’ and ‘Energy’ sectors.681
423. The importance of these parts of the UK’s CNI is clear: energy is essential – described
by one witness as the “über CNI ”, on the basis that “all other CNI requires an energy
source”.682
424. In terms of energy sources, the Government announced in the 2021 Integrated Review
that its “aim is to become the world’s leading centre for green technology, finance and wind
energy”.683 The Government has also set a target of ‘net zero’ for carbon emissions by 2050,
and will scale up renewable energy while scaling down coal and gas power stations.
Nevertheless, successive Governments have backed nuclear power as a long-term source of
680
Centre for the Protection of National Infrastructure (CPNI) website.
681
The remaining 11 sectors are: Chemicals, Defence, Emergency Services, Finance, Food, Government,
Health, Space, Telecommunications, Transport and Water.
682
683
Global Britain in a Competitive Age: the Integrated Review of Security, Defence, Development and Foreign
Policy (the ‘Integrated Review’) was published on 16 March 2021 and sets out the Government’s vision of the
UK’s role in the world. It contains a number of actions which the Government commits to taking in support of
that view. A refresh of the initial Integrated Review was later published on 13 March 2023 (after evidence-
taking for this Inquiry had concluded).
151
CHINA
electricity production:684 it is set to continue to be “a key part of the energy mix”, accounting
for approximately 17% of the UK’s energy supply.685
425. However, the UK’s stock of 15 Civil Nuclear reactors is ageing, with 14 of them
expected to be shut down by 2030. The Government therefore needs to replace reactors as
they are decommissioned – and this is where Chinese investment is focused. That investment
has come under increased scrutiny amid rising concern, given the clear security risks in this
sector, which the National Security Secretariat (NSS) summarised as:
[the] unique hazards which the dispersal (either malevolent or accidental) of nuclear
and radiological material present; the specific international obligations [the
Government has] to protect nuclear material and uranium enrichment technology to
reduce the risks of nuclear proliferation; and [the fact that] the Civil Nuclear sector
includes a range of services beyond electricity generation – notably decommissioning,
enrichment/fuel fabrication, and specialist rail/maritime transport, none of which
have direct parallels in the Energy sector.686
Given these factors, we focused our scrutiny on a case study of the Civil Nuclear sector.
China’s interest in the UK Civil Nuclear sector

426. Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in the UK’s Civil Nuclear sector is not unusual: the
UK’s current 15 reactors were all acquired by French company EDF in 2009. However,
China has shown a particular interest in five Civil Nuclear power sites, which are at various
stages of development: Hinkley Point, Sizewell, Bradwell, Moorside and Wylfa. Chinese
investment plans are spearheaded by the China General Nuclear Power Group (CGN), a
major state-owned energy company. CGN is one of around 100 strategic state-owned
enterprises managed by the State-Owned Assets Supervision and Administration Commission
of the State Council (SASAC), and as such is closely and – unlike other Chinese-based
companies such as Huawei, AliBaba or TenCent – explicitly linked to the Chinese state.687
427. China intends to source approximately 20% of its primary energy consumption from
non-fossil fuels by 2030. While China’s indigenous expertise is clearly growing, they still
require foreign expertise to supplement innovation and translate technology into capability,
and therefore use their investment in the Civil Nuclear sector both to gain Intellectual
Property (IP) and improve their own nuclear capabilities ***.688 ***.689
428. However, this accounts for only part of its interest in the UK Civil Nuclear sector. As
we have explored in Part One of the Report, China is seeking economic advantage in its
quest to become a global superpower. It appears that China regards Civil Nuclear power as
684
‘Briefing Paper: New Nuclear Power’, House of Commons Library, 29 July 2020.
685
Department for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy, Digest of United Kingdom Energy Statistics 2020,
30 July 2020. The UK’s nuclear energy output was reduced in 2019 due to a series of prolonged outages at two
nuclear plants (Dungeness B and Hunterston B). In 2018, nuclear power accounted for 20% of UK electricity
supply.
686
Written evidence – Cabinet Office, 3 September 2019.
687
In 2016, the European Commission found that CGN could not be considered to be independent of SASAC.
‘RPT-Chinese state-owned companies face greater scrutiny of EU deals after ruling’, Reuters, 13 June 2016.
688
Written evidence – ***, *** October 2020.
689
152
a key industry that will support economic growth. Its interest in the UK’s new reactors is
therefore underpinned by a strategic gambit, as the Joint Intelligence Committee (JIC)
assessed ***:
***. China also wants to become a global Civil Nuclear supplier.
For China, the proposed investment in the UK nuclear industry is intended to provide
expertise, experience and credibility to support the export of nuclear technology and
services.690
429. In its bid to become a global supplier, China is looking to capitalise on the UK’s
international leadership position: China sees UK regulatory approval as a valuable ‘test bed’
for proving Chinese technology for export to other Western markets. The Chief Operating
Officer of China General Nuclear UK – the main Chinese investor in the Civil Nuclear
sector – has said: “For us, the UK is an important stepping stone into Europe. The [UK’s
regulatory] process is recognised in the nuclear world as having a lot of clout.” 691 Since this
Inquiry concluded, the Office for Nuclear Regulation (ONR) has approved CGN’s design
for its Hualong One reactor 692 (although local permissions would still need to be sought
before it could be built in the UK).
Chinese investments
Hinkley Point C (financing)
430. Two new reactors at Hinkley Point – the first to be constructed in the UK for over 20
years – are due to enter service in 2027 and will, together, produce 7% of the UK’s total
electricity. The site is being developed by EDF, the eventual operators; however, the
Government announced in September 2015 that CGN would be investing in the project and
providing construction engineers. This decision was reviewed in September 2016 and
approved. As a result, CGN owns a 33.5% stake in the site.
Bradwell B (financing, building and operating)

431. Bradwell B in Essex would be the first nuclear reactor in the UK to employ Chinese
nuclear technology. As noted previously, CGN has been explicit about its desire to use the
UK as a springboard for exporting Chinese nuclear technology to other countries, with
approval by the UK’s robust nuclear regulatory regime seen as being key to this.693 Under a
deal agreed in October 2015, CGN will own a 66.5% share in the project to build the new
reactors – with EDF owning the remainder.
432. While it is assumed that CGN will operate the Bradwell reactors once completed, it
has been reported that CGN may be willing to consider “not being the majority operator”,
due to “political and local sensitivities”.694 In September 2020, the BBC reported Industry
and Government sources saying that the CGN plan to build its own reactor at Bradwell
690
691
‘China’s long game to dominate nuclear power relies on the UK’, The Guardian, 26 July 2018.
692
Also known as the UK HPR1000.
693
694
‘Chinese willing to hand over control of UK nuclear plant’, Financial Times, 18 September 2018.
153
CHINA
“looks dead”, given revived security concerns and deteriorating diplomatic relations
following the Government’s decision to ban Huawei from the UK’s mobile
telecommunications networks.695 The question of operation is considered in the next section,
on linked investments.
Sizewell C (financing)
433. As part of the Bradwell agreement, CGN also agreed to provide 20% of the capital for
EDF’s planned reactor at Sizewell in Suffolk, which is intended to be a ‘clone’ of Hinkley
Point C.696 It was reported in the media in September 2020 that the Government is looking
at options to replace CGN as an investor in Sizewell C. One of these options would involve
the Government taking a stake in the plant itself, in an attempt to accelerate the approvals
process for the plant.697 The (then) Energy Minister, the Rt Hon. Kwasi Kwarteng MP, later
confirmed that the Government is considering taking equity stakes in future nuclear plants,
including Sizewell C.698
Possible investment at Moorside (unconfirmed)

434. Japanese company Toshiba had planned to build three reactors at the Moorside site
near Sellafield in Cumbria through its NuGen subsidiary, but – due to its own concerns
about the project’s financial viability – began winding up its UK nuclear business in January
2019 after failing to find a buyer to take on the project.699
435. In 2017, CGN had attempted to buy NuGen and its Moorside project from Toshiba,
but lost out to a South Korean energy firm (the South Korean deal subsequently fell
through).700 Following the November 2018 announcement that Toshiba was going to wind
up NuGen, it was reported that CGN was still interested in the project, but that there were
reservations within the Government about allowing CGN to gain a further foothold in the
UK Civil Nuclear sector.701 The potential CGN investment at Moorside was scrutinised by
the Government in 2017 for national security risks.
436. In July 2020, it was announced that EDF is part of a 15 company-strong consortium
which has entered a bid to build a nuclear reactor at Moorside “similar to Hinkley Point C”.
There has been no indication as to whether CGN will have any investment in this new
reactor.702
Possible investment at Wylfa (unconfirmed)

437. It has been reported by the media that CGN is interested in buying the Horizon nuclear
project at Wylfa on Anglesey. The project’s owners, Hitachi, withdrew from the scheme in
September 2020, having failed to reach agreement with the Government about funding
695
‘UK government could take stake in Sizewell nuclear power station’, BBC News, 16 September 2020.
696
697
‘UK government could take stake in Sizewell nuclear power station’, BBC News, 16 September 2020.
698
‘Government considers taking equity stakes in nuclear plants’, The Times, 6 October 2020.
699
‘Toshiba’s UK withdrawal puts Cumbria nuclear plant in doubt’, BBC News, 8 November 2018.
700
‘Korean energy firm rescues UK’s Moorside nuclear power project’, The Guardian, 6 December 2017.
701
‘UK close to ditching plan for Cumbria nuclear plant’, Financial Times, 9 November 2018.
702
‘Clean energy hub proposes nuclear development for Moorside’, Nuclear Engineering International, July
2020.
154
arrangements.703 In June 2020, Hitachi said: “We are not aware of any plans to sell the
project to China.”704
Linked investments
438. The Government announced CGN’s investment in Hinkley Point C in September
2015, although that decision was reviewed in September 2016. In January 2017, we were
told by the Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of the National Cyber Security Centre (NCSC)
that the 2016 review was not prompted by the Intelligence Community, although they did
contribute to the review.705
439. As part of the 2016 review, NSS co-ordinated an assessment of the potential national
security risks from Chinese investment in the UK’s Civil Nuclear sector and identified
espionage, leverage and disruption as the potential risks.706 However, the Cabinet Office
explained that in ‘re-approving’ the deal in 2016 “an important consideration was that
China’s involvement in [Hinkley Point C] consists of financial investment in the project
only: the French company EDF will own the majority share and will have sole operational
control of the site”.707
440. This point was reiterated by Director GCHQ in January 2017, when he told the
Committee: “ownership and sovereignty are much less of an issue than operational control
… in the modern world frankly ownership of companies is pretty fluid and pretty complex.
Much more important to us is the hardware but also the operational control and the control
of the information and that’s where we are engaged.”708 In December 2016, (then) Director
General MI5 seemed similarly content with the approval, telling the Committee:
One of the really well-functioning bits of structure we have in Government these days
is the fact that there is an NSC [National Security Council] that takes all of these big
questions and the Agencies’ Heads are there as well as the key Ministers, so questions
like this get dealt with collectively … We went through [the risks of espionage, leverage
and disruption] as you would expect … and an informed decision was made.709
441. Nevertheless, Chinese entry into the UK Civil Nuclear sector appears to be being
managed under a policy known as ‘progressive entry’, whereby CGN has to demonstrate it
can be a trustworthy and regulation-compliant partner. The Chairman of the UK’s Nuclear
Industry Association was quoted in the Financial Times, explaining:
Progressive entry can be viewed as a sort of trade; if you do X we will give you Y …
CGN had to back Hinkley, which they have done, and put up some of the capital for the
follow-up EDF plant at Sizewell, which they have indicated they are willing to do [in
703
‘Nuclear: Hitachi “withdraws” from £20bn Wylfa project’, BBC News, 15 September 2020.
704
‘Wylfa nuclear project: Donald Trump plea over site sale dismissed’, BBC News, 28 June 2020.
705
Oral evidence – GCHQ, *** January 2017.
706
***
707
708
Oral evidence – GCHQ, *** January 2017.
709
155
CHINA
order to secure agreement for a Chinese reactor at Bradwell] … That’s a pretty major
commitment.710
442. This notion of a link between the different investments is significant: Chinese
investment in Hinkley Point would appear to be predicated on an understanding that they
would subsequently receive permission to use their own technology at Bradwell – i.e.
Bradwell is the key, and if Bradwell was not able to proceed for some reason then they may
not be interested in Hinkley Point. ***.711
443. While the Intelligence Community’s argument that ownership is not the primary
concern may be persuasive with regard to the Hinkley Point C decision, it seriously
undermines the case for allowing Chinese involvement in Bradwell B, where – as things
stand – a Chinese company will exercise operational control over a Chinese-designed
reactor. Using the fact that Hinkley Point C will be operated by a French company as a
justification for allowing Chinese involvement was obfuscatory, as it is clear from the
Government’s own evidence that China considers the Hinkley Point C and Bradwell B
investments to be directly linked. The Government was therefore entering into an agreement
on Hinkley Point C in the clear knowledge that it was – diplomatically and politically –
entering into an agreement on allowing the use of Chinese technology, and the exercise of
Chinese operational control, at Bradwell B (subject to further regulatory requirements being
met by the Chinese).
444. It has also been suggested that this apparent quid pro quo could bind the Government
legally into approving CGN’s plans for Bradwell B, due to the legal principle of ‘legitimate
expectation’ – under which the investment of large sums on the basis of a Government
understanding can be taken to be an enforceable contract.712 We questioned the Deputy
National Security Adviser (DNSA) on the extent to which these factors were considered by
Government when approving Chinese investment in Hinkley Point C:
STEWART HOSIE: … why was there no mention of Bradwell or the security risks
involved in Chinese operation in the October 2016 Cabinet Office note on Hinkley
Point, even though the Government consistently assessed at the time that China viewed
its assessment in Hinkley as being linked to Bradwell?
DEPUTY NATIONAL SECURITY ADVISER: So to be clear, there has been no

investment security process in relation to Bradwell. The investment security process
was purely related to the Hinkley C question. So we have not taken a judgement on
that.
STEWART HOSIE: I understand there has been no investigation potentially into

Bradwell; the question was why was there no reference to Bradwell in the Hinkley C
report, given that the Government assessed in the Chinese mind these two things were
inexorably linked?
710
‘UK’s reliance on China’s nuclear tech poses test for policymakers’, Financial Times, 14 February 2019.
711
712
156
DEPUTY NATIONAL SECURITY ADVISER: Because the process that we used through
the Investment Security Group is intended on a case-by-case basis to look at individual
Foreign Direct Investments into the UK. That is not to say that the broader questions
were not discussed or were not part of the equation. As I say, I have not seen the
minutes of the [NSC] discussion from that time but certainly the advice that we gave
as intelligence professionals and security professionals was on the basis of the Hinkley
project.713
This is astonishing. If correct, then it raises very serious questions as to the basis on which
the Government is allowing foreign companies into our CNI – and shows that lessons have
not been learned.
445. Numerous sources indicate that China’s investment in Bradwell B is contingent on its
investment in Hinkley Point C. Furthermore, this assessment was available to Government
in 2016 when investment in Hinkley Point C was being considered. We would have expected
this information to have been a principal factor in the Government’s decision-making
process. However, the omission of any reference to it in the 2016 Cabinet Office note
suggests otherwise.
446. We asked why the linked investment had not been highlighted to Ministers and were
told that there had been no investment security process undertaken in relation to Bradwell B
and that each case was looked at on its own merits.714 We then requested sight of the NSC
minutes on the Hinkley Point C decision to ascertain whether the linked investment in
Bradwell was discussed. The (then) Prime Minister refused to provide these, on the grounds
of Cabinet collective responsibility.715
447. Our concerns on this matter are grounded in experience: in 2013 this Committee held
an Inquiry into the decision to allow BT to purchase Huawei telecommunications equipment.
The Committee concluded:
The Committee’s investigation into the handling of the BT/Huawei case highlights a
number of weaknesses in the UK’s approach to investment in the Critical National
Infrastructure (CNI). The Government’s duty to protect the safety and security of its
citizens should not be compromised by fears of financial consequences, or lack of
appropriate protocols. However, a lack of clarity around procedures, responsibility
and powers means that national security issues risked, and continue to risk, being
overlooked.
The BT/Huawei relationship began nearly ten years ago; the process for considering
national security issues at that time was insufficiently robust. The Committee was
shocked that officials chose not to inform, let alone consult, Ministers on such an
issue.716
It appears that, by 2016, the Government had still failed to take action, and that security
decisions were still being compromised in a way that leaves the UK at risk.
713
714
715
Letter to the ISC Director from the Private Secretary to the Prime Minister, 30 April 2021.
716
157
CHINA
GGG. The scale of investments by the China General Nuclear Power Group in the
UK Civil Nuclear sector – and its willingness to undergo expensive and lengthy
regulatory approval processes – demonstrates China’s determination to become a
permanent and significant player in the UK Civil Nuclear sector, as a stepping stone in
its bid to become a global supplier. Involvement will provide China with an opportunity
to develop its expertise and gain both experience and credibility as a partner.
HHH. The question is to what extent the Government is prepared to let China invest
in such a sensitive sector, for the sake of investment, and whether the security risks
have been clearly communicated to Ministers – and understood. The Government
would be naïve to assume that allowing Chinese companies to exert influence over the
UK’s Civil Nuclear and Energy sectors is not ceding control to the Chinese Communist
Party.
III. Using the fact that Hinkley Point C will be operated by a French company as
justification for allowing Chinese involvement was obfuscatory: the Government
clearly knew that that decision would lead to it allowing the use of Chinese technology
and Chinese operational control at Bradwell B. It is astonishing that the investment
security process for Hinkley Point C did not therefore take Bradwell B into account. It
is unacceptable for the Government still to be considering Chinese involvement in the
UK’s Critical National Infrastructure (CNI) at a granular level, taking each case
individually and without regard for the wider security risk. It is imperative that linked
investments are considered in the round and that Ministers are consulted on the
cumulative security risk brought by linked Chinese investments. Effective Ministerial
oversight in this area is still lacking, more than eight years on from the Committee’s
Report on the national security implications of foreign involvement in the UK’s CNI.
158
Espionage and Influence
ESPIONAGE AND INFLUENCE
Espionage: Incentive and opportunity

448. China is interested in the UK Civil Nuclear sector because it offers it the chance to
develop its expertise, experience and credibility in the industry, both for domestic and
international gain. As previously noted, it will use overt channels in service of these goals,
such as exploitation of UK Academia, technology transfer (including via manufacturing
license agreements with UK companies), joint ventures, and FDI (including purchasing
specialist manufacturers). According to HMG assessment, methods such as these may also
be “providing China with *** access to manufacturing and tooling expertise and
knowledge”.717
449. However, China’s involvement also provides it with both incentive and opportunity
for espionage. There have been public allegations of systemic espionage and theft of
commercially valuable information from the UK and other countries,718 and charges that
this has enabled China to simply re-engineer technology developed by others. These are
concerns that should be taken seriously ***. In terms of incentive, *** the JIC assessed:
The implementation of China’s strategy of becoming a global Civil Nuclear supplier,

including investment in the UK ***.719
***720 ***.721
450. In terms of opportunity, the UK Intelligence Community made clear that “Chinese
espionage does not depend on inward investment”. They noted that:
the access generated by or through China General Nuclear (CGN) personnel involved
in Hinkley Point C (HPC) and Sizewell C (SZC) *** overt and espionage activities.722
Nevertheless, China appears to be willing and able to conduct espionage through its
investments in CNI, including in the Civil Nuclear sector – we note for instance the Federal
Bureau of Investigation (FBI) indictment of CGN in 2016, addressed in the case study of
Allen Ho later in this section ***.723
451. There is little doubt that the Chinese state is willing to use intelligence collection to
give state-owned enterprises such as CGN a commercial edge, and it is unlikely that CGN
is merely a beneficiary of such intelligence; it is believed that ***. Chinese businesses are
required to maintain a symbiotic relationship with the Chinese state, as MI5 noted:
717
Written evidence – HMG, October 2020.
718
For example, ‘Chinese Hinkley backer is accused of espionage’, The Times, 11 August 2016; and ‘Nuclear
espionage charge for China firm with one-third stake in UK’s Hinkley Point’, The Guardian, 11 August 2016.
719
720
Written evidence – JIO, 27 October 2017.
721
722
Written evidence – JSTAT, October 2020.
723
***
159
CHINA
There is no ability … to be a big enterprise in China without complete interdependency

with the state, and you will have seen that a lot in the kind of conversation around
Huawei.
So in terms of state control, state influence, state ability to use any bit of industry, to
deliver a wider state ambition, that is as true of Chinese [General] Nuclear as it is of
any other large organisation in China.724
452. While Chinese investment in Hinkley Point C might open the door for the UK to allow
CGN to build and operate, Bradwell B would be opening a direct channel from the UK
nuclear enterprise to the Chinese state. MI5 explained:
There is a Chinese state law around sharing data with the state, and that applies to all
industries and all organisations. ***. There are expectations around sharing of
expertise; so if you have got a particular individual in your industry who is developing
a capability that the state is interested in, particularly for dual use, *** there would be
an expectation of sharing.725
JJJ. We have serious concerns about the incentive and opportunity for espionage
that Chinese involvement in the UK’s Civil Nuclear sector provides. Investment in
Hinkley Point C opened the door, but for the UK to allow the China General Nuclear
Power Group to build and operate Bradwell B would be opening a direct channel from
the UK nuclear enterprise to the Chinese state.
Cover, contacts and access

453. China is unlikely to glean commercially valuable information directly from its
investments, but Chinese involvement in the sector inevitably increases the risk of espionage
by providing legitimate cover for Chinese nationals whose primary role may be to conduct
espionage activity (either against the Civil Nuclear sector in particular, or UK targets more
broadly)726 and access to facilities and Intellectual Property (IP) that may not otherwise
have been available.727
454. As noted above, CGN, as a state-owned enterprise, is ***.728 ***.729
455. MI5 noted that there had been instances *** where employees in the Civil Nuclear
sector had conducted espionage (the Allen Ho case study below is one such example), and
we questioned witnesses as to whether such cases had been seen in the UK. They stated that
***.730 MI5 explained that experts are cultivated in all fields:
That can start from university … how to look at the right university students and what
subjects they are studying.
724
725
726
727
728
Written evidence – JSTAT and NCSC, 5 December 2018.
729
Written evidence – JSTAT, October 2020.
730
160
It goes absolutely into deep expertise … [with] active LinkedIn campaigns of reaching
out to people ***.
Then [there are] *** industries of particular interest and concern.
So it is the full range. ***. The very focused stuff tends to be going after an individual
with particular expertise that is then going to accelerate your build ***.731
Case study: Allen Ho

In 2016, the Federal Bureau of Investigation indicted a naturalised United States (US)
citizen, Allen Szuhsiung Ho, and the Chinese state-owned enterprise China General
Nuclear (CGN), for conspiracy to engage in the production of special nuclear material
in China without authorisation from the US Department of Energy. Ho is now serving a
two-year sentence.
Ho, a former employee of US nuclear company Westinghouse, worked at CGN for over
20 years. By 2004 at the latest, he had moved into a role recruiting consultants with
experience in the US nuclear industry for CGN ***.
Later, Ho assisted CGN with its Small Modular Reactor Program, in order to help them
produce nuclear small module reactors ***. ***.
Throughout his time working for CGN ***. ***.732
456. In 2016, it was anticipated that, by 2020, there would be around 90 CGN personnel
split between the Hinkley Point C and Bradwell B projects, with the number for Sizewell C
to be determined.733 While many (if not most) of these members of staff are not expected to
be based on site, as we have previously outlined, there is always a degree of risk in granting
Chinese nationals legitimate access to these sites. (While not all CGN staff will be Chinese
nationals, it is likely that many will be.) The risk in the case of Hinkley Point and Sizewell
was explained as arising because the presence of CGN in the sector facilitates access to UK
nuclear experts and thereby increases opportunities for espionage.734 The level of risk at
Hinkley Point and Sizewell is therefore described as ***.735 However, were CGN to construct
Bradwell, the risks would presumably be more significant, due to the greater access this
would provide into the UK’s nuclear industry. ***
***736
457. Even though Chinese nationals are unlikely to be granted the level of security clearance
necessary for unescorted access to sensitive parts of a nuclear power station, the very fact of
731
732
733
Written evidence – CPNI, February 2016.
734
***
735
736
161
CHINA
their presence and of their legitimate ***.737 MI5 noted the Chinese state’s ability to use its
people, industries and companies to gather information, and said that:
***.738
458. It is also worth noting that the Civil Nuclear sector will be a user of the Government’s
Secret-level IT system (known as ROSA), which is explicitly designed to protect against
hostile states.739 Providing an agent of a foreign state with even irregular access to the
system could undermine its viability as a tool of secure communications.
459. Nevertheless, witnesses were keen to emphasise that, while the question of physical
access to sensitive sites by Chinese nationals is taken seriously, it is more of an issue that
might “provide good media headlines and be an alarming picture” than is really the case in
practice, since “you really don’t need to be present to get the scale of data and have the
opportunity”.740 In October 2020 the DNSA explained that:
there will be some forms of threat that physical access will offer greater opportunity
for. That said, the nuclear sector is extremely highly regulated and inspected and, as
part of the Energy Act, there are a whole set of provisions in there that mean that the
site operators have security plans, that they are assured, and they will work with the
CPNI [Centre for the Protection of National Infrastructure] on the particular kind of
insider risks and the specific technical insider risks and get the best professional advice
on staff access, everything from pass routines, and we do that for the Energy sector in
the same way as we do for other sectors with CNI.741
KKK. While we accept that the risk posed by physical access to Civil Nuclear sites is
overshadowed by the vulnerabilities exposed by Chinese investment and operational
control, it would be wrong to dismiss the former outright. The Government recognises
the risk that a digital back door into the UK’s Critical National Infrastructure might
create, but the risk posed by the literal back door of human actors with access to
sensitive sites should not be dismissed.
Cyber
460. Chinese cyber actors appear to have an interest in, and ability to target, a broad range
of international companies and agencies in the Civil Nuclear sector. An assessment ***
stated that, “in the last twelve months [the Chinese] have compromised ***”.742
461. There also appears to be indications of Chinese cyber attacks targeting UK firms with
links to the Civil Nuclear sector. For example, ***.743 ***.744
737
Written evidence – HMG ***, August 2016.
738
739
740
741
742
***
743
Written evidence – CPNI, 2014.
744
Written evidence – CPNI, 2014.
162
462. Such attacks are designed to provide China with – primarily – IP, in order to give it a
shortcut on research and development time and costs, thereby giving it an advantage over
competitors.745 It also allows China to identify technologies and IP that could be acquired
through legitimate investment.
463. Of potentially greater concern than the power stations themselves are the supply
chains. The supply chains for Hinkley Point C and Bradwell B will each involve large
numbers of UK companies ***. We questioned witnesses who told us that *** in the supply
chains in the Civil Nuclear sector ***. NCSC described ***.746 The Joint State Threats
Assessment Centre (JSTAT) and NCSC assess that ***.747
464. NCSC explained that, in conjunction with MI5 ***:
*** previously we looked very much at our National Infrastructure in counter-terrorism

terms – things you can put bollards around – and that didn’t help very well with the
logical assets and digital infrastructure that webbed across our infrastructure – you
know, how telco [telecommunications] is linked to Energy…
*** allows us to understand how these things touch – and what that is bringing out, of
course ***
NCSC said that, as a result:
we have stood up new capability in this area, *** and will allow Government to target
our resource in the areas that reach across sectors in a way that we have not been able
to do before.748
LLL. We are reassured that the Intelligence Community have recognised the ***
vulnerability that potentially lies in the supply chains: effort to protect against cyber
attacks must include the supply chains.
Influence: Leverage and disruption

465. China appears routinely to use its proposed foreign investments for political leverage
***. China’s very significant investment in the UK’s Civil Nuclear sector would therefore
seem to provide it with very significant leverage. However, the Intelligence Community ***
assess that China is unlikely explicitly to use those investments to exert leverage over the
UK, as doing so may compromise China’s wider economic and commercial objectives:749
the DNSA confirmed that the Intelligence Community have ***.750
466. Nevertheless, they acknowledge that “[the application of leverage] is still possible and
over the lifetime of the projects Chinese tactics may change”.751 We should not therefore be
745
746
747
Written evidence – JSTAT and NCSC, *** December 2018.
748
749
750
751
163
CHINA
blind to the possibility that the Chinese investments in Hinkley Point, Bradwell and Sizewell
could be used as political leverage over the UK Government, both on the narrow issue of the
Civil Nuclear sector itself, and on broader Chinese issues: first, in the initial stages, as the
threat of withholding or withdrawing funding could place the future of a project (and its
intended outcome) in jeopardy; and second, once construction has finished and generation
begins, by having control of the sites that generate a substantial proportion of the UK’s
electricity and therefore potentially holding it to ransom.
467. The potential for involvement in one industry to be used as leverage to gain a foothold
in another industry can be clearly seen from the Chinese messaging in 2020, when the
Chinese Ambassador to the UK told business leaders that a UK decision to ban Huawei
could undermine plans for Chinese companies to build nuclear power plants and the HS2
high-speed rail network.752
468. There is also a geostrategic concern around the UK becoming reliant on China for the
ongoing maintenance of Chinese-built nuclear reactors (particularly given the very long
operating life of nuclear reactors). This reliance could give China another ‘lever’ to apply
pressure if diplomatic relations decline in future.753
469. It could also be argued that the very fact that China will be able to exert some control
over the UK’s CNI will complicate the Government’s calculations when trying to challenge
Chinese behaviour in other areas – for example, in relation to human rights. In other words,
it may not be possible to separate the Civil Nuclear sector from wider geopolitical and
diplomatic considerations.
470. The Committee asked the Intelligence Community if there had been any indications
that China would use its foothold in the Civil Nuclear sector to exert pressure in other areas.
We were told that that was a question for the (then) Department for Business, Energy and
Industrial Strategy (BEIS) to answer.754 Unfortunately, the Government has refused to allow
this Committee access to BEIS – this is yet another example of the failure of the Fusion
Doctrine when it comes to oversight.
471. Part of the concern about the influence and control that Chinese investment in the UK
Civil Nuclear sector might secure is around the threat of disruption. Disruption could mean
temporarily shutting down a power network (at a localised or even national level) or causing
irreparable damage to an energy-production facility, which could result in an energy shortage
and/or a greater burden on alternative energy production. Depending on the means used to
disrupt an energy-production facility, there could well be an impact on the local environment.
472. During the course of this Inquiry, we were concerned that increased physical access to
nuclear power stations could aid the exercise of these capabilities, whether to disrupt energy
supply or to cause physical or environmental damage. Physical access to nuclear sites would
presumably mean that an individual with the right access might be able to shut the system
down. While the degree of disruption would depend on the incident ***.755 Furthermore, it
752
‘China threatens to pull plug on new British nuclear plants’, The Times, 7 June 2020.
753
754
755
164
is recognised that physical access would help facilitate cyber attacks, which could cause
disruption. In 2016, a review by a Government ‘Red Team’ – made up of representatives
from *** – assessed that ***. The UK Intelligence Community told the Committee that
***.756
473. Witnesses emphasised that a cyber attack is not contingent on having direct access to
infrastructure. NCSC noted that, in the cyber world, “it is no longer something about
physical presence, actually there are many different ways you can access this data”.757 The
point was reiterated by MI5, who noted that “it is much, much, cheaper to sit outside [it]
with a laptop than it is to buy a nuclear power station”.758 ***.759
474. ***.760 The long-term nature of Civil Nuclear CNI means that HMG must be alert to
the potential for threats to emerge in future if circumstances change ***.761 Such a threat
therefore should not be discounted.
475. In November 2019, an article in The Telegraph alleged that there had been an attack
against an unspecified UK nuclear facility.762 We questioned the NCSC, who noted that
there was not enough information in the original article to definitively link it to an incident
they had dealt with, but stated that “none [of the cyber attacks against the UK Civil Nuclear
sector] were deemed to have triggered what the press reports described as a ‘security
crisis’”.763
MMM. While we recognise that the threat of disruption is less likely, the threat of
leverage is very real: the fact that China will be able to exert some control over the
UK’s Critical National Infrastructure will complicate the Government’s calculations
in its broader approach to China. In other words, it may not be possible to separate the
Civil Nuclear sector from wider geopolitical and diplomatic considerations.
The position of the United States

476. As with telecommunications (until the reversal of policy on Huawei), the UK
Government appears to be out of step with the United States (US) with regard to the threat
of Chinese espionage in relation to the Civil Nuclear sector. According to the Sunday Times,
the Allen Ho case prompted “a full-scale review by the US National Security Council, which
led to new rules blocking CGN from acquiring American technology”, and the US added
CGN to the Entity List764 in August 2019, thereby barring US companies from selling
756
Written evidence – HMG, August 2016.
757
758
759
760
761
762
‘Cyber-attack targets UK’s nuclear industry’, The Telegraph, 30 November 2019.
763
Written evidence – NCSC, 3 December 2020.
764
The US Entity List is a tool used by the Department of Commerce to restrict the export, re-export and
in‑country transfer of certain items, listed under the Export Administration Regulations, to entities (individuals,
organisations or companies) that are potentially involved in activities that are contrary to the national security
or foreign policy interests of the US.
165
CHINA
products to them.765 In August 2021, the Biden Administration restricted US citizens from
investing in 59 “Chinese companies that undermine the security or democratic values of the
United States and our allies”, one of which was CGN.766
477. While CGN has not – at the time of writing – been the subject of a concerted US
diplomatic offensive in quite the same way as Huawei, US officials have publicly warned
the UK against dealing with CGN. For instance, The Times reported: “Christopher Ashley
Ford, US assistant secretary [of State] for international security and non-proliferation, said
the UK had been given intelligence showing China General Nuclear transferred technologies
from civilian enterprise for military uses.”767 The Financial Times reported in August 2020
that, at a private meeting with MPs in July 2020, the (then) US Secretary of State, Mike
Pompeo, raised the subject of CGN’s activities in the UK.768 CGN’s interest in Hitachi’s
Wylfa project has led to objections from the US as well. The Sunday Times reported that
“officials from the US State Department ... have heaped pressure on” the Japanese industrial
giant not to sell the project to the Chinese.769
478. Somewhat surprisingly, witnesses told this Inquiry in October 2020 that they had not
“had a direct conversation with [their] counterpart in the US about CGN”.770 They noted
that their counterparts at the (then) Department for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy
(BEIS) might have engaged in such conversations with US interlocutors but did not appear
to know. In October 2020, the DNSA simply said that she “could well imagine it becoming
more of a topic of conversation”.771 This lack of knowledge, or even interest, is surprising
given the JSTAT and NCSC assessment that “it is likely that increased cooperation with
***”.772
479. Witnesses were keen to note that the current discussion on CGN should not be equated
with the longstanding concerns over Huawei. ***:
it is that there are not the same *** equities in what the UK is doing in its Civil
Nuclear, that there are in Huawei and telecoms, which … is that sort of global web.
***.773
480. The location of the sites in which the Chinese have invested has also proved contentious
with the US. It has been reported that US officials have raised concerns with the UK
Government about the prospect of CGN taking on the Moorside site, due to the site’s
proximity to BAE Systems’ facility at Barrow-in-Furness (where the UK’s nuclear
765
‘US warning on Chinese nuke plans in Cumbria’, Sunday Times, 16 December 2018; ‘U.S. Blacklists China
Nuclear Firms Accused of Aiding Military’, Bloomberg, 15 August 2019.
766
‘Fact Sheet: Executive Order addressing the threat from securities investments that finance certain
companies of the People’s Republic of China’, White House, 3 June 2021.
767
‘Spy warning on Chinese nuclear company’, The Times, 25 October 2018.
768
‘China tensions raise doubts over UK nuclear projects’, Financial Times, 6 August 2020.
769
‘Donald Trump warns Hitachi not to sell Anglesey nuclear site to China’, Sunday Times, 28 June 2020.
770
771
772
Written evidence – JSTAT and NCSC, 5 December 2018.
773
***
166
submarines are built; the two sites are 20 miles apart).774 These are legitimate concerns ***.
The JIC concluded that ***.775
481. However, even if the UK makes a decision in regards to Chinese investment in nuclear
based on its own national security concerns, the Chinese will see it as stemming from US
concerns and pressure. In 2020, the JIC assessed:
No matter how any [hypothetical] action [opposing a Chinese role at Bradwell] is

presented to China ***776
The non-nuclear Energy Sector

Public attention has focused primarily on the Civil Nuclear sector, as does this Case
Study. However, during our inquiry we did consider whether there was a similar threat
to UK’s non-nuclear Energy sector. In simple terms, the ‘Energy’ Critical National
Infrastructure (CNI) sector comprises all UK infrastructure associated with Energy
which is not Civil Nuclear. There are three sub-sectors – electricity, gas and oil.777
China’s interest in the non-nuclear Energy sector is primarily driven by its huge domestic
demand for energy: China alone accounts for 25% of global daily energy consumption;
its electricity requirements have quadrupled since 2000; it is the world’s biggest consumer
and producer of coal, which accounts for three-fifths of its energy use; and it is the
world’s largest oil importer.778 However, with severe pollution and environmental
damage posing a possible threat to popular support for the Chinese Communist Party
(CCP), it has also invested heavily in renewables (with the result that it now has a
quarter of the world’s solar panels, and a third of the world’s wind turbines).779
774
‘US warning on Chinese nuke plans in Cumbria’, Sunday Times, 16 December 2018.
775
776
777
‘CNI Series: Energy (Strategic cyber threat assessment)’, NCSC, 2017. The electricity network is made up
of assets that generate, transmit and distribute electricity across the UK (for example generation stations,
substations, cable tunnels, switching equipment and control rooms managing the network). National Grid,
SSE and Scottish Power are responsible for electricity transmission. There are considerable interdependencies
between the electricity sector and other critical assets across other CNI sectors (such as telecommunications,
finance and transport), meaning that of the Energy sub-sectors, electricity is perhaps the most important. The
gas sector comprises assets such as gas platforms, terminals, storage facilities, odourisation plants, pressure
reduction and compressor stations, and control rooms managing the network. The downstream gas sector
includes 250,000km of pipelines (known as the National Transmission System), and 21m consumers. National
Grid is the sole owner and operator for gas transmission, but no longer deals with gas distribution, which is
handled by four companies: Northern Gas Networks, SGN, Cadent Gas, and Wales and West Utilities. The oil
sector is made up of assets such as oil platforms, terminals, refineries, storage facilities, pumping stations,
control rooms managing the network, and transport to the forecourts and airports. Pipelines are also part of the
sector; a small number of these are owned by the UK Government, with the rest being owned by oil companies.
778
‘China’s promised energy revolution’, Financial Times, 20 November 2017.
779
‘The world is investing less in clean energy’, The Economist, 5 September 2019.
167
CHINA
By contrast with the nuclear sector, there does not appear to be a threat from investment:
the wider UK Energy sector is diverse and competitive, and therefore, while there is
little information available on the scale of China’s investments in the UK Energy sector,
the size of the sector means that these will be proportionally less significant.
Overall, there is no evidence that China’s investments in UK Energy amount to a ‘critical
mass’ of control over the sector that would cause concern.
The primary threat appears to be in relation to Intellectual Property (IP). The Chinese
government has a strategic imperative to acquire technology that will enable it to improve
and increase its domestic energy production. However, as it is likely that China will remain
reliant on imports for much of its energy requirements in the medium term, it also needs to
secure its energy supply overseas, including through the direct acquisition of energy assets
(such as oil fields). The Deputy National Security Adviser noted that China’s principal
concern was to “[ensure] it has got technology to sustain its own energy consumption”.780
As a result, the National Cyber Security Centre (NCSC) assesses that China presents a
*** cyber espionage threat to the UK Energy sector.781 *** The UK Intelligence
Community assesses ***.782 Chinese cyber actors have previously targeted the UK
Energy sector; in ***, a FTSE 100 energy company, was compromised, with commercially
sensitive information stolen.783
Despite this threat, in evidence, the NCSC was keen to emphasise the importance of
investment to the sector:
Chinese interest is live and it is also really good investment. You know, utilities, and
our network operators and oil and gas and electricity and smart meters are really
good investments in terms of economic terms, and it fulfils the requirements as I said
before that Chinese, in building their own energy knowledge, legitimately acquiring
IP by buying companies and driving that commercial agenda that we have repeatedly
referred to, so it meets the domestic and the economic criteria.784
There have been suspected incidents of hostile reconnaissance by *** at Energy CNI
sites ***: we were told ***.785 ***
***.786
780
781
Written evidence – NCSC, 2017.
782
783
Written evidence – GCHQ, 8 May and 26 September 2019.
784
785
786
168
In terms of the threat to the Energy sector from disruption, the potential impact of
offensive cyber operations can be seen from the 2016 and 2017 attacks on the Ukrainian
energy grid, which caused the temporary loss of power to hundreds of thousands of
people. Even relatively small-scale disruptions to electricity generation can have
significant knock-on effects. For example, when just two British power generators went
offline in August 2019 due to a lightning strike, over 1,000 train services were cancelled
or delayed, and 1.1m people were left without power for up to 50 minutes.787 ***.788
***.789 ***.790
A lack of diversity in the infrastructure is also an issue. ***. ***.791 ***.792 ***.793
***.794
Chinese cyber actors have also conducted Computer Network Exploitation against UK
and international companies *** within the Energy sector ***795
***.796
NNN. Unlike the Civil Nuclear sector, the Energy sector appears to provide China
with less potential for leverage, as it does not have the same long-term reliance
issues that we see in the Civil Nuclear sector. Nevertheless, there are concerns in
relation to the threat to the Energy sector from economic espionage (particularly in
the area of new ‘green’ energy) and disruption.
787
‘National Grid blames lightning strike for blackout’, The Guardian, 20 August 2019; ‘National Grid blames
lightning strike as it faces Ofgem power cut investigation’, Sky News, 20 August 2019.
788
Written evidence – Cabinet Office, 16 August 2019.
789
Written evidence – UK Intelligence Community, October 2018.
790
791
792
793
794
795
796
Written evidence – UK Intelligence Community, October 2018; NCSC, 2017.
169
170
THE GOVERNMENT RESPONSE
482. As previously noted, boosting economic ties with China has been a clear priority for
recent Governments, with the Coalition Government, Cameron Government and – to a
lesser extent – the May Government all seeking Chinese investment in the UK. This desire
is what has driven Government strategy in relation to the Civil Nuclear sector. In 2013 the
National Security Council (NSC) decided that there was no bar to Chinese investment in the
UK Civil Nuclear sector in principle (including, in time, majority ownership and the use of
Chinese technology), provided all regulatory requirements were met.797
483. Chinese investments in the sector have been underpinned by several strategic dialogues
and agreements. During President Xi Jinping’s state visit in 2015, a ‘Statement of Cooperation
in the field of Civil Nuclear Energy’ was signed by the UK and China. This statement
confirmed that the UK and China “welcome investment and participation in each other’s
nuclear new build programmes”. It specifically welcomed the Hinkley Point C, Sizewell C
and Bradwell B proposals, and noted that the successful approval of a Chinese reactor design
for use in the UK would “mark the beginning of a genuine long-term strategic partnership”.798
484. The 2015 National Security Strategy stated the Government’s wish to “[modernise]
the UK’s Energy infrastructure, including by attracting inward investors, with appropriate
assessment of any national security risks, and mitigation” and adds that, “this approach has
resulted in the recent investment by China into the new Hinkley Point C power station,
supporting our longer-term Energy security”.799
485. The annual UK–China Economic and Financial Dialogue includes specific discussions
on energy co-operation: the policy outcomes statement issued following the 2019 dialogue
noted that “both sides attach importance to cooperation in the field of Civil Nuclear energy
… [and] recognise the potential for further mutual beneficial commercial partnerships …
[including in the] nuclear energy supply chain”.800
486. However, while the Government has previously emphasised that the UK is open for
investment, the high-profile 2020 review of the 2016 Hinkley Point C decision, followed by
the decision to ban Huawei from the 5G telecommunications network, mean that national
security considerations have risen up the agenda. There have been reports that the Government
considers China’s involvement in the UK Civil Nuclear sector (particularly in relation to
Bradwell B) to be “politically unpalatable”.801 It is also noteworthy that no specific reference
to Chinese investment in UK nuclear energy was made in the Integrated Review.
797
‘National security assessment of scenarios of Chinese majority and minority ownership in Hinkley’,
Department for Energy and Climate Change, July 2015.
798
‘Statement of Cooperation in the Field of Civil Nuclear Energy 2015’, HMG, 21 October 2015.
799
‘National Security Strategy and Strategic Defence and Security Review 2015’, HMG, November 2015.
800
‘Policy Outcomes of the 10th UK–China Economic and Financial Dialogue’, HMG, 17 June 2019. At the
time of writing, there was also a separate UK–China Energy Dialogue, co-chaired by the Secretary of State for
BEIS along with their Chinese counterpart.
801
‘UK looks to remove China’s CGN from nuclear power project’, Financial Times, 25 July 2021; ‘China’s
nuclear power firm could be blocked from UK projects’, The Guardian, 26 July 2021.
171
CHINA
Cross-government scrutiny of foreign investment

487. Under the Enterprise Act 2002, the (then) Department for Business, Energy and
Industry Strategy (BEIS) was responsible for intervening in mergers and takeovers on
national security grounds. However, in 2013, this Committee found that there was a lack of
effective scrutiny when Huawei’s entry into the UK’s telecommunications CNI was under
consideration in the early 2000s, and we recommended that security concerns must be
factored into any decision on foreign investment in the UK’s CNI.802
488. In 2016, the Investment Security Group (ISG) was established in the Cabinet Office to
formalise consideration of foreign investment in CNI. The DNSA told us that “really, what
that [establishment of the ISG] did was provide more resourcing” and a request “that BEIS
review the legislative powers that underpin the work in this area which has of course since
resulted in the National Security and Investment Bill”. In 2019, the process was once again
reviewed – the DNSA told us in October 2020 that this was because the caseload was
increasing. The result of the review was that:
the numbers of people across Whitehall … doubled … to deal with the case workload
that we were looking at, focused very much on upskilling departments to understand
their sectors and have better insights and a larger unit for processing the casework.803
489. The ISG was tasked with assessing the national security implications of foreign
investment, and ensuring that Ministers and officials were provided with timely,
comprehensive and balanced advice when taking decisions on such investment. Chaired by
the DNSA (Intelligence, Security and Resilience), and supported by the Cabinet Office, the
ISG comprised Director General- and Director-level representatives from across Whitehall.
490. China represented the single largest country of origin for ISG investigations. However,
it became apparent during this Inquiry that the ISG looked at cases individually, rather than
examining linked investments and overall impact across the sector. When we questioned
why, we were told that the overall security of the sector and China’s involvement in it “is
very much a BEIS policy lead” and that BEIS is accountable for it.804 It therefore appears
that, as a matter of policy, BEIS considered that foreign investment in the Civil Nuclear
sector did not need to be looked at in the round, and the ISG simply followed that direction.
This is clearly absurd: we question how any department can consider that a foreign country
single-handedly running our nuclear power stations should not give pause for thought.
491. This concern was reinforced when, less than six weeks later, we were told that BEIS’s
lack of security expertise, capabilities and infrastructure was such that the Investment
Security Unit (ISU) (the new unit set to take over the work of the ISG following the passage
of the National Security Investment Act 2021) had to be “incubated” in the Cabinet Office
because the Cabinet Office could “do that kind of intelligence component” – implying that
BEIS couldn’t.805
802
Foreign involvement in the Critical National Infrastructure, Cm 8629.
803
804
805
172
492. In October 2020, the DNSA explained that “the reason we haven’t sort of chucked it
straight over the fence is that we are trying to give BEIS some time to build that capability”.806
The DNSA went on to say:
That doesn’t mean it’s easy to build that capability, but in key areas, and I think
particularly DCMS [the Department for Digital, Culture, Media and Sport] and BEIS,
we’ve really got to help them and support them develop the same level of maturity we
see in other areas of government, particularly DfT [the Department for Transport].807
In other words, BEIS is responsible for countering the threat emanating from China’s
involvement in the Energy sector, but, in October 2020, it was readily acknowledged by the
DNSA – at the heart of the UK Intelligence Community – that BEIS did not and does not
have the expertise, capabilities or infrastructure to do so.808
493. Returning to the issue of cumulative threat, in December 2020, we wrote to the BEIS
Minister to ask whether the ISU would be able to consider the cumulative effect of
investments and were assured that it would be able to do so.809 We understand this to mean
that a situation where there are concerns about linked investments would also be considered.
If so, this is a positive change and an improvement on what appears to have happened in the
case of Hinkley Point C/Bradwell B.
OOO. We reiterate that foreign investment cases cannot be looked at in isolation and
on their own merits. It is absurd that the (then) Department for Business, Energy and
Industrial Strategy (BEIS) considered that foreign investment in the Civil Nuclear
sector did not need to be looked at in the round: we question how any department can
consider that a foreign country single-handedly running our nuclear power stations
shouldn’t give pause for thought. This clearly demonstrates that BEIS does not have
the expertise to be responsible for such sensitive security matters.810
PPP. Previous investments in the sector, or the potential for there to be ‘legitimate
expectation’ that an investment in one area ought to facilitate a linked investment,
must be taken into account. If the Investment Security Unit fails to do so, then it will
be unable to counteract the ‘whole-of-state’ approach so effectively utilised by China
(amongst others).
806
807
808
We now understand that, as part of the restructure of several government departments in February 2023, the
Investment Security Unit (ISU) has returned from BEIS to the Cabinet Office. The Committee has not been in
a position during this Inquiry to scrutinise the effectiveness of this transfer, or the reasons behind it. Whilst, in
principle, we would have welcomed the move to return the ISU to the Cabinet Office, where the relevant
security expertise, capabilities and infrastructure are more likely to be in place, as we have previously noted,
unfortunately, effective oversight has not been put in place.
809
Letter from Minister for Business and Industry to the ISC Chairman, 7 December 2020. (This letter was
placed in the Libraries of both Houses and is publicly available).
810
As previously noted, as part of the restructure of several government departments in February 2023, the
a position during this Inquiry to scrutinise the effectiveness of this transfer, or the reasons behind it. In principle,
we would have welcomed the move to return the ISU to the Cabinet Office, where the relevant security
expertise, capabilities and infrastructure are more likely to be in place. However, as outlined earlier,
173
CHINA
Regulation
494. The ONR is an independent regulator established under the Energy Act 2013. It
regulates nuclear safety, nuclear security, conventional health and safety on nuclear sites,
and the transport of radioactive materials. In addition, the ONR regulates the holders of
sensitive nuclear information, which are normally corporate headquarters and supply chain
organisations.811
495. The Nuclear Installations Act 1965 empowers the ONR to attach to each nuclear site
such licence conditions as it considers necessary either in the interests of safety or with
respect to the handling, treatment and disposal of nuclear matter. Licence conditions can
include requirements for cyber security and resilience.
496. The ONR is responsible for inspections of nuclear sites and for enforcement of the
laws and regulations concerning the Civil Nuclear sector, and has the power to prosecute for
breaches of relevant legislation in England and Wales, and to recommend prosecution in
Scotland. Witnesses noted that these responsibilities can be altered by the Secretary of State:
in the Civil Nuclear sector, the regulation covers two areas. That is unplanned
radiological release and sensitive nuclear information, and the definition … of that is
anything interesting to an adversary. So that is extremely broad. Therefore it has to be
narrowed down by the Secretary of State for BEIS. … ONR … have a letter from the
Secretary of State for BEIS, who dictate the parameters of what they are to regulate
for.
So it is within Government’s purview, the Secretary of State, to define how broad or

how narrow that is. So we work with ONR and with BEIS to articulate the threat and
how that is changing, and then they interpret that to regulate.812
497. In the context of Chinese investment in the Civil Nuclear sector, the ONR is responsible
for the approvals process for new reactor designs, and is therefore key to China’s ambitions
to showcase its Hualong One reactor technology at Bradwell. Although the design has been
approved from a regulatory point of view, the ONR would also have to approve a nuclear
site licence for the Bradwell project.
498. The ONR has a working relationship with the Centre for the Protection of National
Infrastructure (CPNI), NCSC and Joint Terrorism Analysis Centre (JTAC) (and the ONR
had staff embedded within JTAC until 2021). As the CEO of NCSC explained to us in
January 2017:
[There] isn’t any legislation specifically passed to enforce cybersecurity standards in

any [CNI] sector … [but] the Office of the Nuclear Regulator has the power to direct
that certain standards in the engineering must be adhered to and the [ONR] consults
us on what [those standards] should be in the age of cyber defence and that is, I think,
a helpful process.813
811
The ONR does not regulate defence nuclear sites and activities.
812
813
Oral evidence – GCHQ, *** January 2017; HMG answer to Parliamentary Written Question 20270,
17 December 2015.
174
499. While there is no doubt that the Civil Nuclear sector has a much more robust regulatory
framework than other CNI sectors (notably telecommunications), the effectiveness of the
ONR in countering threats from Hostile State Activity (HSA) (which might be considered
to be part of its overall remit of ensuring safety standards are met) is unclear. For example,
the ONR seeks to verify that electronic components used in key systems in nuclear power
stations meet the necessary safety standards ***.814 It appears that their powers are not
designed to address espionage, sabotage or leverage by investors. In 2016 the Government
Red Team noted that:
***.815
500. We questioned whether, should the decision be made to allow CGN to build and
operate the proposed Hualong One Chinese-designed reactor, a ‘cell’ (similar to the Huawei
Cyber Security Evaluation Centre (HCSEC)816) could be introduced to provide security
evaluation from within CGN. We were told that such a decision would be taken by the ONR,
in conjunction with the (then) Department for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy
(BEIS).817
QQQ. The regulation of the Civil Nuclear sector (through the Office of Nuclear
Regulation (ONR)) is robust. However, we have not been able to evaluate the
effectiveness of the ONR in countering Hostile State Activity – indeed, when we tried
to ascertain whether the powers held by the ONR were sufficient to protect national
security, witnesses from the Agencies and the Cabinet Office were unable to answer.
Given the significant Chinese investment in this sector, we recommend that a review of
the ONR’s ability to counter Hostile State Activity is undertaken.
RRR. Should the Government allow China General Nuclear Power Group (CGN) to
build and operate the proposed Hualong One reactor at Bradwell (or any other UK
nuclear power station), we recommend that the Government set up a ‘cell’ – a ‘nuclear’
version of the Huawei Cyber Security Evaluation Centre – in order to monitor the
technology and its operation and address any perceived risks arising from the
involvement of CGN in the UK’s Civil Nuclear sector.
Intervention: The ‘special share’

501. Following the 2016 review of the Hinkley Point C decision, the Business Secretary
announced an agreement in principle, confirmed by an exchange of letters, with EDF. This
‘special share’ means that the Government would have the legal right to be able to prevent
814
Written evidence – HMG Red Team, August 2016.
815
Written evidence – HMG Red Team, August 2016.
816
The Huawei Cyber Security Evaluation Centre (HCSEC) (commonly referred to as the ‘Cell’) opened in
November 2010 under a set of arrangements between Huawei and HMG to mitigate any perceived risks
arising from the involvement of Huawei in parts of the UK’s Critical National Infrastructure. HCSEC provides
security evaluation for a range of products used in the UK telecommunications market. Through HCSEC, the
Government is provided with insight into Huawei’s UK strategies and product ranges. NCSC, as the national
technical authority for information assurance and the lead government operational agency on cyber security,
leads for the Government in dealing with HCSEC and with Huawei more generally on technical security
matters. (Huawei Cyber Security Evaluation Centre (HCSEC) Oversight Board Annual Report 2021.)
817
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CHINA
the sale of EDF’s controlling stake in Hinkley Point C before the completion of construction.
It was further announced that the Government would take a ‘special share’ in all future
nuclear new-build projects, giving the Government the ability to intervene in any proposed
sale of more than 15% of shares in a project to another party on grounds of national security.
502. At the time of writing, the Government does not yet hold a special share in the Bradwell
B or Sizewell C projects, on the basis that they are pending ONR approval, and so there has
not been a formal stakeholder decision to proceed with the projects. NSS informed the
Committee that it “would not expect to seek or secure a special share in advance of … those
decisions”.818
503. While a special share may provide some greater powers for the Government, it would
not apply retrospectively; in other words, if the sale of shares in a nuclear project from, say,
a French company to a Chinese company was allowed by the Government in 2022 (following
assessment that the transaction did not pose a national security threat), the ‘special share’
would not give the Government any means to intervene in 2032 if the assessment of the
national security implications had changed by that point.819
504. It is of note that the Treasury, under the (then) Chancellor, George Osborne, twice
rejected the need for the Government to take a special share in Hinkley Point C. In 2016, the
Rt Hon. Sir Ed Davey MP (who, as Secretary of State for Energy and Climate Change, had
granted original planning permission for Hinkley Point C in 2013, prior to Chinese
involvement) suggested that Mr Osborne had vetoed the idea of a special share because he
was “so keen to send positive signals to the Chinese that he was prepared not to go the extra
mile for national security”.820
505. For his part, Mr Osborne stated that he had been advised by security experts and civil
servants that a special share “would not add more protection” because the nuclear industry
was already so highly regulated.821 This accords with advice in a paper circulated by the
Department for Energy and Climate Change (the predecessor to BEIS) in 2015, which stated
that “a special share provides only limited protection in that it could only stop a proposed
transfer of shares to an entity that was considered to be a security risk at the point of sale
… [and] the UK operational regulatory framework is set up to protect against dangerous
operations”.822
506. In evidence to this Inquiry, the DNSA noted that:
there are limitations to special shares. I think it is fair to say that they provide limited
assurance in particular circumstances. Regardless of how they are drafted, they are a
kind of one-point-in-time instrument and do not reflect the evolving threat of the future.
818
819
820
‘Hinkley Point: George Osborne says new deal is unchanged’, BBC News, 16 September 2016.
821
‘Hinkley Point: George Osborne says new deal is unchanged’, BBC News, 16 September 2016.
822
176
So I think what they can do is buy you a bit of assurance over a period of time, for
example with Hinkley it could have been that ministers chose to take a special share to
see them through the construction phase until the Enterprise Act could have been
activated, if necessary, on national security grounds.
As it was, I think EDF offered a letter of assurance around ownership up until the point
of construction, which meant Ministers were not minded to pursue the special share
but could have done, but I think you are right to say they are limited in what they can
find. 823
Advice to Industry
507. Advice to support the protection of the UK’s CNI falls to the NCSC, which provides
advice and assessments on cyber security, and CPNI, which is the UK’s national technical
authority for personnel and physical security advice. Around a third of CPNI’s work is
directed towards countering HSA, with a focus on work which is sector-specific and actor-
agnostic.824
508. HMG considers that it is impractical and disproportionate to try to detect and disrupt
all HSA threats to the UK’s CNI. There is therefore a focus on countering threats before they
materialise through “hardening” HMG and UK Industry (i.e. making UK CNI a hard target)
by providing thorough protective security advice for them to follow.825 CPNI and NCSC
expend considerable effort on a proactive approach to briefing and engagement with Industry,
as described in the earlier Industry Case Study.
509. Representatives from the UK’s Civil Nuclear and Energy sectors have access to
dedicated CPNI and NCSC advisers who provide them with guidance and information on
how to reduce the threat: CPNI have *** dedicated advisers for Civil Nuclear and Energy
***; NCSC have *** dedicated advisers for Civil Nuclear and *** for Energy.826 CPNI and
NCSC also host regular information exchanges, ***, at which industry representatives can
receive HSA threat briefings and mitigation advice.827
510. We were told that this element of the UK Intelligence Community’s advisory work
was in support of BEIS, as the lead Government department – and therefore the key decision-
maker – for policy on the Civil Nuclear and Energy sectors.
The Civil Nuclear sector

511. CPNI and NCSC have provided specific advice to the Civil Nuclear sector on insider
threats – including the need for robust screening and vetting controls, promoting workforce
security awareness and an effective security culture, and ensuring appropriate controls of
access to sensitive assets. Given the long lifespan of nuclear reactors, NCSC is conscious
that the range of threats may change during that time, and explained:
823
824
Written evidence – HMG, 18 April 2019; no comparable figure was provided for NCSC.
825
826
In its evidence, MI5 explained that CPNI increasingly *** with most of its advice and campaigns applicable
to many different CNI sectors ***.
827
177
CHINA
we take an actor agnostic approach to making sure that industry is capable of dealing
with any of the threats that it could face in the next decades and thinks about how to
build that in now, but also how to ensure resilience over time.828
NCSC explained that its approach is as much about considering the future intentions and
capabilities of states like China, as it is about understanding its current capabilities –
particularly given that these have already “changed very dramatically over time”.829
512. CPNI and NCSC contributed to an initiative *** intended to increase understanding of
the risks posed *** in the nuclear industry and to identify ways to counter the threat. These
include providing ongoing oversight and analysis *** in the sector, and supporting enhanced
verification and oversight of companies in the nuclear supply chain.830 We asked about this
programme and were told that the focus was not so much about strengthening personnel
security controls, but “about giving us more opportunities to act *** if there is a breach of
those processes”.831
513. While these ‘upstream’ efforts to limit the risks from Chinese investment are welcome,
they are just the beginning of the process. The Intelligence Community told the Committee
that ***.832 We were told about the process for accreditation and formulation of reactor
designs before the sites go live, and MI5 explained the UK Intelligence Community’s role
within this process:
***
The Office of Nuclear Regulation is [an] incredibly detailed and a powerful regulator,
so we can define things *** 833
SSS. While it is understandable that *** – given that Hinkley Point C is still under
construction, and the remainder had not been approved at the time of writing – the
finished projects must be subject to detailed (and continuing) scrutiny by the Centre
for the Protection of National Infrastructure and the Intelligence Community. We
expect to be kept informed of the advice provided by the Agencies and key decision
timelines.
Advice to the Energy Sector

The Intelligence Community say that “the relationship between CPNI [the Centre for the
Protection of National Infrastructure] and the Energy sector is already mature and the
understanding of the overall level of threat is well developed”.834 Examples of CPNI’s
work are as follows:
828
829
830
831
832
Written evidence – Cabinet Office, 16 August 2019.
833
***
834
178
● It carries out a number of tailored briefings and engagements at Energy sector

forums, which include a considerable focus on China and the wider HSA threat.835
● In response to suspected hostile reconnaissance by *** at Energy CNI sites
***.836 (This is an example of non-China-specific work which will nonetheless
help harden the UK’s CNI ***.)
At the time of writing, the National Cyber Security Centre (NCSC) agreed an annual
plan of work with the (then) Department for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy
(BEIS) for its support to the Energy sector. Examples of NCSC’s work in this area
include:
● the provision of technical support to a new Industrial Control System for

Electricity Northwest, one of the UK’s six electricity distribution companies,
serving over 2.4m homes;
● a technical design review of Greenergy’s implementation of Fuel-FACS, a piece
of software that is used to automate fuel terminal operations (Greenergy supplies
up to 35% of the UK’s road fuel);
● a review of cyber security improvements at South Hook Liquefied Natural Gas
Terminal, a facility that has the capability to supply up to 20% of the UK’s gas;
and
● a ‘deep-dive’ consulting exercise with National Grid over changes to the

Balancing Mechanism, the system that ensures the UK’s electricity supply meets
demand.837
Non sector-specific initiatives

514. In addition to the specific advice offered to the Civil Nuclear or Energy sectors, there
are a number of CPNI/NCSC initiatives that are not sector-specific – for example:
● ‘Secure Business’ risk management advice for UK companies doing business with
hostile states – which is freely available on the CPNI and NCSC websites;
● Project CONISTON, which sought to communicate the Chinese insider threat
across Government and Industry838 (amongst the CONISTON work strands were a
series of briefings advising Government departments and UK Industry
representatives on how to detect malicious targeting of staff on their networks);
and 839
835
836
837
838
839
179
CHINA
● Cyber Security Information Sharing Partnership, a joint industry and Government

initiative set up to exchange cyber threat information in real time, in a secure and
confidential manner.840
Wider UK Intelligence Community efforts

515. Investigating the broader Chinese threat to science and technology (of which Chinese
targeting of the Civil Nuclear and Energy sectors would form a part) is a key priority for
MI5 ***. ***.841 When we asked whether other powers were required to respond to the
threat posed, MI5 told us that the forthcoming Counter-State Threat Bill842 would give it:
more teeth than we have at the moment to be able to go after individual recruitments
in the same way that the FBI indictment … gives American colleagues. So I think there
is a gap there and we are looking for that legislation to help us plug it and that will be
very helpful. It will take us away from having to prove OSA [Official Secrets Act] links
to an ancient piece of legislation.843
516. The Counter-State Threat Bill was subject to a public consultation that closed on
22 July 2021. Our concerns about the slow progress being made on this legislation are set
out in Part One of the Report.
***844
TTT. Although Chinese involvement in, and control over, UK nuclear power stations
is deeply concerning, it offers only a small snapshot of the attempt to gain control over
a range of sectors, and technologies, by an increasingly assertive China. The Government
should commission an urgent review to examine and report on the extent to which
Chinese involvement in the sector should be minimised, if not excluded.
840
NCSC website.
841
Written evidence – MI5, 23 October 2019.
842
Now known as the National Security Bill, which was introduced in Parliament on 11 May 2022 (after
evidence-taking had concluded for this Inquiry).
843
844
180
Annex A: Covid-19
ANNEX A: COVID-19
517. On 12 January 2020, the World Health Organization (WHO) announced that a “2019
novel coronavirus” had been identified, originating in Wuhan, China, in late 2019. It noted
that “most cases [of people contracting the virus at the time] worked at or were handlers and
frequent visitors to the Huanan Seafood Wholesale Market” and that: “The [Chinese]
Government reports that there is no clear evidence that the virus passes easily from person
to person.”845
518. The exact origin of Covid-19846 remains unknown but heavily speculated upon. Some
reports have suggested the virus may have been circulating globally in the latter quarter of
2019. In the absence of conclusive evidence, it is generally accepted that the first cases of
the virus were detected in Wuhan, China, in December 2019. From there, it spread first
through Asia – most notably Iran – before finding a centre in Europe, initially in Italy and
Spain.
519. By the end of January 2020, the WHO had acknowledged significant evidence of
human-to-human transmission outside of China and declared a “Public Health Emergency
of International Concern”. On 11 March 2020, the WHO declared Covid-19 a pandemic.847
520. The first death from Covid-19 in the UK was, at the time, believed to have been on 5
March 2020, although it is now generally accepted that several deaths in February and
January 2020 are plausibly earlier instances. The Government moved the UK into
‘lockdown’: a period of restrictions from March 2020 which limited social and professional
interactions in a bid to contain the virus. Concurrently, the Government heavily pushed for
the development of a vaccine – for many, seen as the best way to combat the pandemic. At
this point, the worldwide figures stood at 270,000 cases and 11,000 deaths. By 2 April 2020,
there were 1m cases of Covid-19 worldwide and, within a fortnight, that figure had doubled.
521. On 8 December 2020, the UK became the first country in the world to begin the
process of vaccinating its citizens with a fully clinically approved vaccine. Despite this, at
the time of drafting, cases of coronavirus remained carefully monitored in the UK, and
international travel remained restricted. At this time, over 6m848 global deaths have been
officially reported, although studies based on excess mortality indicate the true figure could
be double that. As of 25 March 2022, 186,094 deaths had been recorded in the UK where
Covid-19 was mentioned on the death certificate.849
522. The broader consequences of the pandemic – from home-working, to medical

development, to international co-operation – have had an impact on the substance and
methodology of the work of the UK Intelligence Community. Additionally, the pandemic
has awoken in the popular consciousness the nature of the UK’s relationship with China.
845
‘Novel Coronavirus – China’, World Health Organization, 12 January 2020.
846
The virus is known as Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome Coronavirus 2 or SARS-CoV-2.
847
‘Timeline of WHO’s response to COVID-19’, World Health Organization, 29 June 2020.
848
‘World Health Organization (Covid-19) Dashboard’, World Health Organization, 25 March 2022.
849
‘Coronavirus Dashboard’, HMG, 25 March 2022.
181
CHINA
523. China’s behaviour since the start of the pandemic has also been under the microscope.
Questions have been raised as to whether it may have accidentally or deliberately released
the virus, and whether it may have exacerbated or exploited the situation for its own gain or
to others’ detriment.
Investigation of origin
524. Wet markets – where SARS-CoV-2 (the virus which causes Covid-19) is thought to
have originated – are found across East Asia and often feature a trade in wild animals
including birds, rabbits, bats and snakes, alongside the sale of raw meat. They have long
been known as a potential source for the emergence of respiratory diseases.850
525. There has been significant scientific consensus that this was a natural outbreak. For
example, a group of researchers from the UK, United States (US) and Australia, in a letter
to Nature Medicine in March 2020, noted that “our analyses clearly show that SARS-CoV-2
is not a laboratory construct or a purposefully manipulated virus”.851 In February 2020, a
group of public health scientists had written to the medical journal The Lancet to “condemn
conspiracy theories that COVID-19 does not have a natural origin”.852 (Subsequent releases
of emails – as a result of a freedom of information request in the US and subsequent
Congressional scrutiny – between a number of scientists revealed that one of those who had
signed the letter to The Lancet had put the chance of Covid-19 being a leak from a laboratory
at “70:30 or 60:40” two weeks prior, a figure he downgraded to 50:50 several days after his
initial judgement. However, when questioned as to why he had signed the letter to The
Lancet – which took a different stance – he said his view had changed in line with the
evidence).853 In April 2020, US intelligence agencies released a public statement noting:
“The Intelligence Community also concurs with the wide scientific consensus that the
COVID-19 virus was not manmade or genetically modified.”854
526. Despite this, there has been speculation about the origins of the virus – typically
centring on the nearby laboratories in Wuhan that study bat coronaviruses (the Wuhan
Institute of Virology, which is a level 4 biosecurity facility – the highest for biocontainment
– and the level 2 Wuhan Centre for Disease Control). Senior US figures – including
then‑President Trump and former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo – have stated that there
is “enormous evidence”855 that the virus came from a lab, in direct contradiction of their
own intelligence agencies. More broadly, some have suggested possible Chinese complicity
or negligence in the origins of the virus (including a former Chief of SIS).856
850
‘Wet markets – a continuing source of severe acute respiratory syndrome and influenza?’, Webster, R. G.,
The Lancet, 2004;363(9404): 234–236.
851
‘The proximal origin of SARS-CoV-2’, Nature Medicine, 17 March 2020.
852
‘Statement in support of the scientist, public health professionals, and medical professionals of China
combatting COVID-19’, The Lancet, 2020;395(10226): 42–43.
853
‘Top SAGE adviser admitted lab leak theory was “most likely” origin of COVID in February 2020 but
debate was shut down because it could “cause harm to China”, bombshell emails reveal’, MailOnline, 12
January 2022.
854
‘Intelligence Community Statement on Origins of COVID-19’, Office of the Director of National
Intelligence, 30 April 2020.
855
‘Pompeo Ties Coronavirus to China Lab Despite Spy Agencies’ Uncertainty’, New York Times, 7 May 2020.
856
‘Coronavirus: Former MI6 boss says theory COVID-19 came from Wuhan lab must not be dismissed as
conspiracy’, Sky News, 6 July 2020.
182
Annex A: Covid-19
527. The Committee questioned whether there is any intelligence or intelligence assessment
on the origins of the outbreak. What the Intelligence Community told us appeared to be not
too dissimilar to the assessment made by the US Intelligence Community in 2020: that it is
highly likely that SARS-CoV2 (the virus which causes Covid-19) is naturally occurring – as
opposed to a laboratory-acquired infection or one manufactured as an offensive or defensive
weapon, and it is likely that the first human infection originated from a natural human–
animal interaction unconnected to a laboratory. They also told us that it does not appear that
the virus was manufactured or intentionally spread by China. Having been tasked to look for
intelligence on the origins of the virus, GCHQ told us that ***.857 The Intelligence
Community said that:
***858,859
528. In response to global speculation – and perhaps in an effort to shape its global image
– China has attempted to “sow seeds of doubt about the origins of the virus, to try and get
its audiences in its own terms to believe that China was not at fault”.860 Chinese diplomats
and officials have, alongside state media, repeatedly reiterated that the virus may have
originated outside China, and have claimed that the US is a more likely source.861 There are
no credible sources that support this assertion, and the general consensus remains that the
virus originated in Wuhan. We were told that, while it is difficult to determine the exact
location of the first infection, it is unlikely that Covid-19 originated from a laboratory-
acquired infection or accidental release from a laboratory. Even if it did, it is highly likely
the original source was a natural pathogen. However, HMG noted that:
***862 ***863
529. It may be that neither the UK Intelligence Community nor our Five Eyes partners will
ever be able to confirm the origin of Covid-19. While this is both expected and understandable,
there nonetheless remain significant benefits in attempting to determine the origin of
Covid-19, principally to inform our responses to future pandemics and develop preventative
measures.
530. China’s deliberate obstruction of international efforts in this regard is inexcusable. In

May 2020, it was reported that China would refuse access to investigators until the pandemic
857
858
859
HMG subsequently advised the Committee that the evidence provided was inaccurate and that the
penultimate sentence should read ***.
860
861
‘“American Coronavirus”: China pushes propaganda casting doubt on virus origin’, The Guardian,
13 March 2020.
862
JIO assessments are measured on ‘confidence’ and ‘probability’. The ‘probability yardstick’ states how
likely something is: up to 5% (i.e. a 1 in 20 chance) is a ‘remote’ chance; 10–20% (between 1 in 10 and 1 in
20) is ‘highly unlikely’; 25–35% (1 in 4 to 1 in 3) is ‘unlikely’; 40–50% (2 in 5 to 1 in 2) is a ‘realistic
possibility’; 55–75% (5 in 9 to 3 in 4) is ‘likely or probable’; 80–90% (4 in 5 or 9 in 10) is ‘highly likely’; and
95–100% (19 in 20) is ‘almost certain’. ‘Low’ confidence means that reports are based on fragmentary,
ambiguous and/or contradictory source material; ‘medium’ or ‘moderate’ confidence reports will have elements
of corroboration, based on quality material but have key gaps, concerns or weaknesses; and ‘high’ confidence
means that reports are based on a range of good-quality sources, potentially with some corroboration.
863
Written evidence – HMG, 7 June 2021.
183
CHINA
had ended864 and, in January 2021, a team of WHO investigators were refused entry to
China.865 Instances such as these are a stark reminder of China’s preponderance to favour its
narrow ideological objectives over international co-operation, the implications of which
will be felt for years to come.
531. It may be the case that China has been obstructive because it has something it wishes
to hide. However, ***.866
China’s initial response

532. Accusations have also been levelled at China that its initial domestic response hindered
later global containment efforts. However, there does not appear to be clear evidence that
China deliberately released or allowed the release of the virus. What we have seen appears
to echo reporting that suggested that, in the early days of the pandemic, the Chinese
authorities appeared to emphasise information control at the expense of standard epidemic
response measures. A reluctance to pass bad news up the chain hindered the response, as did
widespread censorship of stories about the virus, and it appears that more decisive action
only materialised when the issue reached higher levels of the Chinese government.867 The
JIC Chair ***
***
*** 868
The response was characterised in evidence to us as part ‘to be expected’, and part ‘typical
Chinese aversion to bad news’:
I would characterise it in part as what would have been a challenge to any government
dealing with a new virus, trying to work out what it was, trying to work out what
measures should be taken and requiring a period of time as it flowed up through the
system before it got to real decision-making level, but I would also say that they are
handicapped by the Chinese system, because of a reluctance to share information,
certainly a reluctance to allow information to become public and a reluctance to pass
bad news up the chain.869
533. China has faced considerable public scrutiny for its role in containing the pandemic,
playing down the potential impacts of the disease – including, crucially, its potential for
human-to-human transmission, about which they are alleged to have delayed releasing
information to the public for up to six days in January 2020.870 China’s reporting of infections
and deaths has also been widely criticised for introducing uncertainty into modelling by
864
‘China refuses international probe on Covid-19 source until “final victory” over disease’, France 24, 6 May
2020.
865
‘Covid-19: WHO investigators are still blocked from entering China as two cities lock down’, Owen Dyer,
British Medical Journal, 8 January 2021.
866
867
Written evidence – JIO, 22 May 2022.
868
869
870
‘Taiwanese official reveals China suspected “human to human” transmission by January 13’, The Telegraph,
6 May 2020.
184
Annex A: Covid-19
others when trying to ascertain the future spread and danger of the virus, and for providing
a basis on which to downplay China’s role and responsibilities.871
534. In the early stages of the pandemic, open source reporting alleged that China closed
internal flights in January 2020 while leaving international flights open until March 2020.872
If true, this may indicate culpability for the global reach of the virus – whether through
negligence, or a deliberate effort to spread the virus beyond China’s borders. The Committee
therefore questioned whether there was any intelligence on, or intelligence assessment of,
the issue. The UK Intelligence Community told us their assessment is as follows:
At the end of January, China initiated the highest levels of public emergency in all
provinces, restricting almost all forms of travel for ordinary citizens. Foreign consular
services were required to arrange chartered flights to assist their citizens’ return to
home countries.
During the strictest period of lockdown, approximately 23 January to mid-March,

although China did not formally close its borders, the number of total domestic and
international flights departing dropped from about 15,000 per day, to 1,800-2,000.
Approximately 75% of these flights were domestic. In addition to the epicentre, in the
most restricted cities (Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou), which account for the top three
busiest airports for international and domestic travel, the number of weekly flights
dropped to less than 100, and some weeks less than ten.
On 28 March China banned foreign citizens entering China, and sought to dissuade
Chinese citizens from returning. This marked a change in China epidemic control
strategy. After it had officially declared the epidemic under control domestically,
having brought the number of cases down to single digits, and declared most provinces
virus free, it focused on preventing imported cases entering the country and causing a
second wave. ***.873
535. It is not clear from this reply what the proportions were of international and domestic
flights which were stopped. ***.
536. Furthermore the JIO has since advised that, from updated open source data, this
“statistic [of 75%] is no longer the most accurate” and that “the flight numbers provided
ought to be treated with caution given that in some cases flights included were subsequently
found to have been cancelled or the layover in Wuhan aborted whilst others could have been
empty return flights or chartered flights evacuating foreign nationals from Wuhan”.874 There
is therefore no evidence base on which to assess the validity of the allegations made in the
open source reporting.
871
‘C.I.A. Hunts for Authentic Virus Totals in China, Dismissing Government Tallies’, New York Times,
2 April 2020.
872
‘How China locked down internally for COVID-19, but pushed foreign travel’, Economic Times, 30 April
2020.
873
874
Written evidence – JIO, 24 February 2022.
185
CHINA
Disinformation
537. Alongside the Covid-19 pandemic, various commentators have discussed the
‘pandemic of disinformation’,875 or an ‘infodemic’. The WHO characterises the latter term
as an abundance of information, including false information, which causes confusion,
undermines confidence in public health responses, and can intensify or lengthen outbreaks.876
This presents clear challenges to governments as they attempt to develop and implement
public health responses.
538. The origins of misinformation and disinformation are complicated and reflect the
underlying purposes of their promulgators. Russian disinformation throughout the pandemic
has been frequently alleged. When we speak of threats to the UK, we often talk of ‘Russia
and China’ in the same breath. While each stands in opposition to Western liberal democratic
values, the two present very different challenges and engage with the UK in very different
ways. In our predecessor Committee’s 2020 Russia Report, we discussed efforts to discredit
and undermine the democratic process in the UK, including during the 2014 Scottish
independence and 2016 EU membership referenda, through disinformation.877
539. With disinformation reported so readily in the media throughout the Covid-19
pandemic, we asked the JIC Chair for his assessment of comparisons which could be drawn
between Russian and Chinese efforts. The JIC Chair noted that disinformation campaigns
by Russia and China seek to fulfil their respective political objectives: while Russia seeks
actively to undermine trust in Western democratic institutions and values, China remains
focused on controlling the narrative around its position in the world and its domestic
challenges.878 As a result, we heard from Director General MI5 that the “other audience that
China is seeking to influence is its own diaspora communities”.879 Although this is
concerning, we were told that the scale of the effort expended by China in the UK media is
not “as vigorous” as that from Russia, and that targeting of social media, while engaged in
extensively by China, is predominantly in Chinese languages rather than English.880
540. As we noted when discussing the role of China in Academia, disinformation can be
used as a means to shape the narrative on, or shut down discussion of, the domestic challenges
that China considers as presenting the greatest risk to its international reputation or its
internal suppression of dissent. Director General MI5 noted that:
if that is their objective in respect of the UK media over the last year, they probably
regard themselves as not having done a brilliant job, because, if you look at the balance
of stories appearing in the UK media over the last year, there has been a lot of discussion
around things like Huawei, Hong Kong, Xinjiang … the tide of public opinion and the
opinion polling shows … that the UK public are more conscious of China as presenting
threats and challenges to the UK than was the case two or three, four years ago.881
875
The “Pandemic” of Disinformation in COVID-19, Fabio Tagliabue et al, 1 August 2020.
876
‘Infodemic’, World Health Organization, 11 June 2021.
877
878
879
880
881
186
Annex A: Covid-19
541. As well as using disinformation to limit damage to its own image, China is also accused
of spreading disinformation and discord abroad in a bid to damage democracies by suggesting
that autocracies have managed to contain the virus whereas democracies have failed to
protect their populations.882 GCHQ told us:
China has been very keen to promote its role in health diplomacy, to show where it is
helping other nations, to amplify, over exaggerate in some ways its work to counter the
virus and to develop vaccines, and so on, but it has equally, at the same time, been
putting out disinformation to try and sow seeds of doubt about the origins of the virus,
to try and get its audiences in its own terms to believe that China was not at fault with
this and to promulgate fake news and conspiracy theories.883
UUU. Now is not the time to try to reach conclusions about Chinese intent or actions
over the origins and development of the pandemic – it is still too soon, as it is likely that
more information will come to light about Covid-19 as investigations continue. Initial
work *** does appear to support public statements made by the World Health
Organization and the Intelligence Community in the United States that the virus was
not man-made and China did not deliberately let it spread – beyond cultural issues
around failure.
VVV. However, those cultural issues – a failure to share information due to a

reluctance to pass bad news up the chain, and a tendency to censor press and social
media reports considered to present a negative impression – were in themselves
extremely damaging to efforts to contain and, later, counter the disease. Attempts by
China to suggest that the pandemic originated elsewhere show an unwillingness to
change its approach – a concern, given the possibility of future pandemics.
Vaccine development and medical espionage

542. The work which has led to the development of several effective Covid-19 vaccines
built on the response to SARS (Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome) in 2002 and MERS
(Middle Eastern Respiratory Syndrome) in 2012. Chinese research was instrumental in
sequencing the virus’s full genome and sharing it globally on 11 January 2020. From that
point, several teams around the world were able to work independently on potential vaccines,
and several had received regulatory approval by early 2021. Further efforts to promote
equitable distribution saw the establishment of Covid-19 Vaccines Global Access (or
‘COVAX’), which laid the foundation for ongoing vaccine rollout in lower-income countries.
543. The development of an effective vaccine to combat Covid-19 was considered to be the
most crucial aspect in managing the pandemic over the long term. There was a race to be the
first to develop a vaccine and therefore work on a vaccine was judged to be highly likely to
be targeted by hostile states. At the outset of the pandemic, MI5 judged that “COVID-
related intelligence would almost certainly be a high priority. We considered it almost
certain they would target global healthcare organisations, especially those engaged in
882
‘How China Ramped Up Disinformation Efforts During the Pandemic’, Council on Foreign Relations,
10 September 2020.
883
187
CHINA
vaccine discovery and manufacture, and organisations involved in the vaccine supply
chain.”884
544. The National Cyber Security Centre (NCSC) has publicly identified Russian efforts to
target UK vaccine work (and indeed Russian disinformation around the vaccine, with the
aim of undermining public confidence in it, appeared to be the primary hostile state threat in
this area885 ***), but there have also been allegations in the press that China has used
information supplied to the WHO in order to guide its targeting of companies and institutions
working on coronavirus vaccines. The JIO told us ***.886
545. While China would seemingly gain no clear advantage in sabotaging efforts to create
a vaccine – given the benefits it would likely reap – it is nevertheless very interested in the
UK’s vaccine development. MI5 told us that:
***887
546. Furthermore, China stands to gain clear benefits from medical espionage while there
remain exploitable commercial opportunities in connection with the pandemic. Both Russia
and China appear to have used ‘medical diplomacy’ in the context of Covid-19 to further
their own positions: offers of personal protective equipment or medical support may appear
to be generous on the surface, but may have conditions attached. CDI told us that the ***.888
547. The UK Intelligence Community should be commended for the proactive measures
they have taken to defend the UK’s medical infrastructure and capabilities from possible
interference. NCSC increased its support to the UK Government Vaccine Taskforce, which
makes decisions on research funding and purchase of vaccines, and to universities involved
in the research and development of a vaccine.889 The Centre for the Protection of National
Infrastructure is helping to secure Covid-19 testing, treatment and vaccine research and
development,890 and ***.891
548. Indeed, the pandemic has raised an important issue: namely that sectors that are not
traditionally considered ‘critical’ became hugely significant in co-ordinating and facilitating
the UK’s response. As a consequence, support was rapidly required from Government to
counter the interest shown in them by – and threat from – a wide range of actors, including
hostile states. GCHQ noted:
These are companies that are generally not classed as Critical National Infrastructure
but became essential to the UK’s response to the Covid-19 crisis including:
supermarkets, haulage companies to ventilator manufacturers, healthcare suppliers
and charities. No priority list of these existed, we had to work with a range of
884
885
‘Russian Disinformation Campaign Aims to Undermine Confidence in Pfizer, Other Covid-19 Vaccines, US
Officials Say’, Wall Street Journal, 7 March 2021.
886
887
888
Oral evidence – DI, *** October 2020.
889
890
891
***
188
Annex A: Covid-19
organisations – from central Government departments to trade associations – to

ensure that our efforts were appropriately targeted. We produced 17 new pieces of
guidance and a range of material to support the ESPs [Essential Service Providers]
and advise on how to reduce their cyber risk.892
549. NCSC noted that *** and that the pandemic also caused it to work much more closely
with the UK’s Health Critical National Infrastructure given the greater interest shown in it
as a result of Covid-19. This has included working with the Department of Health and
Social Care to tackle the range of cyber threats that have emerged, and NCSC notes that
***.893
WWW. During the pandemic, sectors not traditionally considered ‘critical’ – such as
organisations working on a vaccine, supermarkets, logistics, haulage and medical
equipment supply companies – became essential to the UK’s response. The support of
the Intelligence Community was key to protect the vaccine supply chain and to counter
the interest shown in these ‘critical’ areas by hostile foreign actors.
Debt leverage
550. China is well documented as a generous lender to developing countries. While exact
figures are difficult to obtain, it is thought that China lends extensively across Africa, South
America, the Middle East, and South East Asia. As noted in the main body of this Report,
China has taken advantage of developing countries, particularly during the Covid-19
pandemic, but this is not without its drawbacks. The JIC Chair noted that:
the debt issue is a problem for China. China has loaned a lot of relatively poor countries
a lot of money to do infrastructure projects, and they have wanted it, on the whole.
Now they are reaching the point where, partly because of Covid-19, they cannot
actually meet their repayment obligations. So China is facing a reputational problem
with those countries.
If you looked in the Financial Times, earlier this week, you will have seen the Finance
Minister of Ghana, a Commonwealth country, saying, yes, China is an important
lender in Africa but it is problematic that they want to renegotiate bilaterally, rather
than within a multilateral framework, because what that means is that Western
countries are reluctant to do deals because they think that will just let the Chinese off
the hook.
So this is not all up-sides for China. There are real reputational problems. You will
have seen some of the reputational hits that China took over the distribution of sub-
quality protective equipment in the context of Covid-19. So it is, as I say, quite a
complex picture.894
892
893
894
189
CHINA
Capitalising on the pandemic

551. The Secretary General of NATO (the North Atlantic Treaty Organization), Jens
Stoltenberg, and Sir John Sawers, former Chief of SIS, amongst others, have raised concerns
about China buying strategic assets and critical infrastructure cheaply as a result of the
crisis. MI5 told us that, at the time, it and the Joint State Threats Assessment Team (JSTAT)
recognised this risk, and assessed that:
***895
552. The UK Intelligence Community judged that China had used the opportunities
presented by Covid-19 in the commercial space and also to increase its influence in global
organisations, such as the WHO.896 We were warned *** that, overall, the threat from China
had increased and that it was likely to emerge from the pandemic “stronger and more
aggressive than before”.897
XXX. The key issue for the future is the extent to which China will now capitalise on
the pandemic as other countries suffer its effects and how the UK Intelligence
Community and their allies will stop this growing threat.
Impact on the UK Intelligence Community

553. One of the broader consequences of the pandemic domestically was the large increase
in the number of people in the UK who worked principally, or partly, from home. This
included the staff of the Agencies. The (then) Deputy National Security Adviser told us that
this had several implications for HMG’s effort on China:
China is a cross-Government effort and any work on China needs to be done in a

secure way. For these organisations, they are very used to communicating at very high
levels of security.
One thing Covid did show us earlier this year was that when much of the Civil Service
went to working from home, most departments ***.
***898
554. MI5 told us that the pandemic had caused it to rapidly alter its processes to equip staff
for low-side working, and noted that this approach had seen productive outcomes:
***899
895
896
897
898
899
190
Annex A: Covid-19
YYY. In terms of the work of the Intelligence Community generally, while it may
have been reasonable for staff to work partially from home during the pandemic, it
would obviously not be feasible for organisations that rely on secret material to carry
out all their work over less secure systems. Yet even now, with the country having fully
reopened, we continue to see the Intelligence Community working partially from home
(some more than others). It appears that the response to our requests for information
has slowed dramatically as a result: the ‘new normal’ for some organisations means
deadlines have been missed or responses have been sanitised to enable them to be sent
from home. This has had – and continues to have – an impact on the Committee’s
ability to scrutinise security and intelligence issues properly and in a timely fashion.
ZZZ. The pandemic had a notable impact in terms of staff across the Intelligence
Community working from home, without continual access to classified systems – other
than for those working on the most critical priorities. In this respect we take the
opportunity to pay tribute to the Committee’s own staff, who have continued to work
from the office full time (a rarity in the Civil Service) so as to ensure that the Committee
was able to function efficiently and effectively.
191
192
Annex B: Full List of Conclusions and Recommendations
ANNEX B: FULL LIST OF CONCLUSIONS AND

RECOMMENDATIONS
PART ONE: THREAT AND RESPONSE
A. China’s national imperative is to ensure that the Chinese Communist Party
remains in power. Everything else is subservient to that.
B. However, it is its ambition at a global level – to become a technological and

economic superpower, on which other countries are reliant – that poses a national
security threat to the UK.
C. China views the UK through the optic of the struggle between the United States
and China. When combined with the UK’s membership of significant international
bodies, and the perception of the UK as an international opinion-former, these factors
would appear to place the UK just below China’s top priority targets.
D. China views the UK as being of use in its efforts to mute international criticism
and to gain economically: this, in the short term at least, will temper China’s targeting
of the UK.
E. China is seeking both political influence and economic advantage in order to
achieve its aims in relation to the UK. It seeks to acquire information and influence
elites and decision-makers, and to acquire Intellectual Property using covert and overt
methods to gain technological supremacy.
F. China almost certainly maintains the largest state intelligence apparatus in
the world. The nature and scale of the Chinese Intelligence Services are – like many
bureaucracy, the blurring of lines of accountability between party and state officials,
a partially decentralised system, and a lack of verifiable information.
G. The Chinese Intelligence Services target the UK and its overseas interests
prolifically and aggressively. While they seek to obtain classified information, they are
willing to utilise intelligence officers and agents to collect open source information
indiscriminately – given the vast resources at their disposal. In more ways than one,
the broad remit of the Chinese Intelligence Services poses a significant challenge to
Western attempts to counter their activity.
H. To compound the problem, it is not just the Chinese Intelligence Services: the
Chinese Communist Party co-opts every state institution, company and citizen. This
‘whole-of-state’ approach means China can aggressively target the UK, yet the scale of
the activity makes it more difficult to detect ***.
193
CHINA
I. In terms of espionage, China’s human intelligence collection is prolific, using a vast
network of individuals embedded in local society to access individuals of interest –
often identified through social media. It is also clear from the evidence we have seen
that China routinely targets current and former UK civil servants ***. While there is
good awareness of the danger posed, it is vital that vigilance is maintained.
J. In relation to the cyber approach, whilst understanding has clearly improved in
recent years, China has a highly capable cyber – and increasingly sophisticated cyber-
espionage – operation: however, this is an area where the ‘known unknowns’ are
concerning. Work on continuing coverage of its general capabilities must be maintained
alongside further work on Chinese offensive cyber and close-proximity technical
operations.
K. In terms of interference, China oversteps the boundary and crosses the line from
exerting influence – a legitimate course of action – into interference, in the pursuit of
its interests and values at the expense of those of the UK.
L. Decision-makers – from serving politicians to former political figures, senior

government officials and the military – are, inevitably, key targets. China employs a
range of tactics, including seeking to recruit them into lucrative roles in Chinese
companies – to the extent that we questioned whether there was a revolving door
between the Government and certain Chinese companies, with those involved in
awarding contracts being ‘rewarded’ with jobs.
M. The Cabinet Office must update the Advisory Committee on Business
Appointments guidelines in relation to intelligence and security matters, including
with particular reference to China, and ensure that their implementation is strictly
enforced.
N. China is an economic power, and this cannot be ignored in formulating the UK’s
policy towards China. Balancing the tension between security and prosperity requires
dexterity, and we understand that there are a number of difficult trade-offs involved.
O. The length of this Inquiry has allowed us to see the development of the China
policy within Government and we are reassured that, belatedly, the security aspects
are now being given prominence – notably more so after the pandemic.
P. It is nevertheless concerning that the security community, and the Government in
general, were aware of many of these issues several years ago and yet we are only now
beginning to see the introduction of measures taken to protect UK sovereign interests.
The lack of action to protect our assets from a known threat was a serious failure, and
one from which the UK may feel the consequences for years to come.
194
Q. Even now, HMG is focusing on short-term or acute threats, and failing to think
long term – unlike China – and China has historically been able to take advantage of
this. The Government must adopt a longer-term planning cycle in regard to the future
cycle. This will mean adopting policies that may well take years to stand up and require
multi-year spending commitments – something that may well require Opposition
support – but the danger posed by doing too little, too late, in this area is too significant
to fall prey to party politics.
R. Tackling the threats posed by China requires the UK to have a clear strategy on
China, which is forward thinking, joined up and utilises a ‘whole-of-government’
approach. Work to develop such a strategy may now be in train, but there is still a long
way to go.
S. The Intelligence Community will play a key role in the work of the new Investment
Security Unit (ISU): the classified and other technical advice that the Intelligence
Community provide should shape the decisions made by the ISU as it seeks to balance
the need for national security against economic priorities. It is essential that there is
effective scrutiny and oversight of the ISU – and that can be undertaken only by this
Committee.
T. We commend the action now being taken by the Government to counter interference
by China – it is encouraging that the Government has finally woken up to the grave
threat this poses to our national security.
U. However, it is worrying that ‘policy ownership’ of this national security activity,
rather than being gripped at the centre by the Cabinet Office, has instead been devolved
across the Government – in many instances to departments with no security remit or
expertise. We have not been kept informed of these developments and, despite numerous
requests, are not permitted to scrutinise this activity.
V. Effective Parliamentary oversight is not some kind of ‘optional extra’ – it is a vital
safeguard in any functioning Parliamentary democracy, and the ISC is the only body
that can do that. Moving responsibility for security matters to bodies not named in the
ISC’s Memorandum of Understanding is not consistent with Parliament’s intent in the
Justice and Security Act 2013: the Government should not be giving departments a
licence to operate in the name of national security and hiding it from view.
195
CHINA
W. The Telecommunications (Security) Act 2021 does not contain provision for
effective oversight of the new measures being implemented. The Act provides that
notification of a company or person being a ‘high-risk vendor’ of telecommunications
equipment, and specification of the limits placed on the use of this equipment, be laid
before Parliament unless provision of this information is deemed to be contrary to
national security. In such circumstances it is logical – and in keeping with Parliament’s
intent in establishing the ISC – that this information should instead be provided to the
ISC. This would ensure that Parliament could be duly notified without this information
being made public and thereby endangering national security. However, this proposed
amendment was rejected wholesale by the Government. This was particularly
inappropriate – and, indeed, ironic – as it was the ISC that had originally raised
concerns about the adoption of Huawei in the UK telecommunications network. It was
our initiative that prompted the Government to introduce this legislation.900
X. In December 2020, we asked how the policy outcomes against which SIS and
GCHQ must deliver intelligence were being prioritised. We presume, for instance, that
“***” is not considered to be of the same importance as “***”; however, we have not
been provided with any information. Without any indication of prioritisation, it is
difficult to judge the effectiveness of Agency efforts and it is therefore disappointing –
and rather telling – that NSS has failed to provide such critical information in response
to this major Inquiry.
Y. We were told in 2019 that the Agencies take a tri-Agency approach, but this does
not cover DI. In October 2020 – over 15 months later – we asked if there had yet been
any movement towards formally adding DI to the prioritisation process. The Acting
National Security Adviser told us: “DI are fully part of the IOP process … they are one
of our main repositories of expertise on China.” Director GCHQ noted that DI is a part
of the National Cyber Force, and “when you get into the effects world … they are
completely there in every aspect”.901 If DI is supposedly now fully integrated with the
Intelligence Outcomes Prioritisation process, we expect the next iteration of the
tri‑Agency approach – when it is finally updated – to include DI.
Z. As at 2021, the Government had a plethora of plans that laid out its China policies.
The interaction between these documents has required a great deal of unpicking, and
we have been surprised at the fact that changes in one document do not always lead to
consequent changes in others. The slow speed at which strategies, and policies, are
developed and implemented also leaves a lot to be desired – at the time of writing we
await to see what impact the National Security Adviser’s review of processes will have
on the China policy area, but we would certainly hope it will become more coherent.
AA. The level of resource dedicated to tackling the threat posed by China’s ‘whole-
of-state’ approach has been completely inadequate. While a shortage of resources had
been identified as early as 2012, effort was diverted onto the acute counter-terrorism
threat arising from Syria. The increase in funding on the China mission in 2020 was
therefore both necessary and welcome. But it was only for one year. HMG cannot think
or plan strategically with such short-term planning.

900

901
196
BB. HMG must explore the possibility of a multi-year Spending Review for the
Agencies, in order to allow them to develop long-term, strategic programmes on China
and respond to the enduring threat. The UK is severely handicapped by the short-
termist approach currently being taken.
CC. MI5 is responsible for countering Hostile State Activity, and the Centre for the
Protection of National Infrastructure and the National Cyber Security Centre play a
key role in engaging with those within and outside the Government to protect national
security. There is a wide array of defensive tools, which are being used to good effect,
but the Government has come late to the party and has a lot of catching up to do. Our
closest allies identified the need to use such tools against China long ago and we must
learn from their experience and knowledge.
DD. It is also clear that this defensive effort requires a cross-government approach.
However, this transfer of responsibility will need to be a well-thought-out, gradual
process with adequate support provided to the departments and some degree of control
retained at the centre. HMG needs to ensure that those departments not traditionally
associated with security are properly resourced with security expertise, properly
supported and properly scrutinised.
EE. Chinese law now requires its citizens to provide assistance to the Chinese
Intelligence Services (ChIS) and to protect state secrets. It is highly likely that the
ChIS will use such legislation to compel the Chinese staff of UK companies to
co‑operate with them. It is also likely that China’s Personal Information Protection
Law will lead to the Chinese government forcing Chinese and other companies to turn
over their data held on Chinese citizens. As compartmentalisation of Chinese citizens’
data will be difficult, this is likely to mean that, in practice, China will obtain access to
data held on non-Chinese citizens as well.
FF. The UK Intelligence Community have been open with the Committee about the
challenges of detecting Chinese interference operations. ***
GG. It is incumbent on the Government to report on how national security decision-

making powers are being dispersed across the Government. It should annually update
this Committee on the number of personnel cleared to see Top Secret material in each
of the departments with new national security decision-making powers, together with
the facilities provided to them (secure IT terminals and telephones etc.).
HH. Failure to get this transition right from the outset could lead to decisions that
fail to withstand external challenge. Furthermore, as there is an adjustment in national
security responsibility, so too must there be an adjustment to ensure there is effective
Parliamentary oversight of all aspects.
II. It is clear that there has been progress in terms of ‘offensive’ work since we started
our Inquiry – for instance, an increase in ‘effects’ work. However, given what appears
to be the extremely low starting point, this is not cause for celebration ***. Both SIS
and GCHQ say that working on China “is a slow burn, slow-return effort ” 902 ***.

902
197
CHINA
JJ. GCHQ and SIS tasking is set by the Government and, rightly, they cannot work
outside the Government’s priorities. Nevertheless, the fact that China was such a
relatively low priority in 2018 – the same year in which China approved the removal
of term limits on the Presidency, allowing President Xi Jinping to remain in office as
long as he wished – is concerning. Work must continue to be prioritised now to make
up for this slow start and there must be clear measurement and evaluation of effort.
KK. It is clear that both GCHQ and SIS face a formidable challenge in relation to
China. What we were unable to assess – without the specific requirements set for the
Agencies or any idea of the prioritisation of the ‘outcomes’ within the Intelligence
Outcomes Prioritisation Plan – is how effective either Agency is at tackling that
challenge. As a result of pressures placed on civil servants during the Covid-19
pandemic – including fewer people in offices with access to the necessary IT systems
– the Cabinet Office has not measured the Agencies’ success against its requirements,
and so neither the Government nor Parliament has any assurance about their
effectiveness.
LL. We have seen efforts grow over the duration of this Inquiry. We expect to see
those efforts continue to increase as coverage leads to an increased programme of
‘effects’. However, given the importance of the work, it is vital that the Cabinet Office
carries out an evaluation on whether SIS and GCHQ are meeting their targets in
relation to China. That evaluation must be shared with this Committee.
MM. ***. Increased surveillance, both in the physical and virtual world, poses
significant challenges to long-term intelligence-generating capabilities ***. This
problem is only going to get more difficult. SIS and GCHQ should prioritise work on
this ***903 ***.
NN. Although we have stated this earlier in this Report, it bears repeating specifically
in relation to legislation: the length of time it has taken to reform the Official Secrets
Acts is unconscionable. Our predecessors were told that the Acts required updating as
a matter of urgency in January 2019. Over three years later, we have yet to see the
introduction of a Bill. National security legislation ought to be a priority for any UK
Government – it is certainly not a matter to be kicked into the long grass by successive
Governments.
OO. We recommend that HMG ensure that a Counter-State Threats Bill is enacted
as a matter of urgency.
***
903
198
PART TWO: CASE STUDIES
PP. The UK’s academic institutions provide a rich feeding ground for China to
achieve political influence in the UK and economic advantage over the UK. China
exerts influence over institutions, individual UK academics and Chinese students in
order to control the narrative of debate about China – including through the use of
Confucius Institutes in the UK – and it directs or steals UK academic research to
obtain Intellectual Property in order to build, or short-cut to, Chinese expertise.
However, the academic sector has not received sufficient advice on, or protection from,
either.
QQ. In seeking political influence, there are obvious and repeated examples of
Chinese attempts to interfere and stifle debate amongst the academic community in
the UK. Universities are reliant on student fees, and the vast number of Chinese
students in the UK – it is striking that there are more than five times the number than
for any other country – provides China with significant leverage, which it is not afraid
to exert. Yet the Government had shown very little interest in warnings from Academia:
at the time of drafting, there was no point of contact in the Government for those in the
sector to seek advice on these issues.
RR. In its quest for economic advantage, China often acts in plain sight – directing,
funding and collaborating on academic research for its own ends. In particular, it seeks
to benefit the Chinese military through research on dual-use technologies, which is
often unclassified in its early stages. There is a question as to whether academic
institutions are alive to the threat posed by such collaboration, particularly given that
they often accept transfer of Information Data and Intellectual Property as a condition
of funding. While some have expressed concern, others seem to be turning a blind eye,
happy simply to take the money.
SS. The UK Government must ensure that transparency around the source of foreign
donations to Higher Education institutions is improved: a public register of donations
must be created by the Department for Education and monitored by the State Threats
Unit in the Home Office.
TT. Academia is also an ‘easy option’ when it comes to the theft of Intellectual
Property, by taking advantage of collaborative projects to steal information which is
less protected than it might be in the private sector or the Ministry of Defence, for
example. The vast number of Chinese students – particularly post-graduates – in
academic institutions in the UK that are involved in cutting-edge research must
therefore raise concerns, given the access and opportunities they are afforded.
UU. At present, HMG still seems to be trying to understand the threat from Chinese
students stealing Intellectual Property from UK Academia, or the Chinese subverting
UK research to its own ends, at the most basic level – i.e. what it is they are trying to
steal. There is still no comprehensive list of the areas of sensitive UK research that need
protecting from China. Identifying these key areas of research must be a priority, and
they must be communicated to Academia as a matter of urgency so that protective
action can be taken. Unless and until this is done, then the UK is handing China a clear
economic advantage over the UK, and indeed the rest of the world.
199
CHINA
VV. Unlike other countries, such as the United States (US), the UK has taken no
preventative action. This is particularly concerning, as US restrictions on Chinese
students will make UK institutions more attractive to those seeking to gain Intellectual
Property and expertise. The Research Collaboration Advice Team should submit a
quarterly report on the progress and outcomes of its work to the State Threats Unit in
the Home Office to ensure there is cross-government awareness of the scale of the
issue.
WW. It is clear that the Academic Technology Approval Scheme (ATAS) is an effective
tool. Once the Government has identified the sensitive areas of research that need
protecting from China, consideration should be given to ensuring that ATAS certificates
are required for foreign nationals undertaking post-graduate study in UK institutions
in those areas. Furthermore, we recommend that ATAS be expanded to cover post-
graduate doctoral study.
XX. Tackling the threat in relation to Academia could have been an example of the
Fusion Doctrine working seamlessly – with each policy department clearly contributing
to an overall goal. But, as in so many areas, the devolution of responsibility for security
to policy departments means that the ball is being dropped on security. Policy
departments still do not have the understanding needed and have no plan to tackle it.
YY. This must change: there must be an effective cross-government approach to

Academia, with clear responsibility and accountability for countering this multi-
faceted threat. In the meantime, China is on hand to collect – and exploit – all that the
UK’s best and brightest achieve as the UK knowingly lets it fall between the cracks.
ZZ. China is seeking technological dominance over the West and is targeting the
acquisition of Intellectual Property and data in ten key industrial sectors in which the
Chinese Communist Party intends China to become a world leader – many of which
are fields where the UK has particular expertise.
AAA. As this Committee has previously warned, the West is over-reliant on Chinese
technology. As the role of technology in everyday life increases exponentially, so
therefore the UK will be at an increasing disadvantage compared to China – with all
the attendant risks for our security and our prosperity. British technology and
innovation is therefore critical and must be robustly protected.
BBB. China’s joined-up approach can be clearly seen from its use of all possible
legitimate routes to acquire UK technology, Intellectual Property and data – from
buy‑in at the ‘front end’ via Academia, to actual buying-in through licensing agreements
and Foreign Direct Investment, to the exertion of control over inward investments and
standards-setting bodies. Each represents an individual threat, but it is the cumulative
threat that can now be clearly seen.
CCC. Overt acquisition routes have been welcomed by HMG for economic reasons,
regardless of risks to national security. The threat to future prosperity and independence
was discounted in favour of current investment. This was short-sighted, and allowed
China to develop significant stakes in various UK industries and Critical National
Infrastructure.
200
DDD. Without swift and decisive action, we are on a trajectory for the nightmare
scenario where China steals blueprints, sets standards and builds products, exerting
political and economic influence at every step. Such prevalence in every part of the
supply chain will mean that, in the export of its goods or services, China will have a
pliable vehicle through which it can also export its values. This presents a serious
commercial challenge, but also has the potential to pose an existential threat to liberal
democratic systems.
EEE. We welcome the Government’s attribution of attacks to the Chinese hacking

group APT10. Public condemnation of such groups explicitly linked to the Chinese
government is an essential tool in tackling the increasing cyber threat from China. The
Government should continue to work with allies to highlight and condemn hostile
Chinese government activity.
FFF. The threat posed by Chinese targeting of experts in UK Industry is of concern.

While the expulsion of intelligence officers and the disruption of Chinese efforts are to
be commended, the lack of prosecutions is worrying. We note that the Government is
intending to introduce new legislation that will make it easier to prosecute such
behaviour. Convictions under such new legislation would act as a strong deterrent to
those contemplating engaging in such relationships.
GGG. The scale of investments by the China General Nuclear Power Group in the
UK Civil Nuclear sector – and its willingness to undergo expensive and lengthy
regulatory approval processes – demonstrates China’s determination to become a
permanent and significant player in the UK Civil Nuclear sector, as a stepping stone in
its bid to become a global supplier. Involvement will provide China with an opportunity
to develop its expertise and gain both experience and credibility as a partner.
HHH. The question is to what extent the Government is prepared to let China invest
in such a sensitive sector, for the sake of investment, and whether the security risks
have been clearly communicated to Ministers – and understood. The Government
would be naïve to assume that allowing Chinese companies to exert influence over the
UK’s Civil Nuclear and Energy sectors is not ceding control to the Chinese Communist
Party.
III. Using the fact that Hinkley Point C will be operated by a French company as
justification for allowing Chinese involvement was obfuscatory: the Government
clearly knew that that decision would lead to it allowing the use of Chinese technology
and Chinese operational control at Bradwell B. It is astonishing that the investment
security process for Hinkley Point C did not therefore take Bradwell B into account. It
is unacceptable for the Government still to be considering Chinese involvement in the
UK’s Critical National Infrastructure (CNI) at a granular level, taking each case
individually and without regard for the wider security risk. It is imperative that linked
investments are considered in the round and that Ministers are consulted on the
cumulative security risk brought by linked Chinese investments. Effective Ministerial
oversight in this area is still lacking, more than eight years on from the Committee’s
Report on the national security implications of foreign involvement in the UK’s CNI.
201
CHINA
JJJ. We have serious concerns about the incentive and opportunity for espionage
that Chinese involvement in the UK’s Civil Nuclear sector provides. Investment in
Hinkley Point C opened the door, but for the UK to allow the China General Nuclear
Power Group to build and operate Bradwell B would be opening a direct channel from
the UK nuclear enterprise to the Chinese state.
KKK. While we accept that the risk posed by physical access to Civil Nuclear sites is
overshadowed by the vulnerabilities exposed by Chinese investment and operational
control, it would be wrong to dismiss the former outright. The Government recognises
the risk that a digital back door into the UK’s Critical National Infrastructure might
create, but the risk posed by the literal back door of human actors with access to
sensitive sites should not be dismissed.
LLL. We are reassured that the Intelligence Community have recognised the ***
vulnerability that potentially lies in the supply chains: effort to protect against cyber
attacks must include the supply chains.
MMM. While we recognise that the threat of disruption is less likely, the threat of
leverage is very real: the fact that China will be able to exert some control over the
UK’s Critical National Infrastructure will complicate the Government’s calculations
in its broader approach to China. In other words, it may not be possible to separate the
Civil Nuclear sector from wider geopolitical and diplomatic considerations.
NNN. Unlike the Civil Nuclear sector, the Energy sector appears to provide China
with less potential for leverage, as it does not have the same long-term reliance issues
that we see in the Civil Nuclear sector. Nevertheless, there are concerns in relation to
the threat to the Energy sector from economic espionage (particularly in the area of
new ‘green’ energy) and disruption.
OOO. We reiterate that foreign investment cases cannot be looked at in isolation and
on their own merits. It is absurd that the (then) Department for Business, Energy and
Industrial Strategy (BEIS) considered that foreign investment in the Civil Nuclear
sector did not need to be looked at in the round: we question how any department can
consider that a foreign country single-handedly running our nuclear power stations
shouldn’t give pause for thought. This clearly demonstrates that BEIS does not have
the expertise to be responsible for such sensitive security matters.904
PPP. Previous investments in the sector, or the potential for there to be ‘legitimate
expectation’ that an investment in one area ought to facilitate a linked investment,
must be taken into account. If the Investment Security Unit fails to do so, then it will
be unable to counteract the ‘whole-of-state’ approach so effectively utilised by China
(amongst others).
As previously noted, as part of the restructure of several government departments in February 2023, the
904
a position during this Inquiry to scrutinise the effectiveness of this transfer, or the reasons behind it. In principle,
we would have welcomed the move to return the ISU to the Cabinet Office, where the relevant security
expertise, capabilities and infrastructure are more likely to be in place. However, as outlined earlier,
202
QQQ. The regulation of the Civil Nuclear sector (through the Office of Nuclear
Regulation (ONR)) is robust. However, we have not been able to evaluate the
effectiveness of the ONR in countering Hostile State Activity – indeed, when we tried
to ascertain whether the powers held by the ONR were sufficient to protect national
security, witnesses from the Agencies and the Cabinet Office were unable to answer.
Given the significant Chinese investment in this sector, we recommend that a review of
the ONR’s ability to counter Hostile State Activity is undertaken.
RRR. Should the Government allow China General Nuclear Power Group (CGN) to
build and operate the proposed Hualong One reactor at Bradwell (or any other UK
nuclear power station), we recommend that the Government set up a ‘cell’ – a ‘nuclear’
version of the Huawei Cyber Security Evaluation Centre – in order to monitor the
technology and its operation and address any perceived risks arising from the
involvement of CGN in the UK’s Civil Nuclear sector.
SSS. While it is understandable that *** – given that Hinkley Point C is still under
construction, and the remainder had not been approved at the time of writing – the
finished projects must be subject to detailed (and continuing) scrutiny by the Centre
for the Protection of National Infrastructure and the Intelligence Community. We
expect to be kept informed of the advice provided by the Agencies and key decision
timelines.
TTT. Although Chinese involvement in, and control over, UK nuclear power stations
is deeply concerning, it offers only a small snapshot of the attempt to gain control over
a range of sectors, and technologies, by an increasingly assertive China. The Government
should commission an urgent review to examine and report on the extent to which
Chinese involvement in the sector should be minimised, if not excluded.
UUU. Now is not the time to try to reach conclusions about Chinese intent or actions
over the origins and development of the pandemic – it is still too soon, as it is likely that
more information will come to light about Covid-19 as investigations continue. Initial
work *** does appear to support public statements made by the World Health
Organization and the Intelligence Community in the United States that the virus was
not man-made and China did not deliberately let it spread – beyond cultural issues
around failure.
VVV. However, those cultural issues – a failure to share information due to a

reluctance to pass bad news up the chain, and a tendency to censor press and social
media reports considered to present a negative impression – were in themselves
extremely damaging to efforts to contain and, later, counter the disease. Attempts by
China to suggest that the pandemic originated elsewhere show an unwillingness to
change its approach – a concern, given the possibility of future pandemics.
WWW. During the pandemic, sectors not traditionally considered ‘critical’ – such as
organisations working on a vaccine, supermarkets, logistics, haulage and medical
equipment supply companies – became essential to the UK’s response. The support of
the Intelligence Community was key to protect the vaccine supply chain and to counter
the interest shown in these ‘critical’ areas by hostile foreign actors.
203
CHINA
XXX. The key issue for the future is the extent to which China will now capitalise on
the pandemic as other countries suffer its effects and how the UK Intelligence
Community and their allies will stop this growing threat.
YYY. In terms of the work of the Intelligence Community generally, while it may
have been reasonable for staff to work partially from home during the pandemic, it
would obviously not be feasible for organisations that rely on secret material to carry
out all their work over less secure systems. Yet even now, with the country having fully
reopened, we continue to see the Intelligence Community working partially from home
(some more than others). It appears that the response to our requests for information
has slowed dramatically as a result: the ‘new normal’ for some organisations means
deadlines have been missed or responses have been sanitised to enable them to be sent
from home. This has had – and continues to have – an impact on the Committee’s
ability to scrutinise security and intelligence issues properly and in a timely fashion.
ZZZ. The pandemic had a notable impact in terms of staff across the Intelligence
Community working from home, without continual access to classified systems – other
than for those working on the most critical priorities. In this respect we take the
opportunity to pay tribute to the Committee’s own staff, who have continued to work
from the office full time (a rarity in the Civil Service) so as to ensure that the Committee
was able to function efficiently and effectively.
204
Annex C: Code Words
ANNEX C: CODE WORDS
In some instances in this Report we have substituted an ISC-specific code word where it has
been necessary to refer to the name of an operation or project, in order to protect classified
information. No significance is intended by, nor should be inferred from, the matching of
code words to real operation names. The ISC code words have no operational significance.
CONISTON .....................................................................................................................***
DERWENT ……………………………………………………………………………..***
WINDERMERE ………………………………………………………………………...***
205
206
Annex D: List of Witnesses
ANNEX D: LIST OF WITNESSES
Officials
GOVERNMENT COMMUNICATIONS HEADQUARTERS
Sir Jeremy Fleming KCMG CB – Director, GCHQ
Other officials
SECRET INTELLIGENCE SERVICE

Sir Richard Moore KCMG – Chief, SIS
Other officials
SECURITY SERVICE (MI5)

Mr Ken McCallum – Director General, MI5
Other officials
DEFENCE INTELLIGENCE
General Sir James Hockenhull KBE ADC Gen – Chief of Defence Intelligence (2018–2022)
Other officials
CABINET OFFICE
Sir Simon Gass KCMG CVO – Chair, Joint Intelligence Committee
David Quarrey CMG – Acting National Security Adviser (2020–2021)
Dr Christian Turner CMG – Deputy National Security Adviser (2017–2019)
Madeleine Alessandri CMG – Deputy National Security Adviser (2018–2020)
Beth Sizeland – Deputy National Security Adviser (2020–2021)
Other officials
External Expert witnesses

Mr John Gerson CMG – Visiting Professor (then Visiting Senior Fellow), King’s College
London Policy Institute
Mr Raffaello Pantucci – Senior Associate Fellow (then Director of International Security
Studies), Royal United Services Institute (RUSI)
Mr Charles Parton OBE – Senior Associate Fellow, Royal United Services Institute (RUSI)
Rt Hon. Lord Patten of Barnes KG CH PC – Chancellor of the University of Oxford
Dr Tim Stevens – Reader in International Security (then Lecturer in Global Security), King’s
College London
Professor Steve Tsang – Director of the China Institute, School of Oriental and African
Studies (SOAS), University of London
207
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What is the purpose of the Intelligence and Security Committee of Parliament?

What is the purpose of the Intelligence and Security Committee of Parliament?

What areas does the Committee oversee?

What areas does the Committee oversee?

Intelligence and Security

Presented to Parliament pursuant to sections 2 and 3

Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed on

The material must be acknowledged as Intelligence and Security Committee of Parliament

This publication is also available on our website at: isc.independent.gov.uk

Printed on paper containing 40% recycled fibre content minimum

Printed in the UK by HH Associates Ltd. on behalf of the Controller of His Majesty’s

THE INTELLIGENCE AND SECURITY

The Intelligence and Security Committee of Parliament (ISC) is a statutory committee of

PART ONE: THREAT AND RESPONSE.................................................... 7

CHINA: AIMS AND AMBITIONS.................................................................................... 11

WHAT IS CHINA SEEKING IN THE UK?.......................................................................19

THE CHINESE INTELLIGENCE SERVICES...................................................................25

HOW IS THE UK RESPONDING? ................................................................................49

HMG’S BALANCING ACT...............................................................................................51

THE ‘STRATEGY’: FRAMEWORKS, PLANS AND PILLARS......................................55

DEFENDING THE UK.......................................................................................................75

WORKING WITH OUR ALLIES.......................................................................................95

PART TWO: CASE STUDIES.................................................................. 101

CHINESE INTERFERENCE IN UK ACADEMIA..........................................................103

THE GOVERNMENT RESPONSE.................................................................................. 115

CASE STUDY: INDUSTRY AND TECHNOLOGY....................................................122

CHINA’S APPROACH TO TECHNOLOGY...................................................................123

THE UK GOVERNMENT RESPONSE...........................................................................139

CASE STUDY: CIVIL NUCLEAR ENERGY..............................................................150

CHINESE INTEREST AND INVESTMENTS.................................................................151

ESPIONAGE AND INFLUENCE.....................................................................................159

THE GOVERNMENT RESPONSE..................................................................................171

ANNEX B: FULL LIST OF CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS.........193

ANNEX C: CODE WORDS...........................................................................................205

ANNEX D: LIST OF WITNESSES................................................................................207

There is effectively a global values struggle going on in which China

– Chair of the Joint Intelligence Committee (JIC)

China’s interest in the UK

The ‘whole-of-state’ threat

– Director General MI5, December 2020

CHINA: AIMS AND AMBITIONS

*** it is going after IP [Intellectual Property], it is building itself as a power, it is

● Economic stability: The CCP views economic prosperity as crucial to the

China’s positioning: The Belt and Road Initiative

● restrictions on cross-border movement of workers and logistics;

What does China want from the UK?

If you think of UK interests as being in favour of good governance and transparency

31. In addition, the UK’s membership of various international bodies of significance to

China sees the United Kingdom as an important bellwether, an important country in

[China] sees us as an important financial and commercial centre. It is no accident that

A. China’s national imperative is to ensure that the Chinese Communist Party

B. However, it is its ambition at a global level – to become a technological and

WHAT IS CHINA SEEKING IN THE UK?

● to encourage a divergence between US and UK policy goals on China;

42. China prioritises acquiring information on traditional targets of espionage – such as

43. ***53 ***

● covert support for foreign political parties;

53. China uses some students to operate as non-traditional collectors of IP – particularly

43. 53

120. .191 .192

131. When we asked why , we were told that: 210

● Approximately * staff 298 worked on China *.299